Atheomastix clearing foure truthes, against atheists and infidels: 1. That, there is a God. 2. That, there is but one God. 3. That, Iehouah, our God, is that one God. 4. That, the Holy Scripture is the Word of that God. All of them proued, by naturall reasons, and secular authorities; for the reducing of infidels: and, by Scriptures, and Fathers, for the confirming of Christians. By the R. Reuerend Father in God, Martin Fotherby, late Bishop of Salisbury. The contents followes, next after the preface. Fotherby, Martin, 1549 or 50-1620. 1622 Approx. 1444 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 189 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A01093 STC 11205 ESTC S121334 99856518 99856518 22084 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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Apologetics -- Early works to 1800. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ATHEOMASTIX : Clearing foure Truthes , Against Atheists and Infidels : 1. That , There is a God. 2. That , There is but one God. 3. That , Iehouah , our God , is that one God. 4. That , The Holy Scripture is the Word of that God. All of them proued , by Naturall Reasons , and Secular Authorities ; for the reducing of Infidels : and , by Scriptures , and Fathers , for the confirming of Christians . By the R. Reuerend Father in God , MARTIN FOTHERBY , late Bishop of Salisbury . The Contents followes , next after the Preface . Psalme 14. 1. The Foole hath sayd in his heart , There is no God. Romanes 1. 20. But , The invisible things of God , that is , his eternall Power , and God-head , are seene by the Creation of the World , being considered in his workes . LONDON , Printed by Nicholas Okes , dwelling in Foster-Lane . 1622. TO THE RIGHT HONOrable Knight , Sr. ROBERT NAVNTON , Principall Secretary to the Kings Maiestie , and of his most Honorable Priuie Councell ; all Happinesse , answerable to his Vertue and Worthinesse . MOST worthy Syr● you cannot but remember , that , from the first beginning of our old acquaintance , I haue alwayes made you the Aristarchus of my writings . The exactnesse of whole iudgement ; I haue euer found , so pleasingly tempered , with Sharp , and Sweet , that , to the one of these , your sharpenesse , in discerning the least escapes and errors , there could nothing more be added : of the other , your sweetnesse , in pardoning the greatest , there could nothing more be required . The recordation of which mixture , hath giuen me now the boldnesse ( notwithstanding the greatnesse of your affaires , wherewith I euer find you pressed ) yet , to offer vnto your censure , this vnperfect worke , as matter of contemplation , for your more reserued time : wherein , I nothing doubt , but you haue your oft returnes , to meditations of this kind . The heads which I haue proiected , in this worke to be discussed , are all of them such , as though most needefull to be beleeued ; yet least laboured in by Diuines , to further our beleefe ; and therefore the most subiect , both to question and doubting : Especially , with men of the sharpest witts , the greatest spirits , and the richest endowments : whom Nature hath prepared , for the search of the highest ; and most difficult matters . These men ( out of the penetrating and diuiding nature of their firie wits ) doe trouble themselues with many Quaere's and doubts , in all these foure Positions which neuer creepe into the heads of simpler and vnlearned persons ; framing sometimes such Obiections , as to which , they themselues cannot giue good and sufficient Answeres , but are , ipsi sibi respondentes , inferiores : as it was sayd of Chrysippus ; euen for this very cause . For the better helpe of which men , and to rid them out of the snares of their owne curiosities , wherewith they oftentimes intangle themselues ; and to preuent , that they doe not , ipsi se compungere suis acuminibus , that they wound not themselues , with the sharpe needles points of their owne pricking wits ; I haue done the best I could , to ioyne my helpe with theirs , by answering all Obiections , which I could coniecture might any way trouble , their sciences , or Consciences . For this so meane a worke , I affect no great Patronage . Satis ▪ magnum alter alteri the atrum sumus . Your loue is the greatest : which I haue euer found ready to couer my greatest : wants . The summitie of my ambition is , that , as you haue giuen a noble testimony vnto the world , of the incomparable faithfulnesse of your loue towards me : so I might yeeld a returne of my like fidelity of thankefulnesse toward you . Your gracious acceptance of this mine imperfect worke , shall be a brazen wall vnto mee , against the maleuolous disposition of all detracting spirits . Your Honors eternally obliged friend to serue you : MAR●●N SARVM ▪ The Preface to the Reader , expressing the Reason of the whole Worke. IT is not so much of mans owne free election , as of Gods speciall disposition , that euery man in his writing , is particularly addicted vnto the handling of this or that Argument . Not all vnto one : for so , all but one , should be left vnhandl●● ▪ ●nd the world of many excellent knowledges bereaued : but some vnto one , and some vnto another ; that we might not lacke instruction in any profitable matter . Diversis etenim gaudet Natura ministris , Vt fieri diversa queant ornantia Terras . Ne● patitur cunctos ad eandem curreremetam , Sed varias iubet ire vias , variosque labores Suscipere , vt vario cultu sit pulchrior orbis , Saith the Christian Poet : Nature herselfe delights herselfe in sundry instruments , That sundry things be done to deck the Earth with Ornaments . Nor suffers she her seruants all should runne one single race , But will 's the walke of euery one frame in a diuers pace : That diuers wayes and diuers works the world might better grace . Yea , and euen the very Heathen doe likewise confesse , this to be the proper worke of Gods gracious prouidence ; calling euery man to that wherein he best foreseeth him , most able to doe good : and yet , not inforcing , but inducing him to doe it . Eam enim mentem Dij singulis dant , vt communes vtilitates in medium afferant ; saith the Athenian Orator . Yea , & he illustrateth his position by example of himself there : That God had put into his mind to make that present Oration , for the generall good of the whole Greekish Nation : ascribing that his inclination , not vnto his owne selfe-motion ; but vnto Gods prouidence disposing his affection . And so likewise doth Plutarch his ▪ Intellige non sine efficacitate coe●stium , vel me nunc scribere isthaec , velte , quic quid agis , eo modo agere quo agis . And so likewise doth Galen of his booke De vsu partium : Deus aliqu●s iussit , & primum scribere , & declarationem eius , ille ipse novit me scire : ascribing all his writing vnto Gods inward commanding : who knew best his ability to write of that argument . Which is indeed , a very true ascription : yea , and much truer in spirituall matters , than it is in any ciuill . For , therein it is most euident , that , The same Spirit , that hath giuen to euery man his gift , hath also assigned vnto euery man his taske : calling one vnto one Argument , and another to another ; and euery one to serue his Church , with those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and graces , which he hath bestowed vpon him for that purpose . And this we may plainely see , euen in those holy Instruments , that haue been the writers of the holy Scriptures : how , as God had endowed them with their seueral gifts , so he likewise appointed them to their seueral works : calling some of them to the writing a● holy Histories , as Moses , Ioshua , &c. some , of heauenly Mysteries , as Daniel , Iohn , &c. some , of Hymnes , as Dauid in Psalmes , and Salomon in his Song : some , of Prophecies , as Isaj , Ieremie , &c. and some , of Morall , and Ciuill Precepts , as Salomon in his Prouerbs : euery one entertaining both a different matter , and handling the same in a differing manner : yet not by his owne election , but by Gods direction . For ( as S. Peter plamlyteacheth vs ) There is no Prophecy in Scripture , of any priuate motion , neither of the will of man : but the holy men of God did onely speake , as they were inspired by the holy Spirit : who disposed their affections , to serue the Church of God , with all their best indowments and endeauors ; and euery one of them ( according to that Talent , which God hath giuen vnto him ) to helpe to build it vp , in true piety and religion . So that , they all of them being ioynt-laborers together , and all of them working in one common worke , vnder one common master , there could none haue any cause to insult ouer another ▪ not the Hymnographer ouer the Historiographer , nor the Gnomographer ouer either , nor the Prophet ouer all , or any of the rest ; but euery one to acknowledge other , as his owne fellow-labourer , appoynted by God himselfe , with that gift which he had , to helpe forwarde the same building that he himselfe did . And , the very same course hath the holy Ghost obserued , as well in the new Testament , as he did in the old : For he hath giuen vnto his Church , some Apostles , some Prophets , some Teachers , some Workers of Myracles , some Helpers , some Gouernours , some Speakers with Tongues . For the gathering together of the Saints ; for the worke of the Ministery , and for the building vp of the body of Christ. Not all Apostles , not all Prophets , not all Teachers , not all Gouernours , but yet , all fellow-labourers , and all builders vp of the Church , and euery one acoadiutor to the worke of all the other . We together are Gods labourers , and the Church his building . So that , as in the natur all body of a man , no one member can suffice for all his need full vses ; but , all of them stand in neede of the mutuall assistance of all their fellow-members : so that , the eye cannot say to the hand , I haue no neede of thee ; no , nor euen the head vnto the foote , I haue no neede of thee : So likewise , in the mysti call body of Christ , those members that are the chiefest , yet doe neede the coassistance of those that are the meanest . The same Prouidence ( still carefull for the good of the Church ) hath continually raysed vp , throughout all succeeding ages , many learned , and wise , and industrious Pastors , to instruct and teach his Church , in true piety and godlinesse : some by preaching , some by writing , and some by both . But yet , in no Age , hath God shed out all the riches of his blessings , both of Wisedome , and Learning , and all his high Illuminations , more graciously and plentifully , than in this Age of ours . For , what learning , or what knowledge hath God euer bestowed vpon any of all the preceding ages , which he hath not greatly amplified and inlarged in this of ours ? Yea , and that to high degrees . And , as he hath in this our Age , bestowed vpon many men , great variety of Gifts , so hath hee also designed them to great variety of workes . To some he hath giuen diuersitie of Tongues , and those hee hath called to examine Translations : to some , skill in disputing , and those he hath called to labour in Controuersies : to some , a faculty in Exhortation and Teaching , and those he hath called to instruct men by Preaching . And thus , as God hath dispensed his gifts diuersly ; so hath he assigned men their Prouinces accordingly : to one after one manner , and to another after another ; appoynting vnto euery one , that , as he hath receiued the gift , so likewise , he should minister as good dispensers of the manifold graces of God. So that , now ( God be praysed ) the Church of Christ goeth vp on all hands , euery man labouring in it with his seuerall gift , to repaire all the ruines and seuerall bracks of it : some as Architects and skilfull Master-builders ; some , as Carpenters : some , as Smiths ; some , as Masons , ; yea , and some other , but as Temperers of Lyme and Mortar : yet these also called Labourers ; yea , and more properly then the others . Whose worke , though in view , it be lesse honorable then therest ; yet , is it in vse , as profitable as the best : yea , and of so great necessity , to the perfecting of the building ; that , as in temporall building , the greater Stones cannot be firmely layd , without mixture of the lesse : so , in this spirituall building too ; those other Artes , though superiour , yet cannot either perfect or performe their owne worke , without the helpe and ministery , euen of those meane and inferiour . Amongst whom , it hath pleased the prouidence of God , to call mee , to make vp some decayes in the foundations , which , either through tract of time , or through corruption of manners , or through the vnder-mining of little Foxes , mentioned in the Canticles , are growne by degrees , into the very lowest ground-works . I am called to vnder-pinne those foure maine Corner-stones , which vphold ( like foure pillars ) the whole frame of the Church . I meane , the first , foure principles of all Religion : namely , That there is a God. That there is but one God. That Iehovah our God , is that one God. And , That the holy Scripture is the word of that God. These vnder-groundworks , hath it pleased diuine prouidence , to assigne me for my taske . So that , whilst other men doe so are aloft , like Eagles in the ayre ; I must creepe heere below , like a worme vpon the earth . But yet , let no man despise the basenesse of this worke ; because it is about the Basis of the Church . For , the worke of the foundation , though it be in sight , the lowest worke belonging to the building , yet , is it not the least , but in truth , the very greatest ; as being the whole support and stay of all the rest , euen of the very highest : A Worke which requireth both the skilfullest head , and the cunningest hand , vnto the doing of it ; if it be done as it ought . And therefore , I could haue wished , that some excellent Maister-workman , more plentifully abounding , both in leisure , and learning , would haue taken it vponhim . The worke is due to such : yea , and our Church hath store of such ( Gods name be praysed for it . ) But yet , no man ( that I see ) hath set his hand vnto it . Many worke vpon the walls , to make them firme and strong : many vpon the roofe , to keepe it close and tight : many vpon the pillars , to erect and straighten them exactly , ad perpendiculum : some pariete and smooth it : some painte and adorne it ; some furnish , and garnish it with beautifull pictures , like apples of gold , in pictures of siluer . But yet , no man looketh downe into the ground-worke of it , that it be layd so low , as to reach vnto the Rocke . Whereby there is a space left , for pioners and vnder-miners , and such like deceitfull workers , which are not able to breake through the wall , yet do dig vnder the foundation , and so to euert all . And therefore I haue aduentured vpon this great taske , though farre vnequall to it ; hoping that the the same Spirit which hath giuen me the will , will also assist me in the worke , in some measure , to performe it . For , Sorte diuinaid recte efficere quisque potest , ad quod Musa quempiam incitauit . And so I haue followed the aduice of the Poet : Quin , hortante Deo , magnis insistere rebus Incipe — Why then , beginne , sith ayde from God is sent ▪ Proceede , goe on , dri●e forth thy great intent . A Worke , great indeede : yea , and that of much greater , both Difficultie , and Variety , and Vtility , and Necessity , then will easily , at the first , bee conceiued of many : of all which foure , I will giue you a little taste , in order . The Difficulty of the worke , ariseth from hence , that this Argument now intended to be handled by me , is the most deserted part of all Theologie ; and wherein the fewest Diuines haue bestowed their paines . For , whereas there be but two wayes , to bring men vnto the knowledge and vnderstanding of God ( as S. Augustine hath well obserued ) namely , Creatura , and Seriptura , the Creature , and the Scripture ; the World , and the Word : there haue so many men laboured in this latter , that , for number , almost they be without number : but , in the former part , so few , that they likewise , in comparison , be numberlesse too . Some few , I confesse , haue written before me , of this matter : but none at all in this manner : as I leaue it to be iudged by the wise and learned . So that , I may truely take vp that excuse for all incident errors , which Lucretius doth , euen in this very case , that , Auia Pieridum peragro loca , nullius ante Trita solo — I walke a way lesse way , with vncouth pace , Which yet no former Muse with foot did trace . The naturall Difficulty of the Argument , hath deterred the most men from writing vpon it : and the paucitie of such writers , hath begotten a second difficulty vnto me . Those whom I haue seene to haue written vpon this Theme ( for I goe not beyond the compasse of mine owne Library ) are onely these following . Aquinas contra Gentiles ; Raymundus de Sabunde , in Theologia naturali ; Bradwardinus de Causa Dei ; and Valesius de sacra Philosophia . But these foure , dealing onely Scholastically , by way of Logicall Arguments , which doe not influere , they cannot affect , nor leaue any great impression in the mind of a man but ( as the Orator aptly censureth such short and sharpe conclusions ) Haec spinosiora , prius vt confiteamur nos cogunt , quam vt assentiamur . Such thorny and prickly conclusions of Logique , do rather inforce men to confesse them , then induce men to beleeue them . There is further , Augustinus Eugubinus ; who in his Booke de perenni Philosophia , hath laboured in this Theme , with singular learning , congesting out of Poets , Philosophers , and Orators , an incredible masse of Authorities and Sentences . But as the fore-named Authors delt onely by argument , without any testimony ; so dealeth he mostly by testimony , without any argument . There is yet further , Ludouicus Viues , de veritate Fidej Christianae ; and Philippus Mornaeus , of the same both argument and inscription ▪ Zanchius also , de Operibus Dej ; and the Second Part of the Booke of Resolution : all which haue done learnedly , in their seuerall kindes . But yet , for those heads , whervpon in this Book , I doe principally insist , they passe o●r them so sleightly , and perstringe them so briefely , that all of them may be truly affirmed , to haue beene , by those Authors , rather touched , then handled . It hath beene mine endeauour , so to temper my writing , that neither Authorities should lacke their arguments ; nor arguments their Authorities ; nor the Reader store of both . And yet in vsing the writings of those fore-named Authors , I haue entertayned this course : that whatsoeuer any of them hath prolixely handled , that haue I either wholy pretermitted , or ( at the most ) but lightly touched . What they haue pretermitted , that haue I sought out ( so farre as I could ) and more copiously inlarged . Whereby neither their writings shal be preiudiced by mine , nor mine thought a Plagium out of theirs : and yet the Reader be inriched by the store of both of vs. And this hath also bred a third difficulty vnto me . A fourth there groweth likewise from the destinate end , and scope of this worke : which is , to compell the Heathens to preach the truth of Christians ; and Philosophy to proue the grounds of Diuinity : yea and to inforce , by strength of Argument , both Infidels , and Epicures , and Atheists , who will not beleeue God in his word ; yet to beleeue him without his word . Which euery wise man will easily imagine , to be a worke not easie to be done . For , as it is truely obserued by Tertullian ; Magna curiositate , & maiore longe memoria opus est ad studend● , si quis velit ex literis receptissimis quibusque Philosophorum , vel Poetarum , vel quorumlibet sapientiae secularis Magistrorum , testimonia excerpere Christianae veritatis . It is a piece of businesse ▪ both of great curiosity , and of greater memory , and yet of greatest study , to gleane out of the writings of Philosophers , and Poets , and other secular Authors , fit authorities , and testimonies , for the proofe of Christiā truths . Now secondly , for the Variety of this Worke ; that is such , and so great , as none other could come neare it ; if it were handled as it should . For , this Worke intreateth both of God , and all his Workes ; which containe all those varieties , which God and Nature yeeldeth . In God there commeth to be considered , all those diuine properties , which hee hath adumbrated in any of his creatures ; his Simplicity , his Immortality , his Immensity , his Eternity , his Strength , his Wisedome , his Goodnesse , his Dominion , his Omnipotency , his Omniscience , and his Omnipraesence ; and such like ; thinges incomprehensible in themselues , but yet such , as may in part be sufficiently vnderstood , by that shadowy resemblance of them , which he hath giuen vnto our soules . In his Creatures , there commeth to be discussed , both the little World , with all the faculties of his body , and all the powers of his mind ; and the great World , with all his most excellent and glorious parts ; the Heauens , the Earth , the Seas , and all the seuerall creatures contained in all these ▪ yea and the admirable working of Gods diuine prouidence , both in making , and preseruing , and in ruling of al of them . Which ( as euery simple man may easily see ) be matthers of the greatest Variety that can be . In all which points , I haue giuen the Reader so much taste as may delight him , yet not to glut him . For the full handling of them , would both be nauseous vnto him , tedious vnto me , and supersluous vnto both of vs ; a meere deviation from the scope of this worke ; and in it selfe an attempt , not onely fond , but also infinite . Now thirdly , for the Vtility and profit of this Treatise ▪ that may partly be collected from the varieties of it . For it is the Orators obseruation , That those things which carry with them the greatest delight , doe commonly carry likewise the greatest profit ▪ Plerisque in rebus , incredibiliter hoc Natura est ipsa fabricata , vt ea , quae maximam vtilitatem in se continent , eadem habeant plurimum , vel dignitatis , vel saepe etiam venustatis . And hee giueth for an instance , that great beautie and varietie which we see in the world : which carrieth also with it , no lesse vtilitie and profit : the very punctuall instance of this our present purpose . But to consider the profit of this our Treatise , absolutely in it selfe , without any such reference vnto his varieties . Can there possibly be any more profitable contemplation , either to excite and stirre vp a man vnto godlinesse , or to incite him vnto thankfulnesse , then religiously to weigh and pond●r with himselfe , the immensitie of Gods goodnesse , who hath made both heauen and earth , and all the seuerall creatures contayned in them both , to serue onely for his vse ? This contemplation wrought in the Prophet David so strongly , that it draue him almost into an holy extasie ; forcing him to breake out into that patheticall exclamation ; O Lord our Governor , how excellent is thy Name in all the world . Thou that hast set thy glory aboue the Heauens . When I consider the Heavens , the worke of thy handes , the Moone , and the Starres , which thou hast ordayned : What is man ( say I then ) that thou art so mindfull of him , or the son of man , that thou so visitest him ? And marke heere againe , how the Prophet resumeth his first admiration , by a Poeticall Epanalepsis or reduplication ; O Lord our Governour , how excellent is thy Name in all the world ! And indeede , this sensible beholding of the invisible things of God , by the creation of the world , if it duly be considered and weighed as it ought , it will minister a more effectuall instruction vnto our eyes , then any that we commonly receiue in by our eares . For , Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem , Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus , & quae Ipse sibi tradit spectator — Those things more slowly doe affect the mind , Which eares doe heare , then those which eyes doe find . And erefore this worke ( as I hope ) will not be without his profit . Fourthly , as concerning the Necessity of it : Looke what absolute necessity the work of the foundation hath , vnto all the rest of the building ; the same ( and no lesse ) hath the proofe of these Propositions , vnto all the other parts of Religion : For let but these foure positions be substantially proued ; That there is a God : That there is but one God : That Iehovah our God , is that one God : And that the Scripture is the Word of that God : and then all the other parts of Religion , in the whole Scripture contained , are soundly supported and vpheld . For then it will follow of it selfe , that whatsoeuer is in the whole Scripture prescribed , it ought to be obeyed , as the very word of God. But ( on the other side ) let either all , or any of these positions be disproued ; That either there is no God ; or , That there is not onely one ; or , That I●hovah is not that one ; or , That the Scripture is not his word : and then all Religion must needes presently fall downe , as an house that lacketh his foundation . So that , whether we consider the difficulty of this work in respect of the writer ; or the Variety , Vtility , and Necessity of it , in respect of the Reader : it will ( as I hope ) be no labour ill spent , to bestow some time in the reading of it . And yet I doubt not ( courteous Reader ) but this my labour and indeauour will , of some men , be esteemed to be needelesse , and redundant : that in this so cleere a light and sun-shine of the Gospell , I should goe about to proue those grounded principles of Religion , which so long haue beene receiued without all contradiction : the very seeking to proue the vndoubted truth of them , carrying with it ( in shew ) a secret doubting of them ; at the least wise , a calling of their truth into question , which hath hitherto beene questionlesse amongst all good and sound Christians . I represent the whole Obiection in his true and proper forme , as it formerly hath beene represented vnto me by some , neither ill-learned , nor ill-affected towards me . Whereby I may collect , that from those which are more strange , or more estranged Readers , I may probably expect that scomme of Theognetus : Laevas didicisti ( o nequam ) Literas : Everterunt tuam vitam libri . Dum philosophareris , cum coelo acterra es confabulatus , Quibus tui sermones minime curae sunt . Fond man , th' ast spent thy time in vaine , Much idle learning thus to gaine : Thy bookishnesse hath beene thy bane . With heauen and earth thou talk'st I wis , And yet thy talke by that , nor this , Nor more , nor lesse , regarded is . This measure ( and no better ) I but hardly shall escape , from those rash and heady persons , who ( like Sannioes ) subsanne all things , but onely their owne follies : not waighing the moment and nature of things . For , as Euripides very truely obserueth , Indoctis — nova proferens scita , Videberis inutilis , & non sapiens esse . Who broacheth ought that 's new , to fooles vntaught , Himselfe shall iudged be vnwise , and good for naught . Against whom I haue put on Galens iron-resolution , as an armour of sure proofe : Non ignorantes hunc librum , & calumnijs & convitijs lacessitum iri quam saepissime , cum velut infans orphanus in manus hominum ●briorum prae stultitia & ruditate exciderit : tamen conamur scribere , gratia illorum paucorum , qui dicenda audire recte , & iudicare poterunt . And yet , for the better remouing of the fore-alledged Exception , and diuerse other of like nature , which might minister any scruple , either vnto the curious or incurious Reader , I thought good to praemunite the succeeding Treatise , with this praeceding Preface ▪ to exempt out of their minds , all those scrupulous exceptions , which ( by way of diuination ) I could forecast would trouble them , touching either the matter , or the manner of my writing . Vsing in the meane time the same obtestation vnto my beneuolous Reader , which Lucretius doth to his , in the very like matter : — Vacuas aures mihi , & te — Semotum a curis adhibe , veram ad rationem : Nemea dona tibi studio disposta fideli , Intellecta prius quam sint , contempta relinquas . To Reason Lend me thine attentiue eares , Exempt thy selfe , from mind-distracting cares , Lest that which I proiected for thy good , By thee reiected be , e're vnderstood . Yea , and the reason , which there is alledged by him , will also not vnproperly serue my turne : Nam , tibi de summa Coeli ratione Deumque Disserere incipiam : & rerum primordia pandam . My purpose is , to treate of Heau'ns high Nature , Of All 's originall , and of All 's Maker . First therefore , as concerning the fore-named Exception , That all these foure Positions , which are the subiect of this Treatise , be already amongst vs sufficiently beleeued ; and that therefore it is superfluous to call them now to be proued : Vnto this Obiection I answer three things . First , that the principall scope and intent of this Booke , is , rather to conuince those that beleeue them not , then to confirme those that beleeue them . Though this also be intended as a secondary end , as it likewise is , in the Creatures of God ▪ But the prime end of this Worke , is , to confute all those , which either dispute against Gods Essence and being , as the direct Atheist doth ; or , against his Prouidence and gouerning , as the Epicure doth , who is an indirect Atheist : and to proue both of these to be men , not onely destitute a● all Piety and Religion , but also of common sense and reason . And further , to shew vnto those acute Naturalists , who hold it a seruility to be led with brutish-beleeuing , and will therefore entertaine no more of Religion then they find to be consonant vnto Reason ; that here they may find reason for their Religion . All which seuerall kinds and degrees of Atheists , it is not more incongruous for me to confute , amongst beleeuing Christians , then it was for the Psalmist to confute the same , amongst beleeuing Iewes . But secondly , I answer , that my conceite is too shallow to sound the depth of that bottomlesse reason , That it should not bee lawfull to prooue those Positions , because they bee already beleeued of Christians . For if it were not lawfull to proue those points of Religion , which are now already accepted and beleeued ; then ( if we will proue any thing ) we must euery day bring forth a new Creed . For the old may not be proued , because it is approued . And then were the writings of the most Diuines , both ancient and recent , to be reiected . For , what poynt of Diuinity doth any of them proue , in all their writings , but that which was before admitted , and approued by all good and sound Christians ? Is it not lawfull to prooue the Articles of our Creed , because they be already beleeued ? or , is it lawfull to proue all the rest ; and is it not lawfull to proue the first ? Is it lawfull to proue , that our Sauionr was conceiued by the holy Ghost ? borne of the Virgin Mary ? suffered vnder Pontius Pilate ? &c. And is it not lawful● to proue that There is a God ? That he is our Father ? That he is Almighty ? and , That he is the Maker of heauen and earth ? What strange infelicity is fallen vpon this one Article ( which is the very ground and support of all the rest ) that to seeke to proue it should deserue reprehension , when to proue all the other deserueth commendation ? I cannot reach ( I say ) the profoundnesse of this Reason . But , thirdly , I answer : that it is a false position , That either all , or any one of these foure fore-named positions , is so generally and constantly beleeued , as that it hath no need , to be proued and confirmed . For , there be but too too many men that haue their beleefe so vnperfect in all of them , that it is mingled with much haesitation , doubting , and wauering : so that , the best of them may say with him in the Gospell , Lord , I beleeue , helpe my vnbeleefe : And with him in the Comedy , Credo , sed tamen metuo miser . But yet specially , in the first point , of beleeuing That there is a God , that 〈◊〉 of all the rest the most vnbeleeued . For , that which Ouid confesseth of himselfe , is also true in very many men , if they would confesse the truth , as Ouid plainely doth . Sollicitor , nullos esse putare Deos. Temptations oft sollicite me , To thinke in heart , That Gods none be . Yea and this sollicitation of Sathan , as it hath much preuailed with diuerse of the Heathens : so hath it no lesse also , euen with diuerse Christians . Amongst whom , it is but too true an obseruation which is made by Iustin Martyr , an ancient learned Father , Dici quidem nonnullos Christianos , esse vero nullius Numinis cultores . That many men be called by the name of Christians , who yet be indeed no better then very Atheists : though not such as Diagoras and Theodorus were , who made ( as it were ) a profession of their Atheisme ; yet such as are noted by the Prophet Dauid , which say in their heart , That there is no God. Yea and sometimes go further too , as is noted by Theodoret. Sunt quidam qui Christianorum quidem nomine gloriantur , veritatis autem dogmata palam oppugnant . There be some that are called by the name of Christians , and yet do not onely deny Gods Truth in secret , but also defie it , and oppugne it in publique , which commeth not much short of the direct and profest Atheist . Therefore it is not the name of a Christian that can free a man from Atheisme ; nor reciting the Articles of our Christian beleefe that can mak a true Beleeuer . To beleeue , is with the heart to assent : it is not with the tongue to recite . For , many draw neere vnto God with their lippes , whose hearts be farre from him . Therefore , Corde crediture , is a Christian mans Character , printed vpon his heart , which many men doe lacke , who haue the marke of Christians printed vpon their fore-heads : notwithstanding both the numberlesse multitude of preaching , and the cleernesse of the Gospell , as bright as any Sun shine . For , though it cannot be denied , that there neuer was in any age , such subtilty of wit , such plenty of learning , and such study of all things , both Diuine and Humane : Yet must it also be confessed ( if we will confesse the truth ) that the greatest part of those excellent gifts , wherewith God hath beautified and adorned this our age , are rather the gifts of Illumination , than of Sanctification ; and such as haue bred with many , rather a verball Religion in their mouthes , then a reall in their hearts . We may euidently see this , in the practise of common life : how all the Streets do sound , all Tables and Ord●naries resound , with learned discourses in euery kinde . The best Schooles of Athens were neuer better able , to dispute de omni scibili , then many men now doe almost at euery table . But yet this againe is very worthy obseruation ; that all this sharpenesse of wit , and abundance of learning , is oftentimes abused , but onely to dispute , and make Obiections against God. So that he taketh himselfe for the ioylliest fellow , that can shewe himselfe best able to make some witty Obiection against the Bible : thus abusing the great gifts of their wit and vnderstanding , euen against God himselfe , who is the giuer of them . Which prophanenesse so scandalized the Romane Orator Tully , that is draue him almost into another impiety ; complaining against Prouidence ; that surely in this poynt it was vtterly improuident , in giuing so great Gifts and Ornaments vnto those men , whom it could not but foresee would so not ably abuse them . Now this is the worst kinde of Atheisme of all other , when as Atheisme is grounded , not so much vpon Ignorance , as it is vpon the opinion of Knowledge . And yet such is the Atheisme of this our time . That which men at the first ( like good Christians ) receiued with the simplicity of beleeuing ; they now ( being growne vnto greater knowledge ) desire to haue prooued , with the subtilty of disputing : else , will they beleeue nothing . The greatnesse of mens wits sharpneth many of them on , to see all things prooued by arguments , and demonstrated vnto sense . The Scriptures ( with many ) haue lost their authority : and are thought onely fit for the ignorant , and idiote : The World now swelling with an opinion of learning , though it be indeede , in such men , but onely an opinion ; yea , and that , a very false one . For ( as the Apostle S. Paul hath very truely censured them ) Wherein they professe themselues to be wise , therein they doe shew themselues to be fooles : there being nothing more foolish , then either not to beleeue that there is a God , who yet may visibly be seene by the creation of the world ; or , to beleeue that the world was neuer created , because we see not visibly the first creation of it This , though such vaine men doe conceite and accompt to be their wisedome : yet is it indeed their palpable folly : yea and that not onely in the Apostle Pauls iudgement , but also in the iudgement of the very Heathen Poet , who calleth such mens doubting , rationis egestatem , the very beggery of reason . Tentat enim dubiam mentem rationis egestas , Ecquaenam fuerit mundi genitalis origo . It 's want of reason , or it's reasons want Which doubts the minde , and Iudgment so doth daunt , That Worlds beginning , mak's men not to graunt . Yea as thicke and grosse a folly , as if a man looking vpon some goodly building , should professe , hee would not beleeue that it euer had beene made ; because he himselfe did not see the making of it . For , how differ they ? Therefore it is but an erroneous opinion , to thinke , that either amongst Christians there can be no Atheists ; or , that secret Atheists are not to be convinced , as well as the publique : or , that the principles of Religion are beleeued of all , by whom they bee confessed : or that they ought not to be prooued vnto those men , of whom they bee already beleeued . All these ( I say ) be very great errors , but especially the first . For beside the two fore-named sorts of Atheists , the one both inword , and heart denying God ; the other in word confessing him , but in heart renouncing him ; there is yet a third sort of them ( yea and those euen amongst Christians ) who though both in word and in heart they confesse him , yet doe they in their workes deny him . They beleeue there is a God : but they liue , as if they beleeued there were none : which the Apostle Paul perstringeth as a reall denying of him . They professe they know God , but by workes they deny him . Yea , and his censure is approued , euen by the Heathen Poet : who sentenceth all wicked , and licencious liuers , to bee no better , then a kinde of pragmaticall Atheists . — Tubulus si Lucius vnquam , Si Lupus , aut Carbo , aut Neptuni silius , Putasset esse Deos , tam periurus , aut tam impius fuisset ? Lucilius ask's , if any man can dreame , That Lucius , Lupus , Carbo , and their crue , Or Neptun's sonne , that impious Polypheme , Themselues so periur'd , or so vile would sh●w ; If they had once , a thought but , that there is , A God in Heau'n , who plagues men for their mis ? Now all these sorts of Atheists , are to bee convinced , and drawne , obtorto collo , will they nill they , vnto God. Which , I hope , is performed ( I am sure indeauoured ) in this Booke . Wherein , the first sort of those Atheists , which deny there is a God ; are forc't , by strength of reason , to confesse that , they denied . The second sort of them , which confesse there is a God , and yet beleeue it not ; are taught to beleeue , that which they haue confessed . The third sort of them , which both beleeue , and confesse him , and yet haue no care to worship , or obey him ; are heere taught , to liue as they doe beleeue . So that , this Booke hath great vse , towards all those sorts of Atheists , which beleeue not these positions . Yea , and no lesse ( I hope ) likewise , towards those that beleeue them . For those true and sound Christians , which both confesse the truth , and beleeue as they confesse , and liue as they beleeue , it notably confirmeth , both in their true faith , and in their good life . So that it will no way be idle or super●luous , neither towards the Vnbeleeuers , nor yet towards the Beleeuers . Not to them , for information ; not to these , for confirmation . But yet it may bee , that some man will obiect , that Treatises of Deuotion are of much greater profit , and more fitting to the nature and capacity of the Vulgar : and that therefore these our paines might more properly and profitably haue bene bestowed vpon such . Whereunto I breifly answere ; That indeede there is nothing more generally wanting , in the practise of our liues , then is the exercise of true Deuotion , nothing more defectiue in the diuersity of our writings , then discourses of that kinde . So that this may likewise be confessed , too truly , ●o be but a steril part of Diuinitie , tilled by very few . But yet , euen this present worke , which we now haue in hand , if it be well considered , and duly meditated , doth not want his instigation vnto true deuotion . For what greater motiue or incentiue can there be , to inflame the godly Soule , with all faithfulnesse to deuote it selfe , wholy vnto Gods holy seruice , then seriously to perpend , and to recompte within it selfe , that God hath made all his seuerall Creatures , to deuote them onely vnto our vse and seruice ? Whosoeuer hath in him any sparckle of goodnesse , he must needes , by this godly and religious meditation , be greatly accended vnto true deuoion . Now that point in this Booke is prolixly layd open . And certes , how the Reader will be affected in the rea●ing of this Booke , I cannot tell : but , my selfe in writing of it , was no lesse affected , then was Tullie in the writing of 〈◊〉 Book● De Senecture : being oftentimes so liuely touched , that I neuer found in my selfe a more quicke apprehension , both of Gods incomprehensible Maiestie and goodnesse , 〈◊〉 of Mans most contemptible pusillitie & 〈◊〉 then by this contemplation of God in his creatures : finding in my self the verity of that obseruation of Tully ; that Est animorum inge●●●●umque naturale quasipabulum , consideratio contemplatioq , Naturae ▪ Erigimur , latiores fieri videmur , humana despicinus ; cogitantesq , supera , atque coelestia , haec nostra , vt exigua & minima contemnimus . As for the capacitie of the simpler Readers ; all is not written to them ; but the most vnto the learned , who are in most danger , with many Obiections , vpo● these points to be troubled . But yet , there bee many passages , throug● out the whole Booke , which may easily be conceiued , euen of the 〈◊〉 Readers : yea and that euen in the highest points , which I haue 〈◊〉 indeauoured to stoop and demitte , euen to the capacitie of the very lowest , so farre as the nature of the things would permit . So 〈…〉 may haply bee found true euen in this discourse also ( at the least in respect of the subiect matter handled , though not in the forme & manner of handling ) which S. Gregorie affirmeth of the holy Scripture , that it is , Q●asi Fluuius , & planus , & altus ; in quo , & Agnus ambuler , & Elephas natet . That though there be some subiects so deepe and profound , that the Elephant may swim in them : yet be there 〈◊〉 againe , so obuious and shallow , that euen the Lambe may wade ouer them . And therefore the worke ( as I hope ) will not be without his fruite , neither towards the Infidels , nor yet towards Christians ; neither towards the Learned , nor towards the Vnlearned : which was the doubt of some men ( themselues not vnlearned ) as concerning the Subiect and Argument of this Booke . It therefore now remayneth , that , hauing giuen satisfaction vnto such , as haue obiected against the matter of my writing , I should now likewise indeauour to remoue those Exceptions , which some haply may take against the Manner of it . As first , it may be , that some Man , will except ; that there is in this Booke so much Philosophie , and so little Diuinitie . Whereunto I breifely answer ; that with those Aduersaries , against whom I am cheifly to deale in this Booke , the Diuinity of Christians hath much lesse authoritie , then the Philosophie of Heathens ; naturall Reason a much higher place , then supernaturall Religion ; and the writings of Philosophers much greater credit , then the holy Scriptures . So that ( in respect of the nature of those Aduersaries ) there is more cause of exception that here is so much Diuinity , then that there is so little . And yet euen for this also , there is a iust Apologie : That this is done , ex abundante , rather to confirme those that beleeue , then to informe those that beleeue not : that so the Booke may not be without his profit , whether it light into the hands of Christians , or of Pagans . Some againe ( it may be ) will except , That such a multitude of Testimonies are congested to one purpose . But that hath many vses , to the profit of the Readers . For first , The Matter questioned , is , by multitude of Testimonies more substantially proued . Secondly , though those Testimonies alledged , be by me often applyed , but to mine owne present purpose : yet may the learned , Reader make manifold vse of them , vnto diuers other purposes : and so in their varietie , haue choise and election to take , or to leaue , as will best serue his turne . So that the writers store , ought not to be accompted the Readers sore : if but in this respect . But thirdly , though many be alledged to one and the same purpose : yet may it be obserued , by the indicious Reader , that they doe not all proceed by one and the same tenor : but that ( for the most part ) euery one bringeth some thing that the other had not : which may serue the attentiue Reader , either for the better confirmation , or the clearer illustration of the point , then in quaestion . Finally , if they will needs haue this to bee the writers error ; yet may I defend my selfe , with that same excuse , wherewith Quintilian defendeth Stesicorus : that , Id si est reprehendendum , est tamen nisi Copiae vitium . Which though it hath made the Booke some what bigger : yet hath it also ( I hope ) made it better . So that I am the lesse fearefull of Callimachus his censure , that , Magnus Liber , est magno malo par . A great Booke is little better then a great euill . Yea and so much the rather , because in those sentences I haue made choise of mine Authors , not corrading out of all promiscue , and sine delectu , but taking only such as are both ancient , and Classicall , as well Seculars , as Diuines . In citing of whose Testimonies , I haue not alledged them all pariter , as they stand in their Author : but ( leauing out all exorbitant and heterogeneall Clauses , which ●itted not my purpose ) I haue taken onely so much as was properly incident vnto mine owne ends , and hindered not the context , and roundnesse of the speech : yet alwayes , with this care , neither to wrest , nor wrong the sense of the Author . Some againe may except , against the citing of mine Authors so particularly ; Booke , Chapter , and Page ; as carrying with it , some touch ( or at least , some shew ) of Vanitie . But , vnto that I answer that it was not to ostentate , and make shew of mine owne reading ( which it greatly repenteth me to be so little ) but to helpe my Reader with it , such as it is : not envying his profit , but seeking , with all my best endeauour , to promote it . And indeed , I haue alwayes esteemed it a great ouersight , yea and a kinde of vnkindenesse , in any writer , in the citing of his Authors , to send his Reader to seeke in an indefinite compasse , when as he himselfe can direct him vnto the definite place : by that meanes also , defeating , the very end and purpose of his owne paines in writing ▪ which is , onely to increase his Reader in all knowledg and vnderstanding . Besides , Whereas in the citing of those Authors , I doe oftentimes allude but in a word or two , vnto many great Matters , which in the Authors themselues are set downe more prolixly : this directing of my Reader vnto the plac● so particularly , will oftentimes serue him in stead of a Commentarie , storing him to euery purpose , with a great deale of more matter , then I haue extracted out of the Author . And yet , no man is hereby tyed vnto the same edition of the Authors that by my selfe is vsed . I doe but only direct them , which haue the same editions , how to make more ready vse of them . As for those that haue them not , I haue noted , not onely the Author , but the Booke also , and the Chapter : and so come as neere them , as I could possibly imagine . Another Exception may perhaps be also taken : That Verses bee sometimes cited , and yet not as verses . But this may be defended , with that excuse of Laberius , that , Versorum non numerorum numero studuimus . I therein followed rather the power of the sense , then the number of the syllables . And , with another like , of Seneca's , that Animis ista scripsi , non auribus . Some againe may except that Greeke writers are not cited in their owne proper language . Whereunto I answer : First , that the weight of those Testimonies , which I haue taken out of them , doth seldome , or neuer , rest vpon the proprietie of the Greeke word or phrase : but mostly vpon the matter , and the sense . Secondly , that if it did : yet the credit of the Translator hath no lesse authoritie , then any Nomenclator , or Dictionarie maker , but rather much greater : Because , hee is led vnto his translation ; by exactly perpending the true weight of euery word as it is in that place vsed , rendring it most properly out of the congruitie of those circumstances that he hath before considered , both in the anteceding and succeeding passages : which are the best directions , and cannot be considered by the bare reciter of the words in their seuerall significations . But thirdly , and lastly ( which stoppeth all reply ) I haue cited those Authors , as I had them : contenting my selfe with the vse of those Booke , which were onely mine owne , and in mine owne possession , not affecting to be curious , either in this , or in any thing else which tendeth not directly vnto the profit of my Readers . Againe it may be obiected ; that the Sentences alleadged are not exactly translated . Whereunto againe I answer : that to the sense they be alwayes , though , to the words , not alwayes : For , that needs not : in the opinion of an excellent Criticke And the Poet telleth vs , that hee may be a faithfull Translator that doth it not . Nec verbum verbo curabis reddere fidus Interpres — It 's not his part , that is the best Translator , To render word for word , vnto his Author . But , the Orator telleth vs , that hee cannot be a delightfull Translator that doth it . Verbume verbo exprimere , interpretis est indiserti . Againe , yet an other , That I haue not alwayes cited them to the meaning of the Author . To which I likewise answer : That , whensoeuer I produce them , as Testimonies for the confirmation of the point then in question , I cite them exactly , vnto the Authors meaning . But that is not alwayes my end in alledging them : but , sometimes , to 〈◊〉 their words , by way of 〈◊〉 , rather then of allegation , for the more commodious expressing of mine owne sense and meaning . A thing very vsuall and familiar with Plutarch ; whose character , and forme of stile I haue ( in that point ) propounded to imitate . Finally , it may be , that some men will except against the publishing of this first part alone , before the rest be ready : in putting vnto me , the incurious error of Curio the Orator . Qui , aliquoties tria cum proposuisset , aut quarum adderet , aut tertium quaereret . Who often times , propounding to speake but of three things , commonly , either added to them a fourth , or else forgat to speak of the third . But , for this course of proceeding , I am not without my reason : as namely . First the example of very many learned men ; whom wee dayly obserue to practice the same , and to propine vnto their Readers an assay of their works , to take a tast of them , how themselues are tasted by them . Secondly , because this first part of the worke hath growne exceeding great , and beyond mine expectation , beeing now come vnto the measure and bignes of a Volume . And thirdly , it had no little moment with me , that diuers of my learnedest and best affected Friends , haue often importuned mee vnto the publishing of it , hastening ( in their loue ) this vnperfect worke , vnto the edition ; peraduenture , as an vntimely fruit vnto his abortion : but without peraduenture , vnto that common condition , which is obserued by Isocrates to be fatal , to many Booke . Vt dum adhuc in mentibus Authorum inclusi te●eantur , magnam sui expectationem concitent : sed . perfecti tandem , & alijs oftensi , longe tenuiorem , quam pro concepta spe , gloriam consequantur . They stirre vp a greater expec●ation , whilst they are in doing , then they are able to maintaine , when as they be done . But yet , the principall ende and intent of my writing , being onely the good , and profit of my Readers ; I should greatly wrong , both their curtesie and equitie , to make any doubt of their fauourable acceptance . Which , if they should not afforde , they themselues should wrong them both . For what can be more contrarie , both to curtesie , and equitie , then either to speake , or but to thinke euill of those , that haue spent so much paynes , onely to doe them good ? This were the reward of worse then a Pagan : which I hope to be farre , from euery good Christian. Quare habe tibi , quic quid hoe Libelli est . Such as it is , I doe willingly permit it vnto thine equall censure : desiring nothing more , then that the same minde , towards thine owne good , may possesse thee , in reading it , that did me , in writing it : and then I shall not neede to doubt of thy profit by it : Which I will accompt , mine owne exceeding great Reward . And therefore , I conclude this preface with that prayer of Irenaeus : Da ( Deus ) omni legenti hanc scripturam , cognoscere te quia solus Deus es , & confirmari in t te & absistere ab omni haeretica , quae est sine Deo , & impia sententia . Grant ( O Lord ) vnto all that shall be readers of this Booke , to know thee , to be the onely true God ▪ and in thee more and more to be strengthned and confirmed : and to eschew all the impious opinions , of Heretiks , and Atheists ▪ Amen . Thine in the Lord , Martin Sarum . The first part of this worke Proueth , There is a God. And is contained in eight seuerall Bookes ; inforcing the probation , by eight seuerall Arguments . The First Booke proueth it , from the simple and Categorical affirmation of Nature : which cryeth out in all men , that , There is a God. The Second ; from certaine grounds and consequents , in all manner of Arts , and Sciences . The Third ; from the structure of Mans Body . The Fourth ; from the Nature of his Soule , The Fift ; from the generall view of the visible world . The Sixt ; from a particular surueigh of the most principall part 's of it . viz. The Heauen , The Earth , The Sea. The Seauenth ; from certaine speciall works of Prouidence obserued by Cleanthes . The Eight ; from the Confutation of the Atheists Obiections . A Table of the Chapters contained in this Booke . CHAP. 1. TO beleeue there is a God , is the ground of all Religion . 2. The end and purpose of this booke , is to prooue that Position . 3. This cannot be beleeued , but by the helpe of prayer . 4. It cannot be proued A Priorj . 5. Yet may it be shewed A Posteriorj . pag. 1. CHAP. 2. What manner of Authorities be the weightiest in this case . 2. That , they may not here be vsed . 3. How yet they bee heere vsed . 4. What be the most proper , in respect of the Aduersaries . 5. Why they be more proper then any other . pag. 8. CHAP. 3. That there is an inbred perswasion in the hearts of all men , That there is a God. 2. That this hath beene obserued , by many learned men , among the Heathens . 3. That it hath also bin obserued , by diuers learned Christians . 4. Two notable testimonies out of Tullie ; asserting this perswasion , both vnto all Nations , and vnto al Conditions , & vnto all persons among men . p. 15 CHAP. 4. That there is not any Nation , but it hath his Religion . 1. Ancient histories insinuate it . 2. New histories affirme it . 3. Trauellers confirme it . 4. A generall surueigh of their gods declareth it . 5. A particular surueigh of their tutelar gods , proueth it . p. 19. & 20. CHA● . 5. That all sorts of men , of all degrees and orders , doe beleeue , There is a God , is particularly declared by instance of Poets . 2. Of Law-giuers . 3. Of philosophers . 4. And of all other seuerall Arts and professions . pag. 29. CHAP. 6. That there is no particular person in the world , but that ( in some degree ) he beleeueth , There is a God. 2. No Swearer . 3. No Blasphemer . 4. No Idolater . p. 39. CHAP. 7. That a great discord may bee noted among the Heathens , as concerning the worship of their seuerall gods . 2. Yet that this discord doth not infringe the generall op●nion , as concerning God. 3. But that it much confirmes it . pag. 49 , CHAP. 8. Certaine Obiections touched , impugning the generality of the fore-named consent , as concerning God. 2. The first of those Obiectiōs opened , directly denying it . 3. The same Obiection answered . p. 55. CHAP. 9. The second Obiection against this vniuersality of consent , vnfolded : that Religion is no better , but an humane inuention . 2. That Obiection confuted , by the Aniquity . 3. Vniuersality . 4. Consent . 5. Perpetuity of Religion . p. 58. CHAP. 10. The third Obiection against the Vniuersality of Consent in Religion , propounded : viz. That it hath beene oppugned by diuers , both wise and learned Philosophers , though called by the name of Atheists . 2. That Obiection answered from the smalnesse of their number . 3. The weakenesse of their learning . 4. The mist●king of their opinion . 5. And their inconstancy in their assertion . p. 66. CHAP. 11. The two ends of Atheisme ; Not to serue , and Not to feare . 2. The Atheist in the first of these two ends , is disappointed , becomming a base seruant vnto all his owne vices . 3. But more especially vnto his ambition . 4. And his belly . 5. All which seruice , he referring to himselfe , hee becommeth thereby , A god vnto himselfe . p. 112. CHAP. 12. The Atheists second end , is , to free himselfe from feare . 2. Yet no man feareth more : as hee bewrayeth , at three times . 3. When he dreameth . 4. When it thundreth . 5. When hee dieth . 6. This his feare , is a cleare Argument , that he thinkes , There is a God. p. 121. CHAP. 13. That , beside the fore-named direct confessions of Atheists , diuers of them haue directly and expresly confessed confessed God. 2. Some of them , vnwittingly . 3. Some of them , vnwillingly . 4. And some of them , both wittingly , aend willingly . pag. 135. CHAP. 14. That though Atheists should neuer haue confessed , neither directly , nor indirectly ; but alwayes most obstinately haue denyed him : yet , that there is no reckoning to bee made of their opinion . 2. Because in the opinion of all wise & learned men , they are esteemed no better then either Fooles . 3. Or madde men . 4. Or monsters of men . p. 147. CHAP. 15. That God hath at all times , powred downe his iust iudgements , vpon the heads of Atheists : by them sensibly declaring , That there is a God , 2. Examples out of Scriptures . 3. Examples out of Ecclesiasticall Histories . 4. Examples out of Heathen writers . 5. An Obiection answered , concerning the punishment of those Atheists . p. 153 CHAP. 16. That the generall consent of al men , in agreeing so fully , That there is a God , is an infallible argument , That there is one , indeed . 2. That , to this end , it is alledged by those Authors , that haue obserued it . 3. In making it the Law of Nature . 4. In making consent , a Symptome of truth , in all things . 5. In making it , the chiefest Argument , that can bee brought in this cause . p. 163. & 164. The Chapters contained in the second Booke . CHAPTER 1. THat all Arts leade to God. 2. The Metaphysickes , by two Arguments . 3. The first is , the limitting of all finite things , as of naturall Bodies . 4. And of their naturall faculties . 5. And yet not by the Sunne , which it selfe is limited . 6. Both in his owne working . 7. And in his moouing . 8. By the limitting also of all artificiall faculties . 9. And finally , by the limitting of all spirituall Graces . pag. 171. CHAP. 2. The immensity of mens appeti●●s , doth she● ▪ That there is a ●od . 2. The immensity of naturall appetites . 3. The immensity of sensitiue appetites . 4. The immensity of intellectuall , or spirituall appetites . 5. The immensity of Desire . 6. The immensitie of Anger . 7. The immensity of will. 8. And yet God is able to fill them all . p. 197. & 198. CHAP. 3. That , euery thing in nature , hath a Cause of his being . 2. That , nothing can be the Cause of his owne being . 3. That among the Causes , there is one first , and supreme Cause , which is the Cause of all the rest . 4. That , this first , and supreme Cause , is nothing else , but God. p. 212. CHAP. 4. That these sensible and second motions , direct vs vnto a first . 2. That a first motion , doth necessarily imply , a first Moouer . 3. That this first Moouer , is the Cause of all the motions in the world . 4. And , that therefore , this first Mouer , is nothing else , but God. pag. 224. CHAP. 5. That the true cause of Sicknesse , is Sinne against God. 2. That God , for this cause , doth threaten , to send Sicknesse . 3. That he sendeth it according to his threatning . 4. That Physitions obser●e the stroke of Gods Vengeance , to be in many Sicknesses . pag. 234. CHAP. 6. That God is the giuer of health vnto men . 2. That he is the preseruer of it . 3. That he is the restorer of it . 4. Both by giuing medicinable herbes vnto men . 5. And by teaching them the right vses of them . 6. And by ioyning his blessing vnto their working . p. 244. CHAP. 7. Little Cities doe rise to be great . 2. Great Cities do fall to bee little . 3. Yet is not this the worke , of either Fate , or Fortune . 4. But of Gods owne Prouidence , and Preordination . 5. Who limitteth their powers . 6. Boundeth their Domnions . 7. And prescribeth their continuance . p. 260. CHAP. 8. God is , both the Physition , and Ethicall last end of all things . 2. He giueth vs all vertues , which are the way to perfect Blessednesse . 3. Hee impla●teth in vs all good affections , which are the previous dispositions vnto vertues . 4. Hee giueth vnto vs the true and perfect Blessednesse . 5. Nay hee himselfe is , our true and perfect Blessednesse . p. 278. CHAP. 9. The Mathematickes shew , that there is a God. 2. And more particularly , Geometry . 3. Which by a Geometricall pricke , doth leade men vnto some knowledge of God. 4. Of whom ( in diuers powers ) it hath a kinde of resemblance . p. 492. CHAP. 10. Vnity in Arithmeticke , doth leade men vnto God. 2. Which is affirmed hy Philosophers , to be the Originall of all things . 3. Yea , directly affirmed to bee God himselfe . 4. With whom it hath indeed a very great res●mblance . pag. 298. CHAP. 11. That the motion of the Heauens , and Starres , is not natural . 2. Which yet is so orderly , as if it were artificiall . 3. That the order of their motion , hath a resemblance of a 〈◊〉 . 4. That the Heauens themselues doe make musicke to this dance . 5. That this ●rd●rly motion of the Stars , hath led diuers men to seek for a God , ●boue the Starres . 6. Because their orderly motions , can neither bee from chance , nor from their owne wills . But onely from Gods wisedom , who is the maker of them . pag. 309. CHAP. 12. That God hath made all his creatures , in Harmonicall proportion , and in a kinde of musicke . 2. That all creatures are naturally delighted with it . 3. That they prayse God in their kindes , with their naturall musickes . 4. That artificiall musicke is the gift of God to men . 5. That the chiefest end of it , is to prayse God with it . p. 327. CHAP. 13. The other Liberall Arts , doe , all of them , shew , That there is a God : they being , all of them , acknowledged , to be the gifts of God. 1. Grammer . 2. Logick , 3. Rhetorick . 4. which three Arts haue apparently , an adumbratiō of the Trinity . p. 345 CHAP. 14. Philosophie leadeth a Man vnto God. 2. It hath in it a kind of resemblance of God. 3. It is acknowledged to bee the Gift of God. 4. And so likewise is Poetrie . 5. And so all other Arts in general . 6. Yea euen the Mechanical . pag. 352 ¶ Because I haue in this Booke cited many authorities , exactly , and particularly , vnto the very page ; that my labour therein , should not vanish into nothing , but , worke vnto the benefite and profit of my Readers ; I thought good to set downe a Catalogue of mine Authors ; and , of their seuerall editions : that , such as haue the same , may the better helpe themselues , to finde out those things that are alledged out of them . For others , which haue them not , I haue giuen what helpe I could , to satisfie their desire , by directing them vnto the Booke , and Chapter . A ABdias Babilon . Parisijs 1560. in 8 uo . Aelianus . Tyguri . 1556. in Fol. Aelianus Spartianus , cum Suetonio . Aelius Lampridius , cum Suetonio . Aeschylus . in 16. Aesopi fabulae Lugduni . 1571. in 16. Agapetus in Bibliotheca Patrum . A. Gellius . Venetijs 1515. in 8. Albertus Magnus . Colon. 1536. in fol. Alchymus Auitus in Bib. Patr. Alcoran Turcicus . 1550. in fol. Alexander ab Alex. Franc. 1591. in 8. Ambrosius . Basil. 1567. in fol. Anacreon . Paris . 1566. in 12. Anselmus . Colon. 1573. in fol. Apollodorus . Antwerp . 1565. in 8. Apuleius . Lug. Bat. 1594. in 12. Aquinas cont . Gent. Lug. 1586. in fol. Aquinat . Summa . Antwerp . 1585. in fol. A●●stoteles . Lugdun . 1549. in fol. Austophanes . Franc. 1586. in 8. Arnobius . Basil. 1560. in 8. Athanasius . Paris . 1581. in fol. Athenagoras . in Bib. Patr. Athenaeus . Lug. 1583. in fol. Augustinus . Basil. 1543. in fol. Augustinus . Eugub . Lug. 1540. in fol. Aurelius Victor cum Suetonio . Ausonius . Antwerp . 1568. in 16. Authores Linguae Latinae . 1595. B Bacchiarius . in Bib. Patr. Baptista Egnatius , cum Suetonio . Basilius . Basil. 1565. in fol. Beda . Basil. 1563. in fol. Bernardus . Basil. 1560. in fol. Berosus Babil . Ludg. 1552. in 16. Bibliotheca Patrum . Margarini , Pa●isijs . 1575. in fol. Bion , cum Hesiodo . Boccatius . Venetijs 1511. in fol. Bradwardinus . Londini . 1618. in fol. C Caesaris comment . Lugd. 1560. in 16. Caesarius frat●r Nazianzeni , cum Nazian : in fol. Caelius Rhodiginu● . Fr●nc . 1599. in fol. Catullus . Basil. 1592. in 8. Chrysostomus . Basil. 1547. in fol. Chrysologus : Paris ▪ 1585. in 8. Cicero . Paris . 1538. in fol. Claudianus Mamertus . in Bib. Pat. Claudius Marius Victor . in Bib. Pat. Claudianus Poeta . Lugd. 1606. in 16. Clemens Romanus . Colon. 1563. in fol. Clemens Alexandr . Basil. 1566. in fol. Cornelius Gallus , cum Catullo . Cornelius Agrippa . Lugd. 1531. in 8. Cyprianus . Geneuae . 1593. in fol. Cyrillus Alexandrinus . Paris . 1573. in fol. Cyrillus Hierosolym . Antwer . 1564. in 8. D Damascenus . Paris . 1577. in fol. Dares Phrygius : Basil. 1541. in 8. Demosthenes . Venetijs . 1550. in 8. Dictis Cretensis . cum Diodoro Sic. Diodorus Siculus . Basil. 1578. in fol. Dion Nicaeus ▪ graece , Lutetiae . 1551. in 4. Dionysius Areopag . Ludg. 1572. in 16. Idem . Colon. 1526. in fol. Dionysius Halicarn : Franc. 1586. in fol. Dioscorides . Lugd. 1550. in 8. Dorotheus . in Bib : Patr. E Elias Cretensis , cum Nazianz. Ephraem Syrus . Colon. 1603. in fol. Epiphanius . Basil. 1545. in fol. Euripides . Basil. 1550. in 8. Eusebius Pamphili . Basil. 1579. in folio . Eiusdem Histor. ibidem . 1587. in folio . Eusebius Emissenus , Paris . 1575. in 8. Eutropius , cum Suetonio . F Fabius Pictor . Lugd. 1552. in 16. Festus . cum Authoribus Linguae Lat. 1595. in 4. Fernelius de lue Vener●a . Antwerp . 1579. in 8. Flauius Vopiscus cum Suetonio . Fulsbertus in Bib. Patr. Fulgentius . Antwerp . 1574. in 8. G Galenus de vsu partiu●● . Pa●is . 1528. in 4. Ge●●adius . in Bib. Patr. Gregoriu● Mag. Antwerp . 1572. in fol. Grego●ius Neo●ae●arien●●s . in Bib. Patr. H Hegesippus . Colon : 1575. in 8. Heraclides ▪ cum 〈◊〉 . Lugd. 15●7 . in 16. Hermes . in Bib. Patr. Herodo●● . Basil. 1583. in 8. Hesiodus . 1●00 . in 16. Hieronymus . Basil. 1537. in fol. Hilarius . Basil. 1570. in fol. Homerus : Latin : 1528. in 8. Gracolat . in 16. Horatius . in 16. Hugo de Scto . Victore . Venet. 1588. in f. I Iamblicus . Lugd. 1570. in 16. Ignatius . in Bib. Pa●● . Iosephus . Franc. 1580. in fol. Irenaeus . Geneu . 1570. in fol. Isidorus . cum Authoribus Ling. Lat. Isocrates . Basil. 1571. in 8. Isychius . Paris . 1581. in 8. Iulianus Pomerius . in Bib. Pat. Iulius Capitolinus cum Suetonio . Iulius Firmicus . in Bib. Patr. Iulius Obsequens . cum Plinio Iuniore . Iunilius . in Bib. Patr. Iustinus Martyr . Basil. 1565. in fol. Iustinus Historicus Lug. 1573. in 16. Iustiniani Insti●●t . Lug. 1559. in 8. Iuuenalis . cum Horatio . Iuuencun . in Bib. Patr. L Lactantius . Antwerp . 1570. in 8. Lae●tius . Paris . 1570. in 8. Leo Magnus . Antwerp . 1583. in 8. Linschot . Lond. in fol. Liuius . Franc. 1588. in fol. Lucanus . Paris . 1543. in 16. Lucianus . Franc. 1538. in fol. Lucretius . Paris . 1565. in 16. M Macatius . Franc. 1594. in 8. Macrobius . Colon. 1527. in 8. Maffei Indica Hist. Colon. 1593. in fol. Manilius . Lug. Bat. 1590. in 4. Marius Victorinus . in Bib. Pat. Martialis Poeta , Antwerp . 1579. in 16. Martialis Martyr . in Bib. Pat. Mathias a Michon , cum nouo Orbe . Maxentius in Bib. Patr. Maximus Tyrius . Paris . 1554. in 16. Mornaeus . Antwerp . 1585. in 8. Moschus . cum Hesiodo . Munsterus . Basil. 1559. in fol. Musaus , cum Hesio●o . N Nazianzenus . Basil. 1571. in fol. Nemesius . in Bib. Patr. Nicephorus ▪ Callisti . Franc. 1588. in fol. Nilus . in Bib. Patr. Nonius . cum Authoribus Ling. Lat. Nouatianus . cum Tertulliano . Nouus Orbis . Basil. 1555. in fol. Nyssenus . Basil. 1571. in fol. O Occu●enius . Paris . 1547. in 8. Olimpiodorus . in Bib. Patr. Origenes . Basil. 1571. in fol. ●Orpheus . cum Hesiodo . Orthodoxographa . Basil. 1569. in fol. Ouidij Metamor . Cantabr . 1584. in 8. Fastorum . Paris . 1563. in 16. Amorum . Antwer . 1583. in 16. * Orosius . Paris . 1583. in fol. P Pacianus . in Bib. Patr. Palingenius . Paris : 1564. in 16. Persius . cum Horatio . Petrarcha . Basil : 1554. in fol. Petronius Arbiter . Paris : 1564. in 8. cum fragmentis Poetarum . Philo Iudaeus ▪ Basil. 1558. in 8. Phocillides . cum Hesiodo . Picus Mirandula . Basil. 1601. in fol. Pisanus . in Orthodoxographis . Plautus . Colon : 1577. in fol. Platina . Colon. 1593. in 4. Plato . Basil 1551. in fol. Plinius Franc. 1582. in fol. Plinius lunier . Lugd. 1539. in 8. Plutar●hi vitae . Basil. 1579. in 8. E●●sdem Moral . ibidem . 1572. in 8. Polycarpus . in Bib. Patr. Pomponius Laetus ▪ cum Su●tonie . Primasius . Paris . 1543. in 8. Proclus . cum lamblico . Procopius . Tyguri 1555. in fol. Propertius . cum Catullo . Prosper . Louanij . 1566. in 4. Prudentius . Antwerp . 1546. in 8. Ptolomaeus . Basil. 1545. in fol. Pub Mimus . cum Seneca . Q Quintilianus . Lugd. 1580. in 8. Quintus Curtius . Lugd. 1551. in 16. R Ruffinus . Paris . 1580. in fol. Raba●●s Maurus . 1534. in fol. S Sabellicus . Basil. 1560. in fol. Saluianus . in Bib. Patr. Salustius . Lugd. 1551. in 16. Sedulius . Basil. 1528. in fol. Seneca Philosophus . Basil. 1590. in 8. Seneca Tragicus . Antwerp . 1588 ▪ in 8. Sextus Aurelius Victor . cum Suetonio . Silius Italicus . Paris : 1531. in 8. Solinus Polyhist . Lug. 1552. in 16. Solon . cum Hesiodo . Statius . Argentorati 1612. in 12. Stobaeus . Basil. 1549. in fol. Strabo . Lug. 1559. in 16. Suetonius . Basil. 1546. in fol. Symmachus apud Prudentium . T Tacitus . Antwerp . 1585. in 8. Tacianus . in Bib. Patr. Terentius . Venet. 1553. in fol. Tertnllianus . Framkerae . 1597. in fol. Theocritus . cum Hesiodo . Theodoretus . Colon : 1573. in fol. Theognis . cum Hesiodo . Theophilus Alexandr . in Bib Pat. Theophilus Antiochenus . in Bib. Patr. Theophylactus . Antwerp . 1564. in 8. Thucidides . Wittemberg . 1569. in fol. Tibullus . cum Catullo . Trismegistus , cum Iamblico . Tertaeus . cum Hesiodo . V Valerius Flaceus . Paris : 1532. in 8. Valerius Maximus . Lug. 1158. in 16. Velleius Paterculus . cum Suetonio . Varro . cum Authoribus Lingue Lat. Venetus . cum Nouo Orbe . Virgilij Aeneid . Franc. 1583. in 8. Reliqua . Colon : 1612. in 16. Viues de Verit. Christia . Religionis : Basil : 1543. in fol. Voyages of the English. London , 1599. Volaterani Commentarij . Basil. 5159. in folio . X Xenophon . Basil. 1534. in fol. Idem , De Aequiuocis . Lug. 1552. in 16. Z Zacharias Mytilenensis in Bib : Patr. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac Domino , D. Martino Fotherbeo , Episcopo Sarisburiensi , viro docto , prudenti , pio , migranti . CHare mihi ante alios merito , Martine , sodales , Flos hominum , specimen morum , dulcissime rerum , Tu qui me noras , notum constanter amaras , I nimium dilecte Deo , cui cedere soli Noram in amore tui , fruere , O fruere omnibus illis Laetitijs animae emeritae ; coeloq , receptus , Quae te dimissum lugent , ne despice terras . Quin saltem hanc animam agnoscis , te , funera amantem Post tua , post mea amaturam . Quin attrahis ad te , Te dignam , indignum te postquam hunc exuis orbem . Eia individuos comites age reddat Olympus Me tibi , teque mihi ; cui te sine , caetera , mundus Immundus , terra insuavis , nil dulce relicto est . Interea quem das , luctus solamen , amoris Mnemosynum , ingenij foetum , pietatis asylum , Dum lego , dum verso librum , in quo mentis imago Emicat inspirata tuae tam viva , resolvor Protinus in lacrymas , visus mihi nempe meummet , Dum lego scribentem , Martinum audire loquentem . Mox vbi me falsum video , spe lusus inani , Quae fuerant laetae lacrymae , fiunt modo verae , Falsaque in immensos redeunt mihi gaudia fletus . Flevit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Robertus Martinj relictus . Typographus Lectori benevolo S. HAbes , quicunque legis , Magni Operis , Magni item Author is specimen : immo ne quidem specimen , tam clarae eruditionis , tamque multiplicis lectionis , atque in hoc tam egregio emicuerunt Antistite . Id ipsum nemo , qui eundem in terris degentem novit , non agnoscit . Idemque etiam Tibi liquido constaret , si re●iduatantae Lucubrationis exantlasse , vel ista solum praeludia absolvisse concederetur . Quod si suorum aliquis , hoc praeclarum facinus foeliciter incoeptum , studuer it aliquando prosequi , Lubens curabo , in sequenti chalcographia , vt ●i quid in praesenti erratum sit , & corrigatur ; & quicquid in posterum fuerit demandatum , sedulo excudatur . Interea , veniam a quibusdam precabor serio , & eorum donabit clementia ; quod haec ipsa tam sero in lucem prodeant , ita iam olim defiderata : quippe qui varie impeditus , non quod volui , sed quod potui , nunc demum praestiti De caeteris , non multum gravabit tua , Lector , aequanimitas , quod multorum Elogijs , in honorem tanti Praesulis , ascribendis supersedeam ; & Epitaphium hic super addam , quale nuper in frontispicio Monumenti , in Ecclesia Parochiali Omnium Sanctorum Lumbard-Street London , extructi , insculptum vidi . Quem Charis asseruit sibi , quem sibi Musa , suumque Dixit & Haec , pariter dixit & Illa , suum : Abstulit ambabus Deus Arbiter & Tuus , inquit , Hic erat , atque Tuus ▪ Nunc erit ille Meus . Contra Atheos Athleta fuit Mihi , voce , styloque Nunc est Athletae danda corona Meo . Sum cinis , hic qua sum , sed & hic cinis emptio Christi est . Caetera , quae mea pars , Pars mea Christus habet . Vnisti , Deus , ambo semel : Deus , ambo revni : Sic tecum totus , qui mea Pars es , ero . DEPOSITVM . REverendi in Christo Patris , ac Domini , Doctor is MARTINI FOTHERBEI , olim SARISBVRIENSIS EPISCOPI ; qui , ex antiqua , & vere generosa , de Grimes by magna , in Comitatu Lincolniensi , familia oriundus ; CANTABRIGLAM , inde accitus ; & Collegij Sanctaeac Individuae Trinitatis Socius meritissime cooptatus ; singulis , atque , ordine , summis Academiae gradibus est insignitus . Hic , postquam celebris , Ecclesiae Cathedralis ac Metropoliticae Christi CANTVARIENSIS , Praebendarius , annos viginti duos perdur asset ; tandem , per Serenissimum Regem IACOBVM , ( cui & a Sacris erat ) ad Episcopatum SARVM evectus est . Vixit , omni Scientiarum Humanarum Divinarum genere , vir instructissimus ; Concionator idem disertissimus ; Haeresin , & Hypocri●in validissime perosus ; Vitaeque ac morūtum gravitate tum suavitate eximius ; Exteriori Corporis decore spectabilis ; Politiori Sermonis elegantia praestans ; Potioribus Animi dotibus adornatus , Memoria nempe fideli , Ingenio foelici , Iudicio acri , & , in rerum administratione , Prudentia plane admirabili ; Omnibus sane numeris , quos Humana capit conditio , ade● consummatus , vt vel primarijs viris facile exaequandus , nullis exuperandus esset . Adversus Atheos doctissimum opus instituit : cuius auspicium , & quasi vestibulun● , Londini , heu moriens , Typis mandandum reliquit . Corpus hic Sepulchro donari petijt , sub beata Resurrectionis spe . Spiritum ipse suum immortalem , Patri Spirituum pie placideque reddidit , Die Martij , 11. Anno AErae Christianae . 1619. AEtatis suae . 60. NOn sibi mellificauit Apis ; sed crura tetendit , Corda hominum Sacro melle replere suo ▪ Contra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 penna pugnat , vitaque repugnat , Et moriens viuit ; sic probat esse Deum . Qui legis , in Propriam Conuertas pabula Carnem ▪ ( Viuificans vitae est , Spiritus arrha nouae ) Mortales immortales oracula reddent , Non posse , his Saturos , experiere , mori ▪ Esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libro , Tibi funebre , Carmen Qui fecit , voluit , Frater , Amicus , idem . A Brother , and a Friend , hath made this Verse , To come to thy Bookes birth , become thy Herse . T. L. Lectio , materies , ordo , stylus , om nia mira hic . Haud miror tamen haec omnia . Cur ? Stupeo . O Praesul , miro mira scribis alite . Stupidus sit hercle oportet , haec qui non stupet . Persequere fausta , quod Libri reliquum est , avi . Sed ocyus T● prodeat superstite . Ego Liberos , Librosque nolim posthumos . R. C. The Prologue to the worke . CHAP. I. 1. To beleeue there is a God , is the ground of all Religion . 2. The end and purpose of this Booke , is to proue that Position . 3. This cannot be beleeued , but by the helpe of Prayer . 4. It cannot be proued , a Priorj . 5. Yet may it be shewed , a Posteriori . THe very first foundation of all pietie and Religion , is To beleeue there is a God : as it is generally beleeued , and confessed by all men , both by Christians , Iewes , and Heathen , if they hold any religion . The Apostle in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , layeth this , as the first ground of all religion and Godlines , to beleeue , That God is . For , as Lactantius very truly noteth , Caput est primum Diuinae Legis , ipsum Deum nosse : It is the very first head of the law of God , to know and beleeue , that there is a God. And againe , a little after . Hic est Sapientiae primus gradus , vt sciamus , quis sit nobis verus Pater : This is the prime degree of wisedome , to know who is our true God and Father . Yea and Palingenius , vnto the same purpose . — Prima est virtus , prim● est sapientia , Regem Coelicolûm Patremque hominum cognoscere — It's Mans prime vertue , Wisdom's chiefest thing , To know his Father to be Heauen 's high King. Nay , Pietas in Deum est super omnia , quasi culmen & corona virtutum ; saith Theophilus Alexandrinus : Nay , Virtutum omnium principium , saith Philo Iudaeus . True pietie towards God , is not onely the highest , but also the first of all other vertues . Neither doe Christians onely reckon this , for the first stone in the building of Religion : but the Iewes doe also confirme the very same . Aben Ezra , in his Exposition of the ten Commandements , saith of the first of them , that , Hoc primum dictum , est fundamentum omnium nouem verborum , quae sequuntur post ipsum . The first of the Commandements , ( which prescribeth vnto vs the hauing of a God ) is the very true foundation of all the other nine . Yea and the same is also confessed euen by the very Heathen . Seneca affirmeth ( and that very truly ) that it is primus Deorum cultus , Deos credere . It is the first branch of the worship of God , to beleeue There is a God. Yea and it is primus cultus too , not onely Ordine , but also Honore : It is the first in Honour , as well as in Order . For , Maiorem virtutem religione , pietateque in Deum ( saith Plato ) nullam in humano genere inveniri , quisquam sibi per suadeat . Let no man be perswaded , that there is any greater good in the Societie of men , then is true pietie , and religion towards God. And therefore , it was Chrysippus his opinion that , Cognitio de Deo , principium est cognitionis & bonoru● & malorum . The knowledge of this one thing , that there is a God , is the beginning of all other knowledges , both of good and euill things . Whence both Phocylides and Pythagoras beginne their Poems , with , Primùm , cole Deum — Remember first , Feare God thou must . So that , by the confession of all sorts of men , this is the very ground of all Religion , To beleeue there is a God. And there can be no Religion , where this is not beleeued . For how can there be any godlines , where there is no God ? If there be no beliefe , no opinion of God , there cannot be possibly any affection of godlinesse : no nor any effect of goodnes neither . For as cōcerning godlines , it is the obseruation of Plutarch , that the ignorance of God , is the root of all vngodlines . Deorū ignoratio in duris ingenijs impietatem ingenerat . And as concerning goodnes ; it is the obseruation of Silius Italicus , that the ignorance of God is the root of all wickednes . Heu primae sc●lerum causae mortal●bus aegris Naturam nescire Deûm — Alas , the cause of sinne , is onely this , That Sinners know not , what Gods Nature is . Which Abraham also , in a manner , confessed , when he thought thus in himselfe ; Surely the feare of God is not in this place , and therefore will they kill me for my wife . For where the feare of God is not , there euen , Homo , sacrares , etiam per ludum & iocum occiditur . There euen the killing of a man , is but a sport vnto them . So that where there groweth not true religion and godlines , there must grow of necessitie all kind of sinne and wickednesse . 2. And therefore the maine scope and purpose of this worke , is , to proue There is a God : and so to lay in mens hearts a foundation of Religion . Which being once well and substantially done , all the other three positions will follow in their order , euery one with great ease in the necke of another . For as Socrates collecteth in morall Philosophy , that , Quibus id semel persuasum est , nihil vt se malint , quam viros bonos esse , ijs reliquam facilem esse doctrinam ; That he that once hath entertayned but this one resolution , that ( come of it what will ) he will be a good man , the learning of all other things will be very easie vnto him : so is it true likewise , in the doctrine of Diuinity ; that he who once hath entertained but the first of these positiōs , in faithfully beleeuing that there is a God ; vnto him all the rest will be easie to be proued . For , if he once admit , that There is a God , he must admit him to be God vnder those diuine properties , which are naturall , & essentiall vnto God : that is , he must yeeld him to be , both Optimus , and Maximus : which , by the common notion , are his proper attributes . From whence it follows , That there can be but one God : which is our second position : because Superlatiues are Singulars ; & by their singularitie , not communicable vnto many . Now , this being admitted , that There is but one God : then compare Iehovah our God , with all the other Gods of the Heathen , and it vvill easily appeare , that he must needs be that one . For the Workes which he doth , they doe testifie it of him . Novv , this once being yeelded that our God Iehouah is the onely true God , it vvill easily be proued , that The Scriptures are his word , by the diuinenesse of that doctrine , vvhich is contayned in them . And , that once being yeelded , it vvill follovv of congruitie that vve must performe those duties , vvhich in the same vvord are prescribed : vnlesse vve vvill despise , both the will , and word of God. All these points hang together , euery one vpon another , by an indissoluble Chaine . So that the vvhole consequence of all Religion , dependeth altogether vpon the prouing , and approuing of this first proposition , That there is a God. 3. But this point can neuer vnto any good effect , be either proued by me , or approued by you , vvithout Gods speciall grace , and blessing vpon vs both . For it is very true , vvhich Plato affirmeth , Hoc nemo docebit , nisi Deus adiuuerit No man can euer teach it , if God himselfe doe not assist it . And therefore Theodoret in his Sermons De Providentia , beginneth his ninth Sermon , vvith an holy inuocation , Prouidentia illa , quam impij oppugnant , in auxilium vocata ; calling to his assistance , in his fighting against Atheists , the same diuine prouidence , vvhich they so fight against . And so likevvise doth Epiphanius , in the beginning of his vvorkes : Valde time● , vt qui moliar opus non vulgare , et invoco ipsum sanctum Deum , &c. I ●ndertake no vulgar vvorke ; and therefore inuocate the holy God , to send his heauenly light into my minde &c. And Nazianzen , in one of his Orations , prescrib's it for a rule , that , Quis quis vel orationem aliquam , vel negotium auspicatur , non alium meliorē , commodior emque ordinem , tenere potest , quam vt a Deo incipiat , et , in Deo conquiescat . Whosoeuer doth beginne any solemne Oration , or any other kind of negotiation , he cannot possibly obserue any better order , then both to take his beginning from God , and to make his ending in God. And herein , it is a matter of very vvorthy obseruation , to note ( in this point ) the pietie , euen of the very Heathen : of their Poets , Orators , and Philosophers : hovv all of them doe auspicate the beginning of their vvorks , vvith prayers and invocations vnto their Gods. Let me giue you an instance or tvvo , to this purpose . For Poets vve see it euidently both in Aratus , among the Greekes ; and Virgil , among the Latin's ; that both of them beginne their Poems , vvith Ab Ioue principium — With Ioue the Muses must begin , in plaine and expresse termes . And there is nothing more familiar amongst all the rest , then still , with the proposition of their worke , to ioyne some invocation vnto their Gods , or Muses . For Orators , Pericles ( amongst the Greek's ) in all his Orations , was wont still to make a prayer for good and prosperous successe . And the same we may see likewise in the Orator Demosthenes , how in that weighty cause , his Oration De Corona , he beganne it with a prayer for a fauourable audience . Deos De●sque omnes precor , &c. And Plinie Iunior , amongst the Latin's , in his Panegyrical Oration vnto the Emperor Traian , reporteth ; that it was not onely an ordinary custome , but also a religious institution of the Romanes , That they should beginne with prayer , not onely , in all their ciuil affaires , but also in all their solemne Orations . Yea and Protagoras ( though by some esteemed an Atheist ) yet he maketh Precationem , cationem , to be one of the essentiall parts of an Oration . Yea , and so did also diuers other Orators beside him , as Laertius reporteth : but he maketh prayer to be the first of them in order . And for Philosophers , Plato reporteth the same of the Athenians , which Plinie before did of the Romans , that they ordain'd a law , to inioyne their Philosophers , to beginne all their disputations with prayers . Tua interest , ô Timae , invocatis ( secundùm legem ) Dijs , disputationem exordiri . It is your part ( ô Timaeus ) by calling vpon the Gods ( as is appointed in our Lawes ) To giue a beginning to our intended disputation . And againe , in the same Booke . Deum nunc disputationis servatorem in primis oremus . God is the true maintayner ( and , as it were , the moderator ) of this our disputation : and therefore , first of all , let vs call vpon him . Yea and Tullie ( among the Latin's ) in his second Booke De Legibus , beginneth there his Treatise with invocation vpon the Gods. A Dijs immortalibus sunt nobis agenda primordia : citing for his defense , the fore-cited religious example of Aratus . And this his pious imitation , is , in the same place , very greatly approued , by his Brother Quintus . Yea and Xenophon generally prescribeth Omnem a Dijs actionem auspicari oportere : That euery humane act ought alwayes to make his beginning with God. Yea and Theodectus likewise ; vnto the same purpose A Dijs initium sumere omne conuenit . It is alwayes fitting , to take from God our beginning . Which Pietie of the Heathens , will , out of doubt , condemne the impietie of vs Chr●stians , if in our like businesses , we vse not the like Godlines . Now , if we ought to sanctifie our ingresse , with our prayers , in all our other attempts of importance : then ought we , most of all , to call vpon God , when we come to dispute of the nature of God : which is an attempt of the greatest importance . And therefore Plato beginneth that his weighty disputation , wherein he sought to proue that there is a God , by inuocating the helpe and assistance of God. Agè igitur , nunc , magis quàm vnquàm , Deum omni studio invocemus , cùm Deos esse diligenter demonstrare conemur . Let vs now , most of all , implore the helpe of God , when we goe about to show and to proue , There is a God : because this can neuer be learned , if God himselfe doe not teach it . For , as light ( saith Philo Iudaeus ) cannot be showen by any other meanes , but onely by his owne naturall shining and brightnes : so God ( who is the true light ) can neuer be knowne of vs , vnlesse he doe manifest himselfe vnto vs. And therefore ( as Plutarch hath very well obserued ) Cùm omnia bona sint a Dijs immortalibus petenda , tum maximè Deorum ipsorum cognitio . As all other good things ought only to be begged , by Prayer , at Gods hands : so chiefely and principally the knowledge of God : which is the very chiefest & principallest good : quo neque maius Homo accipere , neque dignius homini Deus ipse dare potest . Then which neither man can receiue any greater , nor yet God himselfe bestow any better : as it followeth in the same place . Now it is Aristotles owne collection ; that , if God be the Giuer of the lesser goods , then must he needs much more be the Giuer of the greater . Si quod aliud est munus Deorum hominibus , consentaneum est rationi , & felicitatem a Dijs ipsis dari : et eò quidem magis quò caeteris humanis donis est praestabilius . If God hath giuen any other good gift vnto men , it standeth with all reason that felicitie it selfe must also be of his donation . And that so much the rather because it is more excellent then any other . Nam ipsum bonorum omn●um Authorem ( saith Plato ) cur non etiam maximi boni causam arbitrabimur ? For why should we not iudge , that he , who is the author of all good , should specially be the giuer of the greatest good ? Which Religious is admonition I thought good to premise vnto the Treatise following , to work● thereby , in my Reader some touch of religion : that as well he in reading , as my selfe in writing , by inuocating diuine grace , might haue Gods holy blessing shed out vpon our labours . Without which if any man dispose himselfe to reading , affying onely vpon his owne wit & vnderstanding ; it will be the next way to frustrate and make voyd , both all my paines , and his . For then , I shall say nothing so consonant vnto reason , which ( by the conceit of a strange reason ) he will not seeke to euerte ; yea and take a pride too in it . But , if in a godly humilitie , and with a Christian studie , he prepare himselfe to reade , seeking only to edifi ▪ himselfe in the truth , and following that good counsell , which S. Herom prescribeth , Orationi lectio , lectioni succedat oratio : Let reading succeed prayer , & prayer succeed reading ; then , I doubt not , but by this my poore labour and indeauour , both he may reape great profit , & my selfe receiue great comfort . For ( as Boetius obserueth in this very case ) Sil vltra se humanitas nequit ascendere ; quantum imbecillitas subtrah●t vota suppl bunt . Since humanitie cannot possibly ascend aboue it selfe , let that which is wanting in our infirmitie , be supplied by our pietie . 4. So that all the hope of good and prosperout successe , in the proofe of this fi●st position , dependeth especially vpon the Readers disposition . It will be a worke , to me either easie , or difficult , to proue There is a God , as the Reader is prepared , or vnprepared to receiue it . To him that is disposed to beleeue it , there is nothing more easie to be proued : to him it will be Facile , veritatem han● ostendere , Quòd Dijsunt : as Plato truly noteth . But to him that will deny it , there is nothing more hard and difficult . Seneca indeede , in his Booke De Prouidentia , maketh no great accompt of difficultie in this Argument . Faciam reni non difficilem ( saith he ) causam Deorum agenti . I shall vndertake a Worke of no difficult performance , to proue , that the world is ruled by Gods prouidence . And it is true in very deed , as the case then stood with him . For to him that yeildeth , that There is a God ; though he denie his Gouerning of the world , ( as the Epicure doth , against whom hee there writeth ) it is no great masterie , to demonstrate Diuine Prouidence : and so , from that which he granteth , to inforce what he denieth : because Prouidence ( in the order of our vnderstanding ) is a Consequent vnto diuine essence naturally inhering in it , as in his proper subiect . Now Consequents are easily proued : because they haue their Antecedents . But to him that denyeth , that There is a God ( as the Atheist doth , against whom I doe write ) it is a thing not very easie : but he may iustly vse a cleane contrarie Exordium : Fa ci● m rem haud ●acilem ▪ Deorum causam agam . For this is not a Conclusion but a Principle : yea , and that the very first of all other Principles . For as God him selfe is prima veritas : so this position of him is primum verum , that , There is a God. Now Principles , in all Arts , are most difficult to be proued : because they haue not Antecedents , being Prima of themselues ; yea and immediate propositions , which haue no Media to make them conclusions , no not in the most Demonstratiue scientificall Syllogismes : but shine onely by their owne light : and therefore be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , That is , truths of such dignitie , estimation , & credit , that euen for themselues , they ought to be beleeued . Such as , in Geometrie , that ; T●tum est maius qualibet sua parte : in Arithmetique , that ; Ab aequalibus si aequalia demas , remanentia erunt aequ li● : in Christianitie , that ; Christ Iesus came into the world , onely to saue sinners . Of which position , Th' Apostle there affirmeth , that It is both a true saying , and by all meanes worthy to bee receiued . It is both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both sermo fidelis , and fide dignus : and so , a true patterne of a Theological axiome . And such is also this our present position , that There is a God. A truth of such clearenes , as is worthy to be receiued : but yet ( euen for the clearenes ) the lesse able to be proued : as Clemens Alexandrinus expressely affirmeth . Est haec de Deo oratio omnino difficillima : quoniam cuiusuis rei principium est inventu difficillimum : Th●s our discourse of God is of all other the most diffic●lt , b●cause the first principle in all things is the hardest to be found out : adding ( for this principle , as concerning God ) that it is omnino primum & antiquissimum principium , ( et ideo ) difficillimum ad demonstrandum : the first and most ancient principle , and therefore of all other the most indemonstrable . For all Principles being Prima , and Notissima of themselues , are thereby made in ●emonstrable : because whatsoeuer can be brought to proue them , must needs be obscure and posteriour vnto them . And therefore , for the admitting of Principles in all Arts , if the learner be so dull , as not to perceiue the certaine truth of them , and so doe stragger in beleeuing them , the Teacher yet must begge of him , that he will admitt them : because otherwise he cannot goe on in his teaching . Whereby ( through the dulnesse of many learners ) the first principles of Arts , which in themselues be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet become vnto such , but onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , Things graunted , but vpon ●urtesie , not yeelded vpon nec●ssitie . This the Orator obserueth to be true in Geometrie . Solent Geometrae , non omni● decere , sed quaedam p●stul●re , vt sibi concedantur , quò faciliùs quae volunt explicent : It is the custome of Geom●tricians , not to teach all their doctrines , but to entreate that certaine of th●m may be yeelded vnto them , that so they may the better demonstrate the rest . And th'Apostle insinuateth it likewise to be true in Diuinitie . For in the Epistle to the Hebre●es , he setteth downe these for two Diuinitie-Principles : That there is a God ; and That he is the rewarder of them that seeke him . Which two postulata , if they be not , at the first , presumed by the Hearer , and granted to the Teacher , there cannot possibly be any proceeding vnto the other grounds and rules of Religion . And therefore he telleth vs , that Whosoeuer will come vnto God , hee first must both beleeue , That God is : and that he is a rewarder of those that seeke him . And if these two be not graunted , all is brought vnto a stand : there can then be no proceeding , neither in teaching ; nor in learning : as euen Tullie sheweth most plainely in this very Case : Where he is forced to begge this postulatum of Atticus : That the world is ●uled and guided by Prouidence : that so he may lay a ground for the following disputation , which , without yeelding of this , could not possibly be done . Dasne igitur hoc nobis , Pomponi , Naturam omnem di●initùs regi ? Do sanè si postulas , saith he . O Pomponius , doe you then grant thus much vnto vs , that the nature of all things is ruled by some God ? I verily ( saith he ) will grant it if you will but desire it . 5. But here it may be obiected : Why then should I take vpon me to proue it , if it be , in nature , such as cannot be proued ? This must needs proue all my labour to be clearely lost : especially the Aduersarie being so hard and refractarie , and so vtterly obfirmed , to denie it , as it must needs be with the Atheist : who cannot yeeld vnto this our position , without betraying the very fortresse of his owne Irreligion . But vnto this Obiection I answere , out of the Philosopher : That , there be two kindes of Demonstrations , or proofes . The one is a demonstrating of Causes by their effects : which is a proofe drawne a posteriori , and is called by Aristotle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Only a declaring that such a thing is thus and thus , without rendring any reason , or alledging any cause . The other is a demonstrating of the Effects by their Causes : Which is a proofe A priori , and is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a declaring why such a thing is thus and thus , and thus : rendring for it a good reason , and alledging a true cause . By this latter kind of Demonstration , which sheweth Propter quid sit , the Principles cannot be proued : they cannot be demonstrated , A causa , and A Priori ; because they haue no prior or superior cause ; being the prime causes themselues . But by the former Demonstration , which sheweth onely Quòd sit , they may well enough be proued : they may be proued , Ab Effectu , and Aposteriori : which is better knowne to sense , though the other be to Reason ; better knowne to vs though the other be to Nature . To make this plaine , by a familiar example , for the better information of the simple : That the Fire is hot , is a Physical Principle : Of which though no man can giue a true cause or good reason , Why it should be so ; yet may euery man demonstrate , and make it plaine , that it is so . Though no man can tell the cause , Why the Fire is hot , yet may euery man shew by the effects , that ( surely ) it is hot ; because it warmeth , heateth , burneth . And so it is likewise , in this our present instance . Though no man can proue A caus● , why there should be a God ; yet may euery man collect Ab Effectu , That there is a God : by that Wisedome , which we see to haue beene in the Making ; that Order , in the Gouerning ; and that Goodnes , in the preseruing and maintayning of the World. All which argue as effectually , That there needs must be a God , as either Warming or Burning , That the Fire must needs be hot . Now these posterior Arguments , though they be not so strongly concludent , as the former ; yet are they sufficient to carry the matter . For , as Aristotle himselfe noteth : Mathematica certitudo non est in omnibus quaerenda : Mathematical certitudes are not required in all matters . And he practiseth according to his rule , in his Ethicks : holding it sufficent ( in matter of Moralitie ) to giue Rules , which holde not alwayes vpon necessitie ; but , for the most part , or more commonly . Then much lesse is it needfull , in matter of Diuinitie , to bring such inuincible demonstrations , as reiect all haesitations . Especially not in this case : which hath layd his foundation , neither in sense , nor in science but meerely in beleef . Which ( as Clemens Alexandrinus noteth , ) being founded but vpon the bare authoritie of Gods word ; yet begetteth ( in this point ) a farre more cleare vnderstan●ing , then can be wrought in vs , by any demonstration . Neque scientia accipitur demonstratiua : ea enim ex prioribus constat , et ex notioribus : Nihil autem est ante ingenitum . Restat itaque , vt diuina gratia , et solo , quod ab eo proficiscitur , verbo , id , quod est ignotum , intelligamus . There is here no demonstratiue knowledge to be had : for that ariseth from those things , which are both before , and better knowne then that which we demonstrate . But before that , which is it selfe without all generation , there cannot possibly be any thing . It therefore remayneth , that by the virtue of Gods heauenly grace , and of his diuine word , we come to know euery thing , which before was vnknowne . So that Demonstrations are here vnproper and vnprofitable . And therefore , I desire that aequanimitie of my Readers , which Tullie ( out of Plato ) doth of his ; euen in this very case : that Si for●è de Deorum natura ortúque mundi disserentes , minùs id quod h●be●●us animo cons●qu●mur ; vt tota dilucidè & planè ex●rnata oratio sibi constet , et ex ●mnipar●e secum consentiat ; haud sanè erit mirum , contentique esse d●bebitis si probabilia dicentur . Aequum est enim , meminisse et me , qui disseram , hominem esse , e● v●s qui iudicetis : vt si probablilta diceniur , ●e quid vltra requiratis : If haply in speaking of the nature of God , and of the original of the world , I cannot attaine that , which I propounded , and desired ; that my whole discourse be both familiar , and eloquent , and cohaerent ; it is no great meruaile , and you ought to be content , if I write but what is probable . For it is fit you should remember that , I which write , am but a man , and that you who reade , are but men yourselues . And therefore , if I bring you but probable reasons , you ought not to exacte any more at my hands . For in this case , it is sufficient to obtaine the cause , if those Arguments , which we bring to proue There is a God , be of greater certaintie , strength , and consequence , then those which the Atheist bringeth , to proue There is no God. Which , I hope , shall be made euident , in the eight and last Booke . CHAP. 2. 1. What manner of Authorities be the weightiest in this case . 2. That , they may not here be vsed . 3. How yet , they be here vsed . 4. What be the most proper , in respect of the Aduersaries . 5. Why they be more proper then any other . IT is good in all causes , for euery man , to vnderstand , not only his aduantages , but also his disuantages : lest expecting greater matters then the cause will affoord , he be needlesly offended , when his expectation is destituted . The Cause here in quaestion betweene Atheists , and Christians , hath two great disuantages . The first of them is this ; that by the clearenes of the Position now called into quaestion , Whether there be a God ; we are cut off , from the strongest kinde of our Arguments , which containe the causes of their owne Conclusions : as I haue already shewed in the former Chapter . The second , that ( by the infidelitie of the Aduersarie ) we are likewise cut off , from our weightiest Testimonies : as I purpose to shew in this . The weightiest Testimonie that can be brought , in this cause , to proue , There is a God , is to produce ( for the proofe of it ) the Testimonie of God , speaking in his owne word . This is proper , this is naturall , this is truly inhaering in the very marrow of the cause . None other in the world can haue aequal authoritie . And though the Pharises obiected against our Sauiour Christ , that his Testimonie was not trne ; because he testified of himselfe : yet he answered them truly againe vnto that , that it was no good consequent : but that , though he testified of himselfe , yet his testimonie was true . For what can possibly be true , if the Testimonie of Truth be not ? Christ is the truth it selfe : and so likewise is God : yea and so likewise is his word . Sanctifie them with thy Truth : Thy word is Truth . It is not true in Concreto , but , Truth it selfe in Abstracto , without mixture of any thing , but onely pure and simple Truth . And therefore ( as Saluianus very truly collecteth ) Necesse est , quicquid incorrupta veritas loquitur , incorruptum sit Testimonium veritatis : It must needs be a Testimonie of vncorrupted Truth , that commeth out of the mouth of Truth . So that ( as Clemens Alexandrinus affirmes ) Fide dignus est Deus , qui sua annunciet : God is a credible witnesse , though he testifie for himselfe . Nay ( as Philo Iudaeus addeth ) Deus solus est idoneus , qui de seipso pronunciet ; God is the onely fit witnesse , to testifie of himselfe . For , Cui potius quisquam credat , quàm Deo ? saith euen the heathen man Xenophon : Is there any man in the world , whom a man ought rather to credit then God ? That were vtterly absurd . And therefore ( as Clemens Alexandrinus addeth , in the fore alledged place ) Est ergo hoc credendum , ex Platonis quoque sententia , etiamsi absque probabilibus , aut necessarijs demonstraionib●s , per vetus et per nouum Testamentum praedicetur : We ought to giue credit vnto this , euen by the opinion of Plato himselfe , not expecting either necessarie or probable demonstrations , though it be but only testified by the old and new Testaments . Nay these two be indeed the onely fit testimonies , that can be brought in this case . Non enim relictum est hominum eloquijs de rebus Dej , praeterquàm sermo Dej : saith S. Hilarie : There is left vnto men , none other fit Testimonie for the things of God , but only the holy word of God. Reliqua omnia ( saith he ) & arcta sunt , et conclusa , et impedita , et obscur● : All things else , whatsoeuer , sauing only the holy Scripture , are both straight , and scant , and intricate , and obscure . And therefore it is a very good course , whereunto Orosius directeth vs : Ab ipso audias , ipsique Deo credas , quod verum velis scire de Deo : We must heare , & beleeue God , if we will know that truth , which belongeth vnto God. 2. And yet these weighty and important Testimonies of God , and of his word , so proper , and natural vnto this cause , we may here in no case vse : because they be not allowed by the Atheists , our Aduersari●s . For they , as they denie that There is a God ; so doe they denie likewise that The Scripture is his word . Nay they must doe this , by consequence . For , if they doe grant , that The Scripture is Gods word ; they doe contradict themselues , if they say There is a God. And therefore , they doe cast God , and his holy word , both together , out of doores , as meere fables and deuises : affirming directly of the holy Scriptures , that they be not Diuinae , sed H●manae voces ; ( as is affirmed by Lactantius ) They be not ( say they ) the Oracles of God , but the inventions of men . Yea and they haue no better opinion euen of those Treatises of the Heathen , which are written of God , and of his religion ( as Macrobius likewise reporteth of them : ) Epicureorum tota factio , aequo semper errore , a vero deuia , et illa aestimans ridenda quae nesciunt , Sacrum volumen , et augustissima irrisit Naturae seria : The whole faction of prophane and vnholy Epicures , erring aequally from all truth , and commonly scorning those things which they know not , doe vsaully deride , both all the holy Scripture , and also the most serious and important works of Nature . Which peruersenes of theirs so greatly offended the learned father Saluianus , that he will not vouchsafe to dispute the matter with them : chusing rather to leaue them in their owne infidelitie then to cast away his paynes vpon them vnprofitably . Si cum Christianis ago , probaturum me quod ago , non dubito . Si autem cum Paganis , probare contemno . Non quia de ficiam in probatione ; sed quia profuturum , quod loquor , esse , despero . Infructuosus est quippe , et inanis labor , vbi non recipit probationem prauus aud●tor . If I haue to doe with Christians , I shall quickly proue the cause : But if with infidels and Pagans , I scorne to lose my paynes . Not that I am in doubt to be defectiue in my proofe , but that I am out of doubt not to speake vnto their profit . For it needs must be an idle and vnprofitable labour , when the proofe is not receiued by the euill disposed Auditor . This was the resolution of that learned Father . But it is not mine . I purpose not , in this cause , to be so peremptory with them : but to win them as I can , both by disputing , & perswading . And therefore , the best way of preuailing with them , will be , onely to vrge such Arguments vnto them , as haue passage amongst them ; and such Authorities , as haue some credit with them . Now , that hath not the Scripture , as you heard before . And therefore , in this case , we must not proue by Scripture , that That is a God : For that would be but a foolish kinde of proofe . It would be meerely idle , to call vpon our Aduersaries to heare an Argument , from Authoritie : and then to cite such Testimonies , as with them haue none authoritie : This would make the cause ridiculous . But if we wil preuaile either with them , or against them , we must bring only such authorities , as with them haue credit and reputation , that is , not the testimonie of the holy Scriptures , but rather the testimonie of prophane and Heathen Writers ; whom , they wholy accepting in all other matters , cannot wholy reiect in this . And therefore Lactantius reproueth S. Cyprian , as being greatly ouerseene , that in his disputation with Demetrian , an Heathen , he would seeke to confute him by the Authority of Scriptures : whom he should haue confuted by Philosophers , and Histories , and by naturall Reasons . Qua materia non est vsus , vt debuit ( saith he : ) Non enim Scripturae testimonijs ( quam ille vtique vanam , fictam , commentitiam putabat ) sed argumentis , et ratione fuerat refellendus : Cyprian handled not his matter , as he ought to haue done . For he should not haue confuted him by the testimonie of Scriptures ( which he held for vaine , and idle , and meerely commentitious : ) but rather by the strength of Arguments , and Reasons . And againe a little after . Huic oportebat quia nondùm potu●t capere diuinae , priùs humana offerre testimonia , id est , Philosophorum , et Historicorum , vt suis potissimùm refutaretur Authoribus : He ought not , vnto him to haue alledged any Diuine authorities , but onely humaine : because he was as then vncapable of them : that so he might conuince his errors , by the credit and authoritie of his owne proper authors , that is , Philosophers , and Historians . Yea , and this his castigation of the blessed Martyr Cyprian , is approued by S. Hierome , as a iust and deserued one . Where he prooueth by the practice of a cloude of Witnesses , both of Greeke and Latin Fathers , that it is more proper and naturall , to confute all kinde of Heathens , by the testimonie of their owne writers , then by the authoritie of the Scriptures : because , with those men , these haue small authoritie , or none . And therefore , saith Iustin Martyr , euen in this very case : Non ex diuinis historijs nostris , haec probare aggrediar , quibus vos nondum ( propter inveteratum in animis vestris Maiorum vestrorum errorem ) fidem adhibere vultis : sed ex vestrarum ( nihil ad nostram Religionem pertin●ntium ) literarum monumentis . I will not proue these things vnto you , out of our owne writers , which you doe but smally credite ( through an errour implanted in you by your Ancestors ) but I will proue it vnto you , out of your owne Authors , which are no way partiall vnto the faith of Christians . And Lactantius likewise , vnto the same purpose . Omittamus Testimonia Prophetarum , nè minùs idonea probat●o videatur , ab hijs quibus omninò non credit●r . Veni●mus ad Authores ; & eos ipsos , ad veri probationem , testes citemus , quibus contra n●s vti solent ; Poëtas dico , ac Philosophos . Let vs leaue the Testimonies of the holy Prophets : because they will carrie no fit probation , especially vnto such as distrust and discredite them . Let vs therefore come vnto their owne Authors ; and vse those men as witnesses for the Truth , whom they commonly doe cite and produce against the truth : I meane , their Poets , and their Philosophers . And againe in an other place . Neque nunc Prophetas in testimonium vocabo : sed eos potiùs , quibus istos , qui respuunt veritatem , credere sit necesse . I will not , as now , cite the testimonie of the Prophets : but rather of such Authors , as those men , which refuse the truth , yet haue no power to refuse . So that , neither the testimonie of God , nor of his word ; though they haue in themselues the greatest strength of probation , yea and be most incomparably beyond all exception ; yet may be vsed by vs , in this our disputation : vnlesse we would propine , both our selues , and our cause , vnto open and iust derision . And therefore , whosoeuer will either conuert , or confute the Atheists , he must vse such Authorities , as haue some authoritie with them , not such , as be derided , or reiected by them ; such as be , both the Prophets and Apostles , and all other holy Writers , all Christian Diuines , and generally , all Christi●ns . For all these , in this cause , are suspected by the Atheists , as parciall and inclining witnesses . So that , by the weakenesse of our Aduersaries : wee are forced to forbeare the strongest of our Authorities : and ( after the Apostles practice ) to feede them with their owne milke , rather then with our strong meate ; because , as yet , they bee not able to beare it . Not with the strong meate of the Scriptures , though that were better for them : but with the milke of their owne writers , because this is fitter for them . Ista quidem meliùs , Divinis edita libris , Cognoscenda forent ; vbi Legis in aequore aperto , Promptum esset , ventis dare libera vela secundis . Sed quoniam rudibus metus est intrare profundum , In tenui primùm discant procurrere rivo . Saith Prosper . This Subiect better seem's from sacred writ To spring , and better thence t' haue learned it : Where in the Lawes broad Sea , with wind and tyde , Ther 's happier saile , then any where beside . But cause to ruder Novices , it is , A province full of fearefulnes , I wis , Into the great vast deepe to venture out ; Some shallow Riuer , let them coast about , And by a small Boate , learne they first , and marck , How they may come to manne a greater Bark . 3. And yet haue I here vsed them , both frequently , and largely : but not so much vpon hope to doe any great good vpon the Atheist with them , by pressing directly their Authoritie vnto him , as indirectly to grow somewhat vpon him , by an Artificiall circumduction of him : and that by these two reasons following . First , because of my often allegation of the holy Scriptures consenting so fully with other Heathen writers , the Atheist may the better be able to discerne ; that there is an vniuersall agreement , and a generall consent of the whole world , against him ; both of Christians , Iewes , and Pagans : and thereby see more plainely , his owne nakednes and pouertie ; how bare , and weake , yea how desolate he is , and vtterly forsaken , both of God , and men : and by that meditation , be more easily drawne , to apprehend the singular follie of that his singular opinion : which hath made him such a spectacle , both to Angels , God , and Men : as it were some vncouth monster . And so indeed he is . For , Magnum est ipse prodigium , qui , mundo credente , non credit ( saith S. Augustine ) He is ( surely ) some great Monster , that will abide in Atheisme , when he seeth the whole world to beleeue , beside him . So that , in this respect , the allegation of the Scriptures , will not be meerely idle , towards the very Atheists . No , nor yet in an other : which is the second reason of my so frequent alledging them . And that is , because the holy Scriptures ( beside that diuine authoritie , which is naturally inhaerent in them ) doe oft-times , carry also great strength of reason with them : which inforce many points more strongly and effectually , against the Atheists , then the acutest reasons , brought by any of the Philosophers . As that of the Psalmist , for the proofe of Gods omniscience : and that he needs must ( of congruitie ) both heare , and see all things . He that planted the Eare , shall he not heare ? and he that formed the Eye , shall he not see ? What Philosopher in the world could more necessarily conclude , from the true and proper causes of the conclusion , then the Scripture here hath done ? And diuers such places of the holy Scriptures , the Reader shall meete with , throughout this whole Treatise ; which presse , yea , and euen oppresse , the Atheists with the weight of their Reason : howsoeuer the weight of their Authoritie be eleuated by them . For though those sacred Authors haue but small authoritie with Atheists , speaking as meere Witnesses : yet , when their Testimonies carry with them also reasons , those reasons must be answered , if they will defend their cause . And if they cannot answer them , they must then yeeld vnto them : which is the second reason of my so often citing them . Now vnto these two reasons , in respect of the Atheists , I may also adde a third , in respect of Christians . And that is , that by this allegation of Scriptures , & other the most learned Ecclesiasticall Writers , euen Christians themselues will be the better confirmed , in those points of Christian Faith , which are by them affirmed . For when they see these doctrines ▪ which are chiefly here prooued by naturall reasons , and by Heathen mens authorities ; yet not to rest wholly and onely vpon them ; but to be such , as haue both Scriptures , & Fathers to approue them ; it must needes much confirme them in their receiued Faith : yea , and that a great deale more , for the simple authority of the Scriptures themselues , then for the strongest reasons of all the learnedest Philosophers . For this Authority alone , without any reason , ouer-swayeth both all their reasons & authorities together ; though they were a thousand more : becaus● , Humana dicta argumentis et testibus egent ; De● autem sermo est ipse sibi testis ( as it is well obserued by Saluianus : ) The word of a man standeth neede to be fortified , both by arguments , and witnesses ; but the word of God , is a witnes to 〈◊〉 . And therefore , as in the same place , he very truely collecteth , Non necesse est , vt argumentis probetur , quod , hoc ipso , quia a Deo dicitur , comprobat●r : That needeth no other arguments to proue it , which is proued sufficiently , ●ecause God hath said it . 4 And yet the Authority of Gods word , as great as it is , is the little enough with Atheists : in whose foolish opinion , the testimony of the holy Apostles , or Prophets , haue a great deale lesse credit , then the testimony of the Heathen Philosophers , and Poets . And therefore , in our disputation against them , we must omit the former , and onely vse these latter ; if we will doe good vppon them : as Claudius Victor very wisely aduiseth ; ascribing , by one instance a Rule of proceeding , in euery like case . Posse Deum , quicquid fieri non posse putatur , Ipsorum ratione proba , qui credere nolunt . That God can that , that 's thought it cannot be , Pro●e this by their owne saw's , that will not see . According to which rule , Eusebius fram'd his practise . Suis testibus , Gentes , non argumentis nostris , confundere instituimus . I will confute the Gentils , not by the Argument of Christians , but by the testimony of Pagans . Yea , and euen the holy Ghost himselfe , hath taken also the same course , disputing against the Heathens , by the Testimony and Authority of their owne Heathen Writers ; in three seuerall places : Yea , and in the last of them , hee honoureth a Poet , with the name of a Prophet . Not that he thought him so ; but because they esteemed him so : inforcing so , his testimony , the more strongly against them , from that credit and authority , which themselues ascribe vnto him . 5 Then , the reasons , why in this our disputation against Atheists , wee must vse the testimony of Heathen-Writers , and not of holy Scriptures , bee both many and weighty . First , because in euery disputation , both the disputants must consent , in two generall agreements : else they can neuer bring the matter , then in question , vnto determination . The first of them , is this : That they must both agree in certaine grounds and principles , which are common vnto both . For , as two cannot talke together , vnlesse they haue some one common language , which they both vnderstand : so cannot two dispute together , except they haue some one common principle , in which they both consent . Now those principles and grounds , must not be principles of Religion ; but of Reason . Not of Religion ; because that is proper , but vnto the one part : but yet of Reason ; because that is common vnto them both . The second generall agreement , wherein they must consent , is , Who shall be their Iudge , and vnto whom they will submit , and vnto whose decision they will referre all their Question , as to a man impartiall , and indifferent betweene them ? Now that cannot be the Scripture : but it must be Heathen Writers . To the Scriptures , the Atheist will neuer submit ; because then his cause is lost : but to the Heathens , the Christian may submit ; and yet his cause be gained . For , the truth that is spoken by the most heathenish of the Heathens , yet can neuer bee repugnant to the truth of the Scriptures . Two lies and vntruthes , may contrary one another ; but two truthes can neuer . So then , the Heathens being made Iudges of this cause , and admitted , as indifferent , by consent of both parties ; there can no other testimonies be so apt , and so proper , to inforce a conclusion , as those that be produced from the writings of the Heathen . Secondly , because the writings of the Heathens ( beside the great credit , and authority which they haue with our Aduersaries ) haue also greater store of artificiall Arguments , to satisfie both naturall reason , and sense : Whereas Scripture , for the most part , presseth rather the Conscience , by virtue of that diuine authority , which it hath naturally in it , then leadeth our science , by argument out of it . Sometimes it also argueth , and that very excellently , as before I haue instanced : but this very rarely , relying most commonly vpon his owne natiue authority . Thirdly , because ( if we seeke to conuert Atheists ) the testimony of their owne Writers haue with them farre greater force and power of perswasion , then the Testimony of the Scriptures , be they neuer so plaine . And therefore ( saith Tertullian ) that De suis instrumentis , secularia pr●bari , necesse est . Yea , and improbari too : Whether we would approue , or reproue the opinion of the Heathens , we shall doe it most effectually out of their owne writings . For , firmum est genus probationis ( saith Nouatian ) quod ab ipso Aduersario sumitur , vt veritas , ab ipsis inimicis veritatis , probetur : It is a very forcible kinde of proofe , which is drawne from the Aduersarie himselfe , when the truth is prooued by them that oppose the truth . Not that the Atheists do giue credit to the Heathens , any more then to vs Christians , in their direct assertion and affirmation of God , ( for therein they hold vs both to bee equally vnequall vnto their cause , and indifferently vn-indifferent vnto themselues ; ) but yet in their Axioms , belonging to Philosophy , and to other humane Arts , they will beleeue them readily , as being Maisters in those Sciences . From which ( notwithstanding ) it will follow as necessarily , that there needes must bee A God , as if they had affirmed it , in direct and expresse words ; as I purpose ( God willing ) to make plaine , in the second of these Bookes . Fourthly , because ( if we seeke to confute the Atheists ) the testimonies of the Heathens are the fittest meanes ; that so we may , eos suorum testimonijs reuincere , ( as Lactantius aduiseth vs ) conuince them by their owne authorities : which is the strongest conuiction , that can fall vpon them : as is truely obserued , by S. Chrysostome ; Tunc illos maxime reuincimus , cum suorum , in eos , dicta retorquemus ; we do most forcibly conuince them , when we can retort their owne saying against them : alledging this for the reason , why the Apostle confuteth them rather by their owne Poets , then by the holy Scriptures . And therefore ( saith Lactantius , in another place ) that it is , satis firmum testimonium , ad probandam veritatem , quod ab ipsis perhibetur inimicis : It is a sound argument , for the prouing of the truth , which is fetcht from the enemies of the truth . Yea , though it were but a weake one , in it selfe ; as the Orator obser●●th in the very like case ; Tuum testimonium , quod , in altenare , leve est ; id , in tua , quoniam contrate est , grauissimum esse debet . Thy testimony ( saith he ) which is but light and friuolous , in another mans cause ; yet is weighty in thine owne , when it is against thy selfe . So that ( as Tertullian obserueth ) Ex aemulis nonnunquam testimonium , sumere , necessarium est , si non aemulis prosit . Sometimes to deriue a testimony from the mouth of the aduersary , is an excellent help when it makes against the Aduersarie . For to confute Atheists by their owne proper Authors , is to cut off Goliah's head , with his owne proper sword : which is of all other the most grieuous kinde of wound . Whereas , to confute them by the authority of Scripture , were , in effect , no better , then to cast holy things vnto Dogs , and precious pearles before Hogs , which tread them vnder foote . And therefore , I haue chosen to fight against the Atheists , the ●ighters against God , not with a chosen company of Apostles , and Prophets ( who are too worthy persons to stirre their least finger , for such vnworthy Aduersaries , which so contemne their holy writings ) but rather with a company of Infidels , and Heathens . By whom , notwithstanding , I hope ( God assisting ) to cut in sunder that band of prophane and wicked Atheists , which band themselues against heauen and against God himselfe . For , as God himselfe once compelled the wicked Aegyptians , by flyes , and frogs , and grashoppers , and other such like contemptible wormes , to confesse the power of his diuine Maiestie ; not vouchsafing to adact them by any other of his creatures , more generous and worthy : so will we likewise compell these vngodly Atheists , to confesse , There is a God , by the arguments and testimonies of the Heathen Philosophers ; not vouchsafing them the writings of the most holy Authors . Which weighty and important reasons , of my so frequent alledging of prophane and Heathen Writers , I request the Christian Reader , to carry along with him , throughout this whole Treatise , for my perpetuall defence . The cause , you see , requireth it : the Aduersary exacteth it . CHAP. 3. That there is an inbred perswasion in the hearts of al men , That there is a God. 2. That this hath beene obserued , by many learned men , among the Heathens . 3. That it hath also beene obserued , by diuers learned Christians . 4. Two notable testimonies out of Tullie ; asserting this perswasion , both vnto all Nations , and vnto all Conditions , and vnto all persons among men . I Haue largely vnfoulded in the two former Chapters , both what manner of Arguments , and what manner of Authorities , are most proper to this cause , and most effectual with our Aduersaries , either to bend them , or to break them . Let vs therfore now , come on to the laying of them open . Now they be of two sorts : they b● either externall or internall Arguments . For as it is true one way , which is obserued by Seneca , that Deus et extra , et intra , ten●t opus suum : that God vpholdeth all his workes , both without them , and within them : so is it also true another way , that , Deus et extra , et intra , tenetur ab opere suo : that God is beheld of all his workes , not onely without them , but also within them : Nature her selfe lending vs light , to see the God of Nature , euen in the most obscure and interior parts of vs. The first Argument then , to proue There is a God , is an internall Argument : and that is taken from a naturall and inbred conclusion , which is generally ingrafted into the hearts of all men ; that surely There is a God. This is the most ancient and generall praenotion , that Nature hath begotten in the mind of a man. Which naturall perswasion , though it be both bred and borne together with vs ; yet must it needs be a syence of Gods owne planting in vs. For if it be true , which is affirmed by Seneca , that , Insita sunt nobis omnium artium semina , sed Magister ex occulto Deus , producit ingenia : That it is God , that hath implanted in the soule of a man , the first seedes and principles of other humane Arts : then must hee needes much more haue implanted in him this first seede and principle of all religion , which is the proper Art of Gods holy worshipping : an Art , of which himselfe is the true and onely Obiect . For Pietas , is nothing else , but onely scientia Diuini cultus : an arte of worshipping God aright , as Zeno rightly defineth it . And therefore , it is not probable , that hee , which hath replenished the soule of a man , with those notions and conceptions , that are the first seedes of all other Arts and Sciences , should onely leaue out that which belongeth to himselfe . But howsoeuer the Atheist be perswaded in this point , that this inward perswasion is implanted by God , or not ; yet can he not deny , but that there is in mans heart such an inward perswasion : because , all the world confesseth it , euery mans experience teacheth it ; and all learned men , both of Christians and Heathens , doe both know , and acknowledge it . 2 Let me giue you some instance for the demonstration of it . Plato , in his tenth Booke De Leg. taking vpon him to prooue by force of Argument , that there needes must be A God ; hee bringeth this , as one principall probation ; that there is , et Graecorum et Barbarorum omnium consensus , Deos esse fatentium : that there is in this point , a generall consent , both of Greekes and Barbarians , that surely , There is a God. And Xenophon , euen in this respect , preferres the soule of a man , before all other creatures : because none of them hath any sense of their Creator ; none of them vnderstandeth , either that there is a God ; or that he is the maker and Creator of the world , or of those great good things which therein are contained . Cuius alterius animalis animus cognoscit , maximarum optimarúmque rerum conditores esse Deos ? Doth the soule of any other thing know God , to be the maker of euery good thing , but only the soule of man ? No ( saith the Aegyptian Philosopher ) Spiritus , de animalibus cunctis , humanos tantùm sensus , ad diuinae rationis intelligentiā exornat , erigit , atque sustollit . Among all other creatures , the spirit of only man is adorned , & erected by the spirit of God , to the knowledge & vnderstanding of Gods diuine wisdome . And so saith the Romane Orator . Ex tot generibus , nullum est animal , praeter hominem , quod habeat notiti●m aliquam Dei : ipsisque in hominibus , n●lla gens est , neque tam immansueta , neque tam fera ; quae non , etiam si ignoret qualem ●abere Deum deceat , tamen habendum sciat . Among so many kindes of seuerall Cre●tures , there is none , but onely man , that hath any sense of God. But , amongst men , there is none so vntractable , and savage , but , though they doe dissent , what , a God they ought to haue , yet they fully doe consent , that a God they ought to haue . There is no other kinde of Creature , that knoweth this point : and yet no kinde at all of men , that are ignorant of it . For , as euen the very Heathen Poet confesseth , — separat haec nos Agrege mutorum ; atque ideo venerabile soli Sortiti ingenium , divinor●mque capaces ▪ Religion 't is , that doth distinguish vs , From brutish Heard . Men onely haue to know ; And can with vnderstanding argue thus , A God there is ; Dumbe creatures cannot so . And this generall perswasion ( as Aristotle affirmeth ) hath alwayes , in all ages , beene carefully implanted into Children , by their parents : to be held ▪ as a most certaine , and infallible truth . Vetus est fama , et haereditaria mortalium omnium ; Omnia , et a Deo , et per Deum , nobis esse constituta : It is an ancient opinion deriued , among all men , from the father to the sonne , that all things are made and ordayned for vs men , both by God , and through God : agreeing very well with that of the Apostle , that , Of him , and through him , and for him , be all things : to him be glorie for euer . Amen . And this , he saith , descendeth , as it were an inheritance , from generation to generation : acknowledging both the antiquitie , and vniuersalitie of it , to be exceeding great , that it is both vetus , and haereditaria omnium ; ancient , and vniuersally haereditary vnto all Men. But yet he restraineth it , to haue had his propagation , but only from Tradition . But Iamblicus asserteth it to an higher condition ; fetching the originall of it further , and affirming it to be a meere impression of nature . Ante omnem rationis vsum , inest , naturaliter insita , Deorum notio : Euen before all vse of reason , the knowledge of God , is naturally ingrafted , into the minde of a man. And therefore it cannot be of Institution , or Tradition . Which yet may further be gathered , by an obseruation of AElian : that though the Greekes ( of all other men ) haue beene commonly most carefull of their Childrens institution ; yet , that moe of the Graecians haue proued notable Atheists , then could euer yet be found among all other nations , though most Barbarous and sauage . Nemo Barbarorum , ad contemptum Deor●m , vnquàm excidit : neque in du●ium vocant , Sintne Dij , an non sint ? et curentnè res humanas , an non ? Nemo , neque Indus , neque Celta , neque AEgyptius , eam cogitationem in animum induxit , quam , vel Euemerus Messenius , vei Dionysius Phryx , vel Hippon , vel Diagoras , vel Socias , vel denique Epicurus . There is none of the Barbarians , that euer yet brake-out , into contempt of the Gods , There is none of them that euer called into quaestion , Whether there be Gods , or no : or whether they regard the things of men , or no ? ( These be the Graecians problemes ) No Indian , No Celt , no AEgyptian , did euer admit any such cogitation , as either Euemerus the Messenian , or Dionysius the Phrygian , or Hippo , or Diagoras , or Sosias ; yea or euen as Epicurus . Whereby it appeareth , that the very Barbarians , which lacke all good instruction ; yet are further from Atheisme , then the Graecians , which haue all . And therefore , it is neither institution , that giueth ; nor lacke of institution that depriueth of Religion : which is nothing else , but a naturall impression ; as immediately giuen , by God , vnto the soule , as the soule is immediately , by God , vnto the body . So that ( as Caecilius very truly affirmeth ) Omnium Gentium , de Dijs immortalibus ( quanvis incertasit vel ratio , vel origo ) manet tamen firma consensio : There is a strong consent , that there needs must be a God , dispersed through all the nations of the world : and yet we cannot vnder stand either the reason , whereupon that consent should be grounded ; or the originall , from whence the same should be raised . But all know , that , so it is : yea , and that , among all Nations . Insomuch , that Seneca expressely pronounceth , that Nulla gens vsquam est , adeò extra leges moresque proiecta , vt non aliquos Deos credat : There is no nation so devoyd both of good Lawes and manners , but that it entertayneth some or other of the Gods. 3 Which generall consent , and agreement of all men , in beleeuing There is a God ; is not onely recorded vnto vs , by the Heathens , but the same hath beene also obserued , euen by Christians . Clemens Alexandrinus directly telleth vs , that , Dei manifestatio erat , apud omnes , omnino naturalis : That the knowledge of God , is naturally ingrafted into the minds of all men : referring the Originall of this generall perswasion ; not , as Aristotle , vnto Tradition : but , as Iambl●●us , vnto Natures information . In which point , Arnobius agreeth fully with him . Quis quamnè est hominum , qui non , cum istius Principis notione , diem primae nativitatis intraverit ? cui non sit ingenitum , non affixum , im● , ipsis poenè in genitalibus matris , non impressum , non insitum ; esse Regem ac Dominum , cunctorum , quaecunque sunt , moderatorem ? Is there any man , that doth not bring a notion of this great Prince , into the world with him ? Is there any man , in whom this is not naturally begotten , to whose brest it is not nayled , nay , in whose heart it is not printed , and ( as it were ) ingrafted , euen whilest he is yet in the bowels of his Mother , that surely there is a King , and a Ruler , who is the Gouernour of all things , all the whole wide world ouer ? Note his earnestnesse in this point , by the multitude of his words , Ingenitum , Affixum , Impressum , Insitum , Inbred , Infixed , Imprinted , Ingrafted . Macarius likewise consenteth with both of them . Absque Scripturis , homines , naturali ratione sola , cognoscunt esse Deum . Men doe know there is a God , euen by naturall reason , of it selfe , though without any testimonies out of the holy Scripture . Haec est enim vis verae diuinitatis ( saith Beda , ) vt Creaturae rationali , iam ratione vtenti , non omninò et penitùs possit abscondi . God the Creator , cannot totally be hid , to any reasonable Creature . The same is affirmed likewise by Prosper Aquitanicus . Qua iacet extremo Telius circundata Ponto , Et qua gens hominum diffusa est corpore mundi , Seu nostros annos , seu tempora prisca revoluas , Esse omnes sensere Deum , nec defuit vlli Authorem Natura docens . — Where farthest Sea encompasseth the land , Where euer men doe dwell in worlds great wa' st ; Let our late yeares , let ancient times be scan'd , There is a sense of God still vndefac't . This Lesson Nature-selfe hath all men taught , Whereby to know their Author they are brought . And againe a little after . Innatum est cunctis , genitorem agnoscere verum . It is innate to all , to owne Their father true , by Nature knowne . So likewise Theodoret. Veram theologiam , ab initio , hominibus Natura tradidit : diuina subinde eloquia confirmarunt . True diuinity , from the beginning , was first taught to men by Nature ; and afterward confirmed vnto them by Scripture . By which alledged authorities , both of Christians and Heathen , it doth euidently appeare , that there is hardly a greater consent of all men , in beleeuing There is a God ; then there is in obseruing this consent of their beleefe . And it is also a thing not vnworthy the obseruing , that so many learned men , of so distant times and places , and so different in opinions ; yet should vtter and expresse , one and the same sentence , in so many formes of words . 4 Which yet may be made a little more euident , by addition of two other places , out of Tullie , that expresse the whole notion , a great deale more excellently : which I haue purposely reserued vnto this last place : because they doe affoord a notable gradation , whereupon I haue founded the whole Discourse ensuing . The first of them is in his first Booke Of the Nature of the Gods : the second , in the first Booke of his Tusculan Questions . His first place is this . Quae est gens , aut quod genus Hominum , quod non habeat ( sine doctrina ) anticipationem quandam Deorum ? quam appellat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Epicurus , What Country is there , or what kinde of men , which haue not in their mindes ( without any teaching ) a certaine preconceiued opinion of God ? Which Epicurus calleth a Praesumption , or Praeception . Marke the steps of his gradation , Qu●e gens ? Quod genus ? What nation of men ? or what condition of them ? His second place is this . Nulla est gens tam fera , nemo omnium tam imm●nis , cui●s mentem non imbuer it Deorum opinio . There is , neither any nation so barbarous , nor any person so sauage , but that his minde is indued , with some opinion of the Gods. Marke here againe , Nulla gens , Nemo omnium : No people , nay , no man at all . From whence we may gather , by these two places of Tullie compared together , that this praenotion of God , is so generally spred , that there is neither nation , nor condition of men , no nor any singular person ; ( neither gens , nor genus , nor vllus ) but he hath in him this perswasion , That their is a God. Let vs treade in his owne steppes ; and see the truth of this his consident assertion ; and whether he be deceiued in any one of them . And first , as concerning Nations ; then , Conditions ; and finally , Persons . CHAP. 4. That there is not any Nation , but it hath his Religion . 1. Ancient Histories insinuate it . 2. New Histories affirme it . 3. Trauellers confirme it . 4. A generall surueigh of their Gods , declareth it . 5. A particular surueigh of their tutelar Gods , proueth it . YOu have seene before , how confidently it is affirmed , both by Heathens , and by Christians ; That there is not any Nation but it hath his Religion ; not any People in the world , but that they haue their God. Let vs now come to see , how this saying can be proued . For , it is easie to say any things . But those things that are sayd , if they be not duly proued , may , with the same facilitie be reiected , that they be affirmed . So that , we cannot , in equitie , exacte a beleefe , where we doe not exhibite ( if not en exact ) yet a competent proofe . But in this case now present , easie proofe will be competent . For , it requiring nothing of vs , but an historicall faith , we neede exacte no more , but an historicall proofe : because historicall positions , are sufficiently proued by historicall probations . Why then , the highest proofe that wee can vse in this case , is to confirme it by the testimonie , of either such Historiographers as haue credibly related it , or else , of such Trauellers , as haue visibly seene it . They two will be sufficient . For these two in this case be more authenticall witnesses , then either Philosophers , Orators , or Poëts ; yea or then Diuines themselues : because , this resteth onely vpon the credit of History : Wherein we haue testimonies in very great plenty . For , looke into all the most ancient Historiographers , who haue either Geographically described the Regions , or Histo●ically the Nations of the whole world , so farre as it was open , and known in their time ; & yet you shall finde none of them , that haue certainely or assertiuely branded any nation with the marke and stigme of Atheisme ▪ neither Herodotus , nor Diodorus , nor Strabo , nor Ptolomee , nor Mela , nor Solinus , nor Plinie , nor Iustine , nor any of the rest . They which haue marked , with very great curiositie , the memorable things of euery Countrie ; yea and haue noted the Atheisme of some particular men ; would neuer haue lefte it vnnoted vpon any generall nation , if they could haue inured any such vpon them . It is true that Strabo writeth of the Cala●ci ; a rude and a sauage people of Spaine ; that , Calaicis Deum nullū esse , quidam aiunt ; that some affirme , that they haue no God. But yet , he neither affirmeth so of them ; nor yet telleth vs , who they were that affirme this of them himselfe ; nor yet subscribeth vnto their affirmation : but leaueth all in the vncertaintie of , Quidā , & aiunt ; which is a very weake proofe . For , if such vngrounded reports might goe for proofes , Christians themselues should be Atheists : who ( as Caecilius reporteth ) doe , et Templa despicere , et Deos despuere : both despise the Temples , and despite the Gods. The nations that haue beene most infamed with imputation of this point , are the Massagetae , and Scythians : who ( by the vulgar ) in old time , were thought to be destitute of all pieti● and Religion , because they were so farre from ciuilitie and reason . But , Herodotus expressely freeth them both from that impietie . For , the Scythians , acknowledged diuers of the Greekish Gods : Iupiter , Tellus , Apollo , Venus , Mars , and Hercules . Hos cuncti Scythae Deos arbitrantur , saith he : These all the Scythians hold for Gods. Lucian addeth , Diana ; vnto whom ( as he reporteth ) they were wont to offer Men : But , their owne peculiar God , whom they chiefly worship , aboue all the rest , is euery mans old Sword : ferreus acinaces , qui singulis vetustus est . Idque est Martis simulachrum : cui annuas hostias offerunt , cùm aliorumpecorum , tum equorum : et plus huic acinaci quam caeteris Dijs : They call it the image of their great God Mars : and they offer vnto it their yearely sacrifices , both of horse , and other beasts ; yea and more to this alone , then to all the Gods beside him . This was the religion of the ancient Scythians . And , for the Massagetae their neighbours ; he testifieth of them likewise , that though they renounced all other Gods ; yet , that they held the Sunne , for a God. Ex Dijs vnum Solem vener antur , cui equos immolant : Among the other Gods they worship the Sun , and they sacrifice their Horses vnto him . So that , in the writings of all the ancient Historiographers , we cannot , as yet , meete with any Nation of Atheists : vnlesse we should beleeue the fictions of the Poëts , in their reporte of the Cyclopes . 2 And the same may be likewise obserued in the Neoterickes . Munster , in his Cosmographie , hath notably described the vniuersall world , so farre as ( in his time ) it was knowne , and inhabited : and Ortelius , in his Theatrum Orbis ; hath placed the same , as it were , vpon a Stage , to be plainely seene of all men : yea and both of these two writers haue deliuered vnto vs , not onely a Chorographicall description of all countries , but also a Morographical description of their manners . In all whose large volumes , yet neither of them ( so far as I remember ) hath noted any Nation , to be without all Religion ; none to be profest in Atheisme . So that , wee cannot finde , by authoritie of Historie , either ancient or moderne , that euer the sinne of Atheisme ouerspred any whole Nation : as yet diuers other sinnes haue done . For , if there had euer beene any nation of Atheists , throughout the whole world , they should surely haue beene noted . And , if wee can neither see , nor heare , nor reade , that there were euer any such ; why should wee be so light as to beleeue there should be such ? But , because an argument from Authoritie , doth not follow negatiuely ; let vs goe one steppe further , and proue it affirmatiuely . There be published to the world , two notable Bookes , of great learning , and good vse . The one by Master Samuel Purchas : which hee calleth his Pilgrimage : the other by Master Edward Grimestone : which he intituleth , The Estates and Empires of the world . In both which , are excellently described , not onely the Geographicall site of all Regions , but also the Conditions of all their Inhabitants : their riches , forces , gouernments , commodities , histories ; and ( amongst the rest ) their Religions , Yea , and before the rest , in the first of those two Authors ; who maketh their religions , the very first of his purposes ; and all the rest but as seconds and thirds . So that ( by the commendable paynes of those two industrious writers ) the Aheist cannot name vnto vs any nation , but wee can name againe vnto him their religion and that they be not of his . Or , if any be ( haply ) omitted by them ; it is not , because they haue no religion ; but , because their Religion is , as yet , not fully knowne . None are noted , as knowne , to be without all religion . For all people inhabiting vpon the face of the whole Earth , are either Christians , who worship the holy Trinitie ; or Mahometanes and Iewes , who worship God the Creator ; or pure Gentiles , who worship the Starres , and other Creatures ; or Idolaters , who worship Images . Into these foure sects , the whole world is quartered , and all these to be found , in euery quarter of it : though Christians doe hold the praedominance , in Europe ; Mahometans , in Asia ; Gentils , in Africa ; and Idolaters , in America . So that all of them be worshippers : and all of them haue their Gods. 3 And , that those fore-named Writers doe neither abuse vs , nor yet haue beene abused themselues , in their fore-named relations ; wee finde all to bee verified , by the report of Trauellers , who haue seen it with their eyes : which is the surest foundation , and ground of all Histories . Wherein wee can haue no better testimonies , then those of our owne Trauellers : who haue taken more paines , in searching out the world , then any other people of the world : as we may plainely see , by the commendable , and industrious Trauells , of Mr. Richard Hackluyt , in collecting our English Voyages . Amongst which , there is relation of two worthy Gentlemen , of this our owne nation : who haue compassed the Globe of the whole Earth about . Which notable exploit hath not by any other Nation , as yet , beene twice atchieued . The first of which , was Captaine Drake ; who , in his furthest trauell vnto the North-west , taking land in Noua Albien , he saw there the Sauages busied about a Sacrifice : who , when they had tasted of our mens liberalitie , they supposed them to bee Gods , and diuers times offered vnto them their sacrifices . Which they neuer would haue done , but that both they were perswaded that There is a God : and that , offering of sacrifice is a part of his worship . The second of those Gentlemen , was Captaine Candish , who , in his furthest trauell vnto the South-East , taking land in the Island of Capul , obserued the Inhabitants , to be the worshippers of the Diuell . And the like may be obserued in diuers other of their voyages : who , euen in the furthest and most remote parts , could neuer , as yet , finde any Nation of Atheists . They neuer yet tooke landing , but if they once found men , they found also some religion : which they neuer brought with them when they came ; nor carried with them when they went ; but both found it there before them , and left it there behind them . So that , no Traueller could euer out-trauell religion : but , ( as Maximus Tyrius affirmeth ) Quanvis ad Oceanilitora accesseris , ibi quoque Deos invenies . Hos quidem , prope Orientes ; illos verò prope Occidentes . Though a man should trauell all the skirts of the Ocean , he shall still find , There be Gods , both rising in the East , and setting in the West . Which is almost all one with Anaximanders opinion : Natiuos esse Deos , longis intervallis , et orientes & occidentes : That there is a kind of natiue Gods , who in distance of time doe sometimes rise vp , and sometimes fall againe . For , it is Plutarch's obseruation , that , if a man should trauell throughout the whole Earth ; though hee might haply meete with some people without Gouernors , yet should he not euer meet with any without Gods. Siterras obeas , invenire possis vrbes , Muris , Literis , Regibus , Domibus , Opibus , Numismate ▪ carentes , Gymnasiorum etiam & Theatororum nescias ; Vrbem , Templis Dijsque carentem , quae precibus , Iureiurando , Oraculo non vtatur ; non bonorum causa sacrificet , non mala sacris avertere nitatur ; nemo vnquàm vidit : If thou walkest through the world , thou maist happen to finde , some City without walls , without letters , without Rulers , without Houses , without Riches , without Coynes , without Schooles for exercise , without Theaters for playes : but yet none at all , without Temples for their Gods. None , but they haue their Prayers , their Othes , their Oracles , their Sacrifices , for either the obtaining of such things as are good , or for the declining of those that are euill . A City without these things , was neuer yet seene with mans eyes . Which obseruation of his , is likewise confirmed , euen by our owne Trauellers : who in what place soeuer they set foote vpon ground , in any of the inhabited partes of the world ; wheresoeuer they haue found Cities , they likewise haue found Temples , and Altars , and Priests , and sacrifices , and vowes , & invocations , and other the * Essentials of religion . And yet in their voyages , both to the East and West Indies , they haue met with diuers people , without Law , without Gouernement , without Order , without Garment , * walking op●nly starck naked , etiam sine subligaculo ; and yet are not ashamed : but that , not vpon impudencie , as the Adamite Heretiques , but vpon meere simplicitie , as Adam himselfe in the time of his innocencie : who , though hee then were naked , yet was he not ashamed , nor euer sought this subligaculum , vntill sinne had brought in shame . They meete ( I say ) in diuers Countries , with many people , without Garments , without Lawes , and without all ciuill orders ; but none at all , without Gods : as Paulus Ventus obserueth of the people of Ferl●ch : Nullam habent legem , sed bestialiter viuunt : quicquid tamen ill is ma●è primùin occurrit , adorant . They haue no Rule of Lawes but liue like Beasts , religiously adoring what they first meete euery morning . They finde no people , no Country , no Nation , either so disordered in their affection , or so despoyled of all reason , as to be without religion ; or to be without a God , though neuer so base , or bad ; though but a sticke with a nicke , as the Samoeds haue of the riuer Ob. Which seuerall Gods of seuerall nations are largely recorded by Alexander ab Alexandro , in the sixt of his Bookes of Geniall dayes . c. 261. p. 321. b. 4. Which base and vile things , no man would euer worship , but that there is a radicall and fundamentall conclusion , vnmoueably grounded in the heart of a man , that he ought to haue a God. And so not knowing where to finde him , hee will rather worship any thing , then hee will worship nothing . Hence some of the Heathen doe worship the Sunne , the Moone , the Starres : some the Fire , the Water , the Earth , the Ayre ; some vnreasonable Beasts ; as Oxen , and Horses : some hurtfull Serpents ; as Crocodiles , and Vipers : Yea and some the very Deuill himselfe , Cacodaemones , as Clemens Alexandrinus there noteth : Daemonem Soradeum , as Athenaeus reporteth of the Indians : nay ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in figura sua , sine vlla dissimulatione ; as Lactantius speaketh in this very case : They worship the deuill , in his owne proper forme , without any dissembling : Yea and that in the most ougly , that they can possibly imagine . Which idolatrie continueth in those Easterne Countries , very common and familiar , euen to these our owne dayes . A thing almost incredible , that the eye of Mans reason should be so cleane put out ; but that euen the Holy Scriptures doe avouch it for a truth , that the Deuill heretofore hath so blinded the mindes of wicked men , as to make them to worship , euen him for their God : as he most impudently attempted it , euen with our Sauiour Christ , his Lord & his God ; whom yet he would haue had to haue worshipped him , for his God. And though with our Sauiour he could not preuaile , but receiued a foule foyle , yet preuailed he with the Heathens , and brought almost all of them to forsake God , and to worship him . For , as the Prophet Moses testifieth : The Heathens when they worship their Idols , vnder the name of Gods , worship indeed nothing elss , but only the Deuil himself . The Heathen ( saith he ) do offer vnto Deuils , & not vnto God. And , that this is very true , we may euidently see , by comparing the old Testament , with the new . For , that same Idoll Beelzebub , which in the Old Testament is called the God of Ekron , is called in the New , The chiefest of the Diuells . So that it appeareth , that , rather then a man will haue no God at all , he will worship the very Diuell . He will worship euen the meanest of the creatures of God , rather then hee will lacke a God : A Weasell , as the Thebanes ; A Mouse , as the Troians ; yea , euen an Onion , or a Leeke , as they did once in Egypt . Porrum , et caepe , nefas violare , ac frangere morsu . A Leeke , an Onion , O 't is wickednesse ! These once to violate ; and to eate , no lesse . Which their notorious folly , hee scoffeth and derideth , in the same place wost worthily : O sanctas gents , quibus haec nascunt●r in hortis Numina . — Sweete Saints they are , and holy ones , I trow , To whom their Gods doe in their gardens grow . Deos ollares , as such ridiculous Gods are called in contempt by Aristophanes . Yet such is the force of Religion in a man , that it will make him worship any thing . He will Monstra quoque colere , as it is noted by Plinie : He will worship the foulest monsters : yea , hee will carry his Gods vpon his very fingers , as he addeth in the same place : yea , he will fall to worship his own very members : Humerum dextrum , aut sinistrum , aut Capitis dimidium , as is noted euen by Lucian . He will worship his owne hand , if he haue none other God ; yea , or the worke of his owne hand , or any thing whatsoeuer commeth next vnto his hand . For the Bramenes in the East , and the Lappones in the North , doe both of them worship , for the God of that day , the first thing that they meet , when they rise vp in the morning , whatsoeuer it be , though but a Mouse , a Worme , a Fly. In another Prouince of the East-India , they adore and worship the Tooth of an Ape : and haue made bloody warres to be possessed of it . In another prouince of the northerne Climate , called Baida , they doe worship for their God a piece of a red clout , tied vnto a crosse sticke , in the manner of a Banner . Neither can they giue any good account , why they should worship such a God , but onely that it hath beene left vnto them by an olde Tradition , by their Ancesters before them . It may seeme in probability , some relique of Christianity , and some remembrance of Christs Crosse ; since that region once was Christian ; though now the true vse of it be corrupted through time : it differing not much in the out-ward forme , from that Banner , which we reade to haue beene made by great Constantine in the representation of our Sauiour Christs crucifying . For we reade of a like example , in the Islands of Acusamil , where they doe worship a Crosse , for the God of the Raine ; and yet cannot tell who made it , nor from whence it came . But , it is very likely , to be some monument of Christianity , left there by some Christians , who haue heretofore taken landing in that place : for in diuers others they doe meete with like signes , which are likewise abused by those simple Indians . Those foolish gods , doe those foolish Nations worship ; more foolish indeed , then the gods whom they worship . The Athenians , not much in this point wiser , did consecrate , amongst their Gods , Contumeliam , and Imp●dentiam : which Tullie very iustly reproueth in them , that they should , Viti● consecrare : That they should consecrate for their gods , the very vices of Men. But , aboue all , the follie of the Romanes doth well deserue the Bell. For they worshipped , not onely many idle and ridiculous gods ; as , Fortunam , Victoriam Volupiam : but also , diuers Bawdie gods ; Floram , Venerem , Faul●m , and Priapam : Yea and some Beastly gods two ; as , Cloacinam , and Sterquilinum : insomuch that ( as Clemens Romanus reporteth ) they did , Crepitus ventris venerari pro Numinibus . — A filthy Dunghill of stincking gods , well deseruing that reproch , which is cast vpon some of them , by Aristophanes , that they be but Dij merdiuori . For , so , their Cloacina may be truly sayd to be . And so the Prophet Moses calleth them , in expresse and plaine words , Dunghill gods , as the Originall is rendred by our last Translators . And diuers other such absurd gods they worshipped , which it is almost a shame but to haue named , as Sybilla hath truly noted . — Haec adoratis , Et alia multa vana , quae sanè turpe fuerit praedicare , Sunt enim Dij hominum deceptores stultorum . These foolish gods , and many more Like vaine , Ye worship and adore , Which filthy were to name in Schooles , Such filthy gods deceiue but Fooles . And therefore I ouerpasse them with S. Augustines transition ; Non omnia commemoro , quia me piget , quod illos non puduit : These gods make me halfe ashamed to name them , although they themselues were not ashamed to worship them . Which seemeth to me little lesse then a wonder , that the Romanes , so wise and so seuere a nation , yet should shew themselues so foolish in the vse of their Religion . But this sedulitie of mans soule about such false gods , must needs importe vnto vs , that it thinkes there is a true one . And thus you plainely see by all the former instances , that there is no Nation so Barbarous , but it will haue a God , though neuer so ridiculous . Which euidently proueth , that this one conclusion [ That there is a God. ] is a generall principle , throughout the whole world , wherein all kinde of people remaine still of one language , euen after the generall confusion of tongues : conspiring more fully in this one common principle , then they doe in any other , either of Art , or Nature . For which I referre you , to the next insuing Chapter . 5. Let me onely here ( for the Close of this present ) giue you but this one note . That I find it obserued , by diuers of the learned , that , beside those great and most renowned gods , which were called Dij maiorum Gentium , and were worshipped generally throughout the greatest part of the world ; euery seuerall Countrie ( and almost euery Citie ) selected to themselues , their peculiar gods , which they called , Deos Tutelares , that is , the Guardians , and Defendors , and Patrons of their Countries : of whom Tullie giueth vs some instances , that , the Alabandians , did worship for their Patron , Alabandus ; the Tenedians , Tenes ; the whole Countrie of Greece , Hercules , AEsculapius , Castor and Pollux : and these he calleth nouos & ascriptitios Cives , in Coelum re●ceptos , that is to say , new gods , taken lately into heauen , as new Citizens are receiued into their new Citie . So Lucian . Per Regiones , illos distributos colunt , ●●sque velut in ciuitatem suam receptant : As the Gods haue gratified Men , in receiuing some of them amongst themselues into heauen : so Men haue regratiated them againe , in receiuing of them into their Cities vpon earth , as their proper and peculiar Gods. And then he giueth some instances : Apollinem , Delphi Delijque Minervam , Athenienses ; Argivi , Iunonem ; Migdonij , Rheam ; Venerem , Paphij ; Cretenses , Iovem . And a great many other he reckoneth vp in Ioue Tragaedo . Tertullian , he giueth vs diuers other instances . Vnicuique Prouinciae , & Ciuitati , Deus suus est : vt Syriae , Astartes ; vt Arabiae , Disares ; vt Norici , Belenus ; vt Africae , Coelestis ; vt Mauritaniae , Reguli sui : There is no Country , no Citie , but it hath his proper God : the Syrians , Astartes ; the Arabians , Disares ; the Noricians , Belenus ; the Affricans , Coelestis ; and the Mauritanians , their owne Kings . And then he proceedeth to declare , that this is not onely the generall Religion of euery Countrie , but also the particular of euery Citie : whereof he hath also giuen instances vnto vs. Crustuminensium , Belventinus ; Narni●nsium , Viridianus ; Asculanorum , Ancaria ; Volsiniensium Nersia ; Ocriculanorum , Valentia ; Sutrinorum , Nortia ; Faliscorum , Curis ; &c. naming the neighbour Cities round about Rome it selfe : who yet , not contented with the generall Gods of their Countrie , would needs haue their peculiars , euery Cittie for it selfe . Lactantius yet addeth other instances vnto these . Summa veneratione coluerunt AEgyptij , Isidem ; Mauri , Iubam ; Macedones , Cabyrum ; Paeni , Vranum ; Latini , Faunum ; Sabini , Sancum ; Romani , Quirinum ; eodem vtique modo Athenae Mineruam , Samos Iunonem , Paphos Venerem , Lemnos Vulcanum , Naxos Liberum , Delphi Apollinem . The AEgyptians doe worship their Cabyrus : the Carthaginians their Vranus : the Latines their Faunns : the Sabines their Sancus : the Romanes their Romulus : and so the Athenians their Minerua : the Samians their Iuno : the Paphians their Venus : the Lemni ans their Vulcane : the Naxians their Bacchus : the Delphians their Apollo . And the like no doubt they could easily haue shewed of all the other Nations and Cities of the world , if they had purposely intended a set worke vpon that point , which here they haue touched but lightly by the way , as wee may partly see by that rabble of them , which Rabshakeh so rouled out , in his luxurious and Asiaticall Oration vnto King Hezechiah . Where is the God of Hamah , and of Arpad ? Where is the God of Sepharuaim , Heuah , and Ivah ? But a great deale more plainly in that reprehension of Ieremie , wherewith he perstringeth the idolatrie of the Iewes , that ; according to the number of their Citties , was the number of their Gods. Whereby it appeareth , that they contented not themselues with their owne God , Iehovah , though he were , vnto them , both Deus Patrius , The God of their Fathers , The most ancient God ; and Deus Tutelaris , The God of their Countrie , their most carefull God , The Keeper of Israel , Protecting and defending them , and watching ouer them , a great deale more vigilantly , then euer any Watchman doth ouer his owne Citie : as the Prophet Dauid hath expressely testified . But yet , for all that , they would haue ( beside him ) ouer euery seuerall Citie , a seuerall God : else could he not haue sayd , that the number of their Gods had equalled the number of their Cities . Which vanitie they affected , vpon an itching humor , * to be like vnto their nei●●bour Nations , as well in this , as in many other things . And this also may be gathered , by those High Places , which Salomon builded for his idolatrous Wiues : wherein they worshiped the seuerall Gods , of their seuerall Nations : Ashtareth , the Goddesse of the Sidonians ; and Milcom , the God of the Amorites ; Chemosh , the God of the Moabites ; and Molech , the God of the Ammonites : and so likewise for all the rest of his Out-landish Wiues , which burnt incense and offered vnto their Gods. Whereby it appeareth , that euery seuerall Nation had a God of his owne . As yet further may be seene by the practise of those Nations , which Salmanezer transplanted into the Samaritane Cities : of whom it is recorded , that , thogh they feared the Lord , yet they worshipped euery one his owne peculiar God : Of whom there is a Catalogue in the same place set downe ; The Babilonians , Succoth-Benoth ; the men of Cuth , Nergal ; the men of Hamath , Ashima ; the Auites , Nibhaz & Tartak ; the Sepharuites , Adrammelech & Anammelech . Neither did Nations and Cities onely affect , to haue euery one vnto themselues , their owne peculiar and seuerall Gods , as their Patrons and Defenders : but the same was likewise followed , euen by all their seuerall families : who still had their Lares , and their Deos Penates , that is , their Household gods ; as the Protectors of their families : whom , because they set vp in the secret , and most inward parts of their houses , the Poets vse to call , Deos Penetrales . And with how great a religion they adored them , we may partly see in Plautus : where , a Lar familiaris expresseth his worship thus . — mihi cotidiè , Aut ture , aut vino , aut aliquî , semper supplicat : Dat mihi coronas . — Or Wine , or incense She lay's downe : She offer 's something euery day . Her Garlands doe mine Altars crowne : And alwayes to me she doth pray . And the same we may likewise collect , by that wonderfull perturbation , which is reported to haue bene , both in Micah , and Laban , when their Household Gods were stolne from them . Yee haue taken away my Gods , and my Priests , and goe your wayes , and what haue I more ? Yea , and ( as Plinie reporteth ) not only seuerall families had their seuerall Gods , but also euery seuerall person would adopt a seuerall God of his owne : insomuch that he thought th● number of Gods to be multiplyed aboue the number of men . Maior Coelitum populus , etiam quam Hominum in telligi potest , cùm singuli quoque , ex semet-ipsis , singulos Deos faciant , Iunones , Geniósque adoptando sibi . We may see greater multitudes of Gods , then of Men : seeing euery man adopteth , as he pleaseth , both greater , and smaller Gods , vnto himselfe . And thus , you plainly see , that there is neither Nation , nor City , nor Family , in the world , but that it is perswaded , that There is a God ; and that they cannot containe , but that they needs must worship him , at the least in their intention , howsoeuer there be error or imperfection in their action . So that , for the first branch of Tullies gradation ; you see he erred not , That there is not any Nation , but it hath his Religion : None of them all so wicked , but beleeueth There is a God. Quod quidem non solùm fatetur Graecus , sed & Barbarus ; sed & Insularum , & Continentis habitator ; & ipsi denique , qui sapientiam abnegant : as Maximus Tyrius affirmeth . This ( saith he ) is confessed both by Greekes and Barbarians ; both by Islanders , and Continenters , yea , euen those which renounce al vnderstanding and wisedom ; yet do not remoue Religion ; but hold that fast within them . And as , in a like case , by Seneca it is obserued : Totus populus in alio discors , in hoc conuenit . All the people of the world , though dissenting in all other thing , yet consent , There is a God. Let vs therefore now proceed vnto Tullies second instance , and see whether , as all Nations , so all conditions of men , be inwardly perswaded , that There is a God. CHAP. 5. That all sorts of men , of all degrees , and orders , do beleeue , There is a God , is particularly declared by instance of Poets . 2. Of Law-giuers . 3. Of philosophers . 4. And of all other seuerall Arts and Professions . OF all those generall Notions which are begotten in the minde , and are thought to be the first grounds of the very law of Nature ; there is not any one of them , which is either so early bred , or so largely spred , or so deepely rooted in the hearts of all men , as is this one conclusion ; That There is a God. Nay , a Conclusion it is not ( if we will properly speake ) but rather a Principle , yea and that so naturally bred in the soul : that ( as Aristotle affirmeth ) it needeth not any corporeall instrument , to make it beleeue it . Anima intelligit Deum scientiâ ●uiusmodi , quae non est per organon corporale . Nay , the name of a Principle is not sufficient for it : It is Ante Principium , rather then Principium : or ( as Aquinas calleth it ) Praeambula ad Articulos : A Praeamble vnto the first Articles of Christian beleefe . For , many men beleeue this , that beleeue none other Article in the body of our Creede . Nay all men agree , in the beleefe of this one point , who agre not in any other , either of Art , or Nature : not in Lawes : for many men doe liue without any rule of Law ; as in the old time , the Cyclops : yea , and sometime , the very Israelites themselues : Not in marriage : for many haue liued as licentiously , and loosely , as if they were bruite beasts , hauing only the name of Marriage , as a couer for their lusts : as the 1 Babilonians , and 2 Lacedemonians , the 3 Gindanes , and 4 Tyrrheniaus . No not in Society it selfe : for diuers people , in diuers nations , doe liue , as meere Nomades : that is , Stragglers and Wanderers : Hic non habentes manentem ciuitatem , as the Apostle speaketh , not hauing any fixedor certaine place of abiding . Only therein do al agree , in all the corners of the Earth , that they will haue a God , such an one as he is . And this we haue seene verified , by all the knowne Nations and Cities of the World. Let vs now goe one step further , and see ; whether , as wee haue found the truth of this in all Nations , so we can finde it likewise in all Conditions of men : which was Tullies second instance . For our better & more orderly proceeding wherein , I will tread in Plutarch's steps : who hath named vnto vs three speciall sorts of men , that are knowne , of all other , to agree least together : and yet , in this one point , of beleeuing , There is a God , doe so notably consent , as if they all were led but by one and the same spirit : that is , Poets , Lawgiuers , and Philosophers . Omnes Poetae , Leguml●●or●s , Philosophi , vnoore dicu●t , Deum esse . All Poets , Lawgiuers , and Philosophers , doe affirme , There is a God , with one consenting voyce ( saith he . ) Let vs looke into the parts of this Enumeration , and examine the truth of euery one of them . And first , concerning Poets : I haue shewed you before , that all of them , in the beginning of their Poems , doe vsually call vpon , either the Gods , or the Muses : as may easily be demonstrated out of all their writings , especially in their greater and more solemne workes : and is generally obserued of them , by Lucian , in his booke De Sacrificijs . Which euidently proueth , that they had within them a grounded opinion , that There is a God. For no man is so mad , as to inuocate any thing , that he thinketh hath no being . But , as concerning Poets , it is commonly beleeued , both by themselues and others , that their very Art hath a more speciall and immediate dependence vpon a diuine influence , then any other of all the Arts beside . In which point let me deliuer vnto you the opinion of Plato , who handleth it ex professo , in his Dialogue called Io : where he deliuereth expresly , these three positions , vnto vs. First , that , Ipsa Musa Poetas diuino instinctu concitat , That the Muses themselues doe vse to stirre vp Poets , by an inward and a diuine instinct : whereupon they be called by Tullie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , A Musis tacti : or ( in some sense ) de coelo tacti ; as the Prophet Isaiah was , when as one of the Angels had touched his lippes . His second position is , that , Omnes Poetae in signes , non arte , sed diuino inflatu , praeclara poemata canunt : That all notable Poets make their excellent poems , not by vertue of their owne arte , or former instruction , but onely by meanes of a diuine inspiration . Whereupon they are called Vates , à vi mentis ( as Isidore obserueth ) out of Varro : and by Ennius , Sancti : because they bee diuino quodam spiritu afflati . His third , That therefore priùs canere non possunt , quam Deo pleni sint : They be not able to make any poëm , before they be euen filled with the breath and spirit of God : as Pipes cannot make any musicall harmony , if the breath of some Musition be not breathed into them . And thereupon ( in another place ) he called them , Deorum Prophetas : as S. Paule likewise doth ; that is , the Prophets of the Gods , or Speakers outwardly of those diuine things , which before haue inwardly beene inspired into their minds : for so the name of a Prophet signifieth . Whereby he insinuateth , that the whole faculty of Poets dependeth much more vpon a diuine incitation , then either vpon any naturall gift , or any artificiall instruction and teaching . And this he there confirmeth , by two obseruations . The first whereof is this , that diuers of the Poets , being ( at their beginning ) but very ignorant Bardes ; yet haue had on a suddaine , a notable faculty infused into them , whereby they haue made very excellent Poems : as in the same place he instanceth in Tynnichus Chalcidensis . ( And Maximus Tyrius affirmeth the same of Hesiodus . ) From whence he there collecteth , Poetas nihil esse aliud quàm Deorum interpretes : That Poets are nothing else , but onely Gods Interpreters . The Poems they make are his ; and they , but the Reciters . Quod quidem Deus ostendere volens , de industria , per ineptissimum Poetam , pulcherrimam cecinit melodiam ( saith hee in the same place , ) Which God being willing to make knowne , he purposely in spired the simplest Poët , to make the excellentest poeme . The second of his obseruations , is this : That in all Poesie ( if it be good and worthy ) there must be , not only an incitation , and commotion ; but also an elocation , and emotion of the minde . The Poet must be , extra se positus , & a mente alienatus . Nam quamdiû quis mente valet , neque fingere carmina , neque fundere oracula quis quam potest . As long as a man is in a calme , & setled estate of his mind , he can neither make verses , nor giue out oracles . From whence he insinuateth , that it is not he himselfe , but his inward God that speaketh . Which his two obseruations , may further be confirmed , by a third of Ficinus , in his Argument of that Booke : That oftentimes , many Poets , when they reade their owne poems , do hardly vnderstand themselues ; or , what they meant , in many verses , apt enough vnto the matter , and plaine enough vnto their reader , yea plainer then to themselues : which could not haue fallen out , if those verses had bin made , by their owne proper spirit , and not by some other , within them ; yet working far aboue them . And Iustin Martyr alledgeth this for one reason , why Sibilla'es verses be not made in true members : because , being spoken in an extasie , she knew not what she sayd , and that motion being ended , she could not amend them , hauing not the same spirit . Yea , and euen the Poëts themselues haue the very same perswasion , that their whole Art dependeth vpon a diuine inspiration . From which only opinion , groweth all their forenamed so frequent inuocation , to haue their Gods to breathe into them : — Dijcoeptis — Aspirate meis — Ye Gods , aspire To my desire . acknowledging expressely , that all their faculty is from them . Ab Ioue principium Musae — — illi mea carmina curae . My Muse beginn's by Ioue's behest : He mak's my Verses in request . Yea , and Plato , in the forealledged place , affirmeth , that the Poets hold themselues to be , as it were , but the Bees of the Muses : a Musarum viridarijs , collibusque , carmina decerpentes ; quemadmodum mel ex floribus apes : Gathering their Verses , out of the hills and medowes of the Muses , as Bees vse to do their hony , out of flowers . Which we may see to be true by Lucretius his confession , vsing the same comparison . Whereby they insinuate , that , as Bees be not the Makers , but the Workers of their hony , which naturally falleth with the dew from heauen : so they be not the makers , but the bringers of their Verses : instar apum volantes , ad nos afferunt : ( sayth Plato ) but the verses themselues they do distil from heauen ; as Manilius confesseth of them . — Coelo carmen de●cendit ab alto . The golden shower of Poëts sweetest straine , Dropp's downe from Heauen , and so it flowe's amaine . It it not the worke of the Poëts , but of the Gods. Yea , and Martial also insinuateth the same , euen in his scoffing and carping at Tullies versifying . Carmina quòd s●ribis , Musis , & Apolline nullo , Laudari de bs , hoc Ciceronis habes . No sparke of Muses fire shine's in thy straine , That 's thy chiefe praise , for loe , 't is Tullies vaine . Ascribing the cause of his ill successe in Verses , to be lacke of the assistance of Apollo , and the Muses : who are the proper , and tutelar God of Poëts . Now they , that are possessed with this religious opinion , that their owne Art proceedeth from an immediate inspiration ; and who vse , in all their poems , to begin with inuocation ; how is it possible , that these men should be tainted with Atheisme ? Nay , Poets are so far from the sinne of Atheisme , that they haue bin the chiefest broachers of the sinne of Polytheisme . 2 Let vs now come to the second of Plutarch's instances ; that is , vnto Lawgiuers ; and see , whether any of them haue beene Atheists ? or any so vngodly , as to be without a God ? For which point , it is a thing that is worthy obseruation , that , though diuers of the Lawgiuers haue beene so carried , with an inward emulation , that , onely vpon meere enuie , they haue often-times condemned , what their neighbours haue allowed ; and often-times allowed , what their neighbors haue condemned ; as we may euidently see , by the contrary Constitutions of the Lacedaemonians , and Athenians : yet , that no enuie , no aemulation was euer able to worke so great a distraction betweene any of them , as to make them decerne , there should be no God , because their neighbors had allowed it . But , In tanta pugna , ac dissonantia , nusquàm gentium cernere est , aut leges , aut rationes , non in hoc saltem omnes conuenire , Quòd vnus Deus , princeps ac pater omnium existat ( saith Maximus Tyrius : ) In all their great dissention , both about their Lawes , and about the reason of their lawes ; yet they still consent in this , That there is a God , who is both the Ruler , and the father of the World. All of them in this are fully of one minde , that they will haue a God ; as knowing well ynough , that Piteie is the bond of all humaine societie , and Religion the foundation of euery Citie , both gathering men , and holding them vnanimously together ; who else would quickly shatter cleane asunder . And therefore ( saith Plutarch ) that , In constitutione Legum , opinio de Diis et primum est , et maximum : That in the making of Lawes , both the first , and the greatest point , is to plant in mens mindes an opinion of the Gods : without which , he there affirmeth , Facilius vrbem condi , si●e solo , quàm civitatem coire , sine opinione de Deo : That it is not more impossible , to builde a Citie without a foundatiou , then to gather Citizens without Religion . And therefore , all wise Lawgiuers do place those Lawes first , and ( as it were ) in the front of their Tables , which they haue ordayned for the honor of God : and then those that belong to the good of the kingdome : as we may see , in Moses Lawes , whose first law is this ; Thou shalt haue none other Gods but me . This is Gods owne method , and that both in speaking , and in writing of his Lawes : and the same hath likewise beene followed by diuers other Lawgiuers , euen of the very Heathen . Zaleucus beginneth his Lawes with this preface : Omnes homines , qui vrbem & regionem inhabitant , persua●os esse oportet , esse Deos : All the Men in the world , that either inhabite any Citie or any Countrie , ought firmely to be perswaded , That there is a God. And then he proceedeth to set downe certaine Rites and Ceremonies , for the worshipping of the Gods , before he praescribe any , for the societie of men . And so likewise Tullie in the setting downe of his Lawes : the first whereof be these . Ad Diuos adeunto castè . Pietatem adhiben●o . Opes amovento . Qui secùs faxit , Deus ipse vindex erit . If any man doe otherwise , God himselfe will revenge it . Come chastly and purely vnto the Gods. Vse Pietie , when you are come . Doe things comely , but not costly . These be his first Lawes : which ( as you see ) directly belong vnto God. So , those Fragments of the twelue Tables , which , as yet , are to be found ; haue the first of them , belonging vnto God. Sacra priuata perpetuò manento : establishing , not onely those holy Constitutions that haue beene ordayned by publique Lawes ; but also , euen those likewise , that haue beene appointed by priuate families , for their owne proper religions . Yea and euen those Lawes , which are referred to the ancient Romane Kings , long before those twelue Tables ; yet haue the first of them belonging to the Gods. Ne quid inauguratò faciunto . Let nothing be done but by sacred diuillation . Patres , sacra Magistratúsque soli peragunto , ineuntoque Let onely Senators be Magistrates , and performe holy actions . Both appointing sacred actions , and who shall be their Actors . Which argueth , that none of them haue beene without their Gods : * either vpon piety , or , at least , vpon policie . Pharaoh would not buy the lands of the Priests , though he bought all the rest . Hippodamus gaue the third part of the whole land vnto them : and both these , in honor of their gods . Yea , and this also is a thing that is very obseruable , that all the ancient Lawgiuers , haue giuen out vnto their people ; that in the making of their Lawes , they haue beene assisted , by some or other of the gods . By that meanes , both to bring vnto their Lawes greater reuerence ; & to work their people towards them , vnto greater obedience , as Diodorus Siculus collecteth , who reckoneth vp a whole Catalogue of those Law-giuers , who haue fathered their Lawes vpon the Gods : as namely , Menes , the Lawgiuer of the Aegyptians ; who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes frō the learned god Mercury . So Minos , the Lawgiuer of the Cretians ; who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the mighty god Iupiter . So Lycurgus , the Lawgiuer of the Lacedaemonians ; who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the wise god Apollo . So Latraystes , the Lawgiuer of the Arians ( or Arimaspians , for so the Greeke is ) perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the mighty god Iupiter . So Lycurgus , the Lawgiuer of the Lacedaemonians ; who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the wise god Apollo . So Latraystes , the Lawgiuer of the Arians ( or Arimaspians , for so the Greeke is ) perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from a certaine god whose name is not expressed . So Zamolxis , the Lawgiuer of the Getians ; perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the holy goddesse Vesta . And he addeth also Moses , the Lawgiuer of the Iewes , who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the holy goddesse Vesta . And he addeth also Moses , the Lawgiuer of the Iewes , who perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the mouth of God Ioa : alluding , as it seemeth , to the Hebrew word , Iah . Yea and he might well perswade them so : for they themselues heard God himselfe when he spake to them with his owne mouth . Vnto which Lawgiuers , thus named by him , I may adde diuers other , who are named elsewhere : as namely , Numa Pompilius , the Lawgiuer of the Romans ; who perswaded that people , that hee receiued his Lawes from the M●ses , and from a Nymph called Egeria . And so likewise Zaleu●us , the Law-giuer of the Locrians , perswaded that people , that he receiued his Lawes from the goddesse Minerua . And generally the Greekes ascribed their Lawes vnto the making of Iupiter , as to their supreme Lawgiuer : as it may be gathered out of Homer : where Achilles swearing by his Scepter , he saith , it is Insigne Praiorum Principum , in iure populis dicundo , & in custodiendis ex Ioue Legibus . The Ensigne of the Graecian Princes , both in iudging of their Subiects , and in keeping of their Lawes , receiued from Iupiter , the chiefest of their gods . So that they thought a●l their Lawes to draw their first originall from Iupiter , as from their first Author ; though conueyed to particular Countries , and Cities , by the ministery of other inferior gods . But vnto gods they all ascribe them : the wiser sort , vnto the Author ; the simpler , vnto the Messenger . Whereupon Architas calleth the gods , parentes , ac Principes scriptarum Legum : The Lords and parents of the written Lawes . And therefore , saith Hierocles , that we ought to obserue the Lawes of our Countrey , as if they had in them a kinde of diuinity . Oportet Leges Patriae , tanquam alteros Deos obseruare . For , as Plato truely noteth in the very beginning of his Booke . De Legibus : It is Deus . et n●n Homo , qui legum condendarum est causa . It is not Man , but God , that is the true cause of the making of good Lawes . Which honour is ascribed to God himselfe , euen in the holy Scripture : By me Kings reigne , and Princes decree Iustice , that is , make iust Lawes . Iniustice they may decree of themselues ( and there is a woe pronounced against such wicked Law-makers ) but they cannot decree Iustice , but onely by him . So that , it is truely sayd in Iob : that Nullus ei similis in Legistatoribus : There is none like vnto him , amongst all the Lawgiuers . Nay , he is indeed the onely true Lawgiuer ; & , in the whole world , there is not another : as the Apostle S. Iames plainely testifieth vnto vs : There is but one Lawgiuer , who is able to saue , and to destroy , and that is he . So that , all other Nations , as well as the Iewes , may truly professe ; The Lord is our Iudge , and the Lord is our Lawgiuer , or ( as it is in the Hebrewes ) Statute-maker : Howsoeuer the Heathen Lawgiuers haue robbed the true God of that honour , and ascribed it falsely vnto others . But thus you see , that all Lawgiuers , as it were , by a compact , haue agreed together in this common sense , to ascribe all their lawes , vnto the making of their Gods. And therefore , none of them could possibly be Atheists , at least in outward profession ; no not euen by their profession , in that they were Lawgiuers . Neither could the people that were vnder them be of any other disposition : both because of that inward naturall instinct , which inforceth euery man to worship some God ; and because , by nature also , all Subiects are Imitators of their rulers ; and because againe , all rulers praeserue their owne Religion by coerciue Lawes : as Iosephus instanceth in Socrates , Anaxagoras , Diagoras , and Protagoras , all of them seuerally mulcted for the opinion of their impieties against the Gods. So that , if any man would not be religious , for loue ; yet durst he not be irreligious , for feare . 3 Let vs now proceede vnto Plutarch's third instance , that is , vnto Philosophers ; and see , whether any of them haue beene Atheists . Wherein it cannot be denied , but that those infamous persons , who haue beene noted by their name , to be Atheists ; haue , all of them , beene , by their profession , Philosophers . But yet this againe may be truly affirmed of them : that , howsoeuer some perticular men of that profession , may haply haue beene infected with Atheisme ; yet that there was neuer any Sect or Familie of them , but that it was of a cleane contrary profession . There was neuer any sect of Philosophers that were professed Atheists : No , nor yet neuer any , but professed the cleane contrarie . And yet , it cannot be dissembled , but that all the Philosophers haue had so infinite auiditie , and appetite of glory ; that none of them could say any thing , though with neuer so great reason , but that some other would oppose it , and hold the contrary vnto it , were it neuer so absurd . Yea , and this fell out , as well among their whole families , as amongst priuate persons : the Stoicks , perpetually opposing the Epicures ; the Peripatetikes , them both ; the Academikes , them all . Insomuch , that their contentions and digladiatious grew to be so notorious , as made them all ridiculous : as that bitter scoffe of Seneca very notably declareth ; That , Faciliùs inter Philosophos , quàm inter horologia convenit : That Philosophers agree together like Clocks . But yet in this grand point of acknowledging a God , there is amongst them all an incredible agreement . Here , the Clocks strike all together . You may see a Catalogue of all their opinions , in Tullies first Booke of the Nature of the Gods , representing vnto vs so notable a discord , in their particular conceits , What this God should be , that neuer Clocks iarred more : but yet so great a concord , in their generall opinions , That a God there is , as neuer Clocks agreed better . There , euery man venteth his owne priuate conceite , what he thought to be his God : No man denieth him , No man adorneth disputation against him , Nay , no man so much as once doubteth of him : No not , euen Protagoras himselfe , if he be rightly construed : though his words were rackt vnto it , and for that cause he exiled . For he said not , that he doubted , whether there were gods , or no , but , that he would not , as then , dispute , whether there were any , or no ? De Diuis , neque vt sint , neque vt non sint , habeo dicere : giuing onely a reason of his silent praetrition . And therefore , Caecilius doth secretly perstringe the Athenians iniustice , & excuseth Protagoras , that he did consultè potius , quàm prophanè disputare : He spake more warily , then wickedly . So that , all these recited doe affirme , There is a God. There is no man saith of God , as some doe of the Soule , Nihil esse omninò Deum , et hoc esse totum inane nomen : That God is a thing of nothing , and that the name of God is but an empty name : but they all doe acknowledge both the Name and the Thing . Now looke into these foure seuerall sects of Philosophers , which are the most noted , and noble of them ; and you shall see , that they doe all notably agree in this , though in very few things else . Plato , the father of the Academikes , not onely affirmeth , that There is a God ; but he also confirmeth it , by inuincible reasons . Yea , and euery where almost , he speaketh so diuinely , of Gods diuine Maiestie , that ( as Eusebius reporteth ) he was called Moses Atticus , that is , the Athenian Moses : as if he had seene God face to face , as is reported of the Hebrew Moses , as Iustin Martyr noteth . Plato perindè atque coelitùs descenderit , atque ea quae sursum sunt accuratè didicerit , ac peruider it omnia ; Summum Deum , in ignea essentia esse dicit : Plato , as if he were newly dropt downe out of heauen , and had there learned exactly those things that are aboue ; he maketh his God to be of a firie substance . Yea and euen therein also hee agreeth in some sorte , with Moses : The Lord thy God is a consuming fire . Aristotle , the Father of the Peripateticks , affirmeth , not only That there is a God ; but also , that he is both the Maker , and the Sauiour of the world . Deus , sine dubio , Seruator omnium est , et Parens eorum , quae in mundo conficiuntur : God , without all doubt , is both the Conseruer , & Creator of all things in the world . A most diuine saying of an Heathen man ! And many other the like there be throughout that whole Booke . Which hath occasioned some men , to doubt of the credit and authoritie of it , as not being truly his ; grounding vpon but sleight and very weake coniectures . I may not stand to discusse vpon euery Authoritie : whether the Booke then alledged be the Authors properly ? For then we should haue so many , and so great digressions , as would turne to be transgressions . And therefore in all places , I take them , as I finde them , without any curious or strict examination : knowing , that euen those Bookes , which are thought to be supposed ; yet are , for the most part , both ancient , and learned : and that , if they appeared in the name of their owne Authors , they would be no lesse approued , then they be now in theirs , vpon whom they be fathered : as I could plentifully instance . Yea , and Viues coniectureth , euen in this present instance , that though it were not Aristotles ; yet it might be Theophrastus his . But , both Lucius Apuleius , in his Booke De Mundo ; and Augustinus Eugubinus , asserteth it directly , vnto Aristotle himselfe : Yea , and Eugubinus affirmeth it to haue beene , as it were , his Retractation . Wherein he hath both recognized , and epitomized all his owne former writings ; reforming his owne errours : and reporting both the opinions of other Philosophers more truly ; and his owne more plainely , then in all his other workes . But , howsoeuer this be : though this booke were none of his ; yet doth he affirme as much in his Metaphysikes , which are , without all quaestion , his . For there he saith directly , that Deus est rerum omnium , et cause , et principium : That God is both the cause , and the beginning of all things . A direct and plaine Confession . So Zeno the Father of the Stoicks ( as Tully expressely calleth him ) doth not only beleeue , That there is a God ; but also , That there is but one only God : and that he is the Maker and Creator of the world , who is sometimes called Mens , sometimes Fate , sometimes Ioue , and by diuers such like names . Vnum Deum esse ; ipsumque & Mentem , & Fatum , & Iouem , mult●sque alijs appellari nominibus . And then he proceedeth to declare , in what order , this one God created the world . Yea , and , a little after , he defineth God , to be , Animal immortale , rationale , perfectum , ac beatum ; a malo omni remotissimum ; prouidentia sua Mundum , & qu●e sunt in Mundo , administrans omnia . A substance liuing , euerliuing , reasonable , perfect , and blessed ; farre remoued from any euill ; ruling , onely by his prouidence , both all the whole World , and all the things therein contained . And so likewise Epicurus , the Father of the Epicures : Qu●m nihil pudendum pudet , tamen Deum negare pudet : as one very wittily writeth of him : Though he were not ashamed of any shamefull thing , yet was he ashamed to deny There is a God : as reckoning this the greatest shame that can be : because all the whole world affirmeth the contrary . Euen he ( I say ) though he deny , that God ruleth the world ; yet doth he not deny , but That there is a God : Nay , he affirmeth that : accompting it a lesse absurdity to haue a God that is idle ; then to be so idle , as to haue none at all . Their Notion of the gods was , that they were Beati , & Aeterni : sed nec habere ipsos quicquam negotij , nec exhibere alteri : That they were blessed , and eternall : neither hauing any businesse to do of themselues , nor yet exhibiting any vnto others . Thus all the foure Patriarchs of the chiefe Philosophers were fully of one minde , that there needs must be a God. And Iosephus affirmeth the like of all the rest . Et Pythagoras , & Anaxagoras , & Plato , & post illos Philosophi Stoici , & paenè cuncti videntur de Diuina sapuisse Natura : Nay , not paenè cuncti , but planè cuncti : as Maximus Tyrtus affirmeth : Opiniones Deorum a cunctis Philosophis receptae sunt . Both Pythagoras , and Anaxagoras , and Plato , and the Stoicks ▪ and almost all the other ( nay altogether all the other ) haue had some vnder standing of the Diuine Nature . In this point , euen the Philosophers themselues are Christians . And therefore Tertullian calleth God Philosophorum Deum : because they did so generally , all the sorts of them , confesse him . So that we may truly say with Varro : Ecce , ad nos accedit cana veritas , Attic●e philosophiae alumna : Behold , the ancient truth commeth now directly to vs , euen from the Philosophers of Athens : the very Heathens in this point , agreeing with vs Christians . Nay , Christians themselues agree not so well about many points , euen of their owne Religion ; as in this point the very Heathens consent and agree with them . For ( as Tertullian obserueth ) Alij de Idolothyto edendo , alij de mulierum velamento , alij de nuptijs vel repudijs , nonnulli & de spe resurrectionis disceptabant : de Deo , nemo : Euen of professed Christians , some haue doubted , and disputed , of meate offered vnto Idols ; some of womens vayles and wimples ; some , of marriages and diuorces ; yea , and some of the hope euen of the Resurrection : but yet none at all of God. No man here makes any doubt , no man moueth any question , no man adorneth any kinde of disputation : not onely no Christians amongst themselues ; but none of all the Philosophers , neither one against another , nor yet any against Christians . They that in al other things are like Cadmus his men , euery one of them killing and striking downe another ; yet all here agree together , all fully doe consent , in admitting of a God. Yea , and not onely the Philosophers among the Greeks , but euen the Magi , in the extreamest East , among the barbarous Indians ; and the Druides , in the extreame West , among the barbarous Gaules : as Laertius obserueth , Gymnosophistas , ac Druidas , obscurè , ac per sententias philosophari , Colendos Deos — Magos Deorum vacare cultui . The Gymnosophists and Druides do teach in obscure sentences ; That we ought to worship God — Yea and so doe the Magi too . 4 And the like consent there is also among all other Arts ; as Tyrius Maximus obserueth . Si Artes omnes in consilium vcces , iubeasque simul vno decreto , de Substantia Dei sententiam ferre ; censesnè , aut Pictorem , aut statuarium , aut Poetam , aut Philosophum , diuersa , intellecturos ? Sed nec Scytha , nec Graecus , nec Persu , nec Hyperboreus dissentiet . If thou shouldest call all the Arts vnto one generall Councell , and bid them speak their minde , as concerning God : dost thou thinke that the Painter would tell thee one tale , and the Caruer another , the Poet another , and the Philosopher another ? No , they would agree all together . Yea , there would be amongst them so ful a consent , that neither S●ythyan , nor Graecian nor Persian , nor Hyperborean would dissent . In the first part of which sentence , you may obserue the generall consent of all Arts ; in the second , of all Natitions , and nominatim of the Scyth●ans ▪ who haue bene held for Atheists : So that in this point , there is an incredible agreement , not onely of all Nations , but also of all Conditions , of all Arts and Professions : who yet agree in nothing else , as he obserueth in the same place . Alij tamen aliter de rebus alijs , nec idem , sed diuersa sentire videntur : vt non modò gens genti , ciuitas ciuitati , domus domui , viro vir , sed nec quisquam sibi ipsi demùm consentiens sit . Yet diuers men iudge diuersly in all other matters , insomuch , that not onely no Countrey agreeth with another , but no City with City ; no house with house ; no man with man : but in all things almost therebe , Quot homin●s , tot sententie : So many men , so many mindes . Nay more mindes then men : for euery man hath many minds almost of euery thing : Nec quisquam sibi ipsi demùm consentit : as it followeth in that place of Tyrius . Yea , and Augustinus Eugubinus obserueth , euen of the wisest and learnedest Philosophers , who haue founded their opinions vpon the soundest reasons ; yet that still they finde new reasons , which make them to forsake their old opinions , and entertaine new in their steads . As Plutarch obserueth , both in Aristotle , Dem●critus , and Chrysippus : Qu● nonnulla prius sibi probata decreta , absque tumultu , doloreque , & quidem libenter , dimiserunt . Who did willingly forsake diuers of those opinions that before were allowed by them , not holding it any disgrace vnto them . Insomuch , that it may be obserued , in the most of them , that they doe not onely retract many opinions in their age , which they defended in their youth , but also , that almost euery sixe or seuen yeares , they betake them vnto new opinions . Which hee ascribeth , not so much vnto the imconstancie of their iudgement ; as to a greater experience , & further parefaction of the truth that reformeth it . But yet , in this one point , of beleeuing there is a God ; there is neither difference of opinion between nation & nation , profession and profession , person and person ; no , nor change of opinion in any singular man : but , as all men agree in this , in all places ; so doth euery man agree with himselfe , at all times ; when he is himselfe , and not , by the violence of inordinate passion , transported out of himselfe . Onely this change we may obserue : that some men , who in their youth haue denied God , haue changed their opinion ; and in their age confessed him : as we shall see hereafter , in a seueral Chapter . But no man , that in his youth confessed God , did euer change his opinion . So that , though the Philosophers ( as it were a kinde ▪ of Gentile Pharisies ) desire the preheminence , & prioritie in all things , and to be the ringleaders into all opinions : Yet in this one Opinion , That there is a God , they are content to be followers , and therein to subscribe , euen vnto the poorest and ignorantest Artizans : Who , though of infinite diuersitie in their trades and professions ; yet haue no diuersitie at all in their iudgements and opinions , as concerning this one point , to beleeue , There is a God. And this may euidently be seene by this one obseruation ; that there is almost none of them , no not euen the very meanest , but , beside the generall gods of their countries , who were worshipped by them all , they had some particular gods of their owne , whom they worshipped in speciall , as the Patrons , and Tutelar gods of their Arts. Senators and Counsellers had their Consus ▪ who did in consultando iuuare . Poets , their Muses ; Orators , their Mercurie ; Phisitians , their AEsculapius ; diuiners , their Apollo ; Merchants , their Mercurie againe ; Soldiors , their Mars ; Husbandmen , their Pan ; Smiths , their Vulcan ; Mariners , their Portunus ; Shepheards , their Pales ; Gardiners , their Flora ; Bakers , their Iupiter Pistor ; Costermongers , their Pomona ; Yea , and euen Theeues , their Lauerna . — Pulchra Lauerna da mihi fallere : Ladie Lauerna , teach me to steale . And so likewise , in those Arts , that are exercised by women : Midwiues , had their Lucina ; Nurses , their Cunina ; Maydens , their * Aucula . And diuers such like , which it were tedious to reckon vp : but yet are reckoned , by S. Augustine ; and by Arnobius , who setteth downe both their names , and their offices : which , euen without his interpretation , might well be gathered by their names . So that , there was no Arte or profession , amongst all the Heathen , but they had both their generall and their speciall gods . And therefore none of them could possibly be Atheists . Much lesse could those Artificers that are professed Christians : of whom Tertullian truly writeth , that , Deum quilibet opifex Christianus et inuenit , et ostendit . That euery Christian being a Christian , can easily both finde out and shew forth God. Besides , it is a thing that is worthy the noting , that , of all the Arts in the World ( though there be innumerable of them ) yet there is not any one that is founded vpon Atheisme . No Arte is grounded vpon this supposition , that There is no God ; No Arte dissolued , by beleeuing , there is a God. But many Arts and professions are grounded vpon the contrary supposition ; that There is a God : and presently dissolued , by beleeuing , There is no God ; as all Priests , and Prophets , Diuiners and Sacrificers , and all those other Arts , which either depende vpon Temples , or Altars . All which as they haue their immediate foundation , in mens beleeuing , That there is a God : So haue they their immediate dissolution , in beleeuing There is no God. As we may see in Baals Priests ; it being once beleeued , that Baal was no God ; you see how his Priests were all presently destroyed . And so likewise , when by S. Pauls preaching , it beganne to be beleeued , that Diana was no goddesse ; in what a feare was Demetrius , and the rest of his Siluer-Smiths , that their Art would be dissolued ? So that , there is no Arte , which either hath his being , by beleeuing ther is no God ; or , which loseth his being , by beleeuing there is a God : but there be many Arts , which both haue their being , by beleeuing there is a God : and which lose their being , by beleeuing there is none . And therefore no Artist ( as an Artist ) is fit to be an Atheist : because religion and piety is the very maintainer of many Arts immediately ; and of all the rest mediately . For all Arts haue their very being , vpon the coalition of humane society : which if it were dissolued , all Arts must ( by consequent ) of necessity perish with it . And perish it surely would , if religion did not hinder it . For the chiefest tye , and bond of all humane society , is neither reason , nor speech , nor indigency ; but religion , and piety . Qua sublata , confusio ac perturbatio vitae sequitur ( saith Lactantius ) Take but away Religion , and there will follow in mans life , great disorder & confusion . Nay the Orator goeth further : Haud scio , an pietate aduersus Deos sublata , fides etiam , et societas generis humani , et vna excellentissima virtus , Iusti●ia tollatur . I know not ( saith he ) whether if pietie , and religion towards God , were remoued , both faith and iustice , yea , and euen society amongst men , would not presently be dissolued . So that , all Arts whatsoeuer , depending vpon society , and society it selfe depending vpon religion ; it followeth that no Artificer whatsoeuer , can fall into Atheisme ; but he needs must dig vp his owne foundation . And therfore Ficinus setteth downe this position , that , Nulla ars aduersari Deo potest : That there is not any Art , that is opposed vnto God. No Art can resist his working ; much lesse refute his being . And thus you see the second branch of Tullies assertion verified ; that as there is Nulla Gens ; so there is nullum genus hominum : There is no sort , no order , no condition of men : neither Iewes , nor Gentiles , Greekes , nor Barbarians , Learned , nor Vnlearned , Ciuill , nor Rude ; None at all ( I say ) from the highest Ruler to the poorest Artificer , but they are inwardly perswaded , that There is a God. So that ( as Saint Augustine affirmeth in another like truth ) Hoc ita manifestum est , vt nulla huic doctorum paucitas , nulla indoctorum turba dissentiat : This is truth so manifest , that neither the paucity of the learned , nor the multitude of the vnlearned doc dissent from it . And therefore , let vs now proceede vnto his third ; that , as there is no sort of men , so there is no Man. CHAP. 6. That there is no particular person in the World , but that ( in some degree ) he beleeueth , There is a God. 2. No Swearer . 3. No Blasph●mer . 4. No Idolater . AS I finde it obserued , by diuers of the learned ; that it is a common Principle , in euery people , to beleeue , There is a God : so is it likewise obserued by them ; that this Principle hath his force , not onely in all Nations , and in all sorts of m●n ; but also in all persons , that liue amongst them . And this may euidently be seene , in the most of those sentences , which before I haue alledged , from the generality of this naturall impression ; that they extend and stretch themselues , not onely to all Nations , but also to all persons , vpon the face of the earth . Aristotle sayth , that it is haereditaria fama , ●ortalium omnium ; omnia & a Deo , & per Deum , nobis esse constituta . It is an haereditarie tradition which is common amongst all men ; that all things are praedecreed vnto men by God. Marke , mortalium omnium : common vnto All men . Tullie sayth that Nemo omnium tam immanis , cuius mentem non imbuer it Deorum opinio . Amongst men there is not any so sauage and barbarous , whose soule is not possessed with an opinion of the Gods. And againe in the same place : Omnes , esse vim & naturam Diuinam , arbitrantur : All men haue a perswasion , that there is a certaine power and nature Diuine . Who can be excepted , out of these two so absolute generalities , of Nemo , and Omnes ? of No man , and All men ? So Clemens Alexandrinus : Dei manifestatio erat apud omnes , naturalis . There is a naturall manifestation of God vnto all men . So likewise Arnobius : Quisquamnè est hominum , qui non , cum Dei notione , diem primae natiuitatis intrauerit ? Is there any amongst men , that brought not in with him a notion of God euen with his first entrance into the world ? So Beda : Naturaliter omnis homo habet cognitionem Dei. Euery man hath naturally some knowledge of the Deity . So likewise Prosper : Esse omnes sensere Deum ; nec de fuit vlli , Authorem Natura docens . — All men haue found a God to be ; Nor euer wanted Nature , To teach this Truth ; that only He , Of euery thing is Author . Now vnto these Testimonies , alledged before ( though to another purpose ) I may adde diuers others , as yet not alledged ; as namely that of Sibilla : Omnibus en patet is , clarúsque & apertus inerrans . Loe God , so cleare ▪ so knowne , so ope doth lie , That he doth enter into euery eye . And that likewise of Aratus , cited also in the same booke , by Clemens Alexandrinus : A Ioue principium : assiduis quem laudibus omnes Concelebrant homines : for a sunt Iouis omnia plena . Compita cum pagis , omnes & cum aequore portus . Begin with God , whose praises All Men sing ; All Cities , Streets , all Villages of Him Are full ; All Seas , Shores , Hauens , euery thing . MARKE : Omnes Concelebrant Homines — All celebrate his praise . So likewise that of Ennius . Aspice hoc sublime candens , quem inuocant omnes , Iouem . Behold this bright and lofty skye ; Here all Men pray to Ioue most high . Marke : Quem inuocant Omnes : To whom All men direct their Prayers . Yea , and this he spake , assensu omnium , as is noted in the same place , that is , with the generall assent of all men . And yet he called him there both Iouem , and Dominatorem rerum , & omnia motu regentem : & patrem Diuûmque Hominúmque ; & praesentem ac praepotentem Deum : Both the great God Iupiter , the great Ruler of all matters , the onely Mouer of all things : the Father both of Gods and Men ; yea , and himselfe , both a present , and a potent God. All which high Titles he ascribeth vnto God , with all mens generall applause and consent : affirming , in the same place , that God is as cleare and as euident as the Sun : and adding , that , Hoc qui dubitet , haud sanè intelligo , cur non idem , sol sit , an nullus sit , dubitare possit : That he , which doubteth , whether there be a God , may , with as great reason , doubt ; whether there be a Sunne . So cleare doth that Orator make the matter vnto all men . Yea , and euen prophane Lucian , though he reproue this generall opinion ; yet is forced to confesse it ; Omnes homines & Gentes turpiter decipiuntur , Deos esse existimantes : All persons and nations are fouly deceiued in beleeuing there be Gods. Reprouing it as the error , not onely of all Nations , but also of all Persons : but yet confessing , that it is an opinion , which is commou vnto all of them : though in 〈◊〉 shew , for the present , he would seeme to condemne it . 2 And ●et there be three seuerall sorts of men , who may seem ( it any other ) the most likely to deny him , because they so little honour him . The first are , Common swearers , who vse to rend and to teare him . The second are ; Blasp●emers , who vse to curse and reuile him . And the third , Idolaters , who abase and dishonour him , by ascribing diuine honour vnto an Idoll , their owne Creature . These three ( ●xcept the Atheist , for whom I doe reserue a speciall Treatise by himselfe ) are the most direct enemies that God indeed hath . But yet none of all these , if they duly be considered , can iustly be numbred , as denyers of God. For indeed , all their sinnes are absolutely grounded vpon this supposition ; that There is a God : without which they were no sinnes . For , how should either swearing , or blaspheming , or idolatrizing , be sinne ; if there were not a God , against whom they were committed ? Nay , all these seuerall vices , considered of themselues ( though not as sinnes , but as actions ) yet are done vpon supposall , that There is a God , God is the very obiect of euery one of them : as we may euidently see , if we will seuerally examine them . For , first , as conc●rning swearing ; it is Plutarch's opinion ; that Oathes doe as necessarily presuppose There is a God ; as either Temples , or Sacrifices , or inuocations . Vrbem , Templis , Dijsque ▪ carentem ; quae precibus , Iureiurando , or aculo non vtatur , n●●o vnquam vidit . A Citie without Temples , without gods , without prayers , without Oathes , without Oracles , was neuer seene by any man : reckoning all these ( euen Oathes amongst the rest ) as equally belonging vnto God : and all of them presuming , that there must needes bee one ; else should they haue no being . And this point , as concerning Oathes , may yet further be confirmed , by diuers other Arguments : as namely , first , by the very definition of an Oath , deliuered by Aristotle , that Iusiurandum est cum diuina veneratione dictio probationis expers . That an Oath is , an affirmation aboue all probation , pronounced with a feare and reuerence of God. He maketh an Oath the highest kinde of proofe : as the Apostle doth likewise , when hee saith , that an oath is an ending of all strife , Secondly , the same appeareth by the forme of an Oath : which is , a calling of God himselfe to witnesse . So S. Paule , God is my witnesse , whom I serue : So he againe . I witnesse before God , that I lye not . Yea and this forme the Heathans held , as well as the Christians . So Plautus . — summum Iovem , Deósque detestor . Itestifie , The God most high . So againe . Id vt scias , louem supremum , testem laudo . To make thee well assur'd of this , The highest God my witnesse is . So Tullie . Est Iusiurandum affirmatio religiosa . Quod autem affirm●tur quasi D●o teste promiseris , id tenendum est : An Oath is not a ciuill , but a religious affirmation . Now , that which we promise , calling God to witnesse , ought faithfully and religiously to be performed of vs. Whereby it appeareth , that the common and vsuall forme of their Oathes , was to cal God to witnesse . Thirdly , the same appeareth by that nuncupatiue title , wherewith both Heathens and Christians haue honoured their Oathes , in calling their swearing , an Oath of God. So Ennius : O fides alma , ipta pinnis , & iusiurandum Iovis : O vncorrupted faith , mounting with heauenly wings : Ioues sacred Oath before his Throne it brings . So Moses : An Oath of the Lord shall be betweene them . The one of them calleth it , an Oath of Ioue ; the other of Iehovah . Because the Infidels doe vse to sweare by their false gods , the faithfull by the true one : as may be euidently seene in the Oathes of Iaacob and Laban . But yet , both of them sweare by that , which they esteemed for their God. Fourthly , the same appeareth by that Ceremonie , which was commonly vsed , in taking of an Oath ; to lay his hand vpon the Altar , as acknowledging that he spake in the presence of God : and that he offered vp the inward truth of his soule , vpon the Altar of God. This Ceremonie Tullie mentioneth , in his Oration pro L. Flacco : where he saith of Falcidius ( as if his name had beene Falsidicus ) that Huic , si aram tenens iurar●t , nemo crederet : That no man would beleeue him , although he should sweare , holding the very Altar . So Plautus : Tene Aram hanc-Deiura . Hold th' Altar here , Let 's see thee sweare . Whereby it appeareth , that it was a common ceremonie amongst the Romans , to take hold vpon the Altar , when they solemnely sware . Vnto which Roman custome there seemeth to be a kinde of allusion , in the Gospell of S. Mathew : where our Sauiour Christ reproueth the Doctrine of the Pharisies , for making it a light matter , to sweare by the Altar . Where the Greeke Text hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the vulgar Latin , in Altars : Whosoeuer sweareth in the Altar , or vpon the Altar . Fifthly , the same appeareth , by that great Religion , which euen the very Heathens haue placed in Oathes : yea , and that both on the part of him that taketh it , and of him that exacteth it . First , for the swearer● : they vtterly detested him for a villaine , that vnder the religion of an Oath , durst avouch any false thing , as violating , & Deorum & Hominum fidem : both the truth of God and Men : as it is censured by Xenophon : making God himselfe a lyer : as auouching of him , as a witnesse vnto their lye . Yea , and they placed so sacred a Religion in an Oath , that they held it a prophanenesse , but euen to dally with it ; as bringing the most holy thing into contempt : insomuch , that they condemned Socrates vnto death , nominatim for this ( among his other crimes ) quia nova iuramenta iurauit ( as Iosephus reporteth ) because he vsed to sweare by vnlawfull Oathes . For their vsuall swearing was , by Iupiter and the Gods : as appeareth in Plautus . Per Iovem adiuro patrem : I sweare by God our father . And againe : Per Iouem , Deosque omnes adiuro : I sweare by love and all the other Gods. But Socrates was wont to sweare by a Dogge : per Canem : as appeareth in Plato . Which prophanation of an Oath , they interpreted , as an impiety against their Religion : and therefore , that ( in piety ) they oug●t to condemne him . And , as they reposed great Religion in an oath , in 〈…〉 of the Actor : so did they likewise , respect of the Exactor : accounting it a kinde of prophanenesse in any man , when an Oath was orderly performed , not to giue credit to it : as Stobaeus collecteth out of Antiphanes : — Cùm aliquis contemnit iurantem ▪ Tum ille mihi Deos ipsos contemnere videtur . Whos'ere he be , contemnes a man , when taking solemne Oath : He doth contemne , not man , but God ; nor God and man ; them both . And therefore , Menechmus , in the fore-alledged place , when hee had taken his Oath : Per Iovem , Deosque omnes adiuro , Vxor. I sweare by Ioue and all the Gods , good wife , He addeth immediately : Satin ' hoc est tibi ? Let this suffice , for ending of our strife . Pleading , that hauing so religiously protested , he ought to be beleeued . For , as the reuerence of God ought to adact the Swearer , to the speaking of the truth : so likewise , the Hearer , to the beleeuing of the truth . An Oath ought to be the stinting of all strife . Sixtly , the same appeareth by a secret Religion , which entreth into the Swearer himselfe , euen in the taking of his Oath . And that is twofold : the one towards men ; the other towards God. Both obserued by Soph●cles , in one and the same sentence . Apposito iureiurando , cautior & diligentior Animus fit . A duobus enim sibi tum cavet ; Et , ne laedat amicos ; et , ne peccet in Deos. Mans very soule , by sacred oath adiur'd , More wary proues , and circumspect by ods : For then he dreads this double forfeyture , T offend his friends , & sin against the gods . Seuenthly , the same appeareth , because that euery Oath hath a secret execration annexed to it , and a curse against the swearer , if he sweare not the truth , For ( as Plutarch truly noteth ) Omne iusiurandum in ex●crationem peri●rij desinit . Est autem execratio res tristis , & mali ominis : Euery Oath ( saith he ) doth end in a latent execration against periury . Now euery execration is a very heauy and discomfortable thing , and f●ll of euill forecasting , and signification . And this wee may see in the forme of diuers Oathes , recorded both in Scriptures , and in Heathen Writers . We reade oftentimes in Scriptures . God doe so , and more also : implying a tacite and latent imprecation , if they doe not thus and thus . So in Plautus : Quid si fallis ? Ly. Tum me faciat quod vult magnus Iupiter . It may well be rendred by that phrase of Scripture ; then God doe so and more vnto me . Yea and the Romans in their solemne Oathes ; were wont to vse this ceremonie , as Rhodiginus obserueth out of Servius . They vsed to throw a stone out of their hand , with this execration : Si sciens fallo , qui me despicit ( salua vrbe ac arte ) bonis eijciat , vt ego hunc lapidem . If I willingly deceiue thee ; then God that is aboue me ( preseruing the Cittie ) caste me out from all good men , as I caste out this Stone . And the like execrationis also pronounced by , Abigail , against the enemies of Dauid . The soule of thine enemies shall God cast out , as out of the ●iddle of a sling . And so God also did vnto impious Capanaeus ; who boasting that God himselfe should not be able to hinder him , he was presently stroken with lightening , and cast from the top of the wall , as it were out of the middle of a sling . For so Euripides expresseth his falling . — à scalis autem Deijciebatur , velut è funda . He was cast downe the Scale with such a fling , As if a Stone were throwne from out a Sling . By all which weighty Reason , both out of the Heathen writers , and out of Holy Scriptures , it euidently appeareth , that all men in their swearing , both presume , There is a God ; and that he truely heareth , whatsoeuer is spoken ; and that he will reuenge him , of the impietie of those men , that by their false swearing dishonour his holy name . And therefore , no Swearer can be possibly an Atheist , euen by the very nature of his owne proper act , if hee thinketh as he sweareth . For the very act of swearing , presupposeth there is a God , not onely in the inten●ion of the exactour , but also in the extension of the performer , be hee whosoeuer ; yea though the veriest Atheist , that euer liu●d in the world . For , though in his heart , he may ( haply ) beleeue there is no God : yet , in his act , he would seeme to beleeue , there is one : euen by his action of swearing , he would haue other men to beleeue , that he beleeueth , there is one . Because , the congruitie of very Reason requireth , that he , which sweareth by God , should certainely beleeue , that There is a God , to by sworne by : or else he sweareth vainely . Nay , he that sweareth by God , if he thinke that there is none , disableth the very force of his owne asseueration For , no man would euer sweare , but to be the better beleeued for his Oath . But , he that desireth to be beleeued for his swearing by God , if hee thinke , There is no God , is as vtterly absurd , as if he should desire , that men should beleeue him , when he professeth before hand , that hee sweareth by nothing : and , as impu●ent , as if he should request them ; I pray you to beleeue me , for I sweare ( By nothing ) that this I say is true . His iust reward in swearing by nothing , should be to be beleeued in nothing . Thus Swearers ( as you see ) if they properly be Swearers , they cannot properly be Atheists : the very action of swearing , destroying directly the opinion of Atheisme . And therefore , whereas Socrates , in Aristophanes , professed , that he beleeued not the vsuall gods : Strepsiades presently replyed , Quomodo iuratis igitur ? An per numm●s ferreos , si●ut Bizantij ? How then doest thou sweare , if thou beleeue not the gods ? Doest thou sweare , like a Bizantian , by their yron pence ? Accompting it most iustly , for a very grosse absurditie , that any man should outwardly sweare by the gods , that inwardly beleeueth , that there is no God : or , that any man should sweare by any thing , but onely by God. And therefore , when Toxaris the Scythian sware , Per Ventum , et Acinacem : M●esippus derided him for swearing by such things , as were no gods : but he defended himselfe , that among the Scythians , those two were held for gods . So that it appeareth by the concurring opinion both of the reprehender , and of the reprehended , that nothing is to be sworne by but onely God And consequently that all Swearers must presuppose There is a God. 3 And the like may be also sayd of Blasphemers , that is , of such as are Reuilers or Cursers of God : for vnto that vse onely the word is now restrayned : as S. Augustine hath obserued : Est blasphemia , cùm aliqua mala dicuntur de bonis . Sed iam vulgò Blasphemia non accipitur , nisi mala verba de Deo dicere . De hominibus namque dubitari potest : Deus verò fine controuer sia bonus est . Blasphemie is to speake any euill of good . But now commonly , Blasphemie is to speake onely euill of God. For of Men , we may doubt , whether they be euill or good : But of God we cannot doubt , but that he must needs be good . So that , the word Blasphemie hath two significations : the one a lardger , which is to speake euill of good : the other a stricter , which is to speake euill of God. Against the first of those Blasphemies , God hath pronounced a woe : Woe vnto them that speake good of euill , and euill of good : but against the second of them , he hath ordayned a Law : Thou shalt not rayle vpon the gods : no not , vpon the earthly gods , much lesse vpon the heauenly . Yea and that vnder a penaltie : Whosoeuer cu●seth his God , he sh●ll beare his iniquitie , that is , He shall be surely punished , for so the Chaldee Paraphrase readeth it : Sustinebit poenam suam : Yea and that seuerely too . For it followeth , in the next words , He that Blasphemeth the name of the Lord , shall be put to death ; the Congregation shall stone him . The execution of which Law , we may reade in the same place : where the sonne of the Isra●litish woman was stoned for blaspheming ; giuing occasion very iustly , of the making of that notable Law against Blasphemie . Wherein we may obserue , that the Blasphemer was no Atheist . And that , by two reasons : the one drawne from his person ; the other from his action . For first , for his person : he is sayd to haue beene the sonne of an Israelitish woman , and of an Aegyptian : by neither of which parents hee could be instituted in Atheisme . For first , for the A●gyptians ; they were so farre from being Atheists , that they were of all other the most palpable Polytheists . And for the Israelites ; though they were the worshippers of an invisible God ; yet had hee shewed amongst them so many visible signes of his omnipotent power and goodnesse , as that hee was confessed , euen by the very Heathens : and therefore could not be denied by any of the Israelites . Blaspheme him they might ( as this Israelite in his furie , and impatience did ) but denie him they could not ; the euidence of his wonderous workes was so great . And this is the first reason , why hee could not be an Atheist . The second is this : that this Law against Blasphemie , being made by occasion of this Blasphemers fact , and forbidding onely that , which he had committed , doth euidently shew that hee was not an Atheist . For then , the Law would haue runne against the denying of God : Whosoeuer denieth God , let him be stoned . But , because this mans sin was not a denying vnto God a being ( which is the sin of Atheisme ) but a cursing of that God whom he beleeued to be ; therefore the law was made , not against the denying , but against the cursing of God : He that blasphemeth the name of God , shall be stoned . And therefore , blaspheming doth not suppose a denying , nor the blashemer , vpon neccessitie , to be a denyer of God. Nay , indeede , it directly supposeth the contrary : it supposeth there is a God : As may plainly be collected , both by the beginning & the end of that irreligious passion , which begetteth in them the sin of blaspheming . For , first , from the beginning of their passion : it is a sodaine anger conceiued against God , vpon a supposition , of either some euill receiued from him , or of some good denied by him . For blasphemare ( as Aquinas defineth it ) est contumeliam vel conuitium inferre , in iniuriam Creatoris : To blaspheme , is , to offer , either contumelie , or obloquie , by way of dishonor , vnto the Creator . Which necessarily supposeth , that he needs must haue a being . Otherwise , hee must needes confesse , that hee is angry with Nothing : and so might , as iustly be derided , as that foolish Polyphemus , who raued for that wrong that was done to him by Nullus . Againe , the same may be collected , from the ende of their passion : which is , desperately to prouoke God to be angry with them : because they before haue beene angred by him , and so to quitte him with his owne . Which likewise must needes inferre , that they thinke he hath a being . For , otherwise , they should be as vtterly absurd , as if they should endeauour to moue Nothing , vnto anger ; spending all their rayling , as foolishly against him , as the Doggs doe their barking , when they howle against the Moone . And therefore it followeth not , that though some men doe Blaspheme , and raile against God ; that therefore they thinke that there should he none : but rather , that there is one : Which they manifestly acknowledge , euen in their very rayling ; vnlesse , they will make themselues to be knowne for noted-fooles . Who would raile vpon a thing , which they thinke to haue no being ? Yea , and diuers of the Heathens were so farre from supposing , that rayling and blaspheming should inferre , there is no God ; that they made it the essentiall worship of diuers of their gods . For Nazianzene reporteth it of the Lindianes , that they worshipped their Hercules , onely with railings : Deum illum , non alio , quàm conuitiorum et maledictorum honore , afficientes : And Plinie reporteth the same , of their goddesse Fortune : Conuitijs colitur . Shee is worshipped with rayling and blaspheming . And therefore Blasphemie doth not inferre impietie : Nor , that hee which blasphemeth God , must of necessitie denie God. For , of necessitie hee granteth him , though of impotencie hee blaspheme him . So that , neither common Swearers , nor yet Blasphemers , be Atheists . That they be great offenders , it cannot be denied : but that they be Atheists , it cannot be affirmed . Their sinne is not Atheisme : it is of another kind . The Blasphemer , is not Atheus , but rather Antitheus : as Lactantius speaketh . And his fault is not Atheisme , or lack of religion ; but outrage against the true Obiect of religion . Which yet ( in a large acception ) may be called Irreligion : though it bee not a priuation of all religion ; because it is an impugning of the true religion . For , as Tertullian affirmeth of the Romanes : Non modò n●gligendo , quin insuper expugnando verum Deum , committitis crimen verae irreligio fitatis : Not onely by neglecting , but also by oppugning him that is the true God , you truely incurre the crime of Irreligion . 4 Let vs now come to Idolaters : which is the third of our instances : and see , whether they can be numbred as Atheists . But that indeed they cannot , their very profession is against it . For what can be more distant , then Polytheisme , and Atheisme ? then impietie , and idolatrie ? I meane priuatiue impietie , which depriueth men wholy , of all sense of Religion . Idolaters bee Polytheists and therefore not Atheists . They worship many gods : and therefore they cannot denie , that there is a God. Nay they must needs confesse one , that admit many . They cannot exclude one , that confesse many . And therefore , ( as I sayd before , of Swearers , and Blasphemers ) so may I now , of Idolaters : that they are taught , by their profession to denie and renounce Atheisme ; and by it strictly tyed , to beleeue There is a God. As we may euidently see , in all the seuerall degrees of Idolatry . For , would a man euer worship , either the Sunne , or the M●one , or the Starres ; as did the most Nations both of Greekes and Barbarians ( which diuers of the Heathens haue confessed to be but Creatures ) but that he is perswaded , that There is a God ? Surely , he neuer would . But it may be alledged ; that haply , the glory and beauty of these Creatures preuailed more with men , to occasion them to worship them ; then did the strength of this inward conclusion . For much is insinuated in the booke of Wisdome : where hee both reporteth , and reproueth this opinion : and yet partly excuseth those , that were deceiued by them ; though not a toto , yet a ta●to : that though it be a great fault , to worship any thing but God : yet that it is a lesse faulte , to worship those Creatures , that are of Gods making ; t●en to worshippe those Idols , that are of mans making . But , to take away this excuse , which is grounded vpon their beauty ; would a man euer worship the Fire , the Water , the Earth , and the Aire ( as the Persians did ) but vpon this perswasion , that , There is a God ? These be not of such blazing beauties . But it may be sayd againe : that , though not the beauty ; yet the commodity , which men receiue by these things , were the chiefest inducements , to consecrate them for gods . For , that was Prodicus his opinion ( at the least his relation ) That whatsoeuer thing was profitable vnto the life of man , might iustly be reckoned , as his God. Therefore to take away this Obiection also : Would a man euer worship a Wolfe , or a Crocodile , as the Aegyptians did , but that hee is perswaded ; That there is a God ? These be not things of profit . But yet , euen for these things , something may be sayd : namely , that , though it were not the hope of any profit by them ; yet was it the feare of receiuing hurt from them , that caused men to worship them . For as they had their good Gods , whom they worshipped for loue : so had they their euill gods , whom they worshipped for feare : Deos quosdam vt prodessent , celebrant ; quosdam ne obessent , placabant : sayth A● Gellius . They did worshippe some gods , to receiue some profit by them ; and they serued others , to escape euill from them . Well , be it so . Yet hereby it appeareth , that , euen the very Heathen , in worshipping things of so diuers natures , were inwardly perswaded in their mindes ; that the nature of God was glorious , and therefore to be honoured ; liberall , and therefore to be loued ; powerfull , and therefore to be feared : which manifestly argueth , that they beleeued , there was a God. But , to remoue all those Obiections at once , wherein those fore-named considerations , may seeme to be the ground of their Religions ; and , to instance where none of all these can be found , but where onely the hidden sense of this inward conclusion , that There is a God , doth carry the whole sway : would a man euer worship a Stocke , or a Stone , made by his owne hand in some artificiall forme ; but that this is a burning conclusion in his heart , That there is a God ? This woodden god , can haue neither any glory , to allure him ; nor any profit , to perswade him ; nor any feare , to constraine him . For ( as the wiseman teacheth ) it is but a knotty peece of wood , and indeed the most thri●●les and vnprofitable part of all the whole Tree , whereof it is made ; yea more vprofitable then the very chipps , that are hewed away from it . For by them yet the Carpenter warmeth himselfe . So that they are good for something : but the Idol it selfe is good for iust nothing , as the Prophet Isay directly affirmeth . But it may yet be obiected : that the artificiall beauty , and workmanship of the Idol , may haply preuaile to make men worship it , as a God ; though in it selfe , it haue none other good . For so indeed Saint Augustine collect●th . Ducit , & affectu quodam interno rapit infirma corda mortalium , forme similttudo , & membrorum imitata compago . The likenesse of the forme , and imitation of the members , which men doe see in Idols , doth , with a strong affection , steale away their weake hearts . And againe in the same place : Plus valent simulachra , ad curuandam infoelicem animam , quòdos habent , oculos habent , aures habent ; quam ad corrigendam , quòd non loquuntur , non vident , non audiunt , non ambulant : An Idol hath greater force , to infect a simple soule , in that it hath a mouth , it hath eyes , it hath eares ; then to instruct it , in that it hath no speech , no sight , no hearing , no mouing . T●●refore , to take away this obiection too , as well as all the rest : Would a man euer worship informem , & rudem lapidem ; as the Romans did vnder the name of God Terminus ; but that they are perswaded , that a God there is ? This God hath neither forme , nor beauty , to allure them to worship him . No forme ; for it is informis . No beauty ; for it is rudis , as Lactantius noteth . Whereas euerie God ought to haue such perfect beauty , that Tully reckoneth it as a foule absurdity , not onely that any other thing should be more beautifull then God ; but also , that among the gods , any one of them should be more beautifull then another . They ought all so to excell in the highest degree of beauty . And therefore so rude and vnformed a god , as this Terminus is , a man would neuer worship ; but that hee must needs bee worshipping of some God ; and so , not knowing what is best to worship , hee worshippeth that which is neerest vnto hand . And therefore ( as Tully defineth of Atheists ) that it is vnpossible , for any of thē to be superstitious : so it is true in Idolaters ( who are all of them superstitious ) that it is as impossible , for any of them to be Atheists . For , Idolaters yeeld two Arguments , which necessarily conclude , that they think there is a God. The first is , the enormous pride of some of them . The second , the abiect basenesse of other some . For the first . We reade of diuers men , who haue bene so monstrously ouerswolne with pride and vanity , that they haue inuented a strange kind of Idolatry ; to idolatrize themselues , and to make themselues gods ; or rather indeed Idols , vnder the name of gods ; as Nabuchodo●osor , Caligula , Domitian ; and diuers others of the Romane Emperours . Which honour , no man would euer haue affected , but that hee is both perswaded himselfe , and would haue others too , perswaded , That there is a God. So that , this kind of Idolaters declare by their pride , that they thinke , There is a God. For Autotheisme cannot possibly be Atheisme . The other kinde of Idolaters , declare the same , by their basenesse . For man , being by nature so proud and ambitious , that no honor can suffice him , but that hee wil● affect euen the name and place of God : what is it , that can make this gallant so to stoope , and to abiect himselfe so basely vnto a Stocke , and a Stone , as to creepe and kneele vnto them ; but , that onely the force of Religion adacteth him ? telling him within his bosome , both that There is a God ; and that he is purposely created for his worship : Who , because ( through his pride ) he giueth it not where it is due ; he leaueth him ( through his basenes , ) to giue it where it is not due . So that , euen Idolatry it selfe , though it be both the nurse and mother of lyes ; yet teacheth it this truth , to beleeue , There is a God. And though it selfe dishonour him ; yet teacheth it vs to honour him . For whatsoeuer the Idolater worshippeth for his false God , it teacheth vs muc● more to worshippe the true God. Yea , euen Iupiter himselfe ( as Clemens Alexandrinus noteth ) Etiam ipse Iupiter , qui Poetarum ver sibus canitur , in Deum refert cogitationem . Euen Iupiter himselfe , whom the Poets make a false god , yet erecteth our thoughts vnto the true God. And thus you plainly see , how Tullies obseruation is perfectly verified in euery branc● of it : and that there is no Nation , neither ciuill , nor rude ; no condition of men , neither learned , nor vnlearned ; no seuerall person ; though neuer so prophane , neither Swearer , Blasphemer , nor Idolater , but he is inwardly perswaded That there is a God. And that therefore the Atheist , in seeking to deny it , doth ( as Plutarch truely censureth him ) immobilia mouere ; & bellum inferre , non tan●ùm longo tempori , sed & multis hominibus gentibus , & familijs ; quas religiosus D●orum cultus , quasi diuino furore correptas , tenuit : Hee seeketh to shake that , which cannot be moued ; and boldly biddeth battaile , not only to many men , but also to many Nation , Countries , and Families ; whom the religious worship of God hath so deepely possessed , that it hath almost euen rauished them : fighting so , himselfe alone , both against all Antiquity , Vniuersality , and Consent , which doe make a three-fold Corde , not easie to be broken . CHAP. 7. That a great discord may be noted among the Heathens , as concerning the worship of their seuerall Gods. 2. Yet that this discord doth not infringe the generall opinion , as concerning God. 3. But that it much confirmes it . PLutarch , in his first booke Of the Opinions of the Philosophers , affirmeth , that the first propagation of Religion among men , and the first spreading of this opinion , as concerning God , hath bin brought to passe by some one of these three meanes : aut naturali forma , aut fabulosa , aut legum testimonio . Naturalem Philosophi , fabulosam Poetae , docent ; Leges autem suas , singulae habent Ciuitates : that is , either by meanes of such naturall reasons as haue bin deliuered by the learning of Philosophers ; or by such fabulous adumbrations , as haue beene deuised by the wit of Po●ts ; or by such politicall constitutions , as haue beene inioyned by the authority of Magistrates . And it is true indeed , that ( for traditionall diuinity ) it was among the Heathens especially propagated , by some one of these three meanes . But there was a naturall Theologie , ingrafted in the soule before them all : ante omnem rationis vsum ( as Iamblicus affirmeth ) euen before all vse of reason , and all capacity to receiue instruction : whereby they were disposed , and in a sort prepared , to admit any one of the fore-named instructions , though it came but single of it selfe . But in the former discourse , I haue ioyned them all together : shewing , by a generall consent of all Philosophers , all Poets , and all Lawgiuers , that There is a God. So that there is not so vniuersall an agreement in any one thing in the world , as there is , in beleeuing , that There is a God. But yet , I finde it againe obserued , that there is not in any thing so great a disagreement ; as there is , in defining , what that God should be . Res nullà est ( saith Tullie ) de qua tantoperè , non solùm indocti , sed etiam docti dissentiant : There is nothing , wher in there is so great a discord , not only amongst the vnlearned , but also among the learned . And he maketh good his assertion , by a particular enumeration of the seuerall opinions , of all the Philosophers . Which are seuerall indeed ; yea , and so distantly seuered , that no two of them doe agree in any one opinion : some worshipping the Heauens , some the Stars some the El●ments , some one thing , some another . So that ( as one wittily obserues of them ) Colebat quisque quod volebat : Euery man worshipped whatsoeuer he would . Onely , this seemed to be the common study and endeauour of them all , that none would haue that god whom any other had . Nay , by and by after , he will haue another god , then he himselfe had before ; as we may euidently see , in the fore-alledged place of Tullie ; both in Plato , Aristotle , Theophrastus , and Cleanthes , and in diuers others . So that , if any where , the prouerbe here is verified ; that , Quot homines , tot sententiae : So many heads , so many wits ; so many men , so many mindes . For ( as Tertullian obserueth by them ) Alij incorporalem asseuerant , alij corporalem ; vt ●am Platonici , quàm Stoici : alij ex atomis , alij ex numeris ; vt Epicurus , et Pythagoras : alij ex igne ; qualiter Heraclito visum est . Et Platonici quidem , curantem rerum : contrà , Ep●●urei ociosum et inexercitum , & ( vt ita dixerim ) neminem humanis rebus . Positum verò extra mundum Stoici , qui , figuli modo , extrinsecus torqueat molem hanc : intra mundum Platonici , qui , gubernatoris exemplo , intra illud maneat quod regat . Some of the Philosophers make God to be spirituall , some other of them , corporall ; as the Platonicks & Stoicks . Some make their god of Atomes , and indiuidual moates ; some of diuidual nūbers ; as Epicurus , and Pythagoras . Some make him all of fire ; for so it seemed to Heraclitus . The Platonicks make God prouident , and wonderfull carefull , that all things may go well . The Epicures make him idle and sloathfull , and as good as no body in all humaine affaires . The Stoicks , they place God without the world , turning about the Heauens , as Potters vse to doe their wheeles : the Platonicks within the world , ruling it within it , as Pilots vse to rule their ships . And many other like differences are set downe betweene them , both by Tullie , in the fore-alledged place ; and , by Plutarch , in his fore-alledged Booke . So that there is not a more notable consent of all sorts of men , in the generall notion , of Gods existence and being , then there is a notable dissent amongst them , in the particular notion , what this God should be . Which difference in opinion , prophane Lucian snatcheth , as a fit occasion , to deride both God & all his religion : A gentium opinione , quam de diis obtinent , màximè licet intelligere , quàm nihil firmum & stabile in se habe●t , quae de Dijs fertur oratio . Multa enim est , & conturbata opinionum confusio : ac planè alij alia opinantur . By the opinion of all Nations as concerning their gods , we may easily conceiue how much they are deceiued , and how fondly they build vpon a weake ground : so great a confusion may be seen in their opinions , and so great a difference between their defenders . And then he proceedeth to set down the dissention that he finds among thē : Scythae , acinaci sacrisicant ; Thraces , Zamolxidi , homini fugiti●o , quem ex Samo ad illos delatum esse constat ; Phryges autem , Lunae ; Aethiopes Diei ; Cyllenij , Phaleti ; Columbae , Assirij ; Persae , Igni , Aegytij , Aquae . Caeterùm priuatim , Memphitis quide●● , Bos Deus est ; Pelu●iotis verò , Cepe : Iam , alijs , Ciconia ; aut Crocodilus ; alijs , Cynoeephalus ; aut seles , aut Simia . Pra●tereà , vicatim ; his quidem , dexter humerus ; caeteris verò , eregione habitantibus ; sinister : item alijs , dimidia pars capitis ; alijs , poculum samium , aut catinus . The Scythians doe sacrifice vnto their sword ; The Thracians , vnto a certaine fugitiue , called Zamolxis , who fled vnto them , out of Samos ; The Phrygians , to the Moone ; The AEthiopians , to the Day ; The Cyllenians , to Phaletes ; The Assyrians , to a Doue ; The Persians , to the fire ; the AEgyptians , to the Water . Yea , and more priuatly , for their Citties , The Memphiàns worship an Oxe , for their God ; the Pelusians , an Onion ; others , a Storke ; some , a Crocodile ; others , a Beast that had an head like a Dogge ; a Ca lt , or an Ape . Yea , and yet more particularly , for their seuerall Villages ; some , doe worship their right shoulder ; and some other againe , their left : some do worship , the one halfe of their head : some , an earthen Pot ; and some other a Platter . Vpon all which he concludeth , Nonne haec tibi videntur risu prosequenda ? Are not these to be derided ? He seeking from this difference and dissension to make but a mock , and a scorne of all Religion : as though this generall opinion of God , were but onely a matter meerely fayned , and deuised . 2 But , that Conclusion doth not follow from this dissension . It infringeth neither the generalitie ; nor yet the veritie of this notion , That there is a God : Nay , indeed it confirmes them both . For first , as concerning the generalitie of it ; that followeth , by necessitie , vpon the affirmation of the particularitie . Qui Socratem dicit , Hominem dicit . He that affirmeth Socrates to be , hee must needs affirme , a man to be because , Socrates is a man. And so , hee that affirmeth either Iupiter , or Apollo , or Mars , or the Sun , or Moone , or Stars , or any other particular either Person , or Thing , to be a God ; he must needs , by consequence affirme the generall , That there is a God. Yea , and though a thousand should dissent , as concerning this or that particular God ; yet , if euery one of them doe name some one particular God , though he denie all the rest ; yet , euen in that one particuler , hee must needes conclude the generall , that There is a God. As for example : if one man should say , that Socrates were no Philosopher , but yet grant that Plato is ; another , that Plato were none , but yet that Aristotle is one ; another , that not he , but Xenocrates ; and so in infinitum : all these agree in the generall , that A Philosopher there is : though they disagree in the particular , Who he is . And so it is likewise , in the opinions of the Heathens , as concerning their gods . Though they particularly denie this , or that thing , to be God ; yet , in affirming some other particular , they doe generally affirme , that there is a diuine nature . Their dissent in destroying of this , or that particular , doth not argue a consent , in destroying of the generall ; no nor a dissent of any one of them from that ; but a generall consent in it . As well may bee obserued , both in Tullie , and Plutarch : who , in the same sentence and complexion of words , wherein they report the generall dissent of all men in their particular gods ; yet confesse their generall consent , in hauing of some God. So Tullie . Multi , de Diis praua sentiunt : id enim vicioso more effici solet ; Omnes tamen , essevim , et Naturam Diuinam , arbitrantur : Many men doe thinke many euill things of the Gods : for that they haue learned by wicked examples . But yet all men doe confesse , That a God there is . So Plutarch . Omnes hoc vno ore dicunt , esse Deos. De Numero eorum , Ordine , Natura , Potestate , maxime sunt inter ipsos dissensiones . All men doe confesse , as it were with one mouth , that gods ( surely ) there be : herein they all agree . But , for their Number , their Order , their Nature , their Power , they doe vtterly disagree . So that their disagreement , as concerning the number , and order of their gods , dissolueth not their agreement , in their being and essence ; but that herein they all agree . Omnibus innatum est , et quasi insculptum ; esse Deos , sayth Tullie againe . Quales sint , varium est : esse , nemo negat : It is naturally ingrauen into the mindes of all men , to beleeue There is a God ; What an one hee is , is doubted of many : but that one there is , is not denied of any . And yet againe , in another palce . Nulla gens est , neque tam immansueta , neque tam fera : quae non , etiamsi ignoret qualem habere Deum deceat , tamen habendum sciat . There is not any people so feirce and vnciuil ; but , though they may be ignorant , what they ought to make their God , yet they fully are perswaded , that they ought to haue a God. Whereby it appeareth ; that ( as Iustin Martyr noteth ) Non differunt inter se , in vniuersali Dei cognitione , sed in speciali opinione : They differ not among themselues , in the generall Position of hauing a God ; but in their particular Opinion of hauing this , or that God. So that , this dissension doth make no opposition against the vniuersalitie of the former opinion . No more doth it neither , against the veritie of it . For , it followeth not , by so much as a colour of consequence , that there should therefore be no God , because men cannot agree about this or that God : as though Gods being , or not being , depended vpon mens agreeing , or not agreeing . It is not mans opinion , that either giueth , or destroyeth , or altereth , the being of any thing in the world : and then , much lesse of God. But , all things are , as they are ; whatsoeuer we thinke of them : they change not their being , for our change of opinion . For , as it is truly obserued by the Poet. Nostrum scire quidem , aut nescire , nihil variat res . Things still persist , and varie ne're a iot : Whether we know them , or we know them not . And therefore , if there were ten thousand differing opinions as concerning any thing ; yet all they could not alter any whit in his being . How many differing opinions are reckoned vp by Aristotle , as concerning the soule : and how many moe by Tullie ? yea , and those in great varietie . Hath a man therefore no soule ; because the Philosophers cannot agree what it is ? or , hath the soule no being ; because Pherecrates affirmed the Soule to be Nothing ? Or , may we beleeue that a man hath a soule ; notwithstanding their dissension about the soule ? And may we not beleeue , There is a God ; notwithstanding their dissension and strife about God ? This were against all reason . Or , may we not beleeue , that there be Starres in Heauen ; because of their * dissension , about the substance of them ? Whether they be burning Stones , or shining Clowdes , or polisht Cristals or such like ? This were against all sense . And yet is , neither the former opinion more directly against reason , nor this against sense ; then it is against them both , to beleeue there is no God ; because of Mens dissension , who , or what should be that God. For , how can either Mens soules giue greater euidence vnto reason , or the starres themselus vnto sense , of their true being and existence ; then God doth of his , vnto them both ? If the soule sheweth his true being vnto the eye of Reason , by those notable operations , which it worketh in our bodyes , and in all the parts thereof ; doth not God , much more shew his , by those glorious operations , which he worketh in the world , and in all the parts thereof ? Againe , if the Starres doe shew their being vnto the eye of sense , by the glorious brightnesse and shining of their bodyes ; doth not God much more shew his , by his shining in those bodyes ? who ( as Ecclesiastious testifieth ) is ten thousand times brighter then the Sunne . And therefore he that doubteth whether there be a God , or no , may as iustly doubt whether there be a Sunne , or no : as the Oracle collecteth : Quid enim est hoc , illo euidentius . Therefore , neither the generality , nor the verity of this grounded opinion , that There is a God , is any whit impaired by the particular dissention , that is among men about it . Because it may truely be affirmed of them ( as Plutarch doth in the very like case ) Singulos non recte pronuncia●se : That though in their particular , they haue eu●ry one erred , yet that in their generall , they are not deceiued . 3. Nay , it is thereby greatly fortified . For , as Saint Chrysostome collecteth in another like case ; that the differences of the E●angelists in some smaller matters , proueth their consent in the greater , to be the voice of truth ; and that they did not , ex compacto , agree all together , by an excogitated and composed tale , to deceiue the world : ( For then they would in all points haue morefully agreed , polishing and concinning their History , so smoothly , that there should not haue bene found the least note of diuersity ) so may we likewise collect , from the dissension of the Heathen , in the particular Hypothesi● of this or that God ; that their consent in the Thesis , of hauing some God , must needs be the voice of truth : in that one nation did not borrow their opinion from another ; for then they would haue accorded better , and that God which one had , the rest would all haue followed . But now , there being such a iarre and contention among them , as concerning their particular gods , euery one of them scorning the gods of another ; and yet in the generall , agreeing all together , That some God they will haue ; this sheweth ( as the Orator very wisely collecteth ) that , Hoc non collocutio hominum , aut consensus efficit ; non institutis ●st opinio confirmata , non legibus : but onely , Lege Nature : That this opinion of hauing a God , is not begotten in the mindes of men , either by conference or consent of one Nation with another ; not yet implanted ●n them , by the Lawes and discipline of their owne priuate Nation ; but it is inwardly begotten , by that generall Nature , which they haue all in common . It is a Principle of Nature , which is equally imprinted into the mindes of them all , none following by imitation anothers example . For , it cannot be the policie of the Greekes , or Romanes , or other ciuiller Nations , that hath so largely diffused this opinion of God : because wee see the most barbarous Nations , who neuer had trade or commerce with them , yet to bee possessed with this same opinion . Againe , it cannot be the rudenesse of the barbarous Nations ( abused in their ignorance ) that hath dispersed it so wide : because we see the ciuill learned Nations to be possessed of it likewise ; who would scorne to take vp their opinion of the barbarous . The learned Nations would not borrow their opinion of the rude , whom they held in such contempt : and the ruder could not borrow their opinion of the learned , from whom they were so distant . For how could the opinions of the Greekes , or Romanes , pierce into the extreamest India's : where their names were neuer heard ? especially into the Westerne India's ? Where yet , they haue their gods . Therefore the Orator directly concludeth , that cùm non instituto aliquo , aut more , aut Lege , sit opinio constituta ; maneatque ad vnum , omnium firma consensio ; intelligi necesse est , esse Deos : quoniam insitas corum , vel potiùs innatas cognitiones habemus : Seeing this generall opinion of God , is not grounded vpon any instruction , any custome , any law ; but that all men do consent in it , as if they were but one man ; we may hereby vnderstand , that surely There is a God : because there is so generall a notion of him , not grafted into our minds , but naturally bred in our mindes . So that this great variety of idolatrous Nations , in their particular opinions , as concerning their proper and peculiar gods , is rather an argument of the verity of that generall conclusion , That there is a God ; then of the falsity of it . As Plutarch likewise insinuateth , from the very same grounds : where he saith , that it is vetustissima opinio , a sacrarum rerum professoribus , & legumlatoribus deriuata , authore incognito , sed fide firma ; non in sermonibus tantùm , & rumoribus , sed & in mysterijs , & sacrificijs , tam Barbaris , quàm Graecanicis , extans ; non casu ferri , & a Fortuna pendere Vniuersum hoc , Mente , & Ratione , & Gubernatore destitutum : That it is a most ancient opinion , deriued by Priests and Lawgiuers from an vncertaine Author , but yet beleeued with a most certaine faith ; not founded vpon rumors , but vpon the generall practice both of Greekes and Barbarians , in their mysteries and sacrifices ; That the world is not ruled by chance , but by Prouidence . Yea , and Plutarch , in the same booke , is so farre from concluding , from the dissension of Nations about their seuerall gods , that therefore There is no God ; that he rather collecteth from this their dissension , that they all intended , That there was but One : and that all , with ioynt consent , had a purpose to worship him ; though in those diuers Countries hee were called by diuers names ; as the Sunne is , and the Moone : Which yet , in their owne nature , are but one and the same , and to all alike in common . Neque verò alij , apud alios , sunt Dij , aut Graecis quidem sui , Barbaris autem sui : alij Septentrionalibus , alij Austrinis . Sed quemadmodum Sol , Luna , Coelum , Terra , communia sunt omnibus : tantùm , aliter ab alijs appellantur : ita , vnius Mentis hoc Vniuersum temperantis — alij apud alios honores , alia nomina , legum instituto , habentur : There be not diuers gods among diuers Nations : The Greekes haue not theirs , and the Barbarians theirs : the Northerne men one sort , and the Southerne men another . But , as the Sunne , the Moone , the Heauen , the Earth , are the same vnto all ; though they be in diuers places called by diuers names : So likewise it is , with that diuine Spirit , which gouerneth the World : though he be one in himselfe ; yet hath he , in diuers Nations , both differing honors , and differing names , and those appointed by the Lawes . And so likewise , Maximus Tyrius . Aliter atque aliter nuncupatus est Deus . Perindè , vt alia atque alia Maris pars , dicitur , Aegeum , Ionicum , Myrthoum , ac Cretense ; cùm tamen omnes , Pelagus sint , ●iusdem generis &c. God is diuersly called , in diuers Countries ; as the Sea it selfe is ; which in one place , is called the Aegean sea ; in another place , the Ionian ; in another , the Myrthean ; in another , the Cretian ; and yet all those Seas are but one , and the same . And so likewise is God ; though he be called by diuers names . But howsoeuer this be : whether they all intended to worship but one God , vnder diuers names ( as those Authors insinuate ; ) or whether they applied the incommunicable name of God , vnto diuers things , as the Apostle teacheth , that though there be indeed but one God , yet were there many , that were called gods : Yet hereby it appeareth , that their dissent in their opinions , as concerning their gods , did not argue a consent in denying of God ; but rather , in accepting him . And thus ( as Lactantius well obserueth ) Difficile non est , paucorum hominum prauè sentientium , red ●rguere mendacia , testimonio populorum atque Gentium , in hac vna re non dissidentium . It is an easie matter , to confound and ouerthrow , the false opinions of a few wicked Atheists ▪ by the Testimonies of so many whole people and Nations ; especially consenting and agreeing all together , more fully in this one thing , then they doe in any other . For ; as Seneca affirmeth in another like matter ; Omnes in hoc vrbes , omnes ctiam ex Barbaris regionibus Gentes conclam●bunt . In hoc , bonis malisque conueniet ; Omnes hoc vno tibi ore affirmabunt ; & in hoc tam discors turba consentiet . All Cities , all Countries , all Nations , euen those that are most barbarous , yet doe consent in this . In this , both good and bad agree . This all men affirme with one and the same mouth : yea euen the rude rabble of the common people doe subscribe vnto this truth . CHAP. 8. Certaine Obiections touched , impugning the generality of the fore-named consent , as concerning God. 2. The first of those Obiections opened , directly denying it . 3. The same Obiection answered . I HAVE shewed the generality of this naturall praenotion , That there is a God , by the vniforme consent of all the Nations of the world , both ciuill and barbarous ; both Christians , Iewes , Mahometans , and Gentils . By the like consent againe , of all sorts of men , both learned and vnlearned ; both of Poets and Philosophers , Lawgiuers , and Artificers . And finally , by the same consent , of all particular persons ; yea , euen of those that may seeme to be Gods directest enemies ; namely , Swearers , Blasphemers , and Idolaters . All these consent in this , to beleeue , That there is a God ; as in the short Epitome of our humane Creede . And this I haue confirmed by a cloud of witnesses , both Grecians , and Romans ; both Christians , and Pagans . So that he , which dare gain-say a thing so generally receiued , and set himselfe to stand against so strong a torrent , may iustly be censured to bee impudent : and that ( as Clemens Alexandrinus noteth him ) hee doth omnem exuere verecundiam aduersus veritatem : He shaketh off all shamefastnesse , against the truth . But yet , if we will be equall iudges , and esteemers of matters , we must be content , to heare , as wel what can be said against them , as what can be said for them . Now against the generality of this consent alledged , there be three exceptions obiected by the Atheist . The first , that there is no such generall consent , as is pretended ; no not , euen among Nations , and much lesse , among persons . The second , that if there were , yet were not this a naturall , but an artificial consent . The third , that there haue alwayes beene some men of a contrary opinion , who could not be denyed to haue beene very learned , and counted among the number of Philosophers : howsoeuer by them blemished with the name of Atheists . All which Obiections must both be opened and answered , before our cause can be sufficiently confirmed . 2 First therefore , for the first of them . It is familiarly knowne , vnto those that are conuersant in the writings of Tullie , that he , oftentimes , vnder the person of an Academick , doth play the part of a very Atheist . Hee bringeth this praecognition and anticipation of God , as a very good argument , to proue , There is a God : and he againe bringeth Exceptions against it , seeking vtterly to disable it , playing so vpon both sides , and abusing the liberty of that licentious profession ( which was to speake for and against euery thing ) to the vtter ouerthrow of all Religion . And he beginneth with the infringing of this naturall praenotion , which is the first foundation of all piety and Religion . The summe of his exception against it , is this . That it is , cùm leue per se , tum etiam falsum : That it is , both a light argument , and a false . The lightnesse of it , hee lightly ouerpasseth : but vpon the falsenesse of it , he somewhat more insisteth . And that he seeketh to proue by these foure reasons . First , because we cannot know the opinions of all Nations . Vnde tibi notae sunt opiniones Nationum ? Secondly , because he was verily perswaded , that there were diuers Nations , which had no opinion of God. Multas esse gentes sic immanitate efferatas , vt apud e●s , nulla suspicio Deorum sit . Thirdly , by the naming of diuers speciall Atheists , that openly denied , that There was a God : where he pointeth vpon Diageras , Theodorus , and Protagoras . And fourthly , by the instance of sacrilegious and periured persons , and such like wicked liuers : who , if they had beleeued , that there were a God , they would neuer haue dared to be so impious and wicked . — Tubulus si Lucius vnquam , Si Lupus , aut Carbo , aut Neptuni filius — Putasset esse Deos ; tam periurus , aut tam impius fuisset ? This is the short summe of his whole Obiection . 3 Let vs now come to answer it , and euery part of it . And first , for his Leve , that it is but a light argument : I am sure , that this is but a light answer vnto it . An answer , then which there cannot be a lighter : which hee would neuer haue giuen , if he had had a better . Hee himselfe , in another place , maketh this argument as weighty , as here he makes it light . Firmissimum hoc est cur Deos esse credamus : quòd nulla gens tam est fera , nemo omnium tam immanis , cuius mentem non imbuerit Deorum opinio . This is the strongest argument , that can possibly be brought , why we should beleeue , that there is a God : because there is no Nation so vnciuill , no person so vile , whosi mind is not possessed with the opinion of some God : Here you see no light account made of this Argument : but a great and weighty testimony for the weightines of it . And therefore , all the lightnesse is rather in the disputant , then it is in the Argument , that turne●h off that so lightly , which he here esteemes so weighty . This is lightnesse indeed . For if he had any weight , when he alledged it for weighty ; then hath not it , but he lost his weight , when he accounts so lightly of it : contrarying his owne praeceeding iudgement . So that the same censure , which he passeth of Antiochus , may as iustly be passed vpon himselfe : that Quanuis fuerit acutus vt fuit , tamen inconstantia leuatur authoritas : that though he were very witty ( as he was indeed most certainely ) yet by his inconstancy , he lighted his authority . And therefore , passing ouer his Leve thus lightly , let vs now come to his Falsitie , that it is not onely Leve , but also Falsum : which may truly be affirmed to be a false Exception . But yet this he seekes to proue , by foure seuerall Arguments : vnto which it is behooffull , to giue their seuerall answers . The first whereof is this , That we cannot come to know the opinions of all Nations : and therefore cannot say , that all agree in one . But , vnto this I answer , that we may as surely know the Religions of all Nations , as they can know their Regions . For the same meanes , which can serue to instruct vs in the one , can with the same facility instruct vs in the other . For , whereby doth the Atheist know , that there be such and such Countries , Scythians , Barbarians , Indians , and other such like Nations , whose eyes he neuer saw ? If he answer , that he knoweth it by the credible relations of Histories , and Trauellers , that haue seene them with their eyes : we may answer him againe , That by the selfe same Authors wee know also their Religions : yea , and their generall consent , in this generall ground , that they all will haue a God : as I haue already proued . Now , for his second proofe ; that there be such sauage Nations , as hee verily is perswaded , not to haue so much as the least conceit of God : as hee affirmeth it very weakely , Equidem Arbitror : so he confirmes it much more weakely , naming not so much as one ; which evidently proueth , that he had not one to name . for else , he would as well haue recited the seuerall names of particular Nations , as he doth , in the next , of particular persons . And we may note the same defect in Plinie likewise : who saith , that , Alijs est nullus Deorum respectus : that with some there is no respect , no reuerence at all of God. But yet he nameth none ( though he affirmeth some ) neither there , nor yet throughout his whole Booke ; though in all other matters , he be mostly very curious . But indeed , he could not name any particular Nation : and therefore contents himselfe with this generall assertion , of Alijs ; without adding any instance . Now here must needs be very small store of good proofes : when as Arbitror , and Alijs , are the strongest Arguments . For I haue shewed before , that there is not , in the whole world , any Nation of Atheists : No Author , either old , or new , doth certainely report it . And therefore it is Liberum Arbitrium indeed , vpon his owne bare Arbitror , to affirme it . For his third proofe , by instance of diuers named Atheists , I will quit him with his owne words , euen in this very case . Placetnè igitur tantas res , opinione stultorum , iudicari ? Are Fooles , the fittest Iudges , to determine so great matters ? This Obiection he himselfe maketh , against both the generall consent of all men , and praescript of all time , as though all the world ( excepting onely Atheists ) were now turned fooles . Are all those wise Lawgiuers , who haue giuen Lawes and orders to all people and nations , on a sudden become fooles ; because they beleeue a God ? And are all the great Philosophers , whose wisedom and learning the whole world admireth in all other matters , become also fooles , for this onely cause ? And is onely the Atheist wise , because he denieth God ? Is this the onely wisedome , to deny there is a God ? We should then haue a wise world . For then it would fall out indeed ( as Aristotle imagined ) that if all the world were fooles , and but two or three wise men in it ; they should be counted fooles , and all the rest to be wise . And so it is indeed ; if the Atheists be the wise men : for they are condemned for fooles , by the generall consent of all other men : as we shall hereafter see . Now , for those noted Atheists , whom he nameth in that place , Diagoras , Theodorus , & Protagoras : It may be , that none of these could be truely counted Atheists , though they all were called so , by the censure of the vulgar : who strictly examine not the proper application of names vnto their things . For , Diagoras ( as I finde it reported of him ) did potiùs Gentilium Deos ridere , quam Deum negare : He rather derided false Gods , then denied the true . And Clemens Alexandrinus maketh the same defence , for all the rest of them ; freeing them all expressely , from the crime of Atheisme . For Theodorus , though at the first he was noted of Atheisme ; yet at the last , he fell into Autotheisme : professing himselfe a God , as Laertius recordeth . Now this he could not haue professed , if he had maintained that there was no God. Yea , and it may bee gathered out of Plutarch , that , euen in his former opinion of Atheisme , hee might be mistaken . For , euen he himself complaineth of the iniquity of his auditors , that he did rationes suas dextra porrigere , illos verò laeua accipere : That he deliuered his speeches with the right hand , but his hearers receiued them with the left . In which place also , Plutarch , rendring the reason , why he was called Atheos , alledgeth no more , but this , Quòd Deos esse videretur negare : Because he seemed to deny , that there was any God. Was not here a faire proofe thinke you ? And , for Protagoras , he neither denied God , no , nor so much as doubted of him . He did but onely professe , that he would not as then , entertaine the disputation , Whether there were a God or no ? Which Coecilius ascribeth not vnto his prophanenesse , but rather to his warinesse . He saith , that in declining that slippery Question , he did Consulte potiùs , quàm prophanè disputare ; as before I haue noted . So that none of all his instances doth handsomely fit his purpose . And for his fourth Exception , of sacrilegious and periured persons ; they cannot properly be reckoned in the number of Atheists . They may iustly bee condemned , as prophane and wicked persons , who dishonour God , yea and perhaps contemne him : but yet not properly as Atheists , who simply deny him . So that , no part of his Obiection concludeth for pure Atheists . CHAP. 9. The second Obiection , against this vniuersalitie of Consent , vnfoulded : That Religion is no better , but an humaine inuention . 2. That Obiection confuted , by the Antiquity . 3. Vniuersality . 4. Consent . 5. Perpetuity of Religion . AS there is nothing in the world , wherein all the whole world doth so generally consent , as they doe in beleeuing that There is a God : so is there nothing againe , wherein they doe secondarily so generally consent , as they doe in the acknowledgement of that generall Consent . All men doe beleeue , that There is a God , and all men doe beleeue , that all men do beleeue , that There is a God. As the beleefe it selfe is generall : so is the beleefe of the beleefe generall : the Atheist only exempted : who , as he is an Aduersary vnto God himselfe , so is he likewise an Aduersarie vnto this consent . And , as he denieth the one : so doth he likewise denie the other of them : knowing , that if this consent be granted , it will from thence follow , that there needes must be a God : as you shall see hereafter proued in the last Chapter of this Booke . And therefore , hee fighteth against this consent , with no 〈◊〉 indeauour , then hee doth against God : seeking to expugne the veritie of the one , by oppugning the Vniuersalitie of the other . And so , he chardgeth vpon this consent , with three seuerall Obiections ; as it were , with three Bands . The first of his three Obiections against it , is a simple and categoricall denying of it : that there is not among men any such generall consent , as is generally imagined , and commonly praetended : vnto which , in the former Chapter , I haue answered . The second ( vnto which I am now to answere ) is this : That , though there were such a generall consent , as is conceiued ; yet , that this is not a naturall , but an artificiall consent : not begotten in mens harts , by a naturall instinct , but implanted in them , by the cunning of euill arte . For that , all diuine religion , is indeed nothing else , but an humaine inuention ; artificially excogitated , to keepe men in awe : that they , who will not liue vertuously , for the loue of i●stice ; yet might shunne to liue wickedly , for the feare of vengeance . This doth the Atheist make to be the true foundation of all Religion : reducing it so , from a diuine infusion , to be in truth no better , then an humane illusion . And indeed this is a very sore Obiection , striking at the roote and the heart of all Religion . Which , though it be in truth but a mere idle fiction , conceiued without all ground of truth or reason ; yet hath it obtayned a farre greater credit , with many learned men , then ought to bee affoorded to so vaine a suspition . Wherein , the cheifest Ring-leaders are these three : Euripides , the Poet ; Tullie , the Orator ; and Seneca , the Philosopher . Euripedes , a secret and concealed Atheist , not daring directly to vent out his Atheisme , for feare of the law , deuised an artificiall meane , how to broache that impietie in another mans person , which he durst not in his owne . And so he suborned , in his Tragoedie , the person of Sisyphus , to expresse all his vngodlinesse , and to teach it from the Stage : telling by him a long and a formall Tale ; How the life of men in old time , was like the life of beasts : the stronger , by violence , oppressing the weaker ; vntil , at last , men were forced to deuise seuere lawes , for the repressing of such iniustice . But when they found ( vpon some triall ) that all those lawes could do● small good ; because they could only take hold vpon such , as were open and publique offences , and not vpon close and secret ones ; there step't vp among them a subtile politique man , who taught them a meane to prouide for that mischeife too : and to praeuent close offences , as well as open , ones . And that ( saith he ) is this ; If they will but teach the people , and beate in to their heads : Quòd sit perenni vita aliquis vigens Deus , Quicernat ista , et audiat , atque intelligat . An Euerliuing One , there is , whom God we call , And he both hear's , and see 's , and vnderstandeth all . This Tale tells Euripides , by the mouth of Sisyphus : Veritati tenebras mendacio offundens , seeking to obscure the truth with the darkenes of his lie ( as Plutarch very truly censureth his bad artifice ) seeking so to teach the people that impietie from the Stage , which he durst not from the Pulpit : and that by a fey●ed person , which he durst not in his owne . An vsuall practice of all disguised Atheists ( as Plutarch instanceth againe in the person of Herodotus ) who secretly intending to blaspheme the gods , he expresseth his owne impietie in the person of Solon ; Dijs maledicens sub persona Solonis : Rayling vpon the gods , vnder Solons name . — And so likewise doth Lucian . He suborneth in one place , Cyniscus , a Cynick ; in another , Damis , an Epicure , to dispute against God , in the person of Iupiter . But , in this kinde hath Tullie playd his parte , most artificially . For hee , ( fearing the rigour of the Lawes among the Romanes , as Euripides did before among the Athenians ) hath imitated his policie , in expressing his impietie : and suborned Cotta , as an Academike , to dispute against God : who , by the libertie of that licentious profession , might more safely doe it . For , the sect of the Academikes would determine nothing : but yet did professe , that they would freely dispute , both for , and against euerie thing . And so , by that occasion , he divulged that impietie , in the person of Cotta , which he durst not haue done , in the person of Cicero : as euen he himselfe , in a manner , confesseth . For , being demanded , An sint Dij ? he answereth , that it is , Difficile negare , si in concione queratur ; sed in privato sermone et confessu , facillimum . If the Question ( saith he ) be moued , Whether there be a God ? it would be dangerous to denie it , in the praesence of the multitude : but yet , safe ynough , among the wise and learned . Whereby he insinuateth , that the most part of the learned did propende to that opinion ; though , for feare of the multitude , they durst not publish their irreligion . And therefore , by the forenamed Cotta , he insinuateth , that there were not a few ; Qut dixerunt , totam de Dijs immortalibus opinionem , fictamesse ab hominibus sapientibus , Reip : causa ; vt , quos ratio non posset , eos ad officium Religio duceret : There be diuers , that haue affirmed , that this whole conceite as concerning God , is indeed nothing else , but a witty invention , deuised by wise men , for the publique good , to holde those men in their dutie , by the awe of Religion , that would not be restrayned by the rule of reason . Yea , and Seneca giueth countenance vnto the very same Opinion : ascribing vnto them , the title of wise men , that were the first Authors of that inuention . Ad coercendos animos imperitorum , sapientissini viri indicauerunt ineuitabilem metum , vt supra nos aliquid timeremus . V●ile erat in tanta audacia scelerum , aliquid esse , aduersùs quod nemo sibi satis potens videretur , Ad conterrendos igitur eos ; quibus innocentià , nisi metu , non placet , posuêre , super caput , vindicem , et quidem armatum : wise men haue invented , for the terror of the ignorant , That there is aboue their he●ds a power greatly to be feared , and not to be avoyded . For it was indeed convenient , that in so huge a license and boldnesse of offending , mens mindes should be possessed with a certaine perswasion ; That there is a Nature omnipotent , which cannot be resisted . And so , for the terrour of those men that regarde not vertue but onely for feare , they haue placed aboue them , not onely a most rigorous and seuere reuenger , but him also armed with lightening and thunder . These be the cheifest Patrons of this impious fiction , That Religion is no better then an humane inuention . Let vs now proceede to answere them . 2 Now , that it is but a meere fiction [ That Religion should be a fiction ] hauing neither any substance , nor good colour of Reason ; it appeareth by many Reasons : as namely , by these foure , among diuers other , to wit , the Antiquitie , Vniuersalitie , Consent , and Perpetuitie of Religion . All which are Arguments of the Veritie of it : and that it is not a fiction deuised . First , for the Antiquity of it : that may be considered two seuerall wayes : either particularly , as it is in euery seuerall man : or generally , as it is in the generation of al men . Both which two Antiquities , do notably confute the fable of Euripides . For the first of those Antiquities , I haue shewed you before , that there is no notion so ancient in the mind of a man , as is the notion of Religion . Which Arbobius affirmeth to be begotten in vs , euen whilst we are in the wombe of our mothers , ipsis penè in genitalibus Matris . Where , I am sure , we could heare no such politique old Tales , as Euripides affirmeth to be the first be●●tters of Religion in vs. Yea , and Iamblicus , an Heathen , affirmeth of Religion ; that it is implanted into the minde of a man , Et●am ante omnem rationis vsum : Euen before hee haue any vse of reason : as before I noted of him . Which , if it be true , then could not Religion be a politique inuention , to beguile the simpler sort of men . For , how could it then be imprinted into Children ? yea , and that before they haue the vse of reason ? When as Aristotle affirmeth of politique doctrine , that it is too high for the reach of any young men : then much more of young Children . For , if Iuuenis be not idoneus auditor ciuilis Disciplinae ; then much lesse is Infants . And therefore it hath not any colour of reason , that Religion ( being so timely begotten in them ) should be first implanted by the meanes of such a fabulous instruction . There is ( I say ) no colour of reason in this reasonlesse fiction . Now for the generall Antiquity of Religion , and that ancient possession , which it hath had in the world , Plutarch sayth , that it is so ancient , that no man can tell the first originall of it . And hee applieth to this purpose those verses of Sophocles : Non nunc enim , neque heri sunt ista prodita : Semper valuêre , nec quando inierint , liquet . These things were not of yesterday or lately brought to passe : They euer were , and no man knowes when their beginning was . But , for the true Antiquity of it , let vs but follow the stepps of it , as they be expressed to vs in the word of God , and we shall finde , that Religion is more ancient , then any fiction ; and the practise of piety , then any deuised lye . For , when there were but three men in the vniuersall world , we reade , that two of them offered vp their sacrifices vnto God : when as yet there was neither cause of the making of lawes against publique oppressions , nor , of diuising such fables against secret offences . And therefore , Religion could not grow from either of those causes . Nay , it appeareth euen in their examples , that oppression ( though per accidens ) grew rather from religion , then religion from oppression . For , before those two Brothers had offered vp their sacrifices , there was no oppression : but when they were once dispatched , it presently followed ; the one brother violently oppressing the other ; yea and that meerely vpon this one emulation , because he was better accepted in his religion . Whereby it appeareth , that religion is almost as ancient as man ; nay , altogether as ancient . For the very first man is sayd to be cre●ted in the image of God : which the Apostle Paul expoundeth to be , in righteousness and holinesse : which are the two essentiall parts of religion , his matter , and his forme . Nay , religion is yet more ancient . It is more ancient t●en man. It is as ancient as the Angels : as is plainely insinuated in the booke of Io● . Where wast thou , when the starres of the morning praised me together ? and when all the sonnes of God shouted for ioy ? Here was the vs● and practise of religion , euen before the making and creation of man. And therefore , religion could not be an humaine inuention , vnlesse either there was a man , before there was a man ; or that man was able to inuent , before he was made . For , as Tertullian hath very well obserued : Prior anima , quàm litera ; & prior sermo , quàm liber ; & prior sensus , quàm stilus ; & prior homo , quàm Philosophus , & Poeta . There was a soule , before there was a letter ; a speech , before ther was a book ; a sense , before ther was a stile , a man , before there was , e●her a poet , or philosopher . And yet , there was Religion before there was a Man. And therefore , it could not be an huma●ne inuention . So that Time , which prescribeth against all humane inuentions , and which chalengeth the honour of Antiquity from them ; yet it selfe is prescribed against by religion , and loseth the honour of priority with it : because religion is as 〈…〉 latuit : semper illuxit : etiam ante Romulum , sayth Tertullian . Yea , and ante Homulum too , as before I haue shewed you . God hath bene knowne from all beginning : he neuer lay hid : hee euer was manifest , euen before the first King : euen before t●e first thing . And therefore , if his owne Rule be true : Idem esse verum , quod●unque primum ; id adulterinum , quodcunque postcrius : That that which is the ancientest , must n●eds be the truest : then cannot Religion be an humane inuention : because it is more ancient then man. And consequently , that Euripides his Tale , whereby he seek●th to discredite Religion , must needs be a false , and an idle f●ctio● , without ground of truth , or reason : it being but a late , and a posteriour inuention . Yea , and such , as hath ●or it , not any , either knowne or certaine Author , to credite it . So that , it may more iustly be numbred among thos● Be●●eselenas , those headlesse Old-wiues Tales , which Plutarch in the same place so iustly derideth ; then Religion it selfe can ; which it seeketh to deride , vnder that very name . But , the true Antiquity of Religion doth free it from any such base imputation , and declare it to bee a lesson of Gods owne first teaching : b●cause it was practised by Adam , the first man , who could haue no other man to ●each him . From which obse●ation , Iustine Martyr collecteth , Quòd , ante errorem , veritas obtinuerit : That Religion is more ancient then superstition . Yea , and in the same place , he bringeth this substantiall reason ; that Malum posterius est bono : qui● , nihil est aliud , nist boni deprauatio : That euill is posteriour vnto good , because it is nothing but the corruption of good . So then , the Antiquity of Religion doth proue , that it cannot be an humaine inuention . 3 Yea , and so doth likewise the Vniuersality of it . For there was neuer yet any humaine inuention , so generally spred , as the vse of Religion : no not those , that seeme most necessary for the vse of men . Not cloathing of our bodies , which is for meere necessity : nor couering of our shames , which is for publique honesty . For , we meete with diuers nations , among the west Indians , which neither cloathe their bodies , nor couer their shames ; and yet can meete with none , but that they haue their gods . Which sense of Religion , could not possibly be implanted into euery Nation , either by imitation from their neighbours ; because some be so wilde and sauage , that they do not admit of any entercouse or commerce : Nor yet by institution among themselues ; vnlesse we should imagine , that in euery Nation , there should sodainely steppe vp such a politique wise man ; and ( as it were by fate ) tell the same Tale of Religion : or that Euripides his man had compassed the whole world about , like the Sunne , and read his prophane lecture in euery Nation . Both which suppositions were idle and ridiculous . And therefore it is apparent , that Religion cannot be of humane institution ; but that the same common Nature , which hath giuen vnto all men their hearts , hath also giuen Religion into all their hearts , to be among them , as common , as their naturall forme . For so indeed doth Lactantius esteeme it . He accompteth Religion , to be the most proper and essentiall difference , betweene a man and a beast ; more , then either Risus , or Ratio , or Oratio ; then either Laughing , or Speaking , yea , or Reason it selfe . All which he there proueth to be ( in some degree ) communicated vnto Beasts ; but Religion to bee proper and peculiar vnto Men : and yet common vnto all men . But , that , neither by domesticall instruction at home ; nor yet , by mutuation , or imitation abroad : but only , by that naturall instinct and disposition , which God hath ingrafted , into the hearts of all men : as Alexander ab Alexandro , hath very truly obserued : Primi mortales , nulla doctrinae schola , Ratione , aut Lege ; sed suo quisque ingenio , numina coluerunt . The first men , were neither taught by any learning , nor perswaded by any reason , nor compelled by any law ; but onely , of their proper and naturall inclination , betooke themselues vnto the worshipping of gods . Yea , and that so generally , throughout the whole world ; that there is not any nation vnder heauen excepted . Which vniuersality of religion , declareth that it is not an humane inuention , but a diuine impression ; yea , and a Diuinity-lesson , of Gods own heauenly teaching . As we may see by his schooling of the first man Adam , whom he catechised vnto the obedience of God , both by giuing him a commandement , and by annexing to it a punishment . 4. And the same may likewise bee proued by that vniform● consent , which is among all men , as concerning Religion , of whatsoeuer degree or condition . Which in this one thing is farre greater , then it is in any other of what nature soeuer : as I haue shewed before . We see by experience , that not only diuers Nations haue diuers fashions , and diuers conceits , and opinions in most things ; but that , euen in the same Nation , that diuers Cities haue diuers guises , behauiours , habits , speeches , and manners : as our Country-man Sir , Iohn Mandeuile well obserued , in his trauell . And yet , in beleeuing that There is a God , there is no difference at all , throughout the whole world : no City iarres with Citie , no Country with Country : but among them all an vniuersal agreement : wherein , both the learned and vnlearned do consent . From which head , Tertullian concludeth the verity of Religion . For , Quod apad multos vnum invenitur , non est erratum , sed traditum . The consent of all men , as concerning God , doth shew it to be no erring humane inuention ; but a most certaine diuine tradition . For , if Religion were no better , but a politique deuice and inuention of man , it was a very marueilous felicity in lying , that he had , which first deuised the tale of Religion : that he should tell his fable in such a fortunate howre , as to beguile the whole world with it , and that for euer after . This was a cunning Iuggler indeed , that could cast so cunning a glaucoma , and such a 〈◊〉 mist before the eyes of the wisest ; as to dazle , not only the vnlearned and simple Idiots , but also the wisest and grauest Philosophers : as Lactantius well obserueth . Quae tanta felicitas mentiendi , vt 〈…〉 indoctos , sed Platonem quoque & Socratem fallerent ? & Pythago●am , Zenonem , Aristotele● , Maximarum Sectarum Principes 〈◊〉 facile deluderent ? What a strange kind of efficacy had that man in his lying , that could bewitch with one Tale , not only the vnlearned ; but also Plato , and Socrates , and Pythagoas , and Zeno , yea , and Aristotle himselfe , the principallest Masters of all the learned Sects ? This lie was begotten in a strange constellation , if it were a lie , that one wise man should make fooles of all the wise men of the world : and yet , by all their wisedome , neuer be descried . Therefore , we may conclude with Seneca , that if Religion were a siction ; Non in hunc furorem omnes mortales consensissent , alloquendi surda numina , & inefficaces Deos : Surely , all the whole world would neuer haue conspired in this madnes , to call vpon such deafe and idle gods . Beside , as Lactantius truely noteth in the very same place , ( where he doth , ex professo , dispute this very case ) He could not be a wiseman , that was the Author of this so false a fiction . For the end of true wisedome is to draw men out of error , and not to leade them into it , as this false impostor did . And therefore he concludeth from this so generall a consent in Religion , that it could not be possibly an humane inuention . 5 And yet the same may be further declared by the perpetuall succession , and propagation of Religion : which hath thriuen , from the beginning , with such admirable prosperity , that it hath not decayed in any Country , or City : but , wheresoeuer it hath bene planted , there hath it euer florished , and could neuer be supplanted . Which sheweth it to be a Plant , both by God himselfe first planted , and graciously euer since , with the dew of his blessing , watered . For , as Christ himselfe teacheth vs , Euery plant , which the heauenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out . And therefore , if Religion had beene but a plant of mans planting and setting , it would long since haue beene blasted , yea , and vtterly starued . For , no humane inuention , had euer , either such a prosperous increasing ; and such a long , & a firme continuing in the world , as Religion hath had : but all the conceits of men , though for a time they may shoot-out , and haue a kinde of flourishing ; yet doe they quickly decay againe ; time blasting and withering them , as the grasse which growes vpon the topps of houses . For , as the Orator hath very truely noted : Ficta omnia , celeriter , tanquam flosculi , decidunt : All fayned deuises , come quickly to an ende , as flowers shattered by the wynde . And againe in another place vnto the same purpose : Opinionum commenta delet dies , Naturae iudicia confirmat : Time destroyeth all those fancies , which haue none other ground , but only humane opinion ; but , it strengtheneth all those iudgements , which are founded vpon truth , and sound naturall reason . As for example . The particular conceite of all the heathen gods , hath time now deuoured ; because that was nothing else , but opinionis commmentum : But , the generall beleefe , that There is a God , it hath in all places confirmed ; because this beleefe is Naturae iudicium . And therefore Religion , which thus growes stronger and stronger by time , and hath continued so firmely , from the very beginning , without any decaying , must needes haue a better ground , then a meere humane opinion . For , as Seneca hath well obserued ; Falsa non durant : False things continue not . And therefore this thriuing of religion , and this perpetuall succession of it , haue euen the Heathen collected , to be a true argument , of the infallible truth of it : and that it is vnpossible , that it should be no better then a fiction deuised : Quòd , et omnium esset , et quotidiè cresceret : because it was both so generally receiued , and beleeued of all men , and so prosperously continued from the very beginning : concluding no lesse , from the Perpetuitie of it , then from the Vniuersalitie ; that it is a plant of natures owne breeding : and therefore cannot be any politique inuention . And consequently , that Euripides , in his forged inuention , That Religion should be nothing but an humane inuention , did ( as Plutarch truly censures him ) mendacio veritati tenebras offundere : Hee sought onely , to obscure the truth , with a lie . And therefore , for this his prophanesse , in this his deuice against religion and piety , he better deserueth that inured note of Tullie [ Capitalis Euripides ] then for his iniustice against right and equitie , in that his other sentence : Nam si violandum est ius , regna●di gratia Violandum est ; alijs rebus , pietatem colas . If Iustice may be wrong'd at all , then for a Crowne it may : Except a Kingdom 's case , in all , let Pietie thee sway . Here yet was , in some things a conseruation of equitie : but his Tale against Religion imported in all things , an extirpation of pietie : as the Orator obserueth , and that very truly : Qut dixerunt totam de Dijs immortalibus opinionem fictam esse — Omnem Religionem funditùs sustulerunt : They that shall affirme all opinion of the gods to be but a fiction , doe vtterly take away the summe of Religion . Now these things considered , it euidently appeareth , that it is not Religion , that is a fraudulent inuention , to beguile and deceiue men : but rather this slander of Religion , that it should be but a fraudulent inuention , this is a fraudulent inuention indeed : yea , and that a very wicked one : as euen Tullie himselfe insinuateth , nay plainely expresseth , when hee saith of their Religions ; that , Periculum est , ne , aut his neglectis , impia fraude , aut susceptis , anili superstitione obligemur : That there is no little danger , lest either on the one side , by neglecting of Religion , we be circumuented by the fraud of Atheists ; or on the other side , by accepting of Religion , we be intangled with the superstition of old wiues . Where I cannot imagine , what other fraud of Atheists he should rather meane , then this , of their affirming , that religion is nothing else but an humane inuention : which is indeed a very fraudulent suggestion , and a fable artificially inuented , and composed against religion : But , so is not religion against the truth . It is not , fabula , arte composita , as S. Peter truly teacheth . But that this was falsly fayned , I hope I haue plainely proued . CHAP. 10. The third Obiection against the Vniuersalitie of Consent in Religion , propounded : viz. That is hath beene oppugned , by diuers both wise and learned Philosophers , though called by the name of Atheists . 2. That Obiection answered from the smalnesse of their number . 3. The weakenes of their learning . 4. The mistaking of their opinion . 5. And their inconstancie in their assertion . THere is yet a third Obiection behind , which may be made by the Atheist , against the Supposition of this so vniuersall a consent in Religion : and that is this following : That though it could not be denyed , that both all Nations , and all professions of men in the world , doe beleeue There is a God : yet that it cannot be affirmed , that all seuerall persons haue also therein consented . Because , there be recorded , in the writings both of Heathens and Christians , the very names of diuers men , that haue directly denied it ; yea , and openly defended , That there is no God. Amongst whom , though they haue beene branded with the name of Atheists , as with a note of infamie , as crossing the current of that generall opinion with among other men was receiued , & beleeued most confidently ; yet were they not denied to haue bin both wise and learned ; as ranked , euen by their aduersaries , amongst the number of Philosophers . And therefore , their opinion cannot ( in common reason ) but haue farre greater weight , then the whole multitude of the vnlearned : because ( as Lactantius very truly obserueth , Plus est momenti in paucioribus doctis , quàm in pluribus imperitis : There is a great deale more weight , in a few , that are learned ; then in a many , that are ignorant . So that , a multitude of the vulgar , are not able to counterpoise so much as one Philosopher : their iudgement being branded with that note of infamie , that Nihil est 〈◊〉 , quàm nihil sapere , vulgare : That there is nothing so common , as for the common people to vnderstand nothing . And therefore , notwithstanding all the crye of the vulgar ( who obtaine their opinions , not by reason , but by clamor ) that may fall out in this case , which is noted by the Orator : vt altera res verbosior sit , altera verior . That the one part may bee the truer , though the other bee the lowder . 2 But now vnto this Obiection , I answer three things . First , that for their number , the Atheists doe well not to stand vpon that plea ; but to disclaime it vtterly , and not to vie with their Aduersaries in that point , for the victorie . For the number of those that haue denied God , is so little , in comparison of those that confesse him , that ( to vse the Orators comparison ) it is but stilla muriae , ad mare Aegeum : but as one drop of brine vnto a whole Ocean . Their multitude is so great , and so infinite aboue their opposite . Neither these onely , a multitude of the ignorant and vnlearned , but also euen of the wise and learned . All the learnedest Philosophers , and all the wisest Sages , that euer were in the world , may be numbred in this multitude , that confesse there is a God. So that if any cause can gaine any estimation , either by the number , or honour of those that defend it ; or by the fewnesse , and basenesse , of those that oppugne it ; no cause hath more aduantage , in both these points , then this . For first , as concerning the number of those Atheists , it is so poore and contemptible , that it is an infinite disgrace , and reproach vnto their cause , to haue beene , in all mens eyes , so abiect , and profligated , as to be able to get no moe defenders , since the world was first created : especially , being taught by such learned Philosophers , as they would insinuate . This is a foule disgrace vnto their cause , that so great learned Teachers , could get so few Disciples ; especially being followed by so many Auditors : as Laertius obserueth in Bion of Boristhenis , one of the chiefest Atheists , that ; Nemo illius Discipulus inscribitur , cùm tot habuerit auditores . So that , in all ages , there haue beene but very few , either Masters or Schollers in the doctrine of Atheists . And this Tullie obiecteth vnto Epicurus , another of their principallest Atheists . In vestris disputationibus , historia muta est . Nunquam audiui in Epicuri schola , Lycurgum , Solonem , Miltiadem , Themistoclem , Epaminondam nominari ; qui in or● sunt caeterorum omnium Philosophorum : All historie is mute in the schoole of the Epicure . We heare there , no naming of Lygurgus , Solon , Miltiades , Themistocles , or Epamniondas ; which vse to rattle in the mouthes of all other Philosophers . Atheists could neuer get any such men to be their Disciples : no , nor yet any other , that had either worth , or number . S. Augustine saith of them , that it is , Rarum genus hominum , qui dicunt , Non est Deus : It is rare to sinde any man that denieth There is a God. And Beda likewise , vnto the same purpose : Exceptis paucis , quibus natura nimiùm deprauata est , vniversum genus hominum , Deum , mundi huius fatetur authorem : Except only a few of a depraued nature , all mankind doth acknowledge both a God , and a Creator . Yea , and he addeth there this reason : Haec est enim vis verae diuinitatis , vt creaturae rationali , iam ratione vtenti , non omnin● ac penitùs possit abscondi : This is the power of the diuine nature , that it wil not be hid from any reasonable creature . By which testimonies of these Fathers , it euidently appeareth , that the number of Atheists hath beene but very few : but Pauci , saith Beda ; nay Perpauci , saith Augustine , in the place that before I cited out of him . Lactaentius affirmeth , that there were but two or three of them : Exceptis duobus , tribusvè calumniatoribus vanis , constat , Diuina prouidentia Mundum regi : Except onely , two , or three vaineglorious Cauillers , all the whole world beleeueth , that the world is ruled by prouidence . And that this is not an artificiall diminution , of an extenuating Christian ; it is expresly confirmed , by the testimony of an Heathen . In vniverso aeuo ( saith Maximus Tyrius ) duo , aut , ad summum , tres exortisunt , &c. There haue , of those Monsters , two , or three ( and not aboue ) beene brought forth , in all ages . Nay , Tullie saith , There haue beene none : Nemo omnium tam immanis , cuius mentem non imbuerit Dcorum opinio . So that now , they are brought vnto a very low ebbe : their number is so little , that they are now , nullo numero . And indeed , if we speake of Atheists strictly , and properly , for such as haue simply denied all diuinity , and denied it constantly ; Tullies sentence is most true , that there neuer was any such creature in the world ( nay neuer any such Monster ) as simply and constantly to deny God. The name of an Atheist in this sense , is but , Nomen ociosum ; A name without a thing . If we speake of Atheists in a larger sense , for such as haue openly ( though not constantly ) denied the Diuinity ; Maximus his sentence is true , that , of such professed Atheists , there haue not beene past two or three . Nay , if wee speake of Atheists , in the largest and most extended sense , for such as haue either not denied Gods essence , but onely certaine of his properties , as his prouidence , his iustice , his goodnesse , and such like : or , if they haue denied it , yet haue done it but weakely , rather vpon some sudden passion , then any setled resolution : yet , euen so , their number hath scarcely amounted vnto a dozen , or a score ; I meane of such open Atheists , as haue made any publique profession of their Atheisme , though but euen in these secondary points . As wee may partly see in Aelian , who hath made a lyst of them , and named all he knew : and yet ( God knowes ) they are but very few . There be not aboue sixe of them : who yet , all of them did not deny God himselfe ; but some of them , his prouidence , and some other his praedictions ; as appeareth by those Dogmata , which , in that place , he recounteth . Now , if we should search into the monuments of all Antiquity , both of Greeks and Latins , we should scarcely be able to adde halfe a dozen more , vnto those that are named by Aelian before . Whereby it appeareth , that , for their number , they be miserable : God , in his mercifull prouidence , ordai●●i●g , that there should not , in all ages , be found many Atheists ; as not many Basilisks , and destroying Serpents . 3 And , as their number was but little , so their learning was not great . They were of no great value , neither numero , nor pondere . The value of their wisedome they haue shewed , in the choyce of their foolish opinion : which hath made them no lesse scorned then abhorred of all men , and iustly to incurre that note of derision , which the Prophet Dauid hath imprinted vpon them , that they iustly may be esteemed , to be rather Fooles , then wise men . At the least-wise , farre vnworthy of the name of Philosophers : as Laertius ( for the like cause ) censureth the Poet Orpheus . Equidem is , qui de Dijs talia commentus est ; an Philosophus appellandus sit , nescio . Videant certè , qui ita volunt , quo sit censendus nomine : Surely he , that deuised such things of the Gods , I know not whether he iustly may be called a Philosopher . Let them looke vnto it , that will haue them so called , whether that name be fit and properly applied . And for their learning , though it cannot be denied , but that diuers of them were learned ; yet was not their learning in any such excellency , as was able to sustaine their impiety and arrogancy . And beside , if they be compared with those learned men , of the contrary opinion , which either liued with them , or before them , or after them , their learning will come as short in proportion , as the light of a candle doth , of the brightnesse of the Su●ne . For what comparison can Diagoras hold with Pythagoras ? or Protagoras with Anaxagoras ? or Euemerus with Empedocles ? or Theodorus with Theophrastus ? or Bion with Chilon ? or Epicurus with Epicharmus ? or Pherecides with Parmenides ? To be silent of Socrates , and Plato , Aristotle , and Zeno , Xenocrates , and Demetrius , Cleanthes , and Democritus , Diogenes , and Melissus ; and very many others , which can finde no parallels , among all the Atheists , beeing so eminent aboue them , Quantùm lenta solent inter viburna Cupressi : As much as loftiest Cedars show , The lowest Shrubs doe ouergoe . So that , if this cause be esteemed , by either Number or Learning ▪ the Atheists ( as you see ) can hold no comparison . Non est enìm quisquam ( saith Lactantius ) qui Diagorae , Theodorique sententiam praeferre audeat , vel authoritati illorum septem priorum , qui sunt appellati sapientes ; vel Pythagorae , vel Socrati , vel Platonis , caeterorumque summorum Philosophorum , qui esse Prouidenti●m iudicauerunt : Ther is no man that dares prefer the foolish opinion of Diagoras & Theodorus before the authority of those seuen that are called the Wise men : no , nor yet before either Pythagoras , or Socrates , or Plato , or the rest of the Philosophers which haue all of them acknowledged and confest a diuine Prouidence . So that , whether we consider their Number , or their Learning , their cause reapeth both waies an infinite disreputation , their Aduersaries do in both points so mightily ouersway them . Lactantius censuring Diagoras and Theodorus ( which were the chiefest Patriarchs of the Atheists ) he saith , that they liued but in an age of ignorance ; cùm iam Philosophia defloruerat , when Philosophie had lost the chiefest lustre of her glory ; and that they themselues were accordingly but only Minuti & inertes Philosophi , a simple and an ignorant kind of Philosophers . And Tullie passeth ( in effect ) the very same censure vpon Epic●rus , another of their pillars . For he saith , he was a man without all manner of learning . Homo sine arte , sine literis , insultans in omnes , sine acumine vllo , sine authoritate , sine lepore . A man without Art , and without all good learning , and yet insulting ouer all men : but , without any wit , without any grauity , and without any good conceit . Yea , and Lactantius saith of him , that , Hoc sano & vige●e , nullus aeger ineptiùs delirauit : No man euer so doated in his raging sicknesse , as this man did in his florishing health : deriding L●cretius for bestowing such enormous commendations vpon him . These were their very Principalls , and the Leaders of the others . Now if their chiefest were none other , the rest ( surely ) were no better . So that , as the smalnesse of their number bringeth great disaduantage , so the weakenesse of their learning bringeth but small aduantage , vnto the cause of Atheists . 4 But now , it may be doubted ( yea , and that not without some probability of reason ) whether those men , whom the Heathen haue so branded for Atheists , were pure Atheists indeed , or no ? For the pure Atheist ( according to the propriety of that name ) is he , which generally and constantly denieth all Diuinity ; and beleeueth , as he saith . The Prophet Dauid affirmeth in generall , that the Atheist is a Foole , which saith in his heart , There is no God. And indeede , he that properly is an Atheist , must both say generally , There is no God ; and beleeue it constantly in his heart . For , if either he beleeue any one God , though he deny all the rest ; or confesse God in the end , whom in the beginning hee denied ; he cannot truely and properly be said to be an Atheist . But such an Atheist was none of all those , whom the Heathen haue called Atheists , and whom they haue proclaimed to deny all that is called God. There was none of them , such pure and absolute Atheists , as simply to deny all Deitie . As wee may easily see , if we will but looke into their causes ; and examine ( but euen by their owne records ) those seuerall crimes and actions , that haue beene laid against them , in their seuerall iudgements . And first , for Diagoras ; who was ( in their reckoning ) the most noted man of all of them , and the first Antistes of their impious profession : all the rest of the Atheists being counted but his followers , Diagorae sectatores , as Theodor●● affirmeth : insomuch , that his name was growne prouerbiall among them . For , when they would note any prophane and impious person , they would call him prouerbially , Diagoras the Melian . Diagoras Melius , de prophanis , & per●idis , & impijs dicitur , saith Suidas . And yet , the Action which the Athenians commenced against him , was no more but this ; that he did eliminate , and divulge the mysteries of their gods ; and , by deriding of them , auert and turne men from them , as he noteth in the same place . Which two crimes , though very farre in nature differing ; yet were ( among the Heathen ) indifferently comprehended , vnder the name of Atheisme ; as though they were both one ; which is a very large acception of Atheisme . So that Diagoras his crime was not , that he denied all Gods : but , that hee derided the Athenian gods . For so Iosephus reports it : Aduersùs Diagoram , talentum decreuerunt , si quis eum occideret ; quoniam eorum mysteria deridere ferebatur : They appointed a talent to him that should kill him ; because he derided their Religion . Now this he might iustly doe , and yet not be an Atheist . Hee might iustly deride the foolish Orgies of their false gods ( as Elias did the follies of Baals Priests ) and yet therein not be an Atheist , as Elias was not . For their Rites were so vnholy , and their sacrifices so bloody , that any man might ( euen by common reason ) collect , that he , which was delighted with such a wicked kinde of worshippe , could not be possibly indeed a true God : because they were , Sacra , Sacrilegijs omnibus tetriora : Holies , more vnholy then Sacriledge it selfe : as Coecilius speaketh , though to another purpose . Of which impure Holies , Lactantius hath giuen vs a notable instance , in the feasts of their Floralia . And therefore , Plutarch , in some sort , excuseth those men , that haue reuolted vnto this kinde of Atheisme , vpon the contemplation of the filthinesse of their Ceremonies , and the barbarousnesse of their Sacrifices : affirming direct Atheisme to be a better religion , then so lewd and prophane a kinde of worshipping . Lustr●tiones impurae , sordidae castimoniae , Barbarica & iniusta in Templis supplicia , occasionem praebuerunt nonnullis , dicendi ; Praestare , nullos esse Deos , quam qui talia probent , ijsque delectentur : Their impure purgations , their vnchaste chastities , their cruell and vniust Sacrifices , haue giuen many men occasion to say ; that it were better , That their should be no Gods , then such as are delighted with such prophane worships . Yea , and in the same place , he seemeth to allow of their sentence . So that Diagoras , by these meanes , might easily discouer , the Heathen gods to bee but false ; though ( perhaps ) he could not light vpon , and find out the true one . Which yet , gaue him iust occasion , to scorne and deride them , as Lactantius wel obserues : Impugnatae sunt a prudentioribus falsae Religiones ; quia sentiebant esse falsas : sed non est inducta vera ; quia qualis , aut vbi esset , ignorabant . Wise men haue alwayes impugned , and derided false Religiòns ; because they perceiued them to be false : but yet haue not alwayes found the true one ; because they neither knew it , nor where they should seeke for it . But , that Diagoras was not a meere Atheist , it euidently appeareth in the beginning of his Verses ; where he maketh this profession ( which is the foundation of all Religion ) Quòd a Numine summo , reguntur omnia : That all things are ruled by one most high God. Which , ( if it be true ) Diagoras could not possibly be such an absolute Atheist , as he was commonly reputed . Let vs therefore come from Diagoras , vnto Protagoras , whom the Athenians , in like sort , condemned for an Atheist : yet not for denying God ; but for seeming to doubt of him : Because , in the beginning of his booke he propounded this probleme : De Dijs quidem statuere nequeo ; neque an sint , nec ne : Adding there also this reason : Sunt enim plurima , quaeid scire prohibeant ; quippe & summa rei incertitudo , & breuis hominis vita . As concerning the gods , I cannot resolutely determine , neither whether they be , nor whether they be not ; Because there be many things , that let the knowledge of it ; namely , both the vncertainty of the thing it selfe , and also the breuity and shortnes of mans life . This report doth Laertius make of his doubting . But , by Tully it is exprest , a great deale more fauourably . But yet , by this his seeming doubtfulnes , the Athenians were so incensed , that they mulcted him with exile , and decreed , that his bookes should be publiquely burned . And yet , that Protagoras was not a pure Atheist , we may probably gather , by two Arguments , out of that description of his life , which is written by Laertius . The first of them , that he maketh precationem [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] , that is , Prayer , and Inuocation to be the first fundamentall part of an Oration : which I haue formerly shewed , to haue bene put in practice , by all the most renowned Orators . Therefore , he could not thinke , that there was no God. For , he would neuer pray to nothing . If he had bene perswaded , that the name of God , were but an idle name , and that there were no thing , that were answerable to it , he would neuer bestow his prayers vpon it . Againe , among his workes , there was one of his Bookes inscribed , De ijs que sunt apud inferos . Now , if he thought that there were Inferi , he must needs thinke that there were Superi . For Infra , and Supra , haue so necessary a relation , that the one of them can neither stand , nor yet be vnderstood without the other . And therefore , in admitting of the one , he must needs admit of both . As Socrates plainely proueth : If there be Damones , there must needs be Deus . Eiusdem viri est , Daemonia simul , & Diuina putare : It necessarily belongeth vnto the same man , that will beleeue there be Deuills , to beleeue , that ther is a God. And , as Mornaeus reporteth , vnto the same purpose Legimus , quibusdam , qui non nisi visa crederent , arte Magica Daemonas exhibitos : his conspectis , Deum etiam credidisse : As we reade of some men , who would beleeue nothing but what they haue seene ; that , Deuills being shewed them by the power of Art Magicke , they then presently beleeued , That there was a God. So that , for any thing that hath hitherto bene sayd , Protagoras was no Atheist : he was not a denier , but a doubter of the gods , at the most . Now , doubting implieth not Atheisme . For , diuers of the Prophe●s themselues , haue sometimes doubted . Iob , in one place , doubteth of Gods al-seeing prouidence : How should not the times be hid from the Almighty ? And Dauid , in another place , doubteth of his Iustice and vprightnes ; Verily , I haue Alense● my heart in vaine , and washed my hands in vaine . This doubting , might argue their weake faith in God ( especially for the present ) but it could not conclude their denying of God. And , no more could it in him : especially his other writings implying , that he beleeued him . Let vs yet proceed further , and consider of Euemerus : who was condemned for an Atheist , no lesse then Diagoras : whose opinion Theodoret affirmeth to haue bene prophanam indeitatem , a prophane denying of God : coupling him with Diagoras , and Theodorus , the most infamed of the Atheists . But yet it appeareth , that his crime was not a generall denying of all Gods , but only a denying of the heathen gods : and an affirming of them , to haue bene but men : as Saint Augustine noteth of him : affirming that he had imprinted into Virgil the same opinion , by reading him . So then , Euemerus his Atheisme was no more but this , that he affirmed of Saturne , Iupiter , Hercules , and th● rest ( whom the Heathens adored , and worshipped for their gods ) that they were indeed no gods : but either mighty Kings , and Emperours ; or great Captaines by Land ; or great Admiralls by sea ; or such like great persons , in their times . And this ( he sayth ) he read with his owne eyes , written in Golden letters , among the Pancheans , and Triphilians . Whose report , though Plutarch there doth seeke to discredit ; imagining the name of Triphilians , to be but a trifling and an imaginary name , there being no such Triphilians in the world ; yet therein indeed he discrediteth himselfe . For , Strabo , both affirmeth that there was such a Nation , and describeth the place of their habitation , and giueth a reason of that appellation . Yea , and Lactantius giueth credit to the relation of Euemerus : and affirmeth , that Enntus followed his authority , in his History . So that from hence there lyeth no exception , no not against his relation ; much lesse against his opinion . Which was indeed a most true one . For , if that opinion were Atheisme , then were all Christians Atheists , who confidently hold , that the gods of the Heathen were no better then men . Nay , then were the greatest part of the heathen themselues , Atheists : especially the wisest part of them . For they did al of them hold the same opinion . And , though they durst not openly publish it ; yet did they certainly beleeue it ; & now & then they would secretly confesse it , where they might securely do it . As appeareth by that letter , which King Alexander sent vnto his mother . Wherein he reporteth , that , in a priuate conference with an Aegyptian-Priest , he secretly confessed vnto him , that those , whom they worshipped for their gods , yet were indeed but men . Yea , and Athenagoras affirmeth , that diuers of them confessed as much vnto Herodotus . Herodotus , & Alexander Philippi filius , in Epistola ad Matrem ( qui vtique in diuer sis ciuitatibus Aegypti , Heliopoli , Memphi , & Thebis , in colloquium cum Sacerdotibus venisse dicuntur ) homines illos fuisse , ex ijs se cognouisse aiunt . Which Herodotus himselfe expressely confesseth : Deos in Aegypto , fuisse Principes ; That the gods of the Aegyptians , were but their Kings . Yea , and Tully ( vnder the same benedicity ) telleth Marcus Brutus ▪ That all those , whom they worshipped as Gods in heauen ; yet had bene ( in their times ) but only men vpon earth● and that this he might safely impart vnto him ; because he was initiated into the secrets of their mysteries . Quid ? totum propè coelum — nonnè humano genere completum est ? Si verò scrutari vetera , & ex ijs , quae Scriptores Graeciae prodiderunt , eruere coner ; ipsi illi maiorum Gentium Dij qui habentur , hinc a nobis profecti in c●elum reperientur . Quare , quorum demonstrantur sepulchra in Graecia , reminiscere : ( quoniam es initiatus quae tradantur mysterijs ) tum denique , quàm hoc latè pateat , intelliges . The whole heauen , is , in a māner , replenished with men . And if we would search out Antiquities , & gather those secrets together , that haue bin bewrayed by the Greekes vnto vs ; we should find , that euen the greatest of all the gods , haue from vs beene translated into the heauens . Wherefore , remember but with your selfe , whose Sepulchers the Greekes shew vs ( for you are now initiated into the mysteries ) and then you shall perceiue , how farre this truth stretcheth . Which obseruation , that here he deliuereth so couertly , is expressed by Xenophon a great deale more openly . For he apertly professeth , that Saturne , Iupiter , and Hercules , were but men : and that euery country had both a Saturne , a Iupiter , and a Hercules of their owne : the first King , in euery nation , being called their Saturne ; the next , his Sonne , their Iupiter ; and the third , his Nephew , their Hercules . Saturni dicuntur , familiarum nobilium , Regum , qui vrbes condiderunt , antiquissimi ; primogeniti eorum , Ioves , et Iunones ; Hercules verò , Nepotes eorum fortissimi : Patres Saturnorum , coeli ; Vxores , Rhea , et Coelorum V●st●e . Quot ergò Saturni , tot Coeli , Vestae , Rheae , Iunones , Ioues , Hercules . Therefore , to hold this , that the Heathen gods were men , was no prophanenesse , or impietie ; but a solide veritie : which though it might not be publiquely professed ; yet was it priuately vnderstood , and beleeued . Whereby it appeareth , that Euemerus his Atheisme , was not to Diuulge any vntruth against the true God ; but to diuulge a truth , against the false gods . And , the rather may this be beleeued to be true ; because Theophilus Antiochenus reporteth , that Euemerus did hold , not onely Animae immortalitatem , but also Dei vnitatem : not onely the immortalitie of the soule , but the vnitie of the Deitie . Neither of which points can congruously be held , by him , that holdeth There is no God. The word indeed which Theophilus there vseth , is but , disputarit . But , that he disputed it ; not problematice , but assertinè , concluding there was a God ; it appeareth by this ; because he saith , that therein he was contrary vnto himselfe , in his former denying him . Which , though he doe there impute vnto his inconstancie ; yet may it bee probably thought , to haue beene his palinodie : if he euer before had held , That there was no God. For I will not peremptorily define , neither for him , nor for any of the rest , that they were no Atheists ; but only dispute the contrary , vpon probable grounds : and that the accusations which haue beene layd against them , doe not neccessarily conuince , that they were absolute Atheists ; or that they generally denied all gods , though they denied those , with whom they were charged in their accusations . And this interpretation , I desire to be applied both vnto all those Atheists , that haue gone before ; and vnto all those , that doe follow after . Let vs therefore now proceede . For Theodorus , and Bion of Boristhens : though it should be granted ( as it is of them reported ) That they generally denied , There was any God , yet can it not be affirmed , that they constantly denied it . For , the one of them , Theodorus , fell , in the end , into that madnes , as ridiculously to professe that He himselfe was a God. The other of them , Bion , fell into that repentance , as to confesse those gods , at the last , whom , at the first , hee had denied . And therefore , neither of these two ( being such apostates from their Atheisme ) can iustly be reckoned in the number of Atheists . But both him , and Diagores , and Euemerus , and diuers others , ( whom the Greekes accompted Athe●sts ) doth Cl●mens Alexandrinus nominatìm excuse , as men of good life , and of a deeper insight in discouering the false gods , then the rest of their Neighbours . As for Epicurus ; he denied not Gods essence ; hee denied onely his prouidence . He granted , that there was a God ; though he thought him to be such an One , as did neither euill nor good . Placet Epicuro esse Deos ; Quia necesse sit , praestantem esse aliquam Naturam , qua nihil sit m●li●●s : The Epicure is induced to beleeue , There is a God : Because there must needs be , an excellent Nature , which is superlatiuely good . Yea , and ( as it appeareth againe out of Tullie ) hee himselfe writ a booke , instructing men vnto Pietie : which he inscribed , De Pietate aduersùs Deos : Of Religion and Pietie towards the Gods. Which argueth , that he thought there were gods . Nay , in that same Booke hee spake so religiously , and holily of the gods ; Vt Coruncanum , aut Scaevolam , Pontifices maximos , le audisse dicas ( as in the same place he reporteth ) as if it had beene spoken , by Coruncanus or Scaeuola ; who were their high Preists . And for Pherecydes ; who denied to giue worship vnto any of all the heathen gods ( whom he might easily discerne to bee no true gods ) hee was therein not an Atheist , ( if hee went no further : ) For Daniel refused to worship god Bel ; and the three children refused to worship the golden idol : yet made them that , no Atheists : neither likewise did it him : but , in their false opinion . And that his Atheisme was nothing else , but only an inu●ighing against the heathen Idols , it appeareth by Laertius ; who , in his life , reporteth that his Position was ; Neque aurum , neque argentum honorandum : That neither Gold , nor Siluer , is to be worshipped : and that Hercules had commanded him this in a dreame . Now this is no Atheisme . For , the Apostle Paul telleth vs the very same , That the Godhead is not like vnto Gold or Siluer ; nor any other such like matter . And Seneca likewise vnto the same purpose : Non potest , ex h●c materia , imago Deo exprimi similis : speaking of Gold and Siluer : There cannot of such matter , be any image framed , that is like vnto God. Againe , that hee was not a pure Atheist , may be gathered from the testimonie of Theopompus : who saith , that he was , Primus omnium , qui scripsit de Dijs : that hee was the first man , that wrote of the Gods. And , that hee handled that Argument not prophanely , but religiously , it may likewise bee gathered , in that they called him not Atheos , but Theologus : not an Atheist , but a Diuine : Yea , and Ficinus asserteth him , inter summos Theologos , & moribus diuinos : among the chiefest Diuines , and of the best life . And so likewise for Dionysius ; hee in deriding of those Idols , whom his Countrey-men did worship , was not therefore an Atheist ; as Elias was not in his deriding of Baal , and in his spoyling them , he was not so much an Atheist , as diuers of those that seeme to be their most deuoted worshippers : who yet make no scruple or religion , not only of deforming them , but euen of basely transforming them : De Saturno in Cacabulum , & De Minerva in Trullam , as Tertullian writeth of them , which is the foulest cont●mpt that can be offered vnto them . So that euen the most infamous and notorious Atheists ( for any thing that hath bin prooued against them ) might all of them haue bin rather deriders of the false gods , then deniers of the true . Whom , though they perfectly knew not , yet might they ignorantly worship ; as the Athenians did their vnknown God. Whom you ignorantly worship ( saith S. Pau●● ) him shew I vnto you . They might , I say ( that they did so , I say not ) either worship the true God ignorantly ; or some other false gods idolatrously : thogh they renounced those gods which were worshipped in their countries . Either of which , if they did , they could not be counted Atheists . And ; that some of them did so , it euidently appeareth in the example of Socrates : whom when the Athenians accused of Atheisme , he renounced that crime , and openly pronounced , that though he did not acknowledge their Citie gods ; yet that he beleeued there were other Gods. Ego Deos esse puto : neque omninò sum absque Deo. Neque in hoc iniustèago : quan vis , non eos , quos habet ciuitas , sed alios esse doceam : I doe beleeue that there be Gods : neither am I my selfe without a God. Neither in this do I offend ; though I hold not those to be my gods , whom the Citie holdeth to be theirs . He disclaimeth the generall deniall of all Gods , though hee proclaimeth his particular deniall of their gods : And therefore could not iustly be numbred among Atheists . For ( as Laertius truely noteth ) Impius non est , qui tollit mul●itudinis Deos , sed qui Dijs , multitudinis opiniones applicat . He is not an Atheist that denieth the gods , whom the people doe imagine ; but rather he that appl●eth the imaginations of the people vnto the gods . And therefore it followeth not , that Socrates did generally deny all gods , because he particularly denied the Graecian gods . And the same may bee likewise obserued in Damis : in whose fained person , prophane and impious Lucian hath vented all his Atheisme . For though by him he derided all the gods of the Gentils , not sparing euen Iupiter himselfe : yet when Timocles obiected , that he was a generall despiser of all the gods , and a generall enemy to their Altars and Religions ; he detested that crime , and protested vnto him ; Haud omnes aras subuerti cupio , O bone Timocles : I doe not desire an vtter subuersion of all Religion . So that ( for any thing that I can finde ) there is none of those Philosophers , whom the Heathens haue purs●ed with such an Hue-and-Crie for most damnable Atheists , but that , if their cause be indifferently examined , they may probably bee thought to haue acknowledged a true God , in some measure and degree : howsoeuer they derided and declaimed against the false . Yea , and euen their renouncing of those false gods , was also ( in some degre● ) a confessing of a true . For ( as Tertullian collecteth ) Subiacet intelligi , verit ●tis esse cultores , qui mendacij non sunt ; nec errasse ampliùs in eo , in quo errasse se r●cognoscendo cessauerunt : It may well be conceiued , that they are followers of the truth , that are not followers of lies : and that they will therein erre no more , wherein they haue acknowledged their former error . At least ( as Clemens Alexandrinus collecteth , euen in this very case . ) This finding of their owne error , in worshipping those false gods , was , non parvum semen , ad excitandam scintillam , intelligentie veritatis : it was ( as it were ) a seed , or a sparckle to kindle the knowledge of the truth . Now if none of all those men , that haue beene most noted and renowned for Atheisme , not onely by the writings of Pagans , but also of Christians , yet were not truely Atheists indeed ; but that , notwithstanding their derision of those false gods , they might well beleeue that there was a true one : then can none of their examples ( no nor all of them ) serue to infringe the generality of our former position : that There is no man in the world , but that at some time or other , in some degree or other , he beleeueth There is a God : no , not euen the Atheists themselues excepted . Who ( as you haue partly seene here , and shall more fully hereafter ) doe directly confesse , That there is a God. But here now , two Questions doe come to be discussed . First , that if these men were no true Atheists indeed , why were they so condemned ? and why haue they beene infamed for such , if they were not such ? Whereunto I briefly answer : that this was onely through the iealousie and tendernesse of the Heathens , in defending of their Countrey-gods : ouer whom they were so tender , that whosoeuer denied them , they held that he held none : and though hee professed that he beleeued others ; yet they held , that he reiected all , if hee receiued not theirs . And this we may plainely see , in the iudgement of Socrates : in whose very accusation , they layd to his charge , that he did , Priscos Deos non colere , & novos introducere : That he denied their old gods , and brought them in new . Where , though they confesse , that hee beleeued certaine new gods ; yet they condemned him , as an Atheist , for reiecting of the olde : as though that had beene to reiect all . And though Socrates iustly taxeth th●m , as cleane contrary to themselues , in the two maine heads of their accusation ; to charge him with Atheisme , that is , a denying of all gods , in the one head ; whom they discharge in the other , by obiecting his new gods : deriding this foolish intoxication , to be ( in effect ) as if they should haue said : Contra leges agit Socrates , Deos non putans , sed Deos putans ; yet their zeale in their religion preuailed so farre , as to worke his condemnation : accounting it not much lesse impiety , to assert any new gods , then to deny all gods . As wee may see also by their catching at the speech of S. Paule : Hee seemeth to be a setter-out of strange Gods. And it is like enough , that if hee had stayed there , it might haue cost him his head . For , though his new God were , in truth , the true God ; yet , because he disliked their old gods , they would haue held him for an Atheist : as they did ( for the same cause ) the whole sect of Christians : as Athenagoras reporteth . Illi nobis Atheismum impingunt , propterea quod non eosdem , quos ipsi nôrunt , arbitremur esse [ Deos : ] They obiect euen to Christians , the crime of Atheisme ; because they do not worship the same gods with them . For , this was their account , that he which reiected their gods , could not know any other ; and therefore reiected them all together . And● it may be they erred not , but that diuers of those Atheists , which reiected their gods , did it of a prophane humour , not regarding any other : and therefore were iustly condemned by them , of impiety and Atheisme . But if there were any such ( as I will not obstinately contend , but there might be some ) yet this I hold of them , that they did not constantly hold out their opinion : but that oftentimes they so checked themselues , that they could not but inwardly beleeue there was a God , though they outwardly denied it . Yea , and it may be likewise , that diuers of them , vpon vaine glory , or vpon studie of singularity , that they might seeme to be wiser then other men , haue outwardly professed ( though not inwardly beleeued ) that There is no God. But then , here the second Question cometh to be resolued . To what end , this whole worke serueth , which is written against Atheists , if they be few , or none such ? Whereunto , though I haue partly answered in the preface to the Reader ; yet , I here will adde this further : That though there be but few such Atheists ( or rather indeed none ) as resolutely and constantly beleeue with their hearts , that There is no God ; yea , and not many such , as professe it with their mouthes , though not beleeuing it constantly : Yet be there very many , that beleeue it weakely : and , that being ouercome by sodaine passions and temptations , do oftentimes doubt , and distrust ; whether there be any God ? As we see it ingeniously confessed , by Ouid. — Ignoscite fasso ; Sollicitor , nullos esse putare Deos. Confesse I do , and pardon crauc ; I tempted am , No gods to haue . Yea , and the same is acknowledged by Claudian , a Christian. Saepe mihi dubiam traxit sententia mentem ; Curarent Superi terras ? an nullus inesset Rector , & incerto fluerent mortalia casu ? This troublous thought hath oft perplext , and plung'd my doubtfull minde ; Whether a God , or whether none , or whether Fortune blinde Did care the Earth , and rule the World , and actions of Mankinde ? And few men can escape the very same temptations . Therefore , of this sort of Atheists , there is as great a plenty , as of the first sort , a scarcity . Nay , there is almost no man , but at some time or other , he falleth within the compasse of this doubting . So that ( as it is truly obserued by Saint Augustine ) Hoc intellectu discusso , inuenietur esse in plurimis , quod in paucis , & raris , & penè in nullis , esse putabamus : In this larger signification , we shall find this sinne of Atheisme to be in very many , which we thought before , to be almost in none , or ( at the most ) but in a few . Therefore , many may reape profit , by the reading of this booke , not onely by exempting them from all impiety of doubting , but also by instructing them , in the most point of Religion , which , in some place or other of it , present themselues to be discussed . And , whereas in diuers passages of it , we affirme , that there be no Atheists ; and yet , in other places , do acknowledge many , and dispute against them : for the auoyding of offence by this seeming contradiction , I desire the Reader to carry along with him this distinction : that I be not often driuen to make this repetition : namely , that when we deny that there be any Atheists , as be properly so called , which generally and constantly beleeue There is no God , and hold so vnto the end : ( Of which sort there can be none , though many haue beene so reputed and taken : because ( as it is truly obserued by Nouation ) Deum , mens omnis humana sentit , etiamsi non exprimit : There is no man , but in his soule he doth inwardly feele , That there is a God ; though hee do not outwardly confesse it . ) When we confesse , There be Atheists , and dispute against them ; wee vnderstand onely such as deny there is a God , rather by outward profession , then by inward perswasion : or , if they haue indeed any such inward perswasion , it is but onely vpon some sodaine passion : which vanisheth as sodainely , as it was conceiued fondly . And of these sodaine and passionate eruptions , may that place of the Psalmist bee vnderstood : The Foole hath sayd in his heart , There is no God : if we will referre it vnto practicall Atheisme . 5 And such were indeed all those renowned Atheists , whom we finde to be most celebrated , in the monuments & writings , not only of heathens , but also of Christians . There was not one of al them , that could constantly hold out , & maintaine his opinion , though he outwardly professed it with neuer such a colour and shew of resolution . We see among Philosophers , that many other of their opinions ( though very strange , and almost monstrous ) yet haue bin , with great pertinacy , defended by them , & stiffly persisted in , euen vnto the end . But so was neuer Atheisme . There was neuer Atheist yet , which entertained that impious opinion against God , that could euer hold it mordicùs , and defend it constantly vnto the end . But , euen whilst they held it , they both beleeued it so weakely , and left the beleefe of it so easily , that it could not , in common reason , be accompted their opinion : as Laertius inferreth vpon the recantation of Bion of Boristhenes . Si quidem illud dogma tueri perstitisset , meritò dicendus esset , sensisse , vt visum fuisset , et si malè visum esset : If he had held out his opinion vnto the end , he might iustly haue bene sayd to haue meant , as he sayd ; though his meaning were but bad . But now , by his reuolting , hee insinuateth , that his Atheisme could not iustly bee sayd to haue bene his opinion . For , opinionem omnem sequitur fides : nec fieri potest , vt ijs quisquam non credat , quorum habet opinionem : sayth Aristotle . Euery opinion begetteth a beleeuing . And therefore , where there is a leauing of our beleife , there also ceaseth to be an opinion . Now it is Platoes obseruation , that all Atheists , who professe in the beginning , that they beleeue , There is no God ; yet still doe forsake that beleife in the end ; and so quit te their opinions . Nullus eorum , ab adolescentia vsque ad senectutem , in hac opinione , Quòd Dij non sunt , preseuer avit : There was neuer yet any man , which beleeued , There was no God , that was able to hold out , and maintaine that opinion and beleife vnto the end . Which position of Platoes is notably confirmed , by Tullus Hostilius , a great derider of the Romane-gods , and of that Religion , which Numa had brought in . But yet ( as Plutarch obserueth of him ) In hoc audaci instituto non perrexit : sed morbo graui & multiplici , ad mutandam sententiam compulsus est . Hee was not able to maintaine and to hold out his Atheisme : but was inforced by sicknesse , to change it into superstition , the cleane contrary extreame . For the contrary conclusion [ That there is a God ] is so deepely rooted in the hearts of all men , that sooner shall they be able to plucke out their hearts out of their bodies ; then to plucke that conclusion out of their hearts . Which Aristotle illustrateth , by this witty comparison , that , as Phydias , that renowned Caruer of Images , did graue his owne image into the buckler of Pallas , with such singular Arte and cunning , that it could not by any meanes be remoued ; vnlesse the whole worke it selfe were defaced : so God hath stampt his image , so deepely and firmely into the world , and especially into the heart of a man , that it cannot be remoued , vnlesse the heart it selfe be dissolued : though it be with neuer such cunning dissembled . Vnto which conceite of Aristotle , Tully seemeth to haue a kinde of allusion : when he telleth vs , that it is not onely , Innatum ; sed etiam in animo insculptum , esse Deos : It is not only naturally bred in the mind ; but it is also artificially ingrauen into it , That there is a God. It is ( as the Prophet Ieremy speaketh ) not onely written in mans heart , with a pen of iron ; but also grauen there , with the point of a Diamond . A conclusion , which cannot possibly die , so long as the soule it selfe doth liue . For , the very first truth which God hath ingrauen into the soule of a man , is , That there is a God. And , as the Schoolemen teach vs : Nulla res , qualiscunque est , intelligi potest , nisi Deus intelligatur priùs : There is nothing , that can possibly be vnderstood , vnlesse we first vnderstand , That there is a God. This is Primum verum : the very first truth , which God hath taught vnto the soule of a man. Now , Natura suae primae institutionis non obliuiscitur : sayth the Romane Orator . Nature can by no meanes forget her first lesson . And therefore , though the Atheist doe neuer so carefully or cunningly dissemble it ; yet can he not but know , that There is a God. He cannot but inwardly know it , though he outwardly dissemble it . For , Quis est adeò rationis expers aut animae , ( sayth Philo Iudeus ) vt nulla vnquàm de Optimo illo , Maximoa , eum volentem nolent emuè subirit cogitatio ? There is no man so deuoyd of either sense , or reason , but that he sometime thinkes of God , either willing or nilling . Nam , & nolentes sciunt , & fatentur inuiti : sayth Maximus Tyrius . They , euen against their wills , do both know it , and acknowledge it . And therefore they cannot constantly deny it . Yea , and Clemens Alexandrinus rendereth a very good reason , why God cannot be vnknowne vnto the soule of any reasonable man : because it was inspired into him by God. The Soules first generation , was Gods immediate inspiration . And therefore sayth he ; Longe abest , vt sit homo expers diuinae notionis , quem scriptum est fuisse participem inspirationis in generatione . So that , as Lucilius obserueth of Homer : that — Nemo qui culpat Homerum , Prepetuò culpat : — Ther 's none , that Homers name Still constantly doth blame : So may it be truly affirmed of God too ; that , Nemo , qui Deum negat , Perpetuò negat : That , No man which denieth God , doth constantly deny him . No , nor confidently neither . Impudently they may : but confidently they cannot . They do , but Dubitatiuè pronunciare , as Tertullian speaketh . They speake inwardly , but doubtfully ; though outwardly more stubbornely . Their deniall of God , is no setled resolution . It is but a weake , and a flickring opinion , which sodainely passeth through the heart of a man , and sodainely vanisheth againe ; hauing no rooting , nor footing , no not euen so much as in their owne perswasion . But is like vnto those weake and vnperfect assents , which drunken men giue vnto things in their dreames ; or mad men , in their frenzies . Which the Orator expresseth vnto vs , in this manner . Dicimus , non eandem esse vim , neque integritatem , dormientium , & vigilantium . Ne vinolenti quidem , quae faciunt , eadem approbatione faciunt , qua sobrij . Dubitant , haesitant , reuocant se interdum ; hisque quae videntur , imbecilliùs assentiuntur . We may truly affirme , that there is not the same power and perfection of sense , in men , when they sleepe ; and in the same men , when they wake . Neither do men , in their drunkennes , any thing with that assurance , that they do in their sobernesse . They doubt , they stagger , they call backe themselues ; and they yeild but a feeble assent vnto all things . And such is that assent , which the confidentest Atheist giueth vnto his Atheisme . He so assenteth to it , that he doubteth of it : or rather , by a contrary assent , cleane supplanteth it . So that , no man beleeueth ; That there is no God , with that confidence and assurance , that all men beleeue , That there is a God. No man is carried into Atheisme , with that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and fulnesse of perswasion , that he is into a sense of God , and Religion . From which ( as Tertullian obserueth ) there is nothing that can hinder him . Anima , licèt carcere corporis pressa , licèt institutionibus pravis circ●mscripta , licèt libidinibus & concupiscentijs evigorata , licèt falsis Dijs exancillata : cùm tamen resipiscit , vt ex crapula ; vt ex somno , vt ex aliqua valetudine , & sanitatem suam patitur , Deum nominat . The soule of a man , though it be shut vp in the prison of his body , though depraued and mis-led by corrupt and wicked teachers ; though weakened with manyfold lusts and concupiscences , thogh 〈◊〉 trained vp in the seruice of false gods : yet when it once beginn●th to recollect it selfe , and to lift vp his head , as it were , out of his drunkennesse , his sleep , or his sicknesse , and attaineth his true health , then it thinketh , and calleth vpon God. This is the proper and naturall motion of the soule , to moue vpwards towards God. And this course it holdeth , sometimes , euen in the very Atheists , as well as in others . And , though clogged with all the forenamed impedimen●s ; yet breaketh it oftentimes through them all , to looke God in the face . For ( as Orosius truely teacheth ) Mens ratione illustrata , in medio virtutum , quibus genuino favore ( quamvìs vitijs inclinetur ) assurgit , scientiam Dei , quasi arcem , prospicit : The soule of a man being inlightned with reason , and assisted by vertue , vnto which it hath a naturall liking , raiseth vp it selfe , and mounteth vpward , to obtaine the fuller sight and clearer knowledge of God. So that , their prophane Atheisme , being Motus contra naturam , A motion against nature ; and comming but now and then , onely by fits vnto them , may more iustly be esteemed , to be but onely their frenzy , or their dreame , then to be their elected or resolued opinion . For so Tullie calleth some of their opinions ; which were a great deale better setled in them then this , Portenta & miracula , non disserentium Philosophorum , s●d somniantium . The monsters and miracles of dreaming Philosophers . And yet , I denie not , but that there may be some men so foolish and impious , as to say , euen in their hearts , That there is no God. For the Prophet Dauid saith it : a man worthy to be beleeued : The Foole hath said in his heart , There is no God. Yea , and some may haue their hearts so hardned in prophanenesse , as not onely to gibe at God with scoffes and derisions , as did the Tyrant Dionysius ; but also seriously to dispute against him , as did the Epicure Velleius ; yea , and Epicurus himselfe , who , euen in that same booke , which hee wrote , De pietate aduersus deos , Of piety towards the gods ; yet praeuaricated most impiously against the gods : Non manibus ( vt Xerxes ) sed rationibus , deorum immortalium templa & aras euertens : as is noted in the same place ; He ouerthrew the temples , and altars of the gods , not by force and armes ( as Xerxes ) but by force of Arguments . But especially Diagoras , who wrote certaine Orations against the gods : wherein he reposed so singular a confidence , that he gaue them the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi turrium destructrices , The destroyers of Towers . Whereby it appeareth , that in these men , their Atheisme was ( for the time ) a setled opinion ; and not any light or flickering cogitation . But vnto all this , I answer with the Romaine Orator . Quid attinet glorio●e loqui , nisi constanter loquare ? What boo●eth it to speake gloriously , if a man speake not constantly , and sticke not firmely vnto that which he speaketh ? As neither Dauids foole doth , who denied God ; nor Diony sius , who derided him ; nor Diagoras , or Epicurus , who writ their bookes against him . There is none of all these , if they intended their speeches in generall , against all Gods ( and not rather in particular , against the Heathen-gods , * as some haue coniecture● ) that can constantly and resolutely thinke as they speake . There is not the lusti●st and most resolute Ath●ist , that euer liued , that can resolutely and constantly beleeue , there is no God. There be many , that sometimes ( in a fit of iollity ) affirme , There is no God : yea , and seeke wholly to forget him ; that so they may wallow more securely in all sinne . But yet still , when the heate of that lust and lustinesse is past , and they be come againe vnto their cold blood , they doe then say in their hearts , that , Surely there is a God. Yea , and then they beleeue it too , more firmely , then they would . They doe then , with the Deuils , both beleeue it , and tremble at it : fearing Gods seuere iudgement , and their owne due punishment for the denying of it . So that it may truely bee said of Atheists , that though they doe , amplè , & elatè loqui ; yet doe they , but humiliter , & demissè sentire : though they speake lustily , yet they thinke but basely . They doe but , hoc in labijs , non in corde dicere : as S. Augustine speaketh : They speake it but with their lips , they beleeue it not with their hearts : at the least , not with a constant assent vnto it . For , as he noteth in another place , Difficile est , vt incurramus in hominem , qui dicit in corde suo , Non est Deus● It is a hard thing to meet with any man , that can say in his heart , There is no God. We may meete with many that can say so with their mouthes ▪ but with very few , or none , that doe thinke so in their hearts , though it bee but by short spurts , as Anselmus plainely prooueth . So , that the Atheist , for the greatest part of his life , is no Atheist indeed . He is an Atheist but by fits , in the time of some passion ; but he is no Atheist all the calmer time of his liuing . And therefore it may be said of Atheists ( as well as of Epi●ures ) That , as all other Philosophers say better then they thinke : so these thinke better then they say . For they say , There is no God : but they thinke , There is one . Yea , and they can do no otherwise . For , Deus vtique sic verè est ( saith A●selmus ) vt ne● cogitari possit , Non est : For , God so truely hath his being ; that it cannot once be thought , hee should haue no being . As for the Atheists deriding of God ; it is nothing else , but Risus Sardonius : A forced and faincd laughter ; A reioycing in the face , and not in the heart : as the Apost●e Paule expresseth it . For they cannot by all their scoffing at him , extinguish that knowledge of him , which they haue within them . For ( as Tertullian truly noteth ) Illum reprehendere magis possunt , quàm negare : They can sooner reprehend him , then truly deny him . And Orosius likewise vnto the same purpose : Deum contemnere , quilibet hominum , ad tempus , potest ; nescire in totum , non potest : Euery man may , for a time , contem●e and scorne God : but yet no man can totally be ignorant of him . Euen then , when they scorne him , yet they cannot but know him , and feare him too . And therfore their deriding him , is but the disguising of their inward feare , with the counterfeit ●emblance of a lying countenance : such , as in a like case is described by Euripides . Vultus quidem iucundus ; interiora verò Tristia . Quis enìm beatus , quis foelix , Qui in metu est ; & qui suspectam habens vitam , Vitam degit ? Their countenance is smooth and faire ; but inward parts are sad , For who can pleasant be , and blest , that liues in feare and dread : And hauing life suspected , doth it still suspected leade ? And yet , such is the state of the Atheist , euen when he seemeth the pleasantest . He still feareth that Gods vengeance will ouertake his pleasa●ce● : thereby inwardly acknowledging him , though he outwardly deny him . And for the Atheists disputing against him : it is indeed no better then a meere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an idle altercation , and contention about words . Hee denieth the name of God : but he granteth the thing ; as hee sheweth by his fearing . So that his heart neuer thinks that which his tongue speaketh . For , when his tongue saith outwardly , that , There is no God : his heart saith inwardly , that , There is a God : and so his heart telleth his tongue , that it lyeth . And when he seekes , by Reason , to proue there is no God : Stat contra Ratio ; & s●cretam ganuit in aurem : A stronger Reason stands against , and whispers in his e●re , His Nay is naught : — and tells him , There is one . So that , the perswasion of Atheisme is but weake , and without all firmenesse ; but short , and without all continuance ; but vnconstant , and without all assurance . And therefore , euen the very Atheist himselfe , is no important or materiall instance , to giue a iust exception , against the vniuersality of consent in Religion : as ( beside all the fore-named arguments ) I purpose to declare , by diuers others , in the next insuing Chapters . CHAP. 11. The two Endes of Atheisme ; Not to serue , and , Not to feare . 2. The Atheist in the first of these two ends , is disappointed ; becomming a base seruant vnto all his owne vices . 3. But more especially , vnto his ambition . 4. And his Belly . 5. All which seruice he referring to himselfe , he becommeth thereby , A God vnto himselfe . I Haue shewed , in the former chapter , that the Atheist doth but weakely beleeue , There is no God : if hee beleeue so at all . But there by many strong Arguments , whereby it may bee proued , that indeed , he doth strongly beleeue , There is a God : though he outwardly dissemble it . He beleeueth it not , with such a beleefe of faith , as is able to saue him : but yet with such a beleefe of knowledge , as is able to condemne him . And this he plainely sheweth , not onely by his ●eeds , but also by his words . By his deeds , in an oblique and direct confession : by his words , in a very direct and expresse one . His deeds , whereby he confesseth , that There is a God , be two : the enormous excesse of his loue vnto himselfe : and that inward griping feare , which he feeleth within himselfe . For I finde it obserued among the learned , that the destinate ends , which the Atheist propoundeth vnto himselfe , in the choyce of his impious and damnable opinion , are principally these two : Non seruire , and , Non metuere : That hee may not serue , and , That he may not feare . The first of which two Ends , is instanced by S. Augustine . Quidam , propterea putant , nihil colendum esse , ne seruiant . Some men will needs beleeue , there is no God to be serued , because they would not serue him . The second of them , is instanced by Plutarch . Finis , non credendi Deum esse , est , metu vacare : The end of mens not beleeuing a God , is , to be free from feare . And for the attaining of these two ends [ that hee may not serue , and , that he may not feare ] will the Atheists needes beleeue ( euen beyond all beleefe , fide sine fide ) That there is no God. For , no man would euer ingage himselfe in Atheisme ( so odious and so detestable an opinion ) but onely to free himself from seruing , & fearing . But indeed , he is greatly deceiued in thē both ; & vtterly frustrated of his hoped end . For , no man serueth more , no man feareth so much . So that he manifestly proueth , by both these two means , that he thinks There is a God ; by which he seeks to proue , that he thinks there is none . And so ( as the Orator obserueth of Philo the Academick ) In idipsum se induit , quod timebat : He t●rusteth his head into the very same snarewhich before he feared . So that he may truly say with Iob ▪ a farre more holy man ; The thing that I greatly feared is fal●e vpon me : and that whi●h I was afraid of , is come vnto me . 2 For the first end of the Atheist , which is , Non seruire : there is nothing more certaine , then that the Atheist entertaineth his impious opinion , especially for this end : that so he may attaine to be A free man ; and not either to serue , or to obserue any other man : no nor any God neither . As it euidently appeareth in Pherecides Syrus ; who shamed not to glory ( but his glory was his shame ) That he had neuer serued any of the gods , all his life , and yet h●d alwayes led a very pleasant and merry life . So that , this was the end which hee aymed at , in his impiety , that he might not liue seruilely ; as he accounted that he should , if he worshipped any God : reckoning Piety to be Seruility : which is indeed , cleane contrary* . It is the onely true Liberty . For , as S. Paule testifieth , Where the Spirit of the Lord is , there is liberty . And their impious Liberty , is indeed true Seruility ; according to that of S. Peter : Whilst they promise to others liberty , they themselues are the seruants of corruption . And the Holy Ghost addes a reason : For , of whom a may is ouercome , of the same is he brought in bondage . They make themselues seruants , vnto all the corrupt fancies of their owne addle heads ; and to all the corrupt desires of their owne idle bellies . For these two bee the Atheists chiefe and principall maisters : whom they serue , with more base and abiect seruility , then euer ●ny slaue serued , in the cruellest captiuity . And well may they be so . For , according to the Paradoxe of the Stoicks , mentioned by the Orator : Omnes improbi , serui : All wicked men are slaues . They that will not serue God himselfe , who is their onely true maister , are giuen ouer , by Gods iustice , to serue two other Maisters , exacting vile seruices , The Ambition of vaine glory , and , the lusts of their owne bellie . Two most vniust & imperious maisters : insulting , and dominering ouer them , as ouer slaues : commanding , & enjoyning them euery base thing : & yet inforcing them to obey them , with no lesse exactions then the Egyptian taske-masters . The first of them , compelling them , as it were to gather straw , by seruing the vaine breath of the peoples fond applause : the other of them compelling them to labour in the Brick-kilne ; by seruing the burning lusts of their own wicked bellies : thus detaining them in more then Egyptian slauishnes . So that , in their declining of the seruice of God , they gaine not that freedome , which they hoped , and propounded ; but fall into that thraldome , which they desired to auoyd : as Saint Augustine hath truly , and wisely obserued . Nego , esse quenquam istorum , qui nihil colendum existimant ; qui non , aut carnalibus gaudijs subditus sit , aut potentiam vanam foueat , aut spectac ulo aliquo delectatus insaniat . Ita nescientes diligunt temporalia , vt inde beat●tud●nem expectent . His autem rebus , quibus quisque beatus vult effici , seruiat necesse est , velit , nolit . There is none of all those men , which desire to serue nothing ; but that he , either serueth his owne carnall desires , or his vaine ambitions , or his giddy pleasures . So louing these outward and temporall things , that they thinke to finde in them a perfect happines . Now , euery man s●rueth all those things , will he , nill he , whereby he is in hope , to attaine vnto felicity . Concluding in the same place , that Sua sibi vitia dominari patiuntur ; vellibidine , vel superbia , vel curio sitate damnati : They suffer , euen their owne vices , to dominere , and rule ouer them ; their lust , and their pride , and their curious ambition . And this ( as Saint Paul teacheth ) falleth out , by the hand of Gods most iust vengeance , that They who refuse to serue their Creator , should by him , be giuen ouer , vnto their vile affections ; yea , euen into a reprobate sense , to serue their owne lusts , and vncleannesse , and all manner of vnrighteousnesse ; fornication , wickednesse , couetousnesse , maliciousnesse , enuy , debate , deceite ; and a number of such like , which , euen there , hee reckoneth vp . And therefore the Atheist is very farre , from that supposed libertie , which ( in choosing of his Atheisme ) he promised vnto himselfe : being thereby made a seruant , not onely of many Maisters , but also of most base and vnworthy Maisters . Turpissimus seruus , Dominorum turpiorum : a most base seruant , of more baser Masters . 3 But yet more particularly of Vaine-glory , and of Luxury . These two , aboue all the rest , are most serued , by the Atheist . For , first , for Vaine-glory . It is noted by the Orator , that of all sorts of men , there is none of them transported , with the winde of ambition , more greatly , then those persons , which haue beene of greatest name among the Philosophers . Who , euen in those Bookes , which they haue written against V●ine-glory , as openly condemning it ; yet haue added their owne names , as secretly affecti●● it . A●d therefore , Tertullian giueth them deserued titles , when he calleth the Philosophers , but Gloriae animalia , and Famae negociatores . The Creatures of ambition , and the Traders for a name . Vnto which two , Hierom addeth , that they be , Vilia popularis aurae mancipia : The base Slaues of the Peoples praise . But yet , of all the Philosophers , I doe not finde any , so infinitely possessed , with the winde of V●ine-glory , as those men , that haue bene most possessed , with Atheisme : as we may see , for an instance , in Bion of Boristhenes . Who , seeing that by all his Lectures of Atheisme , he could not gaine , so much as one Disciple to follow him : that he might not seeme , so vtterly deserted and despised , he hired a company of Saylers , to follow him vp and downe , in the habit of Scholers , through the chiefe streets of the Towne , and with them hee went ietting towards the Schooles , as if he had bin followed , with a great traine of Disciples . Now , what a miserable seruant of Ambition was this man , that durst thus impotently affect it , where hee might so easily be detected ? And the same seruile affectation of Vaine-glory and Ambition , may likewise be obserued , in all the rest of them . Insomuch , that Lactantius maketh their ambition , to be the very fountaine of their impiety , and Atheisme . And , he giueth there for instance , Diagoras , and Theodorus , who , hauing not the wisedome , to giue honour to themselues , by any new inuention of their owne ; they sought to clime vnto it , by confuting the receiued opinions of others . And so chose , for the subiect of their contradiction , that most ancient , and most generally approued opinion , That there is a God. And this ( for their glories sake ) they would needs confute . In the second of which two , that is , in Theodorus ( who , for his notable impietie , was called cognomento , Atheos ) it is a thing that is very worthy of obseruation ; that , as by meere ambition , he was ledde vnto his Atheisme : so by the same ambition , he was ledde to renounce the same againe . And that by this witty strategeme . The Philosopher Stilpo , on a time , came vnto him : and , being willing to make a triall , whether he could inwardly be perswaded ( as hee outwardly pretended ) That there was indeed no God ? he set vpon him , with this Question . Tell me ( ô Theodorus ) whether thou be such a one indeed , as thou art commonly esteemed ? Hee , thinking that he had meant ; Whether he were indeed , a true Atheist , or no ? answered him ; He was so : that hee was the very same , that the people esteemed him . Why then ( sayth Stilpo ) thou art surely , no Atheist ; but thou art , indeed a very God : artificially insinuating , that so the people esteemed him . With which idle conceite , Theodorus being tickled , and loath to repell so glorious an asscription ; he thought it better to renounce his former opinion . And so , from thence forward , he held , That there was no God ; vnlesse that he himselfe were ( haply ) a God. By which his ambition , hee cast himselfe into so great a scorne ; that he , which before was called in detestation , Theodorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theodorus the Mock-God ; was called afterward , in derision , Theodorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Theodorus the Mockt-God . Whereby it appeareth , that the Atheist is truly a very slaue of Vaine-glory ; seruing it more basely , then euer any seruant did the cruellest Tyrant . For , Tyrants can compell their seruants , but vnto outward obseruance : but they cannot inforce them , vnto any inward opinion , as you see Vaine-glory can . It can compell the Atheist , not onely to accept , but also to reiect his Athe●sme . And therefore , the Atheist cannot be a free man. Hee gayneth not his libertie , by all his impiety . But , though hee renounce Gods religion ; because he would not serue him : yet serueth hee much more basely , vnto his owne Ambition . And in seruing of it , he serueth the Deuill himselfe : because he will not serue God. For Ambitionis via , est Diaboli adoratio : if we may beleeue Saint Bernard : The way of ambition , is the Deuills adoration . So that now , the Atheist hath not only a Master , but also a God to serue : though , by the choise of his Atheisme , hee sought to exempt himselfe from both of them . But in them both , hee is intangled . For that , being a base seruant , hee must needes haue a Maister , and he must needes haue a God. And so , renouncing the true one , hee hath light vpon another , that is more worthy of him . A base God , and a base Maister , for a base seruant , and a base worshipper . 4 But , as yet we haue not seene all his basenesse , in his seruing . For , beside his owne ambition , hee serueth yet another Maister ; yea , and with no lesse deuotion . And that is , his idle Belly . For , the seruing of whose appetite , it is incredible , what base and seruile paines hee doth take . He riseth vp early , and hee goeth to bed late ; hee sweateth , hee freezeth , hee toyleth , hee laboureth , hee lyeth in waite to spoile the heauen of all her fowles , the earth of all her beasts , the sea of all her fishes . And all this , to s●rue his Bellie : that so ( as Saint Hierom speaketh ) he may , ex cibis quàm preci●sis , stercus confi●ere . That he may turne the costliest meate , into the vilest 〈◊〉 . For ( as Sen●●a truely noteth ) Omnia ist● , tam sollicitè scrutata , vari●● 〈◊〉 , cumsubicri●● ventrem , vna atque eadem foeditas occupat . All these delicacies , that are sought so carefully , and sawc't so daintily , when they come into the belly , they are wrapt vp together , in one and the same foedity . Is not this a noble seruice ? And yet all this , and much more , doth the Atheis● most basely offer vnto his belly : seruing it not onely with many dishes , but also with many rancks of dishes . Struices con●innat patinarias ( as the Comick speaketh ) He maketh such vpheaped piles of dishes . Yea , and not onely with wholesome and naturall meates , to satisfie his true appetite ; but also with curious and artificiall sawces , to procure a false appetite : prouoking lust it self , further then it prouoketh him ; and euen oppressing it with his seruices , and thinking that he hath neuer serued it enough . But ( as Seneca well obserueth ) Non sunt ad P●pinam dentibus , & ventre , & ore contenti : oculis quoque gulosi sunt . They are not content , to be Epicures , onely in their teeth , or in their bellies , or in th●ir mouthes ; but they affect to be gluttons , euen in their eyes . Yea , and euen Salomon obserueth the same kind of Epicurisme : * Looke not thou vpon the wine , when it is red , &c. Now , he that thus seruilely attendeth to his Belly , must needs be very far from the state of true Libertie . For , Nemo liber est , qui corpori seruit ; sayth Seneca . Nay , Multis seruiet , qui corpori seruit : as in another place hee addeth . He cannot be a freeman , that is a seruant to his body . Nay , he that serueth it , is a seruant to very many . Omnibus mund● partibus seruiunt ( sayth Saint Augustine ) qui proptere● nihil colendum esse putant , ne seruiant : They become the base seruants of all the Creatures in the world , who , for the feare of seruing , do refuse to worship God. Now , in thus seruing his belly with such a Religion , hee maketh it , in effect , to become a god vnto him . Nay , who among all the heathen , doth worship any God , either so carefully , or so costly , as the Atheist doth his belly ? Who maketh his Kitchin , his Temple ; his Cooke , his Priest ; his Caldron , his Sensor ; his Nidor , his Incense ; his Table , his Altar ; his meate , his Sacrifice : and hee offereth it vp vnto his owne idle Belly ; as it were , vnto the idol Bel , or Dagon : as Hugo de Scto . Victore , hath allegorized very wittily . Solent Dijs , Templa construi , Altaria erigi , Ministri ad seruiend●● ordinari , pecudes immolari , thura a concremari : Deo siquidem ventri , Templum , est Coquina ; altare , mensa ; ministri , conqui ; immolatae pecudes , coctae carn●s ; fumus incensorum , odor saporum . And , as Ter●ullian further addeth ( who lighteth into the very same Allegory , and maintaineth it most excellently ) Deus illi , venter est ; & pulmo , Templum ; & aqualiculus , Altare ; & Sacerdos , Coquus ; & Sanctus spiritus , nidor ; & condimenta , charismata ; & ructus , prophetia : His Belly , is his god ; his Lungs , his Temple ; his Stomach , his Altar ; his Cooke , his Priest ; his holy spirit , the fume of his meate ; his Sawces , his Graces ; and his belchings , his Prophecies . And so ( as it followeth but a little after ) Apud illum Agape , in caca●is seruet ; fides , in culinis calet ; spes , in ferculis iacet : His charity , boyleth in his K●ttles ; his faith , fryeth in his victualls ; and his hope , lyeth in his dishes . And thus , that which Varro affirmeth of the Epicures , is true also in the Atheists : that , Ganeonibus , ●●lina est viuendi modulus : that the walls of their Kitch in , are the bounds of their liuing , and their lust their onely desire of life . For , this may be generally obserued in all of them : that he , that is an Atheist in his opinion , he is alwayes a belly-god for his Religion . And he , that hath no other God , hee will alwayes haue his owne belly for his god . Which the Apostle teacheth plainely , in telling vs , there bee some men , Whose god is their Belly . And Gregory deliuereth in a very fit allegory , that Princeps Coquorum destruxit muros Hierusalem : as it is recorded in the last booke of the Kings . Nabuzar-adan the chiefe Steward ( or , after some translations , The chiefe of the Cookes ) destroyed , and cast downe the walls of Hierusalem , that is , ( in his mysticall exposition ) The lust of the belly destroyeth all Piety . Quis enìm Coquorum princeps , nisi venter accipitur ; cui diligentissima , a coquentibus , cura seruitur ? Who is this Prince of the Cookes , but only the belly ; vnto whom so many Cookes do attend , with such seruility ? Muros igitur Hierusalem , princeps Coquorum destruit : quia virtutes animae ( dùm non restring●tur ) venter perdit . Then the Prince of Cookes destroyeth the walls of Hierusalem , whilst the belly being pampered , ouerthroweth the vertues of the minde . So that , where the belly is a god , there it will haue noue other God ; and where there is none other God , there the belly is a god . As Plutarch Obserueth in blasphemous Polyphemus : who professeth , he contemned al the other gods ; and yet confesseth , that he sacrificed to his Belly , as his God : which he calleth , Geniorum maximum : the greatest of the gods . And the Orator exemplifieth the same , in Epicurus : who being once grown vnto that profanenes and impiety , that he did , but , Deos ioc andi causa , introducere : that he made mention of the gods , only by way of sport : he was led from thence , into that wantonnesse and luxurie , that he did , with Metrodorus , Omne bonum in visceribus medullisque condere : that he placed both his God , and all his good , in his Belly . Yea , and Aristophanes insinuateth the same thing vnto vs : when he maketh Diagoras ( a knowne Reuiler of all their other gods ) yet to be a true worshipper of the drunken God Bacchus . — Iaccum cantu celebrant , more Diagorae . With solemne Songs , they Bacchus grace , After the manner of Diagoras . Thus the Atheist ( as you see it directly proued ) is neither without Maister , nor a God : but is indeed , a base seruant , both of many Maisters , and of many gods . For , though hee doe most impiously reriounce all others gods ; yet serueth he , most basely , these three Belly-gods ; Bacchus , Ceres , Venus . All whom , the Comicall Poet conioyneth in one sentence : Sine Cerere , & Libero , friget Venus . Poore Venus staru's with cold , & soone will dye , If Wine , and Belli-cheere , make not supply . So that , though all other gods doe frigere , with the Atheist ; yet those three forenamed Belly-gods , doe incalescere plus satis : his seruice of the first two , of Bacchus , and Ceres , drawing in ( of necessity ) his seruice of the third ; his seruice of Venus : as you see it expressed in the former sentence . For ( as Saint Hierom well obserueth , vnto the same purpose ) Luxuria mater libidinis est , ventremque distentum cibo , & vini potionibus irrigatum , voluptas sequitur genitalium . Est pro ordine membrorum , & ordo vitiorum . R●otousnesse is alwayes the mother of wantonnesse . For the bellie being filled well with meats , and watered with wines , begetteth the pleasure of her neighbour parts . And so there followeth an order in the vices ▪ according to the order of the members . And Tertullian also vnto the same purpose , Monstrum haberetur libido , ●ine gula ; cùm duo hec tam vnita , atque concreta sint ; vt si disiungi omnino potuissent , ipsi priùs ventri pudenda non adhaererent . Specta corpus & vna r●gio est . Denique pro dispositione membrorum ordo vitiorum : It were a plaine monster to see lust without Belly-cheere . For these two vices are so straitly conioyned , that if you ●nd●●uour to haue them disioyned , you must cut off the parts of lust from your bodies . Consider of your bodyes , and of their seuerall Regions , and you shall finde the order of those vices , to follow the order of those members . Thus the Atheist , though he seek to make himselfe a free-man , by the choice of his Atheisme : yet is he , in very deed , the greatest bond-man in the world ; seruing his owne most base and refuse parts , with all most denout and humble seruice ; compelling the most excellent and imperiall parts of his soule , to serue the most abiect and ministeriall parts of his body : and honouring ( in a sort ) those parts , as his gods , which are scarcely worthy to bee his seruants . Which is indeede , a true seruitude , yea , and a most base one too . 5 But it may be here obiected , That in all this , he serueth but himselfe , and not any other thing . And therefore is truely and properly a freeman . Because , Libertas , est facultas viuendi vt velis : Freedome , is nothing else , but onely a faculty , to liue as we please . So the Orator defineth it . And so the Poet confirmeth it . An quisquam est alius liber , nisi ducere vitam , Cui licet , vt voluit ; Licet vt volo viuere ; non sum Liberior Bruto ? Can any man be free , but he , that may liue as he list ? Le me liue , so ; then I as free , as Brutus as the best . But vnto this I answer , that it may fitly be added , which there followeth in the Poet : — Mendosè colligis , inquit Stoicus hic , aurem mordaci lotus aceto . You gather wisely , saith the Stoick here , Whose Eare is steept in biting vineger . Nay , it is a false collection , not onely in the iudgement of those rigid Philosophers , but also of all sober , and wisely-iudging Christians . For , first , he is not a free-man , that doth scruire sibi ; but rather he , that doth sibi imperare : He is not a freeman that is a seruant to himselfe , but he that is a master ouer himselfe : that doth , cupiditatibus suis imperare ; that ruleth & commandeth ouer his own lusts and appetites : as the Orator obserueth in the fore-alledged place . Where he describeth a free-man by these commanding actions . Refraenct priùs libidines , spernat voluptates , iracundiam teneat , coerceat auaritiam , caeteras animi labes , repellat . Tum incipiat alijs imperare , cùm ipse improbissimis dominis , dedecori , & turpitudini parere desierit . Dùm quidem his obedierit , liber habendus omnino non erit . L●t him restraine his lusts , refraine his pleasures , curbe his impatience , represse his couetousnesse , and repulse his other vices . And then let him beginne to rule ouer others , when he hath learned , not to obey those forenamed dishonorable and most wicked maisters . For whilst he obeyeth them , hee cannot be a freeman . Agreeable vnto that sentence of Salomon : He that ruleth his owne minde , is better then he that winneth a Citie . Againe , it is to be obserued , that he defineth not , Libertie to be a faculty , to liue as we lust ; but to liue as we will. Now betweene lust , and will , there is this substantiall difference : that , Lust is a faculty of the vnreasonable soule : as Aristotle affirmeth , Fit in participe rationis voluntas ; & in ratione vacante cupiditas atque ira : The will is in the reasonable part of the soule : but anger and desire in the vnreasonable part : as we may see in brute beasts : who beeing wholly led by lust , their actions accordingly bee filthy and beastly . But the Will is a faculty of the reasonable soule : as we may see in men , that are guided by discretion . For , Voluntas ( as Aristotle expresly defineth it ) est appetitus bonicum ra●ione : The wil is an appetite or desire of some good thing , directed according vnto reason . Quis igitur viuit vt vult ( saith the Orator ) nisi qui recta sequit●r ? No man then liueth as he would , vnlesse he doth follow the thing that is good : So that , those things which a man doth according to his will , hee alwayes doth according vnto reason : but those things that he doth according to his lust , as they most times are contrary vnto reason ; so sometimes they be contrary , euen vnto his will. As we may euidently see in the Apostle S Paul : I doe not that good thing that I would ; but the euill which I would not , that do I. Now , if I doe that I would not , it is no more I that doe it , but the sinne that dw●lleth in me . So that , his will , that led him vnto good : his lust , and his appetite ( which in that place he calleth the law of his members ) that led him vnto ill , contrary to his will. Neither may this be seene onely in the Apostle S. Paul , whose will was regenerated and directed by religion ; but also , in diuers of the vnregenerate Heathen ; who were directed onely by their reason . Phaedra , in Seneca , complaineth in this fashion . — Quae memoras , scio Vera esse , Nutrix : sed furor cogit sequi Peiora : vadit animus in praeceps sciens , Rem●aque frustrà , vana consilia appetens . I know those things thou saist , are true , good Nurse : But fury forceth me to follow worse . My minde is hurried headlong vp and downe , De●iring better counsell , yet finds none . And we may see the same conflict in Medea , in Ouid. Sed trahit invitam noua vis , aliudque cupido , Mens aliud suadet . Video melior● , probóque , Deteriora sequor . — Strange violent forces draw me on vnwilling , Reason perswades me this , my loue rebelling . I see , and know the better . Here 's my curse : That , notwithstanding , I embrace the worse . And so likewise , Lesbonicus maketh his complaint , in Plautus . Sciebam , vt esse me deceret : facere , non quibam , miser . Ita vi Veneris victus , otio captus , in fraudem incidi . I knew , poore soule , what me became : But yet I could not doe it . Mine idle lust me ouercame : And led me captiue to it . Where he confesseth directly , that he yeelded vnto th●m , as a slaue and a Captiue ; and not as a free man. Yea , and the Apostle S. Paul confesseth the same thing , that the law of his members , rebelling against the law of his minde , did leade him captiue into sinne . Now he that is a Captiue , he surely is a bond-man : He cannot be a free man. As Tullie plainely proueth , in the fore-alledged place , inforcing it out of the definition of Bondage ; that , Seruitus est obedientia fracti animi , & abi●cti , & arbi●r●o carentis suo . Slauerie is the obedience of a vanquisht and a broken minde , which hath not the freedome of his owne will and iudgement . From whence hee there inferreth , Quis igitur neget , omnes leues , omnes cupidos , omnes d●mque improbos , esse servos ? Who can therefore denie , but that all light , all couetous , and all wicked persons , must of necessitie , be seruants ? because these be the desires , not of their wills , but of their lusts , leading them violently as Captiues . Neither doth his willingnes to continue in this seruice , proue him to bee no seruant : but rather to be a more seruile seruant . For , Nulla turpior est seruitus , quam voluntaria : saith Seneca . There is no so vile slauerie , as that , which is voluntarie . Because this argueth that euen his v●ry will is subdued , and forced to yeeld vnto it ; and that the most Prince-like and Hegemonical part of his foule , which ought to rule ouer all , is now it selfe become seruile , and a slaue vnto all . So that , his willingnesse to serue such base things , is the great brand of his slauishnes : as it was among the Israelit●sh seruants ; wh●n they were content to continue still in their Bondage . When the Seruants Prof●ssed , that they so loued their Maisters , that they desired not to be free from their seruice ; then the Maister was appointed , to bore their eares through , with a Nawle : and so to marke them , for perpetuall seruants . So that the Atheists willingnes , is the very note of the extremitie of his basenesse ; and that hee is no better , then a perenni-seruus : as the Comick speaketh , a branded and a perpetuall Seruant . For , as the Apostle Paul teacheth vs : To whomsoeuer we giue our selues as seruants to obey , ( though neuer so willingly ) his seruants we be : Whether it be of sinne vnto death , or of obedience vnto righteousnesse . As for that Obiection , that the Atheist bestoweth all this seruice , vpon none other thing , but onely vpon himselfe : I haue shewed , that to be otherwise . But let it be granted , that the Atheist indeede , both intendeth , and extendeth all his actions , counsels , and indeauours , but onely to himselfe ; making so his owne selfe , the very end of himselfe : Yet , euen from hence it will follow , that this his excessiue loue of himselfe , in thus honouring and seruing himselfe , aboue all things ; and regarding nothing else , but only himselfe , and for himselfe ; doth make him become a very god vnto himselfe . And so , euen this way too , he● is not without his god . For it is a true rule , that is giuen by Origon , that , Quod vnusquis● praecaeteris colit , & quod super omnia miratur , ac diligit , hoc illi Deus est : What thing soeuer any man doth most affect , and what thing soeuer he honoureth and loueth best , that same is vnto him a God. Which sentence is so agreeable both vnto truth and Godlines , that it is confirmed by diuers other of the fathers , almost in the same words . Ad qu●mcunque remcor alicuius deuincitur , & quo cupido eius trahitur , illa res est eius Deus : saith Macarius . To what thing soeuer a man most straitly tyeth the desire of his heart , that same is vnto him his God. And so likewise , S●dulius : Non potest Deum suum dicere is , cui venter est Deus , aut cui gloria seculi , & pompa mundi , aut potentia rerum caducarum Deus est : reckoning vp nominat●m , all the Atheists fore-named gods . He cannot truly say , The Lord is his God , that hath his Bellie for his god , or that hath the glory of the world , and the pompe of these earthly things for his God. What then ? Hee presently addeth , Qu●c quid vnus quisque , sup● a caetera colit , hoc illi Deus est . Wh●tsoeuer a man loueth and honoureth most , that he alwayes makes his God. And so the Atheist , louing and honoring himselfe most of all things , doth thereby make himselfe his own● God. For , the principalitie of our loue and our seruice , is so peculiar vnto God , that hee which hath it not , is not to vs a God , although he be the true God : and that he , which hath it , he is to vs a God , although he be a false God. Why then , the Atheist , giuing the principalitie of his loue and seruice , onely to himselfe , doth thereby become a God vnto himselfe . And therefore cannot be sayd , to be without a God. For , in making himselfe an Idol-God , hee becommeth both an Idol-maker , and an Idol it selfe , & an Idol-worshipper : offending so , most grossely , in all the three seuerall degrees of Idolatrie . So that , howsoeuer the Atheist denieth God i● words ; yet , euen by his selfe-loue , he confesseth him in deeds , which is a more real , and a powerfull confession . For ( as Leo truly noteth ) Multo validiora sunt exempla , quàm verba ; & pleniùs opere docetur , quam voce . Examples & actions , are more forcible then speeches ; and works are a great deale better teachers , then words . And therefore the Atheist , affirming in his deed , That there is a God ; & denying it but in word , we may iustly reiect his denial , with that scorne , Quid verba au diam , cùm facta videam ? What should I heare his words , when as I see his deeds ? CHAP. 12. The Atheists second end , is , to free himselfe from feare . 2. Yet no man feareth more : as he bewrayeth , at three times . 3. When hee dreameth . 4. When it thundereth . 5. When he dieth . 6. This his feare , is a cleare Argument , that he thinkes , Th●re is a God. AS the first end , which the Atheist propounded , in the choise of his Atheisme , is , Non seruire : To free himselfe from s●ruing ; so his second end in it , is , Non metuere : To free himselfe from fearing . Which ( as the Orator hath well obserued ) is another kinde of seruitude . Omnis metus servitus est . All fearfulnes is a kinde of slauishnes . Serui enim est timere : saith Diogenes : He is but a slaue , that liueth in feare . Yea and a base slaue too . For ( as the Orator obserueth ) Habet humilitatem metus : All fearefulnes hath in it a kinde of humble basenes . And there is indeed no slauerie , which the soule doth naturally more detest and abhorre , then it doth to liue in feare . Neither is there any libertie , that it desireth more earnestly , then it doth , to be freed from fearefulnesse and dread . Insomuch that Democritus esteemed it true Happines , for any man to haue Animum terrore liberum : To haue his soule , free from all terrour and fearing . Without which securitie , it cannot enioy so much as a shadow of any fe●citie ; nay , not of any comfort , or of any contentment : as it is very truly obserued , by Plutarch : Anino , gaudium aut laetitiae ingenerari non potest , 〈◊〉 vacuitatem metus , & fiduciam , ac tranquillitatem is pro fundamento substernat . The soule cannot haue in it , any true ioy , and comfort ; vnlesse the s●me be founded , both in security , and in confidence , and in tranquility . All which do imply a vacuity from feare . And therefore , the Atheist indeauoureth by all meanes , to shake off this yoake of fearing , as well as he doth the former yoake of seruing : hoping then , to be indeede an absolute free-man . But this freedome from feare he can neuer attaine , as long as he harboureth in his heart , any sense of Religion . Because , Religion it selfe is a kinde of feare . Religion is nothing else , but the feare of some God : as the Creator himselfe hath expressely defi●ed it . Religio est , quae superioris cuiusdam Naturae ( quam Diuinam vocant ) curam ceremoniamque aff●rt . Religion is an affection , which begetteth a care of worshipping a certaine superior Nature , which is commonly called God. Yea and ( as in the same booke he teacheth ) This care is not without a feare . Religio , in metu & ceremonia Deorum est Religion consisteth in the feare and worship of the Gods. Marke , not onely in the worship , but also in the feare of God. For indeede wheresoeuer there is any Religion , or any opinion , that There is a God ; there goeth ( vpon necessity ) a feare of him with it . And therefore , it is the great complaint of all Atheists ; that the religion of the gods , is a very oppression vnto the soules of men . Lucretius complaineth , that there was a time : Humana a●te oculos foedè cùm vita iaceret , In terris oppressa ▪ graui sub Relligione : When as with shame , mans life on earth did groane , Prest downe with burthen of Religion : vntill a certaine Greeke , a very deepe wise man , beganne to plant in men a contrary opinion ; and so to free their mindes from the terrors of their gods . And Metrodorus likewise ( as Tully reporteth of him ) clamat , Dijs omnium mortalium mentes esse perterritas : He cryeth out , that the receiued opinion of the Gods , hath filled all mens minds with feares , and affrightments . Yea , and Epicurus himselfe complaineth against all the Philosophers , that , by their beleeuing of a prouident God , they did , imponere ceruicibus nostris sempit●rnum Dominum , quem dies & noctes timeremus . They haue set vpon our shouldars an euerlasting Master , whom both day and night we cannot chuse but feare . Adding in the same place : Quis enim non time●t omnia prouidentem , & cogitautem , & animadvertentem , & omnia ad se pertinere putantem ; curiosum , & plenum negotij Deum ? For , who can chuse but feare , a prouident , a remembring , and an obseruing God ; a God so curious , and so full of businesse , that he thinketh all things to belong vnto himselfe ? And therefore , the Epicare , to free himselfe from this feare ; though hee be forc't by strength of reason , to confesse , There is a God : yet hath fancied such a god , as neede not to be feared : making him to be one , that neither giueth regard , nor taketh accompt of the actions of men : Nec quicquam alieni curans , nec sui : Neither regarding his owne , nor any other mans businesses , more negligent and supine then Aesops Incuriosus , that cared for iust nothing . So , by denying God his Prouidence , seeking vtterly to extirpe all his feare out of himselfe . For , he that regardeth no body , needeth not himselfe to bee regarded of any But this is to be , but a Semi-Atheist . And therefore , the perfect Atheist , know●●g , that if a God be granted , his Prouidence cannot , with any reason , bee denied ; therefore ( to make all sure , and to secure himselfe from feare ) he thinketh it the 〈◊〉 way , to deny Gods essence , as well as his Prouidence : and simply to pr●nounce , that There is no God. For then it will follow , that he ne●de not to be feared , if at all he be not . 2 Thus the Atheist , to ridde himselfe from that inward feare , which rideth on his conscience , and which naturally accompanieth the opinion of God , if that once be admitted ; he affirmeth , There is none : yea , and striueth to beleeue it too . But yet all this in vaine . For , as God hath ingrafted into the mindes of all men , a notion of himselfe ; so hath he likewise , a feare of himselfe : as a sense of his being , so a sensible feare of him . As euen Lucretius himselfe confesseth . He that will not confesse , that There is a God ; yet , confesseth , that all men haue a feare of God in them . — Est mortalibus insitus horror ; Qui delubra Deûm nova toto suscitat orbi Terrarum , & ●estis cogit celebrare diebus . There is an inbred feare in all mens hearts , Which hath begotten this , on all mens parts ; T' erect new Temples , and new Holy-dayes Vnto their gods , to celebrate their praise . Making this inward feare , to bee the first beginning , of all piety and religion . Yea , and so likewise doth Saint Augustine . Pietas timore inchoatur , charitate perficitur : True Piety is begunne by feare , but perfected by charity . Yea , and the Psalmist , in effect , confesseth the same : where he tells vs , that , The feare of God is the beginning wisdome . And , Lactantius confirmeth it , when he sayth , that , Religio nulla esse potest , vbi metus nullus est : That there can be no Religion , where there is no fearing . And therefore , Isidore deriueth the Greeke word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth God , from another Greeke word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth Feare : Quòd , eum colentibus , sit timor : because , they that worship him , do also ●eare him . And so likewise doth Festus . In which signification of the name of God , they may seeme to allude , vnto that appellation , of the Patriarch Iacob ; where he calleth the true God , ( as it were by periphrasis ) The feare of Isaac his Father . Because , as God hath imprinted into the hearts of all men , a naturall perswasion , That there is a God : so hath he likewise implanted in them , a naturall reuerence , and feare of that God. So that , Terfullians question hath an easie solution . Vndè naturalis timor animae , in Deum ? Whence commeth this naturall feare of a God , which euery man feeleth within his owne minde ? Surely , it commeth onely from that God , who ought onely to bee feared , as the Prophet Ieremy hath expressely testified . And therefore , Statius affirmeth , that by this inward feare , the Heathens first were moued , to beleeue , and worship God. Primus in orbe Deos fecit timor . Feare was the first , that gods begot : Till feare began , the gods were not . And so likewise doth Dares Phrygius : who calleth Feare , the father of the gods , D●o r●m Genitorem . Quippe , D●ûm Genitore Metu , mens caca creavit Ditem Vmbris , Coelo Superos , & Numina Ponto . Through god-begetting Feare , Mans blinded minde did reare , A Hell-god , to the Ghosts ; A Heau'n-God , to those Hosts ; Yea , gods vnto the Seas ; Feare did create all these . Whereby it appeareth , that the feare of God , is as naturally ingrafted , into the mindes of all men , as is the opinion of his being : this being a true consequent vnto that , and following it as naturally , as the shaddow doth the body : And that generally in all men , without exception . But yet , most specially in the Atheist , aboue all other men . They ●aue , indeed , the true feare of God which begetteth Religion , a great deale lesse then any other men : but , that seruile feare , which begetteth confusion , a great deale more . It is not all their Atheisme , that can free them from his slauish feare : but it begetteth it in them rather . There is no man that feareth God so much , as they that would seeme to feare him least : no man so basely feareth him , as those men that seeme the most to cont●mne him . For , it is the worke of Gods iustice , that they which refuse to feare him as his Sonnes , shall bee compelled to feare him as his slaues . And so indeed they doe . For ( as Eliphas teacheth in the booke of Iob ) There is a continuall sound of feare , in his eares ▪ and a contin●●● sword before his eyes : the feare of Gods wrath , and the sword of his iustic● : which , like Dam●cles his sword , hangeth still ouer his head . Yea , and not onely so ( for these things they haue great and iust cause to feare ) but ( as the Psalmist further teacheth ) They are oftentimes afraid , where no fea●e is . So that ( as King Solomon obserueth ) The wicked flieth , euen when no man pursueth : Omnia tuta timens : being chased by the terrors of his owne guilty minde , as it were , by hellish furies . Thus bee there no such base cowards , as those lus●y Gallants be , which would seeme so couragious , as not to feare euen God himselfe : whereas indeed , they feare the shaking of euery little leafe . For , God himselfe seemeth , euen in scorne and derision , to sport himselfe , with the Atheists , his enemies ; and with that panick feare , which he hath cast vpon them , and appointed continually to infest , and to chase them . Vsque adeò res humanas vis abdita quaedam Obterit , & pulchros fasces , saevásque secures Proculcare , ac ludibrio sibi habere videtur , saith the Poet. There is a certaine secret power vnknowne , Which humaine powers treads and tramples on . It Princes Scepters , Crownes , all State of men , But scornes , and spurnes , and makes a sport of them . For , as the Psalmist plainely teacheth , When the Kings of the earth , and Princes of the world , doe band themselues together against God , He that dwelleth in the Heauen , doth laugh them to scorne , and the Lord hee hath them in d●rision . And this is also confessed by another Heathen Poet : Ergo Deus , quicunque aspexit , ridet , & odit . God , which beholds it , he doth it deride , Not onely so , but hateth it beside . So that , God is not feared by any of his creatures , with greater terror & horror , then he is by Atheists . For , it may truely and generally be affirmed of Atheists ; which Caecilius very falsly affirmeth of Christians ; that , Deos , quos , negant , reformidant : That though in words they deny God , yet in their hearts they feare him : and consequently confesse him . And this feare the Atheist bewrayeth , at three speciall times , more eminently and euidently , then he doth at any other ; as I haue obserued out of learned Writers . Namely , first , when he sleepeth : secondly , when it thundreth : and thirdly , when he dieth . At these three speciall times , when hee hath not the command of himselfe , to vse that artificiall obluctation , and facing out of the matter , which he doth at other times ; but that his soule appeareth naked , in his true and simple forme , without any a●ting , or fained palliation ; then sheweth it most plainely that inward feare of God , which before it dissembled , and artificially veyled . 3 For the first of which three times : to wit , the time of their sleeping : it is most certaine , that no man can endure so great trouble in his waking , though pressed with neuer so many outward euils ; as the vngodly man endureth in his sleeping , by those fearefull dreames and visions , which at that time seaze vpon him , and make euen sleepe it selfe , with Euripides calleth , Morbi levamen suaue — The sweet asswager of ●ll other greife : yet to become vnto them , a grieuous terror and vexation . We may partly see this in Iob : who complaineth in his Booke , that , when he thought within himselfe , that his Couch should releeue him , and his bed bring comfort to him : that then he was so feared with dreames , and astonished with visions , that his soule desired rather to be strangled , then with so great anxieties to abide in his bones . So that sleepe ( euen to this good man ) was but , Quies inquieta ; a restlesse rest ( as S. Augustine speaketh ) because of those fearefull dreames , wherewith it was disquieted . Then must it needes much more be so , for their punishment and torment . It is surely true in them ; which Plutarch hath obserued , that , Somnus , corporis quide est requies , animo interim terrores obuersantur , somnia & tumultus . Their sleepe is indeede a kinde of rest , vnto their bodies ; but , in the meane time , they doe finde no rest in their soules , but terrors and dreames , and perturbed cogitations . As wee may plainely see , in those dreames and visions , that molested the Egyptians , in the time of their dreadfull darkenesse ; with which they were so troubled , that their very soules fainted : as it is reported , in the Booke of Wisedome : where he notably describeth them . So that ( as Plutarch very truly obserueth ) Somnia , & spectra , & oracul● , & de coelo seru●tiones , & quic quid aliud diuinitùs obijci videtur , tempestatibus & t●rroribus percellit malè bi conscios . Dreames , and Visions , and Oracles , and ●ignes in the Heauens , and such like diuine tokens , doe terrifie the mindes of men of euill conscience . And this feare groweth vnto Atheists , from a double cause ; which both of them are founded in their seruile feare of God. The first is the conscience of their owne impietie and wickednesse : which they needed not to feare , if they thought there were no God. The second is , the terror of those nocturnall apparitions , that represent themselues vnto them in their dreames : which they might easily contemne , for vaine and idle fancies ; but that they are printed deeper , then can be blotted out , with all their artificiall and forced irrisions . For the first of those two causes , that is , the conscience of their owne wickednesse : though they can easily passe it ouer in the day time , when they wake ; yet returneth it vnto them in the night time , when they sleepe : and then tormenteth and afflicteth them , with the feare of those punishments , which they doubt may expect them after their deaths . As Plato truly noteth : Qui multas habet , in vita , iniquitates , ex ipso somno ( tanquam puer● ) frequenter excitus , extimescit , & in pessima speviuit . Those men , that are guilty of many iniquities in their life , are often times ( like fearefull Children ) wakened out of their sleepe , and leade their liues with very little comfort . And therefore Tullie ( by a kinde of morall exposition ) interpreteth those Furies , which are represented in Tragoedies , affrighting the mindes of impious and vngodly persons , to be nothing else , but the affrightments of their consciehces which fall vpon them in their dreames . Impietatum nulla expiatio est — . Sed impios agitant , insectanturque Furiae ; non ardentibus t●dis ( sicut in fabulis ) sed angore Conscientiae , fraudisque crucialu . There is no satisfaction , no sacrifice for Atheisme . For the mindes of all Atheists , are tormented by Furies ; yet , not with burning Torches ( as we see it , in Tragoedies ) but with the griefe and anguish of their owne guilty Consciences . Now , what reason can be alledged , why they should be so perplexed and affrighted with their Consciences ( especially in their secret and hidden transgressions ) but onely , that they know , that they will be their accusers , to lay them all open , vnto the great Iudge ? This then is the first night-torment of the Atheist ; the terror , which he sustayneth , from a corrupt and guilty Conscience . The second is , the terror of diuers strange dreames , and fearefull visions ; wherein God doth sometimes , onely conferre and talke with them : and sometime beside , plainely shew himselfe vnto them , not only conferring , but also appearing . For the first of those two sorts , Iob telleth vs in his Booke , that God will speake vnto a man , once or twice , though he see it not , in dreames and visions of the night . As we may see in King Abimelech : with whom God conferred , and talked in a dreame , and threatened him with death , for detayning of Abrahams wife away from him . And these interlocutorie and dialoguising dreames , were not vnknowne , euen to the very Heathens ; as it euidently appeareth by that position of Possidonius : That , Dij cum dormientibus colloquuntur : That the Gods doe oftentimes talke with men in their sleepes . Of the second of those kindes ; wherein , not onely a voice is heard , but also an image and resemblance seene ; we also reade in the Booke of Iob : where Eliphaz giueth himselfe for an instance , saying : In the thoughts of the visions of the night , when sleepe falleth vpon men ; Feare came vpon me , and dread , which made all my bones to tremble . And the winde passed before me , and made all the hayres of my flesh to stand vp . Then stood one ; and I knew not his face ; an image was before mine eyes , and in silence I heard a voyce . And this kinde of apparition was likewise knowne vnto the Heathen : as appeareth in Iamblicus : who describing the visions , which are sent from God , he saith , that they doe commonly come betweene sleeping and waking : and that then , Breues audiuntur voces , quid agendum sit admonentes ; & aliquando Spiritus quidam , non corpulentus , non tractabilis , se iacentibus circumfundit . Qui tamen non perspicitur , sed alio quodam sensu , & animaduer sione percipitur . We heare certaine short voices : which , of diuers things admonish vs : Yea , and sometimes certaine Spirits ( though not corpulent , nor palpable ) doe compasse round about vs : which , though they be not visibly discerned , yet may they , by another kinde of sense , be perceiued . The like appeareth in Lucretius . who numbreth these fearefull visions , among the first causes , which begate in mens mindes , an opinion of the Gods. Egregias animo facies vigilante videbant , Et magis in somnis , mirando corporis auctu . Their waking minde , in hideous dreames , doth see a wondrous shape , Of Bodies strange , and huge in growth , and of stupendous make . By which appearance of God , so immediately vnto the minde , the best men are oftentimes much perturbed and troubled : though there be none other cause , but onely the Maiestie of the Creator , striking a naturall feare and awe into his Creature . As we may euidently see , in that example of Eliphaz who confesseth , his owne vision to haue bin with feare and trembling ; though it contayned nothing , but a most gracious and milde instruction . Then must it needs appeare , both with terror , & horror vnto the Atheists ; when it giueth them signification of Gods wrath and iudgements . Their visions , must needs be such , as the Orator describeth , that , Visa somniantium , sunt perturbatiora , quàm insanorum : That the visions of such men , in their dreames , are oftentimes more perturbed , then the ragings of mad-men , in their fits . As we may euidently see , in Nebuchadnezzares dreame when hee saw the watchman comming downe vnto him , and crying , Hew downe that great Tree : He confesseth that his dreame made him sore afrayd , and troubled his thoughts , vpon his bed . And , of this kinde , are all those dreames and visions , which appeare vnto Atheists . They be alwayes the Messengers of Gods wrath and iudgements . And therefore they are alwayes tormented with them , and ( as it were ) set vpon the very rack by them . As the Poet Iuuenal hath notably described them , comprizing both the two fore-named causes of their feare , together in one sentence , namely , both the guiltines of their owne corrupt conscience , and the fearefull apparitions of strange sights and visions . Nocte , breuem si fortè indulsit cura soporem , Et toto versata toro iam membra quiescunt ; Continuò Templum , & violati Numinis aras : There is the torment of his terrifying conscience . Now followeth the torment of his visions . Et , quod praecipuis mentem sudoribus vrget , Te videt in somnis , tua sacra , & maior imago Humanâ , turbat pauidum , cogitque fateri . Here is the torment of his terrifying visions . The summe of which verses , is , in effect , thus much . If once his nightly cares spare him a little sleepe , If once his restles limmes their rest on bed do seeke ; Then straight appear's a sight of his impiety , Temples , and Altars of the wronged Deity : And that , which most affright's his soule ; in sweating Agony , Thee God he see 's , in fearefull dream 's , thy sacred Maiesty : A farre more glorious forme of thine , then any mortall face ; The which , such terror forceth him confesse to be thy Grace . Yea , and Plutarch hath likewise well expressed the same Argument : instancing in the very same two causes of feare in the superstitious , that I haue expressed before of the impious . So that , Atheisme and Superstition , the two extremes of Religion , are made equall in their fearing . Obliuiscuntur herilium minarum serui dormientes : qui in compedibus sunt , ijs vincula somnus alleuat : inflammationes , vulnera , saeuacarnis & serpentia vlcera , doloresque , acerrimi somno mitigantur . Soli huic , nullae sunt per somnum induciae , neque vnquàm quiescere animum patitur , neque se colligere , acerbis & molestis , de Numine , opinionibus dimotis : sed , veluti in impiorum regione , simulachra terribilia , & visa monstrosa feruntur . All seruants , in their sleeping , forget their Maisters threatening . Prisoners , forget their shackles . Diseases , wounds , and cancers , by sleepe are greatly eased . Onely , vnto these men , their sleepe can bring no quiet , nor freedome from those feares , which they conceiue of the gods . But , as if they inhabited in the Region of impiety , fearefull visions and apparitions do infest them continually . Yea , and this feare , which these men haue of God , begetteth a feare in them , of euery thing in the world : as Plutarch , in the same place , hath truly obserued . Qui Deos metuit , omnia metuit : terram , mare , aërem , coelum , tenebras , lucem , rumorem , silentium , somnium . He that seruilely feareth God , he seruilely feareth all things : the earth , the sea , the ayre , the heauens , darkenesse , and light , noyses , and silence ; but especially his owne dreames : then which nothing is more troublesome , nothing more grieuous to him : partly , out of the consciousnes of his owne impiety and wickednesse : and partly , by those fearefull apparitious and visions , which God purposely sendeth him , to reuoke and deterre him from that his vngodlinesse . 4 Neither feareth he onely in the time of his sleeping ; when hee may seeme to be destitute of his reason to comfort him : but also oftentimes , euen whilest he is waking ; when he hath all his senses and reason about him : especially , when it happeneth to thunder , and lighten . Iuuenal , hauing before described those notable terrors , which afflict the Atheists ; partly out of the conscience of their owne impiety against God ; and partly out of their fearefull apparitions in the night ; he proceedeth , to shew , his minde to be no lesse perturbed in the● day ; especially , if it beginne to thunder and lighten . Hi sunt qui trepidant , & ad omnia fulgura pallent . Cùm tonat , exanimes , primo quoque murmure coeli . These be the men , that trembling quake , appall'd at euery lightning : Euery flash them lifeles strikes , and crack of euery thundring . Yea , and in the same place , hee directly telleth vs , that all this their feare of lightning and thunder , proceedeth from none other cause , but onely from their inward feare of Gods vengeance ; though they outwardly dissemble it , and seeme to contemne it . Hi sunt qui trepidant ; & ad omnia fulgura pallent . Non quasi fortuitò , nec ventorum rabie : sed Iratus cadat in terras , & vindicet ignis . Lo these be those , that with each Thunder-clap do shake . Not so , as if blinde Chance such fearefull noyse should make : Nor , ●s if ragefull windes should bring this ratling sound : But , lest to take reuenge , Gods fire should fall to ground . Neither is ●his the foolish feare of the simple and base people ; who ( not able to reduce things vnto their true causes ) are easily terrified with euery vncouth accident : but it is a feare , that seazeth vpon the greatest and mightiest Kings , and affrighteth them , as well as their meanest Subiects ; if they be impious Atheists . As euen Lucretius himselfe confesseth . For he sayth , that , when the Heauens do begin once to lighten : — Et magnum percurrunt murmura coelum ; Non populi gentésque tremunt ? Regesque superbi Corripiunt Di●ûm perculsi membra timore : Nè quod , ob ad Missum foedè , dictúmve superbè , Poen●rum graue sit soluendi tempus adactum ? When ratling Thunders runne along the Cloud 's ; Do not both People poore , and Princes proud , A terror feele , as strooke with feare of God ? Do not their trembling ioynts then dreade his Rod ? Lest , for foule deeds , and black-mouth'd Blasphemies , The rufull time be come , that vengeance cries ? Out of which sentence of Lucretius , we may gather many Arguments ; that euen the most impious Atheists in the world , do inwardly beleeue , That there is a God ; though they outwardly dissemble it . For he saith , that th●ybe , Divûm perculsi timore : that they be strucken , with a terror and feare of the Gods. Ergò , they must needs beleeue , That there be Gods. For no man feareth , that which he beleeueth not to be . Nay this testimony of Lucre●ius , if it be well examined , contayneth twelue maine Articles of the Atheists Creede : which are all of them so true , so Orthodoxe , and Christian , that no man can disclaime from any one of them . Whereby it will appeare , that though the Atheist would deny both God , and all Religion , yet that hee is inwardly inforced to beleeue them : and to ho●d ( euen against his will ) many notable points of Christian Religion , in despite of all his obstinate resolution for Atheisme . All which may naturally be collected , from his euident feare of lightning , and thunder . As namely these which follow . First , hee beleeueth , that , There is a God : or else hee needed not to feare him . Secondly , he beleeueth , that , God is such an one , as is to be feared : or else he would not ( nay , he could not ) feare him . Thirdly , hee beleeueth , that , God is not an incurious God , ( as the Epicure conceiteth him ) who sitting idlely in heauen , regardeth nothing that is done vpon the earth : but that he is a most curious and obseruing God ; both seeing all that is done , and hearing all that is spoken : or else , he neede not feare the punishment , neither of his admissa , nor of his superbè dicta . Fourthly , he beleeueth , that God is present in all places : or else hee could neither see his euill deedes , nor heare his euill words . Fiftly , he beleeueth , that God doth not onely looke vpon things as an idle beholder ; but also as a iust rewarder ; for else he needed not to feare his beholding , if afterward he intended to doe nothing . But hee feareth him as a iust Reuenger , to execute iudgement vpon euery offender . He beleeueth , both that God is , and that he is a iust rewarder : as it is in the Epistle to the Hebrewes . Sixtly , hee beleeueth , that God is of that power , as is able to humble , and to inflict due punishment , vpon the greatest Prince and Pote●tate of the World. Seuenthly , he beleeueth , that Lightning and Thunder doe not come , either by Chance , or by Nature : but that they haue God himselfe for their maker . For else , though he feared them , yet he needed not to feare him . Eightly , he beleeueth , that God hath made those creatures , as the instruments of his wrath , to strike and to punish , when hee purposeth to take vengeance . Ninthly , he beleeueth , that Impiety and wickednesse do iustly deserue Gods heauy wrath and iudgements . Tenthly , he beleeueth , that God is iust : and therefore will pay them , according to their desert . Eleuenthly , he beleeueth , that there is a time appointed , when this paiment shall be made . And twel●ly , he beleeueth , that when it lightneth and thundreth , then that appointed time is come ; and that God will certainely take vengeance vpon him . All these consequents doe follow , by necessary connexion , vpon the Atheists fearing of thunder and lightning , especially , as the arrowes of Gods wrath and vengeance . And thus , the Atheist , who denieth , there is a God : yet is forced to beleeue many truths concerning God. He beleeueth his Essence ; he beleeueth his Power ; he beleeueth his Prouidence ; he beleeueth his Omnipresence ; and he beleueth his Iustice. All this he be●eeueth , though not with a true faith , to further his saluation : yet ( as the diuels themselues doe ) with an inuincible perswasion , which worketh in them both a Feare , and a Trembling . And , this we may plainely see , not onely by the testimony of these fore-alledged Poets , in a generall speculation : but also by the testimony of the most approoued Histories , giuing particular instances . Pharaoh , that proud King , who was as stiffe , and as vntractable , as a rocke , against the stroke of many other plagues ; so that they could not make any impression into him : yet , when the plague of Lightning and Thunder fell vpon him , ( which is able to breake euen the hardest stonie rocks ) that also brake him , and pierced his stony heart ; diminishing his former confidence , and forcing him to confesse , that now he saw , that the Lord was iust ; but that both himselfe and his people were wicked . This powerfull operation had , with that prophane man , the feare of Thunder and Lightning . And the like effect is reported by Suetonius , to haue beene wrought in the Emperour T●●erius : whom he censureth , to haue beene , Negligentior circa D●os , & R●ligi●nes : A very great neglec●er of the Gods , and their Religions . And yet , that whensoeuer it hapned to thunder , hee was terrified and afraid , beyon● 〈◊〉 and measure . In so much , that he was wont to incompasse his head 〈◊〉 a Lawrell Garland , to defend him from the stroke ; Because it is a commonly receiued opinion , that the leaues of the Bay-tree cannot bee t●uched with Lightning . But aboue all other , most notable is the example of Caligula , the Emperour T●●●rius his next and immediate successor , who so greatly despised all the other gods , that he himselfe would needs be ho●oured for no lesse then a god . To which end , he commanded a Temple to bee erected , Sacrifices appointed , C●r●monies ordained , and all honour to bee exhibited , to this new Iupiter La●ialis : the old Iupiter Olympius , being so despised by him , that hee would oftentimes scoffe , and oftentimes raile at him , calling him the most pernicious and 〈◊〉 of all the other gods . And yet , this new god , when hee heaad the true God to thunder , he would oftentime hide himselfe vnderneath his bed , for feare . Qui Deos tantoperè contemneret , ad minim● tonitrua & fulgura , co●●ivere , caput obvoluere : ad verò maiora , proripere se è strato , sub l●ctumque cond●re solebat . He that so little regarded the Gods , yet feared so gre●tly the least thunder and lightning , that he would winke with his eyes , and wrap vp his head , so escape the terror ●f the clap : But , if it chanced to be a little more vehement , he would rise vp from his bed , ●nd hide himselfe vnderneath it . Now what a miserable and a slauish feare did this wretched man endure ? He could not so effectually , haue declared his true beleefe of a God , by building vnto him a thousand Temples , as hee did by thus fearing his Lightnings and Thunders . 5 But yet there is another time , wherein much more hee feareth him : and that is , in his sicknesse , and at the time of his death . For , when hee feeleth himselfe attached with any grieuous sicknesse ; though hee haue not , as yet , the apprehension of death , yet beginneth he to thinke that ( surely ) that sicknesse is sent vnto him from God , to punish and to scourge him , for his former blaspheming and denying of him . And this point is likewise deliuered by Iuvenal , as well as both the former . For , he there hath accumulated all the three of them together . Praeterea , lateris vigili cum febre dolorem S●co●pere pati ; missum ad sua corpora mor●ū , Infesto credunt a Numine : sax● Deorum H●ec , & tela putant . — If they but'gin to feele an Agues fit , That roughly shakes them ; straight they construe it , A sicknesse sent them from some angry god : These are Gods arrowes : this ( say they ) Gods rod. For so Iob indeed , calleth his sores and his sicknesse : The arrowes of the Almighty are in me , The venome thereof doth drinke vp my spirits ; and the terrors of God fight against me . And so likewise doth the Psalmist : T●●ne Arrowes sticke fast in me , and thine hand presseth me sore . There is no ●ealth in my flesh , because of thy displeasure : neither is there any rest in my bones , 〈…〉 of my sinnes : So that , euen the very Atheist , in the time of his 〈◊〉 , hath a right conceit , both of God , and of his sicknes . Of God ; that he 〈◊〉 a punisher of wickednesse , and impietie : Of his sicknes ; that God punish●●● him for it , by that weakenesse , and infirmitie . And thus , euen the very Atheist , who in the time of his health , and of his perfect strength , groweth wanton against God , and suffereth his tongue to roue through the world , setting his mouth against heaue● , and against God himselfe : yet in the time of his sicknes , is brought vnto a farre better temper ; and to thi●●e more s●riously of Religion and pietie : as euen Lucretius himselfe obs●ru●th : Mult●que , in rebus a●erbis , Acriùs advertunt animos ad Relligionemque And a little after : Nam verae voces , tum demùm , pectore ab i●●o Eijciuntur ; & eripitur persona , manet res . Men insad taking , bitter'd with affliction , Better attend , and marke , and minde Religion . For then , true Voices issue from their hearts : Then speake they what they thinke , in inmost parts . The truth remaynes . They cast off ●ayned Arts. And so likewise Solon : Nos verò mortales ita cogitamus : idem valet bonus , & malus . Quam sententiam , vnusquisque tam diû retinet , Donec aliquid patiatur : tum rursùm luget . We men imagine , in our iolitie ; That 't is all one ; or good , or bad to be . But then anon , we alterre this againe : If happ'ly we feele the sense of paine . For then , with are turn'd into mourning straine . But now , if their sicknesse doe chance to bring vnto them , but any little impression , or apprehension of death ; no tongue can expresse with what a terror it striketh them ; not onely , of their owne present death , though that be terrible ynough of it selfe ; but also , much more , with a terror of God ; and what shall become of them after they be dead . This thought is that , which troubleth them . This afflicteth , and tormenteth them . No dreame , no vision , no thunder , no lightening , doth so affright the Atheist , as the thought of death doth ; and what will follow , after death . Because , Lightening and Thunder doe represent vnto him , but onely a present , and a bodily death : but the cogitation of a state after death , doth strike him , with a feare of an eternall death . As is noted , by Zaleucus , in the proeme of his lawes : Morituros omnes , iniuriarum , quas commiserunt , memor●s , poenitentia invadit ; & vehemens cupiditas , qua vellent , exactam sibi vitam omnem ●uisse iustam . All men , when they begin to draw on vnto their death , haue in them , a fresh remembrance , of all those wrongs and euills , which they haue done in their life : and there presently inuadeth them , a grieuous repentance and sorrow , for committing them : and then , they feele in their hearts , an earnest with and desire , that all their former life had beene vertuous , and pure . Yea , and the same obser●●●●● is also confirmed , by Plato . Certò scias ( ò Socrates , ) saith Cephalus ) 〈…〉 deuenit aliquis , vt breuì iam moriturum se opin●tur , incidit in 〈◊〉 timor , & cura quaedam , eorum , quae in superiori vita neglexit . Etenim fab●● qu● de Inferis dicuntur , quemadmodùm eos , qui iniustè egerunt , poenas illìc d●re op●rteat , irrisaehactenùs , movent tunc animum , ne fortè verae sint , suspicantem . Know this ( ò Socrates ) for a certaine , that when a man is once come so farre , that bes●eth , he needs must die ; there rusheth a maruailous feare vpon him ▪ and 〈◊〉 anxious care , of very many things , which before , in his former 〈…〉 . For then , he beginneth to doubt with himselfe , whether those reports , that he had often heard , of Hell , and of Deuills , and of infernall punishments ( which before he was wont to deride , as mere fables ) now may not ( h●pl● ) be truths : which thought , doth very greatly afflict , and vexe his minde . So likewise , Tullie : Morbo graui & mortifero afflictis , occurrunt plerumque 〈◊〉 gines mortuorum : tùmque vel maximè laudi student , eosque , qut secùs quàm 〈◊〉 , vixerunt , p●●●lorum suorum túm maximeè poenitet . When they draw ●nto their death , there doe walke before their eyes , the images of dead men : then they onely thinke of vertue , and then they deepely repent , of all those sinnes and offences , which before they haue committed . Thus they , that will not feare God , in the time of their life , are driuen to feare the Deuill , at the time of their death , and to tremble at the thought of that eternall punishment , which they feare to be after death , decreed for them , by God. As we may euidently see , in Bion of Boristhenes : who seeing himselfe to be neere vnto his death , he was so afraid of it , that he would haue endured any torment , rather then to haue di●d . For , as Laertius reporteth it : Morbo tabescens , & mori pertimescens ; qui , Deos non esse , dixerat , Fanum non viderat , Mortalibus qui illudebat , veris dùm Dijs immolarent ; nec , Peccaui , dixit : cuncta tamen perpeti magis , quam mori , paratus erat . ●is sicknes increasing , and his health diminishing , and ●e fearing much to die : Though he had denied the Gods , despised all their Temples , derided all their worshippers , ●nd neuer once sayd of himselfe so much , as , I haue sinned : Yet was h● ready , to haue suffered any kinde of grie●●●s torment , rather then to haue died . And why so ? Not so much for the f●are of death it selfe ( though it be very fearefull ) as because he feared , that after his death , he should be committed by God ( whom he had alwayes despi●●d ) into the hand of the Deuill , to bee tormented . And therefore , at his dying , he put out his hand vnto him , to bid him welcome ; seeking to leni●●● him , towards him , with this flattering salutation : Salue , Pluto , salue : Welcome Deuill , welcome . And this is that , which maketh the cogitation of death , of all other t●rribles , to seeme the most terrible , euen to the wicked Atheist ; because , after his death , he feareth a iudgement & , a punishment . This is that , which affecteth him . This is that , which afflicteth him . This is that which tormenteth him . And this maketh , not onely death it selfe to be fearefull vnto him , at the time of his dying ; but also , the very remembrance of death , to be bitter vnto him , in the time of his florishing . ô Death , how bitter is the remembrance of thee , vnto a man , that liueth at rest , in his riches ? Bitter , not onely for the losse of all those good things , which he respecteth ; but also , much more , for the feare of those euill things that he expecteth . As Tully obserueth of Epicurus : that , though no man seemed more to contemne , both God , and Death ; yet that no man feared more , both the one , and the other . Non quenquam vidi , qui magis , ea quae timenda esse negaret , timeret : Mortem dico , & Deos. Thus you see , that , howsoeuer some men in the time of their health , may so hoodwinke their conscience , and so obscure their owne knowledge ; as ( for some short time ) to thinke , There is no God : yet that mist is soone dispelled ; and the contrary opinion hath many returnes vnto them ; and cannot bee repelled by them : but , as the Poet very truly obserueth : Naturam expellas furcâ tamen vsque recurret . Though thou do Nature striue , with forke and force t' expell , Y●t still she will retire , and all thy force repell . But much more , when the minde is ( as it were ) inforced , either by fearefull visions , or by terrible thunders , or by the dread of death . At these three times especially , the Atheist is compelled , to bewray his inward feare , of that God , whom he outwardly would seeme to hold in great contempt . 6 Now , t●is inward feare , which the Atheist hath of God , and outwardly bewrayeth , vpon so many occasions , is no lesse an Argument , that hee beleeueth , There is a God , t●en if he should plainely confesse it , in word . Nay , indeed a farre greater . For , this is a reall confession of God ; whereas the other is but verball . That feare of God , which the Atheist hath , when he dreameth ; that feare of God , which hee hath , when it thundereth ; that feare of God , which he hath , at his death ; are so many reall , and effectuall confessions , that he beleeueth , There is a God. And so is likewise , his feare of the Deuill . For ( as Sen●ca well coll●●●●th ) Non leue m●mentum apud nos habet consensus hominum , aut ●imentium inferos , aut colentium , The consent of men , in either fearing o● worshipping of Deuills , is an effectuall Argument , to proue , that there be such . And so is it likewise , to proue , There is a God : at the least , in their opinion , that so either feare , or worship them . Their worship , shewing it directly ; their feare , indirectly . But yet , no l●sse effectually : nay , indeed a great deale more . For , those sodaine s●ares , breaking out at those times , with so great a viole●ce , through all those artificiall disguisings , which they had purposely prepared to couer and hide it , are a more su●stantiall proofe , to confirme it ; then if they should openly , in expresse words , confesse it . As the Ora●or collecteth ( vpon the like grounds ) against the Catilinarian Censpirators . Cùm illa ●●rtissima visa sunt argumenta , atque indicia s●el●ris ; tabulae , signa , manus , denique vniuscuiusque confessio ; tum t●la mul●ò certiora ; color , oculi , vultus , taciturnitas . Though those were very strong Arguments , and indications of their wickednes ; their letters , their scales , their hands , and their confessions : Yet these were much stronger ; the pal●nes of their colour , the heauines of their eyes , the sadnesse of their countenance , and the sullennesse of their silence . And then , he proceedeth to declare , certaine other signes and tokens of their guiltinesse ; which he concludeth for more strong and euident Arguments , then their open and direct confessions . And so may it likewise be concluded , for those feares and affrightments , which I haue before vnfolded . And thus ( as Maximus Tyrius obserueth ) we may ; Per illos , ex obliquo , Dei vestigia conspicari : We may behold , euen in the Atheists , by a kinde of obliquity , diuers manifest foote-stepps , and acknowledgments of a Diuinity : Whom , though they would seeme artificially not to know ; yet do they , by their feare , acknowledge : as Nazi●●zan well noteth . Quem nesciunt , & metuendo sciunt . CHAP. 13. That , beside the fore-named indirect confessions of Atheists , diuers of them , haue directly and expressely confessed God. 2. Some of them , v●wittingly 3. Some of them , vnwillingly . 4. And some of them , both wittingly , and willingly . I Haue shewed , in the two last preceding Chapters ; that ( beside the confessions of all other sorts of men , of all nations and conditions whatsoeuer ) euen the Atheist himselfe , though hee directly deny God ; yet indirectly confesseth him : partly , by his owne excessiue selfe-loue ; whereby hee maketh himselfe , a God vnto himselfe , seruing nothing but his Belly , and the neighbour parts of his Belly , Ventrem & Venerem , as the Poet noteth of him : — Nihili pendunt animi bona ; solaque ventris Et Veneris ( pecudum ritu ) oblectamina quaerunt . They nought esteeme the goods of mind : 't is only Belly-cheere , And beastly lusts , their sought delight : as if brute beasts they were . As I haue largely shewed before , in the whole eleuenth Chapter . And partly againe , by his inward feare ; whereby he confesseth another God , beside himselfe . Whom , though in some sodaine fits of brauery , hee do sometimes deny , and would resolutely seeme at all times to contemne ; yet by other sodaine fits of feare , seazing violently vpon him , and quashing all his formerly pretended iollity , he really confesseth him , whom he verbally denieth . Yea , and that in farre more base and abiect manner , then any other man in the world , whosoeuer . There is no man , that professeth the feare of God , which feareth him so slauishly , as the Atheist doth , who yet would seeme to contemne him most considently . As I haue likewise declared in the whole twelueth Chapter . But yet , this is not all that the Atheist doth , in acknowledging of a God. For , if we looke further into the Atheists life , and surueigh the tenor of it vnto his death , we shall find , that ( beside those oblique and indirect confessions , expressed in the fore-named Chapters ) euen the most resolute and dissolute of all that impious rancke , which glory to bee compted the deniers of God ; yet haue sometimes confessed a God , as directly , as any that euer adored him most religiously ; as expressely , in plaine and apert termes , confessing him , as euer they vsed in their deniall of him . Which confessions of the Atheists , may ( for distinctions sake ) be ranged into three diuers orders and rankes : that Some of them be made vnwittingly , and beside their will ; Some of them vnwillingly , and by an extorted will ; and Some of then both wittingly , and willingly , by a free-working will. 2 For the first of those three kindes , the Prophet Dauid telleth vs , that , There is not a word in the tongue of man , but that the Lord knoweth it , yea , and maketh it too . For King Salomon plainely telleth vs , that Though the preparations of the hear●●e of man , yet that the answer of the tongue is of God. So that no man is maister of his owne tongue , to speake at all times what hee himselfe speaketh : but he oftentimes speaketh that displeaseth himselfe , to speake what God pleaseth . He alwayes speaketh what God pleaseth , though not alwayes what pleaseth God : no , nor what pleaseth himselfe neither . For , God oftentimes openeth the lippes , euen of the wicked , and maketh euen their mouth to shew forth his praise . And , though they themselues doe sometimes vainely boast , that their tongues are their owne , and that they will speake , for who is Lord ouer them ? yet they are deceiued in all , for their tongues are not their owne , neither can they speake what they would ; but they haue a Lord ouer them , who oftentimes compelleth them to speake as he would , though sometimes that which they themselues would not . This we may euidently see , in the couetous Prophet Bal●am , who , though he were a false Prophet , yet deliuered he true Prophesies , both as concerning Christ , and as concerning the Israelites . Whom , though he intended for money to haue cursed ; yea , and had conceiued a curse already in his minde , yet could he neuer bring it forth : but still , in stead of a cursing , ●here came out a blessing ; his tongue rebelling against his owne priuate spirit , and obeying the command of a superior Spirit . Insomuch , that he himselfe professeth , that he had no power to passe the commandement of the Lord , were it good , or were it bad : no not , though the King would giue him an house full of Gold. And yet , he well declared , that he would haue done all , whatsoeuer he could , for Gold. And the same we may likewise obserue , euen in Atheists ; and in those that haue beene the deriders of God ; that oftentimes , when they thinke to curse , and to blaspheme him , God so confoundeth their language , and maketh their tongue , so to falter within them , that in the same sentences , they doe oftentimes confesse him . Let me giue an example , or two , to this purpose . There be certaine Atheists , mentioned in the booke of Iob , who make but a scoffe at the Omnipotencie of God ; asking there most prophanely , Who is the Almighty , and why they should serue him ? and what profite they should reape , if they should pray vnto him ? And againe , a little after : What it is , that the Almighty is able to doe for them ? Where , there euidently appeareth a manifest confusion , both of their speech , and of their reason . For , what can be greater madnes , then either to call him Almighty , of whom they aske , What he can do for them ? or , to deny that God can doe any thing for them ; when as they acknowledge him to be Almighty ? Their purpose was to deny his Omnipotencie : and yet the Omnipotent so ouer-ruled their tongue , that hee made it , in the same sentence , to confesse his Almightinesse : sending a spirit of giddinesse , into the mindes of his enemies ; and inforcing them to speake for him , euen with the same breath , wherewith they intended to speake against him . As we may further see , by another sort of Atheists , mentioned by Dauid : who made but a scoffe at the Omniscience of God , demanding very scornefully ; whether there were any knowledge in the most High ? Where note the strange precipitancie of their tongue ; how grossely it crosseth and thwarteth it selfe . They deny him to haue any knowledge in him , whom yet they acknowledge to bee the most High. Things , that cannot cohere . For , hee that is the most High , ( as the Prophet Dauid testifieth ) beholdeth all those things , that are done here below . Who is like vnto the Lord our God , who hath his dwelling so high ; and yet hum●leth himselfe , to behold the things , that are done here below ? Yea , and euen Wisedome it selfe affirmeth , that shee came out of the mouth of the most High. Which euen the Heathens themselues , do symbolically shaddow out , in fayning Minerva ( who is the goddesse of Wisedome ) to haue beene bred in Iupiters head ; who is their highest god ; and vnto whom they giue the title , not onely of Optimus , and Maximus ; but also of Summus . — Summum Iovem — Detestor — I call the most high Iupiter , In this to be mine Arbiter . So that , in their calling of God , The most High , they directly confesse , not only his being , but also his wisedome . They confesse that same Omniscience , which they intended to suppresse . And the same intoxication may yet againe be seene , in another sort of Atheists ; of whom there is mention in the Booke of Wisedome ; who make but a scoffe at the Prouidence of God , affirming , that all things doe fall out , at all aduentures : holding with Epicurus ( in all naturall things ) that there is , Nihil ratione in natura factum : and with Theophrastus ( in all ciuill matters ) that Vitam regit fortuna , non sapientia : There is nothing in the world , done according to reason : but that mans life is ruled by fortune , not by wisedome . Thus ascribing all to Fortune , as though there were no God at all in heauen . And yet , in the same place , they by and by confesse him . Come therefore ( say they ) and let vs chierefully enioy the creatures of God. They that before affirmed , that all things fell out by chance , as though there were no God ; now directly confesse , that al things in the world are the creatures of God. Thereby plainely acknowledging , both that there is a God , and that he is also the Creator of the world . There confessing his Essence , where they wold deny his Prouidence : nay , there confessing his Prouidence , where they would deny his Essence . And a like inuolution , is obserued by Laertius , in Theodorus , called Atheos . Who , though he were perswaded , that there were no gods ; yet hee , rayling vpon one , that before had offended him , he told him in his passion , that he was one that was hated of all the Gods. Thus pleaseth it God oftentimes to ineb●iate the mindes , and to confound the tongues of Atheists . And so to make them in one and the same place , with one & the same breath , to confesse him , when they think to blaspheme him : and directly to speake for him , when they think indirectly to speake against him . Which manner of speaking the truth so vnwittingly , Lactantius interpreteth to be a kinde of prophecie . Ego quidem , eos , qui vera imprudenter loquuntur , sic habendos puto , tanquàm diuinent , spiritu aliquo instincti : I verily thinke of them that speake the truth they know not , as if they were inspired with some diuining spirit . And we may see his obseruation apparently verified , in Caiaphas his prophecying : who deliuered a most excellent prophecie of Christ : and yet he knew not what he said . 3 Now , as God sometimes worketh his enemies to confesse him , by confounding of their tongues , and making them to speake vnwittingly against themselues : so doth he it oftentimes , by inforcing their confessions , and extorting them from them against their willes . Thus dealt hee with King Pharaoh ; who was at the first so irreligions , that , when as Moses charged him in the name of God , Thus saith the Lord ; hee presumptuously demanded , Who is the Lord ? as holding scorne to obey him . But yet , afterward , he being scourged by the righteous hand of God , and brought vnto some better vnderstanding of himselfe , he was forced to confesse , that the Lord was iust , and righteous ; but that both he , and his people , were wicked and impious : Yea , and beseech Moses , to pray for him , vnto the same God , whom before hee had most impiously contemned , and despised . Thus dealt God likewise with Herod Agrippa : who , araying himselfe , one day , in most glorious Apparell , spangled all ouer , and spred with plates of gold and precious Stones , assembled all the people , to speake vnto them , in a solemne Oration : wherein hee purposely so disposed himselfe , that the shine of the Sun-beames should reflect vpon his fore-said Spangles , and Iewels : through which artificiall reflexion , he seemed to shine more bright then the Sunne . With which glorious sight , and his eloquent Oration , the people being stupefied , they gaue him this impudent acclamation ; that His speech then vnto them , was the voice of a God , and not of a man. Vnto which their impious assentation , he more impiously assenting , God sent his Angell , presently to strike and to punish him . Who , quickly finding this stroke to be mortall , and that it was inflicted vpon him from heauen ; though before he was silent , and would not confesse God , but was well ynough contented , that the people should substitute him into his stead : yet now , hee confessed him , most humbly ; acknowledging both the peoples error , and his owne mortalitie . Whose repentant confession , is notably expressed by Iosephus , in these words . Conuersis in amicos oculis ; En ( inquit ) Ille ego , vestra appellatione , Deus , vitam relinquere iubeor ; fatali necessitate , mendacium vestrum coarguente : & quem immortalem salutâstis , ad mortem rapior . Sed ferenda est voluntas coelestis Numinis . He casting his eyes , vpon his flatt'ring friends : Now behold me ( saith he ) whom , but euen now , you saluted for a God ; how I am commanded to forsake this world : my fatall necessitie conuincing your flatterie of a lie . He , whom you blazoned to be immortall , am now carried violently vnto my death . But it is meet , to be subiect , vnto the will and pleasure of the highest God. This notable confession , hee made before he died : which , if hee would haue made in time , hee had surely liued . Thus likewise , God dealt with Antiochus Epiphanes : who was so madded with malice , against the God of Israel ; that he blasphemed his Name , ouerthrew his Altars , destroyed his Temple , violated his Lawes , and persecuted his People ; yea and that with all the immanest examples of the bloodyest crueltie , that he could possibly deuise . No Atheist , in simply denying of God , could be so great an enemie vnto him , as this prophane King was , in fighting against him . But the hand of God so seazed vpon him , and smote him with so sore and incurable a disease , that it forced both his pride and his malice to submit ; and to begin his forced submission with this humble Confession ; It is meete to be subeict vnto God , & that a man , who is mortall , should not thinke himselfe aequal vnto God through pride . Making many vowes and supplications , vnto that same God , in vaine , whom before he had compelled all his people to blaspheme . And a very like example is reported by Eusebius , of the Emperour Maximinus , as furious a persecuter of the Christians , as Antiochus was before of the Iewes . Whom he answered so exactly , both in his Impietie , and in his Calamitie , and in his Palinodie ; that a more perfect parallel , can hard●y be found in all Plutarchs Liues , then was betweene these two prophane & bloody Kings . For first , for their Impietie . As Antiochus , in a prophane contempt of the Israelits true God , caused diuers Temples to be builded , Idols to be formed , and Altars to be erected , vnto the Heathens false gods : so likewise did M●ximinus too . He did , Templa erigere , & delubra , temporis prolixit●te ●iruta , studiosè restaurare , & simulachrorum sacerdotes in omnibus locis constituere . He erected new Temples , and repayred the old ones ; and appointed , in all places , new Priests for his Idols . Secondly , as Antiochus forbade vnto all the Iewes , the vse of their owne Lawes , and the exercise of their Religion : so likewise did Maximinus too . Hee did , Christianis libertatem in coemeterijs conveniendi , praetextu quodam adimere . Vnder colourable praetences , he denied vnto Christians , their common assemblies . Thirdly , as Antiochus commanded the Iewes to worship his Idols : so likewise did Maximinus to the Christians . Which he calleth a returinig vnto their right mindes : Reditionem ad rectum animi propositum . Fourthly , as Antiochu● persecuted all those that refused it , with all the exquisite torments that could be deuised : so likewise did Maximinus too ; burning them , killing them , drowning them , hanging them , and whatsoeuer a wicked witt could inuent to torment them : Ignem , ferrum , crucifixiones , feroces bestias , maris fundum , membrorum amputationem , & adustionem , oculorum expunctionem , totius corporis mutilationem , famen praetereà , & vincula . Fire , sword , crucifying , deuouring by wilde beasts , drowning , cutting off the limmes , burning , boring-out the eyes , laming the whole body , fam●shing , and shackling . Yea and as he addeth , in another place , Novorum suppliciorum inventione , sese insolenter efferens : He seeking to excell all other men in cruelty , tooke a pride in inuenting of new torments , as yet vnknown . And thus , in all the seuerall points of Impietie , there was so full and exact an agreement , as though they had bin two Brothers in euill : so precisely did this latter tread the steppes of the former . So that it was a wonder , that he , seeing himselfe to follow him , in all the seuerall degrees of his wickednesse , did not feare he should follow him , in all the seuerall degrees of his vengeance . As Tullie expressely noteth in the very same case . Te miror , Antoni , quorum facta imitere , eorum exitus non perhorrescere : Imeruaile , Anthonie , thou shouldest not feare their falls , who hast followed all their faults . For , Mirum non est , pati gravia eos , qui patrant . It is no meruaile , that they should suffer grieuous things who haue committed grieuous sinnes . And he had good cause to feare it , as the sequell plainely shewed . For , there was no one stroke of Gods vengeance , inflicted vpon the one , but that the same was after , inflicted vpon the other . So that , they might seeme to haue beene Brothers in this euill too , as well as in the former : in malo poenae , as well as in malo culpae ; in malo supplicij , as in malo delicti : as Tertullian distinguisheth them . For first , as Antiochus was strucken with the reuenging hand of God : so likewise was Maximinus too . Corripuit eum supplicium , diuinitùs ill atum . A punishment from heauen did sodainly attach him . Secondly , as Antiochus his plague was seated into his bowells , which tormented him with an 〈◊〉 torture : so likewise was Maximinus his too . Sub●ta illi accidit in medijs corporis arcanis suppuratio . A sodaine putrefaction did seaze ●pon his 〈◊〉 Vlcer : so his most secret parts . Thirdly , as Antiochus his plague breake out into a 〈…〉 likewise did Maximinus his too . He had , in imis partibus , vlcus sistulosum . Hee had a fester'd vlcer in the bottome of his belly . Fourthly , as there issued out of the body of Antiochus , an infinite multitude of most loathsome wormes : so did there likewise , out of the body of Maximinus : Indicibilis mul●itudo vermium ebullijt : An innumerable multitude of wormes crawled out . Fiftly , as those wormes of Antiochus bred so noysome a stinke , that they made him odious , both to himselfe , and others : so likewise did Maximinus his too . He did , laethi fi●um foetorem exhalare , vt Medicorum aliqui incredibilem foetorem ferre non valentes , occiderentur . He breathed out a deadly stinke : insomuch that diuers of his Phisitions not being able to endure his abominable sauour , were killed with the very ayre . And , in these miserable torments , they both of them exhaled their execrable soules . Thus exactly did God proceed , from point to point , in all the seuerall degrees of their punishment ; equalling the one of them vnto the other in their vengeance , as they had equalled themselues together in their wickednes . Thereby plainely declaring , that he is ( though a patient ) yet a most iust Rewarder ; proportioning exactly the measure of his Iustice , according to the measure and proportion of the wickednes . But to proceede on to the third part of our comparison ; which is their confession , and repentant recantation , the point which most properly belongeth vnto our present Treatise . As those two profane Kings did answere one another , as exactly , as two faces vse to do in the water , both in their impiety , and in their calamity ; so did they likewise in their Palinodie . For first , as Antiochus , being seazed vpon , by Gods Iustice , b●gan straightway to see his owne iniustice , and wickednesse : so likewise did Maximinus too . Cùm tantis malis afflictaretur , tandem sentire coepit , quae contra pios Dei cultores gesserat . When hee once was afflicted with so many euills , then did hee beginne to haue a sense of those euills which hee himselfe had inflicted vpon Gods holy Seruants . Secondly , as Antiochus was inwardly perswaded , that all those euills inuaded him , onely for his impiety against the God of the Iewes , in persecuting his seruants : so was Maximinus perswaded , that all his euills happened , onely for his impiety against the God of the Christians , in persecuting his seruants . Haec se , proper insantam contra Christum praesumptam , meritò , & vltionis vice , perpeti confessus est . And this he confessed to haue bene iustly inflicted for his impious praesumption and fury against Christ. Thirdly , as Antiochus , repenting of his wickednesse , published new edicts , in fauour of the Iewes : so likewis● did Maximinus , in fauour of the Christians . Praecepit , vt a persecutione Christianorum cessaretur ; legeque , & edicto imperial● , Ecclesiae eorum restaurarentur . He commanded , that pers●cutions against Christians , should be inhibited ; and their Churches againe repayred . Fourthly , as Antiochus prayed vnto that same God , whom before he blasphemed : so likewise did Maximinus . He did , Deo omnium , delicta sua confiteri . Hee confessed his sinnes vnto the g●eat God. Fiftly , as Antiochus besought those same Iewes , whom before he had pers●cuted , to supplicate , and pray vnto th●ir God for him : so likewise did Maximinus , to the Christians . Deo suo pro salut● nostra supplicent . He entreated the Christians , to pray and entreate their God for his health . Sixt●y , as Antiochus now religiously vowed , that he would not , from thenceforth , haue any other God , but the God of the Iewes : so Maximinus professed , that he would haue none other , but the God of the Christians : Quem , verum esse Deum , ipsa experientiase ●omperisse , testatus est : Whom , by 〈◊〉 , he had ●ound , to be indeed the true God. And thus ( to conclude with our owne point , of his p●linody , and confession ) Christianorum Deo se 〈◊〉 con●iteri ; & qu●s contra Deum pugn●s sus●●perat , pala● elocutus , palmodiam 〈◊〉 : as he not 〈◊〉 the same place . Hee confessed himselfe openly vnto t●e Christians God ; acknowledging the persecution , that he h●d stirred vp against him and making a solemne ●ecantation . These notable confessions , did God , by his plagues and punishments , extort from the mouthes of these two his most notable enemies : the one of them , for the credit of his Law : the other , of his Gospell : so triumphing by his iustice , ouer their impiety and wickednesse . Another such like extorted confession , did God againe force , from the Emperour Iultan ; although proceeding from a farre vnlike passion . H●e , being sometimes a professed Christian , and afterward reuolting from his faith and Christianity , obtained to himself● , the name of Apostata , in a kind of si●gu●arity . Yea , and that very iustly . For hee , not contented to renounce the saith of Christ , but boyling with an vnplacable hatred against him , spent all the whole time of his wicked Apost●●y , in persecuting of Christians , with all extreeme cruelty . Vntill , at the last , he being draw●e by Gods veng●ance , into a dangerous warr● , against the Persians , was there sodainly slaine ; and yet no man can tel by whom . But the himselfe , being priuie vnto his owne impiety , and to that inwar● hatred , which he bare against God , confessed it , to bee the stroke of his hand ; and the iudgement of that Christ , whom , in his members , 〈…〉 persecuted . And therefor● , he obiected it vnto Christ , and to none other : ag●inst whom , he threw vp his owne blood into the ayre , ending his wicked life , with this true confession in his mouth : Vicisti , Galiaee . Thou hast no● ouercome me , ô thou I●sus of G●lilee . T●erein , both confessing his owne wickednesse and impiety , in fighting against Christ ; and Christs most glorious v●ctory , in subduing such an enemy . Simul tum confessus , & Victori●m , & blasphemi●m : as Theodoret noteth of him . Which confession of his , drew another like confession , from another of the Heathen : and yet proceeding from another passion . For , when it was reported , in what a strange fashion , that Emperour was slaine ; one of the Heathen , that then heard it , spent this biting scoffe vpon it . Quomodò Ch●istiani di●unt , Deum suume esse patientem , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Nihil ir●cundius , nihil ho● suror● pr●sen●ius : ne m●dico quidem sp●tio , indignationem suam differre po●u●t . How can the Christians truly say , that they haue a pati●nt God ? when ●e plainl● see him so angry and impatient , that he could not de●e● his anger , so much as for 〈◊〉 . Thereby plainly confessing ( though in scurr●lous heathen fash●on ) that it was the God of the Christians , that gaue that blow to I●lian . In which three last examples , it is not vnworthy of our obseruation , to note the seuerall humours , wherewith they were possessed , in making those confessions : The first of them , making it , in meere sorrow and contrition : The second , in stomacke and indignation : The third , in lightnesse and derision . But yet , — Ridentem dicere verum , Quid vetat ? — Why may not he that laughes , Laugh out a truth ? Thus , God directed all their seuerall passions ( yea , euen the prophanest of them ) to draw from all of them , a true confession of him . Another like confession , did God also inforce out of the mouth of Tullus Hostil●us : Who succeeding to Numa in his Kingdome , and being a martialminded man , made a scorne and derision of all Numa's religion , as tending to nothing else , but only the effeminating and weakening of mens minds . But he , being smitten with the stroke of Gods iustice , & cast into a grieuous & a dangerous sicknes ; in the end , repented him of his prophanenesse , renouncing his former vngodly opinion . Morbo graui ac multiplici , ad mutandum sententiam compulsus est . Yea , and ( as Liuie expresseth his mutation , a great deale more ful●y ) Adeò fracti simul cum corpore , sunt spiritus illi feroces , vt qui nihil ant● à ratus esset minùs regium , qu●m sacris dedere animum , repentè , omnibus magnis parvisque superstitionibus obnoxius degeret , religion●búsque populum impleret . The extremitie of his sicknes , did so both abate his strength , & so abase his spirits ; that he , who before thought nothing more vnworthy the maiestie of a King , then once to stoop vnto any action of Religion , now grew , vpon the suddaine , most seruile , & slauish vnto all superstition : which he not onely obserued himselfe , but also transfused into all his Subiects . But yet , he , not seeking vnto the true God , but changing one kinde of superstition for another , was at the last , destroyed by Lightning and Thunder . Yea , and ( as Eutropius reporteth it ) Fulmine ictus , cum domo sua , ar sit . He was not onely himselfe consumed by Lightning ; but also his whole house and family with him . Yet another like confession ( and by the like meanes ) did God againe extort , out of Bion of Boristhenes : who was so confirmed and obstinate an Atheist , that all the time of his health , he denied there was any God : but in his age , he being strucken with a most grieuous sicknesse , and finding it to be the finger of God : inductus est , poenitentiam agere super ijs , quae peccârat in Deum : He was thereby induced to repent him of all his impieties against God. Whose folly and madnesse , Laertius in the same place very sharpely perstringeth . Stultus qui mercede voluerit , esse Deos. Quasi tum demum Dij essent , cùm illos B●on esse voluerit . Was not this a foole ( saith he ) who would thinke , there should bee Gods , when he would haue them , and none , when he would none ? Thus , all those professed and noted Atheists , haue expressely confessed a God in the end ; though in the beginning , they most obstinately denied him : detesting and renouncing that impiety at their death , which they practised in their life : and then , with all humility , acknowledging their prophanenesse : as Theeues vse to confesse their offences at the Gallowes , For , as I obserued before out of Lucretius : Verae voces , tum demum pectore ab imo Eijciuntur : & eripitur persona ; manet res . For then , true words ascend from out the deepth of heart : The maske is taken off , the truth then playes his part . And therefore God at that time exacteth his testimony , when ( of all other times ) it is most ponderous , and weighty : Inforcing them vnto their con●ession by tortures , as he sometimes forced Deuils : and , as Magistrates vse to force Malefactors to the question , by stretching them vpon the Racke . Yea , and euen the very Heathen themselues , doe insinuate , that the iustice of God so presseth the Atheists ( though they be his most hardned , and confirmed enemies ) that it not onely inforceth them to confesse him vpon earth ; but al●o to proclaime him out of Hell it selfe . And from thence to confesse , both their owne sinne and wickednesse , and Gods most iust vengeance : exhorting all others to take heede by their examples . This Pindarus insinuateth in the person of Ixion , whom he maketh to call out in the midst of his torments , To take heede of vnthankefulnesse vnto our Benefactors , and to auoyde that odious vice , that had brought him vnto that place . Deorum mandatis , Ixionem aiunt , hae● mortalibus dic●re , dùm in alata rota circumqu●que volutatur : Benesactorem placidis remunerationibus excipientes , persolvere gratiam . And this ( he saith ) the Gods compelled him to proclaime . And , Virgil likewise , in the person of Phlegyas , shaddoweth out the very same . — Phlegyasque miserrimus , omnes Admonet , & magna testatur voce per vmbras : Discite iustitiam moniti , & non temnere Divos . Most m●serable Phlegyas warnes all men , And 'mongst the gastly Ghosts thus skriching cries , With hellish voyce : Admonisht now ye bene , Learne Iustice , and the Gods not to despise . Thus doth he preach both God & godlines out of Hel ; who renounced them both , while he liued vpon earth . Yea , and our Sauiour Christ himselfe representeth the very same point , in the historicall parable of Diues ; who beeing tormented in Hell himselfe , yet desired to haue his brethren fore-warned of that wickednesse and vngodlinesse , which had worthily brought him vnto that misery and wretchednesse : The meaning of all this is no more but this ; that God will force the tongues of those men , to confesse him , that haue bin most vngodly and impudent in denying him . He that made the Deuils confesse him vpon the earth , will make the Damned confesse him out of Hell. 4 But yet we may meete with diuers other wicked ones , with whom God hath taken a more milde and gracious course : not inforcing them to confesse him by his iustice and iudgements ( as he did the former ) but inducing them vnto it by his mercy and goodnesse : inlightning their minds with his heauenly knowledge , and so bringing them to see their own former blindnesse . Thus dealt he with Iethro , an Idol-Priest of Midian : who , though hee were not in the highest degree of Atheists , in denying of all Gods ; yet might he be numbred in an inferior degree of them , in denying the true God , and worshipping prophane and wicked Idols in his stead . But yet hee wisely obabseruing those great plagues and iudgements , which God had poured downe vpon the Aegyptians , for the deliuerance of his seruants , he thereby receiued instruction , and openly brake forth into this notable confession : Now I know , that the Lord is greater then all the Gods. For as they haue dealt proudly with them , so are they recompenced . Thus dealt hee likewise , with the Apostle Paul , as furious a persecuter ( in his small authoritie ) as euer the Church had any . But yet Christ , in his great mercie , appearing vnto him , and , out of heauen , reprouing him ; he likewise receiued instruction : and , reforming his former error , became afterwards , as zealous a Preacher , as euer before he had beene a persecuter . In so much , that it passed of him , as a Prouerbe , that , He which persecuted them , in times past , now preached the faith , which before he destroyed . This blessed Apostle , holding a diuers course , from that cursed Apostata ; who destroyed the same faith , which before hee had preached . And yet , in the ende , was inforced againe , to confesse the same faith , which he sought to haue destroyed : as before I haue declared . The like Confessions , and recantations , may be here accumulated , of diuerse other of the Heathens : who haue plainely renounced their impieties and prophanesse : and , in the end , acknowledged a God , whom at the beginning they denied . It is reported of Diagoras , the most renouned of all that are called Atheists , that he began his Booke of Poems , with this Exordium : Quòd a Numine summo reguntur omnia : That all things are ruled by the highest God. Which may probably be thought , to haue beene the recantation of his former opinion . For , his Atheisme and impietie ( if it were truely such ) he had from the common opinion of his countrie , the Island of Melos : which held a scornefull opinion of all the Greekish gods . And therefore this so direct a contradiction of his former opinion , cannot otherwise be construed , then as his retractation . And the like may be thought , as concerning Theodorus ; who , for the opinion of his impietie , was likewise named Atheos . And yet Laertius affirmeth , that euen hee himselfe had seene a Booke of his , intituled De Dijs ; and that it was , Liber non contemnendus . Which iudgement hee would neuer haue passed vpon it , if hee had handled that Argument , as an Atheist . For then , both the Writer , and the writing , had beene very worthy to be contemned : which Laertius denieth . And therefore that Booke , being censured , to be a worke not worthy to be contemned ; yea , and that by the same man who before had taxed him for his Atheisme ; may also probably be thought , to haue contayned a retractation of his former opinion . And so likewise Euemerus , whatsoeuer his opinion was , which among all the Heathen was so condemned for Atheisme : Whether it were a generall denying of all the gods ; or but a particular denying of the Heathen gods : yet euidently appeareth , out of Plutarch , that when he grew old , hee grew cold , in defending it . A manifest Argument , that he repented of his broching it . Which his coldnesse in asserting it , bred also a like coldnesse in the peoples assent vnto it . As it euidently appeareth in those verses of Callimachus , wherein he perstringeth the impietie of Euemerus . Venite frequentes , ante muros , in fanum , Vbi , qui vetustum , ex aere , tonantem formauit Senex loquax , cum libris impijs friget . Come hither thronging , and approach this wall . Enter this Temple . Where , now , finde you shall Th' old pratling fellow ; which so scornefull was , And call'd the Thund'rer , but a peece of Brasse : For all his former fire , and stately Lookes , Well cooled now , with all his impious Bookes . Meaning those Booke ( saith Plutarch ) which before he had composed , to proue There was no God. Hos dicit , quos composuit ; Non esse Deos , docens . Which coldnesse , from the heate of his former opinion , may be interpreted , as ( in some degree ) a recantation . For , I rather apply those verses vnto his owne coldnesse , in pursuing his former opinion ; then vnto the coldnesse of the people , in following it ; though this might also be intended . But , vnto him I apply it : because Theophilus Antioch nus ( as I haue formerly obserued ) reporteth it for his opinion , that hee defended , Dei vnitatem ; not Nullitatem . Which euidently proueth , that hee , not onely beleeued , that There was a God ; but also , The vnitie of the Godhead . From whence , it must needes follow , that either the heathen were vtterly mistaken , in their conceit of his opinion ; and that he neuer was indeed an Atheist : or , if sometimes hee were one ; yet , that , at last , hee recanted it . For Socrates ; though he died for Atheisme : yet that he died not , an Atheist ; it appeareth by this , that , at his death , he appointed that a Cock should be offered to AEsculapius . Which Tertullian obserueth in him , as a renouncing of all his forme● irreligion . And so likewise , Aristotle though all his life long , hee had ascribed all things , but onely to their inferior and secondarie causes : yet lifting vp his minde much higher , at his death , hee implored the mercie of the highest and first cause : Prime causae misericordiam intentiùs implorabat : as Caelius Rhodiginus writeth . It is likewise reported of Numa Pompilius , that Priest-like King of the Romanes : who ( like another Moses ) was the first author and institutor of all their holy Ceremonies ; yet that , in the end hee retracted all those false religions , which himselfe before had instituted : writing a Booke against them , and commanding it to be buried in his Sepulcher with him . Which Booke was not found vntill fiue hundred and fiue and thirty yeeres after Numa was dead ; written onely in paper ; and yet no where perished . Which , euen Pliny himselfe ascribeth to a miracle : No doubt , that the confutation of that false religion , might not be decayed , vntill it were published . And , though that Booke of his , was , by the Commandement of the Senate , in publique , burned : Yet ( as Lactantantius well obserueth ) the cause of the burning of it , being publiquely knowne to be his disclayming of their Religion , who was the first founder of it , it might greatly vncertaine the mindes of the people about it , and breed in them a iust suspition , that they were not rightly founded in the true Religion . All these notable recantations of Atheists and Idolaters , disclaiming and renouncing their irreligious & false religions , I find in the writings of classicall Authors . Which are euident demonstrations , that true Religion hath far stronger rooting in the minde of a man , then either hath Atheisme , or Superstition . For otherwise , men , when they dr●w neere vnto their 〈◊〉 would neuer , with such feruencie , seeke after the true religion , and 〈◊〉 their false . But then ( if euer ) it most of al importeth them , to find out the tr●th : then , when , if they misse it , they shall neuer after find it . And , that before they had not found it , ( no not in their owne perswasions ) they manifestly shew , by their forenamed recantations . Which , yet , may be further seene , by the recantation of Orpheus : which ( aboue all the rest ) is most noble , and ingenuous . For he , hauing before bin educated , in the idolatrous religion of the Gentiles , accordingly expressed the same , in his Poems . But , after he had read the writings of Moses ; and from them , receiued some light of the truth ; he renounced his former errors , confessing them so humbly , and retracting them so willingly , and deliuering the truth so plainly , that I wonder not , to finde , that his notable confession , in diuers of the fathers , so much insisted on . For it is indeed most excellent , both for matter , and for forme . And he beginneth it thus ; as his Cygnea cantio , or last exhortation , vnto his Sonne Musaeus . Solis canto pijs ; omnes procul este prophani ; Tu , Musaee , audi , Luna prognate silenti . Perniciosa priùs , vitaeque infesta futurae , Ex me cognôsti : sed nunc te vera docebo . Respectans verbum Diuinum , huic totus inhaere . Pectoris , hoc , mentem s●cri , gressusque guberna ; Incedens rectà , Regemque hunc orbis adora . Vnicus est , per se existens , qui cuncta creavit . I only sing to godly soules . Profane men , all , be gone . O my Musaeus , harken thou , the Moones beloued Sonne . Thou heretofore hast learn'd of me , things most pernicious , Contrary to the life to come , starcke false , and vicious . But now , I 'le teach thee truth indeed . R●spect Gods sacred word . Cleaue wholy to it , it alone . And this to it affoord ; To make it th' only Guide , and Rule , of all thy thoughts and wayes . And looke thou walke in vpright paths , before him , all thy dayes . This King of all the world adore ; whom thou mayst Onely call : He onely being of himselfe , who hath created All. And then , he proceedeth , with a notable description of the onely true God ; of his Prouidence , his Greatnesse , his Mercy , and his Iustice ; more like an holy Prophet , then like an heathen Poet : as plainly will appeare , vnto such as please to reade it . Thus , doth God oftentimes produce , a direct and an euident confession , out of very Atheists ; & therby , very notably , both manifesteth and magnifieth his owne diuine glory . For , what greater glory can be giuen vnto him , then that the same mouth should be forced to confesse him , which had armed it selfe , with all obstinacy , to deny him ? In which examples likewise , wee may euidently see , the infallible truth of Plato's obseruation , That neuer any Atheist continued alwayes constant , in his impious opinion : but that , though perhaps hee maintained it stiffely , sometime in his life ; yet , that he still renounced it , at the time of his death . So that , the maine ground of this first booke , is so generally true [ That all men beleeue , That there is a God , ] that euen the Atheist himselfe is not from thence exempted : but that , howsoeuer hee may , for a time ( vpon some passion or brauery , or some other vngrounded fancy ) run against 〈◊〉 ●ommon streame , in denying of God ; yet that still in the end hee closeth wit● all other men in directly confessing him . CHAP. 14. That , though Atheists should neuer haue confessed , neither directly , nor indirectly ; but alway●s , most obstinately , haue denied him : yet , that there is no reckoning to be made of their opinion . 2. Because , in the opinion of all wise , and Learned men , they are esteemed no better , then either Fooles . 3. Or , Mad●e● . 4. Or , Monsters of Men. THE opinion of God , is so generally rooted , in the mindes of all men ; that th●re is none , but doth beleeue it : none , but ( at sometime or other ) doth confesse it : no not , euen the very Atheist . Who , though he do not constantly , and piously confesse God , as those men that do religiously beleeue him : yet is he oftentimes inforced to confesse him ; euen then , when he striueth most of all to deny him . For , the beleefe of God planted in the heart of man , is like a burning fire , that cannot be quenched ; but flameth out the more , the more men seeke to smoother it : being kindled more vehemently , by that Antiperista●●s of a contrary renitency , in those that endeauour to suppresse it : and so , flashing out , like the Lightning , when it is in danger to be choked . And this we may euidently see , in the two holy Prophets , Dauid , and Ieremy ; who , whenas they had obstinately resolued with themselues , to make no more mention of the name of God ; but to suppresse it , in their hearts : yet , Incaluit animus , exarsit ignis : Their soule waxed hot , and the fire flamed out . Their inward beleefe of God , being like a raging flame , which , by a secret scortching , compelled them to confesse him . Crediderunt , & propterea locuti sunt : They bele●ued , and there●ore they could not but speake . And so is it likewise , euen with the Atheist too . Hee inwardly beleeueth That there is a God : yea and ●e cannot do otherwise . And therefore he cannot chuse , but sometime confesse it , for all his endeauor to suppresse and smoother it . So that , euen Atheists themselues , who professe to be the Deniers of God ; yet are found oftentimes , to be confessors of him : beleeuing , with a stronger and more serious perswasion , That there is a God ; then they can beleeue , That there is none : though they vendi●ate this , as their selected opinion . For , they deny God , but wantonly ; but they confesse him , seriously : yea , and , euen in their denying him , they do but , contra fidem credere , as is noted by Saint Hilarie : They doe but seeme to beleeue that which indeede they beleeue not : as I haue shewed before . But , be it that the Atheist had alwayes constantly beleeued , as he confidently pronounceth , That there is no God : Be it , that he had neuer , at any time , neither directly , nor indirectly confessed any : Be it , that he had alwayes stucke as close vnto his receiued opinion , as an Oyster vnto that Rocke which it groweth vpon ; and neither in his life , nor at his death recanted it : yet could not all this infringe the Catholike and vniuersall veritie of this generall position , that , All men beleeue , That there is a God. For , hee that denieth , there is a God , may iustly be denied , to be a man , in Lactantius his opinion . Non po●est rationem hominis obtinere , qui Deum , animi sui parentem , nescit : Then much lesse , Qu● negat . He cannot iustly be ranked into the condition of a man , that is ignor●nt of God , who is the father of his soule . But , what is the Atheist then , if he be not a man ? I finde it affirmed , in the writi●gs of the learned , both of Diuines , and Philosophers , both of Christians and Pagans ; yea , and that by full consent ; that all impious Atheists , and deniers of God ( how vainely soeuer conceited of themselues ) yet are , in very deed● , no b●tter then meere Fooles . Who , being destitute of reason , ( the true sp●cificall difference of a man ) cannot truly be called men , but in an abusiue and vnproper acception . And therefore , the Prophet Dauid affirmeth in expresse and plaine termes , that the Atheist is a Fo●le . The Foole hath said in his heart , There is no God. Which , that it may appeare to be no suddaine censure , b●t a thing well concocted , and meditated by him , he iterateth ( in another Psalm● ) the same words againe : The foole hath sayd in his heart , There is no God. Et ●ur d●xit ins●peens , quòd non est Deus ? saith Anselmus , Cur , nisi quia stultus , & insipiens est ? Why is it , that the foole doth s●y , There is no God ? Forsooth , euen f●r this ●●use , because he is a foole . But why saith he in his heart , rather then in hi● mouth , that There is no God ? Quia , si vel● hoc verbis eloqui ( saith Saint Hilarte ) Stultus esse ( ●●cut est ) publi●i assensus iudicio ●rgueretur : Because , if he should vtter it in his words , as he smothers it in his thoughts , he should publikely be known to be a f●ole , as he is ; and so be commonly esteemed by a generall cons●nt . For , what oth●r account can there iustly be made of him ? who ( as Sai●t Bas●l obseru●th ) is so notably besotted with his owne grosse opinion , that hee doth , Neque oracula Dei audire , n●que Naturae suae sensum recipere : That he neither will harken to the word of God , without him , nor yet to the voyce of his owne nature , within him . For , both these do● teach him , that , There is a God : both the word of God , and the vo●ce of Nature . And yet , the Atheist ( co●trary to both these ) will impudently affirme , that There is no God. And therefore , very worthily , is reckoned but a Foole. For , as Aristotle obserueth out of the Poet He siodus : He that is neither able to finde out the truth himselfe , nor willing to receiue it when it is found out by others ; may worthily be r●nked in the high●st degree of Fool●s . Neither doe the Scriptures onely , or Ecclesiasticall Writers , account of Atheists , as no b●tter then very fooles : but , euen Heathen Writers also condemne them for the same . Caecilius , the Poet , expressely affirmeth that , Deum , qui non summum pu●et ; Aut Stu●tum , aut rerum esse imperitum , existimes . Who thinks , There is no God aboue , that all did make ; Him for a foole , or silly Soule , thou well maist●ake . This censure he pronounceth vpon him , that acknowledgeth not their Cupid , for a God. Then , much more must he be such , that will acknowledge no God. He must needes be an extreame Foole , as you heard before , out of Aristotle . For ( as Clemens Alex●ndrinus very truely affirmeth ) Imp●etas , & Superstitio , sunt ignorantiae extrema : Athe●sme , & superstition , are the two extremities of follie and ignorance . And therefore Plutarch defineth Atheisme to be Stup●r quid●m , D●os non sentientium : A kind of senselesse sottishnesse , without all touch of godlin●●se . Here , hee maketh it , not folly , but plaine stupidity . Yea , ●●d in another place , he is carried with so great a detestation , against Atheists , that he protesteth it to be a kinde of violence and wickednesse , to ascrib● vnto such men , any faculty of Reason . Improbum est , & violentum , rationem ijs ascribere , qui notitia Dei ●arent . So that he counteth all them , Fooles , that count not Atheists to bee Fooles ; and all them to bee violently wicked themsel●es , that doe not abhorre their impiety and wickednes . Yea , and Maximus Tyr●●s passeth yet , a more base and abiect censure of them . For , he saith of all Atheists , that they are , Abiectum genus hominum , & sine sensu . Vide caetera . An abiect kinde of people , and without all sense : denying vnto Atheists , not onely all vse of Reason , but also of very sense too . And so likewise doth 〈…〉 videntur , mentem , sensum , oculos denique ipsos , non habere : They n●ither haue reason nor sense , no nor eyes . And it is true indeede , Quis enim , mundu● contuens , Deum esse non sentit ? saith Saint Hilarie . How can a man possibly , looke vpon the world , but he must needes conceiu● presently , that , surely , There is a God ? And therefore , Auicenna also affirmeth ( as I finde him cited , by learned Du Plessis ) that , Quicunque Deum , aut Numen non agnoscit ; non ●antùm ratione , sed eti● sensu caret . Whosoeuer confesseth not , that there is a God ; he is not only destitut● of the reason of a man , but also of the very sense of a beast . For , as Plutarch well obserueth , There is no beast , that differeth so much from man by nature , as one man differeth from another : especially the Atheist , who differeth from all men , and that in the maine ground , both of religion , and of reason . And therefore , is not worthy to be numbered among men . Thus you see , how base and vile account all Atheists haue had , at all times , amongst all wise and learned men : who haue esteemed them none otherwise , then a kinde of vainely conceited fooles . Which is the worst kinde of follie , and the least to be hoped of . Seest thou a man that is wise in his owne conceit ? there is more hope of a foole , then of him : more hope , euen of a mere Naturall : for such is the wisemans foole here . And though perhaps , those Atheists , in the hight of their pride , and thicknesse of their ignorance , make as small account of wise men , as they can doe of them ; accounting them for the fooles , and themselues to be the onely wise : yet matters it nothing , whom they that be fooles , doe either esteeme to be fooles , or to be wise men : but whom wise men so esteeme . For ( as the Orator very truely obserueth ) Statuere quis sit sapiens , vel maximè videtur esse sapientis : To iudge who is a wise man , doth specially belong vnto the iudgement of a wise man. And Xenophanes likewise vnto the same purpose . Sapiens sit necesse est , qui norit explorare sapientem . It is fit , that hee himselfe should bee a wise man , that will assume to iudge , who is a wise man. He is not a wise man , whom a foole accounts a wise man : but he is a foole , whom a wise man accounts a foole : then much more , whom all wise men . And therefore , whenas Atheists doe either deny God , or make a mock of him , they do but as fooles doe , who make a mock of euery thing : yea , euen of sinne it selfe . The Foole ( saith the wise man ) maketh but a mocke of sinne , yea , and that euen of Atheisme , which is the greatest sinne : yea , and of God himselfe too . They make but a mocke of God , as though there were no God. Vpon whom haue ye ieasted , vpon whom hau● ye gaped , and thrust out your tongue ? saith the Lord by his Prophet . Are ye not rebellious children , and a false seed ? Thus impudently , doe Atheists make a mocke of God himselfe . But yet , as the Philosopher , when it was told him , Hi t● rident : These men deride thee : very wisely answered : Ego autem non rid●or : But I am not to be derided : So may it be truly said of God : that though such fooles doe mocke at him , yet God himselfe is not mocked , as the Apostle plainely testifieth : but is infinitely superior vnto any such contumelie , or scurrility . And ther●fore , in their mocking of God so foolishly , they make but fooles of themselues , and bewray vnto the world the extremity of their folly ; giuing to others iust occasion to deride and mocke at them : yea , euen to God himselfe . Who ( as the Psalmist testifieth ) laugheth them to scorne ; hauing both them , 〈◊〉 4. and their folly in extreme derision . Yea , and the same is likewise affirmed , euen by the Heathen Poet : as before I hau● obs●rued . — Deus quicunque aspexit , ridet , & odit . What God soeuer sees it , The same derides , and hates it . He doth , in Stomacho ridere , as the Orator speaketh . He hates them , as wicked men ; and yet laughes at them , as fooles . Yea and , as they be●ooles ●ooles , so he makes them knowne for fooles . He both knoweth them , to be fooles himse●fe , and maketh them knowne to be fooles of others : Yea and so to be esteemed throughout the whole world . Which is a greater scourge vnto those proud fooles , that so ambitiously affect to be compted wise men , then the whip it selfe is : Which , the wise man affirmeth , to be properly belonging vnto the backe of fooles . And , as all wise men doe accompt of Atheists , as fooles : so many of them haue esteemed them , as distracted and madd men . They make them to be , Ex stultis insanos : as the Comick speaketh . Nay , in that they be fooles , they be therein also madmen . For it is indeed an Orthodoxe ; though it be numbred as a Paradoxe ; that , Omnes Stulti insaniunt : that All Fooles are madd , and men depriued of their witts . And so are likewise all Atheists . They be indeed both fooles , and mad-men : though in their owne conceit , they be the only wise men , with whom wisedome doth surely liue , and after whom it will surely d●e . But what reckoning soeuer , those men make of themselues , and of their owne high wisedome ; yet wisemen indeed haue euer reputed them , for no better then mad-men . Saint Paul calleth it his madnes , that he had euer beene so impious , at to persecute the Christians . Whilst hee was in that madnes , he compted it his wisedome , and imagined that he had done high seruice to God therein . But when God hath indued him with the light of true wisdome , then hee saw it was madnesse in him . And if it be a madnesse , but to persecute Gods seruants ; then is it much more madnesse , to denie God himselfe : which is the highest kinde wherein hee can be persecuted . And therefore , not onely Christians , but also the very Heathens , haue censured all Atheists , and deniers of God , to be indeed , but madd . Plutarch saith , that , Deos esse , omnes sana mente praediti , arbitrantur : That all , which haue their witts , doe beleeue , that there be gods . From whence it must needs follow , that they , which denie , that there is a God , are indeed out of their wits . They be not , sana mente praediti . Which , the Orator also affirmeth expressely : Esse Deos , ita perspicuum est , vt illud qui neget , vix 〈…〉 It is a thing so euident , that there is a God ; that whosoeuer denieth it , is ( surely ) out of his wit. Which , as in this place hee confi●meth : Quis potest esse tam auersus a vero , tam pr●ceps , tam me●te captus , qui neget , haec omnia , quae videmus , Deorum immort●l●m nutu , atque , potestate administrari ? Who can there be possibly , such an ene●●e to all truth , nay of such an he ●ddy rashnes , nay of such a frantik madnes , 〈◊〉 to de●●e , that all those things , which we see with our eyes , are ruled by the pleasure , and power of the Gods ? He reckoneth of such men , not onely , as o● rash men , but also , as of mad-men . And so likewise did Socrates , as appeareth in Xenophon . Si qui sunt , qui nihil a divina prouidentia putant pendere , 〈◊〉 ille asserebat insanire . Those men that denie the power of Gods pro●idence , he plainely affirmed , to be out of their witts . And so likewise did Euripides . — Non conuenit vnquam , hoc priuari , Vt colas Deos : qui negat verò , Ad insaniam vertitur . This holy Rule to leaue , were too too bad , To worship God : whom who deny's , is mad . Yea , and that in the highest degree of madnes ; as S. Chrysostome affirmeth . Deum vel non esse , vel malum esse , opinari ; non san● hominis sed insani potiùs , imò vltimo furore perciti , meritò dixerimus . He that either denieth God to be at all , or affirmeth him to be the author of euill , he is not ( sure ) a wise man , but rather a mad man , Yea one that is inraged , not with frenzie , but with furie . And thus Atheists ( as you see ) in the opinion of all wise men , are esteemed not onely as fooles , but as madmen . Yea , and as Philo Iudaeus pronounceth in another like case ; not onely Insani , but also insanabiles : Not commonly mad , but incurably mad . Now how little accompt is to be made of mad men , or of any thing , whatsoeuer they can either doe , or say , we may euidently see , in the Prophet Dauid , when hee fayned himselfe mad : Of whom , when as Achish very greatly reioyced , at his first sight and comming ; yet whenas hee appeared vnto him to be mad , he was angry with those , that had brought him before him , and asked , Whether they thought that he had any need of mad-men ? So that , if Atheists , be no better then mad-men : as their professing of God , could bring him no honour ; so their denying of him , can bring him no dishonour : But to proceede yet one steppe further . 4 As many wise men haue reckoned and esteemed of Atheists , some to be fooles , and some to be mad-men : so diuers haue esteemed them , to be no men at all ; but very monsters of men , or beasts in mens forme . So Lactantius . Illos , qui nullum omninò Deum esse dixerunt , non modò non Philosophos , sed ne homines quidem suisse dixerim : qui , mutis simillimi , ●x solo corpore constiterunt , nihil videntes animo . Those men , that haue affirmed , that there is no God ; I dare boldly affirme , to haue beene no men ; much lesse to haue beene Philosophers ; who like vnto brute beasts , as if they were all body , could s●e and vnderstand nothing at all with their minde . So Tallie . Quis hunc , hominem dixerit , qui , cùm tam certos coeli motus , tam ratos astrorum ordines , tamque inter se omnia connexa & apta viderit , neget in his inesse rationem ? Who can esteeme for a man , that seeing so constant a motion of the heauens , so orderly a course and progresse of the Stars , and so apt a fitting and knitting of one thing vnto another , can denie this to be done , by the strength and power of Reason ? Which is the vsuall word , whereby Philosophers expresse the working power of Gods diuine Prouidence . Now , if Atheists be not men , what can they be else , but monsters of men ? who haue the outward shape and lineaments , but want the inward faculties and habilements , that is , the light of the minde and vnderstanding ; which is indeed the true and proper nature of man. For , mens cuiusque is est quisque : and which whosoeuer lacketh , he is not properly , but equi●ocally , a man : as Scaliger collecteth out of Avenrois : because hee hath not mans proper and specificall nature , and so may iustly bee reputed a monster . For , omne quod contra naturam est , monstri meretur nomen : saith Tertullian . Whatsoeuer is contrary to the order of nature , that doth iustly deserue the name of a Monster . Now , what can be more contrary vnto the order of Nature , then to haue the outward shape , and figure of a man ; and yet to lacke reason , which is his inward forme ? This much better deserueth the name of a monster , then many of those do , at which men so much wonder . It is a farre greater monster , then , if either a man , should be borne with foure feete ; or a beast , but with two . And indeed Palingenius , alluding to this comparison , hee called such impious persons , but a kinde of two-footed Asses . O bipedes Asini &c. specifying more particularly , what kinde of monsters they be , in his fancy : as if they were no better then meere scapes and errors of particular nature , and vnnaturally degenerating into beasts . And therefore , if Consensus omnium be vox naturae , as the Orator affirmeth ; what can they be then , but monstra naturae , who refuse to heare the generall voyce of nature , teaching There is a God ? Especially , seeing it calleth out so loud vnto them , not onely Loquendo , but tantùm non Clamando , as Theodoret affirmeth : and telleth them so constantly , by all estates , and degrees , and conditions of men , that there must needs be one . This is , most euidently , a monstrous infidelitie . And therefore , Saint Augustine doubteth not , for this hardned obstinacy in their impiety , to call them by the name of monsters directly . Magnum est ipse prodigium , qui , mundo credente , non credit . He , surely , is a monster , and that a very great one , that refuseth to beleeue , whenas all the world beside beleeueth round about him . And so likewise doth A. Gellius . Quidam fuerunt monstra hominum , qui , de Dijs immortalibus , impias falsasque opiniones prodiderunt . There haue bene certaine monsters of men , that haue broched their false and impious opinions , against the Gods. Yea , and Tully , he goeth farther . For he not onely denieth him to be a man , that denieth there is a God ; but him also , that confesseth him , if , vpon the consideration of his infinite goodnesse , hee returne not vnto him , all possible thankfulnesse . Quem astrorum ordines , quem di●rum 〈◊〉 vicissitudines , quem memsium temperatio , quem ea quae gignuntur nobis ad fruendum , non gratum esse cogunt ; hunc , hominem omninò numerari , neque decet . He , whom the order of the starres , the enterchange of dayes and nights , the temper of the seasons , and the benefits which wee reape and receiue from all these , inforce not vnto thankfulnesse , he ought not to be reckoned in the number of men by vs. Note the notable pietie , euen of the very Heathen ; that those , whom they noted of impiety to their gods , they likewise exterminated out of the number of men . Now , these varying opinions of so many learned men , both Christians , and Heathens , against the Atheists , in thus calling them both Fooles , and Mad-men , and Monsters of men , doth euidently declare , that they wanted words , to expresse their conceits of them , and to deliuer vnto the full , that notable detestation , and abiect estimation , wherein they held them . So that , to recollect our intended Argument from the sentences before recited : As it may truly be affirmed , that all men in generall , haue the gift of reason ; though Fooles , and Mad-men , and Monsters haue it not ( who yet , in a grosse and common acception , are numbred as men : ) so may it as truly be generally affirmed , that All men beleeue , that there is a God ; though the Atheist deny it . Because he is to be accompted none other , then either as a Foole , or a Mad-man , or a Monster : as hath bene shewed before . CHAP. 15. That God , hath at all times , powred downe his iust iudgments , vpon the heads of Atheists : b● them sensibly declaring , That there is a God. 2. Examples , out of Scriptures . 3. Examples , out of Eccle●iasticall Histories . 4. Examples , out of Heathen writers . 5. An Obiection answered , concerning the punishment of those Atheists . BVT let vs suppose , that Atheists were neither Fooles , nor Mad-men ; but the wisest , and learnedest , of all other men . And againe , let vs suppose , that they were not such a poore handfull , and so contemptible for their paucity , as they be ; but multiplied , and increased , vnto the number of an army . Let vs yet suppose further , that they had euer most obstinately maintayned their opinion , without either any wauering , hesitation , or doubting ; and that they had neuer c●nfessed any God , neither sleeping , nor waking ; neither in thought , word , nor deede ; neither directly , nor indirectly ; neither in their liues , nor at their deaths : ( all which I haue euidently shewed , to be very far otherwise . ) Yet God , by his exemplarie punishments inflicted vpon Atheists , more seuerely , and more constantly , then vpon any other wicked ones , doth euidently declare , not only , that There is a God : but also that he is the King and Ruler of the world : a God , that both heareth , and seeth all their wickednesse , and that knoweth well how to reuenge him vpon all his enemies , but specially , vpon Atheists his deniers , and blasphemers ; for whom , hee hath reserued his selected plagues and punishments . So that , though they deny him in words : yet he confesseth himselfe in deeds : and , by their punishments , both inforceth diuers of those Atheists to confesse him , who before had denied him : and all the godly to reioyce , who before had confessed him . The righteous shall reioyce , when he seeth the vengeance ( saith the Prophet Dauid : ) he shall wash his feete in the blood of the wicked . And men shall say , Verily there is a reward for the righteous ; Doubtlesse , there is a God , that iudgeth in the earth . For , if we looke with iudgement , into the liues and deaths , of those prophane persons , that haue beene Gods most direct and professed Enemies , and most gloried and triumphed in their impieties and blasphemies , as though there were no God at all to regard them ; wee may easily obserue , that non● of them hath escaped the reuenging hand of God , but that all of them haue constantly falne into great calamity , and euermore ended their vngodly liues , with vnnaturall , vntimely , and vnfortunate deathes . Which constancy , in those mens so certaine infelicity ( more then in other mens , that are in other kindes wicked ) doth openly proclaime , that this their punishment commeth not out of the dust ; neither is sent vnto them by blind chance and fortune ( for , there is no such constancie , ) but that it onely proceedeth from that diuine prouidence , which both heareth , and seeth , and knoweth all things : Yea , and taketh speciall notice of those that are Atheists , as of his most daring and audacious enemies : culling them out by the head , from among all other men , to be the selected spectacles of his wrath and indignation . That they who disclaimed him in their liues , yet might proclaime him in their deathes : declaring vnto all men , that the God , whom they denied , had now , by their punishment , prooued himselfe a God indeed : As though he had made them to no other purpose , but to glorifie himselfe , by taking iust vengeance vpon their vngodlinesse . As he himselfe professed vnto Phar. oh , King of Egypt : For this cause haue I appointed th●e , to shew my power in thee , and to declare my Name throughout all the world . For , as the wise man also expressely testifieth , The Lord hath made all things for himselfe ; yea , euen the wicked man against the day of vengeance . 2 And indeed , God hath so notably inflicted his vengeance vpon Atheists , and so directly powred downe the full vialls of his wrath , vpon the heads of them ; that there can almost none of them be named , neither in the holy Scriptures , nor in Ecclesiasticall Histories , nor in Heathen Writings ; but that it will appeare , that the iudgement of God hath brought them vnto a fearefull and an abhorred end . As I will declare vnto you , by some two or three instances , in euery one of the three forenamed Heads . The most renowned , for professed vngodlinesse , are these . In the Holy Historie ; King Pharaoh , and Antiochus , the King of Tyrus , and the two Herods . In Ecclesiasticall Historie ; Caligula , Domitian , Maximinus , and Iulian. In prophane Historie ; Protageras , Diagoras , Theodorus , Socrates , Epicurus , Bion , Pherecides , and Dionysius . Of all whom , there was not one , that died in his nest , of a faire and kindely death , sauing onely this last ; Whose d●mnation yet slept not : being , though respited , yet not remooued . But for all the rest of them , there was not any one , but he ended his life , by the stroke of Gods iustice ; either mediately pronounced by the mouth of a man ; or immediately inflicted by the hand of God. For the first of them , King Pharaoh : as hee was a notable mirrour of obdured vngodlinesse so was he likewise a mirrour of Gods most iust vengeance : being purposely designed , and appointed by God , vnto none other end , but onely to be an example of note , and eminent document , vnto the whole world , that , Whosoeuer contemneth , and despiseth God , be he neuer so great and mighty a Potentate , shall , for his impiety , be most seuerely punished . For , so indeed he was : yea , and that not with one punishment ; but with all the varieties of Gods most heauy iudgements : which were by God inflicted , not onely vpon himselfe , but also ( for his sake ) vpon his people and subiects . Who were , all of them , plagued , by blood in their waters ; by tempests in their corne ; by Caterpillers in their fruites ; by Grassehoppers in their grasse ; by Murraine in their Cattell ; by Flies , and Lice , and vlcers , in their owne bodyes ; by the sudaine death of all their first borne Sonnes ; and finally , by the drowning of themselues . Who ( as Moses expresseth their destruction in his Song ) did sinke downe vnto the bottome like a stone . And all this fell vpon them , for the onely impielie of their Prince ; the hardned prophanenes of an impious King , bringing a generall plague vpon his whole Kingdome . Which plagues were so exemplarie , and so immediatly from heauen , that euen the very Sorcerers , who were set to affront Moses , and to shew that all his miracles were but sophisticall delusions ; yet were forced to confesse , that they were Gods immediate plagues , and iudgements : This is the finger of God. Thereby plainely declaring , not onely There is a God ; but also , that He is a God of so omnipotent a power , that he is able to subdue the most proud and potent of all his enemies , by the basest and meanest of all his creatures : by Frogs , Flies , Lice , and such like contemptible wormes . A notable Example of that fearefull curse , denounced by Moses ; that such , as will not feare and obey the Lord , shall , in euery part of their estate , be cursed : Cursed in the Towne , cursed in the field , cursed in their basket , & cursed in their dough , cursed in the fruit of their bodyes , in the fruit of their land , and in the fruit of their Cattell ; cursed in their going out , and cursed in their comming in . All which curses fell apparantly vpon the Eg●ptians , as the v●ngeance of God , for their wicked Kings vngodlinesse . Now , for the second of them , Antiochus , whose sacriledges and prophanenesse can hardly be recounted , they were so many and so hainous : there was neuer any man , whom the iudgement of God did cast headlong downe , from a greater arrogancie into a greater miserie . For , he purposing , in the height of his impiety and prophanenesse , to haue robbed the Temple of El●m●is , in Persia ; as he had done before of Hierusalem in Iudea : and so to haue trussed vp , Sacra in saccum , as it is in the Prouerbe ; to haue sacked , and ransacked , and made good prize and booty , of all consecrated and holy things : hee was shamefully beaten , and repelled by the Citizens ( as Verres , in the like attempt , was by the Agrigentines . ) And vnderstanding in P●rsia , of the ouerthrow of two of his Armies in Iudea : he , breathing out fire against the Iewes , and hasting towards them to take his fierce reuenge ; hee was cast downe from his Chariot , to the bruising of all his bones . But the vengeance of God not hauing yet done with him , strooke him with a most odious and incurable sickenesse , which so corrupted and putrified his body , that loathsome wormes crawled out of it , in exceeding great plenty : whereby , the smell of his rottennesse grew so exceeding grieuous , that it made him odious both to his friends , and to himselfe . And so ( as the booke of Maccabees concludeth his storie , noting both the two fore-named points , of his Arrogancy and his Misery , ) He that a little before , thought that he might command the stoods of the Sea ( so proud was he beyond the condition of a man ) was now cast downe to the ground . And thus the Murderer and Blasphemer suffered most grieuously , and died a miserable death in a strange Countrey . They be the very last words of his storie . For the third of them ; the King of Tyrus : who , in the pride of his heart , called himselfe a God , and thought himselfe equall vnto the highest God : the highest God telleth him , that He will bring him downe , and that he shall die the death of those , that are slaine in the middest of the Sea : Who are not onely killed , but also commonly drowned , and cast into the waters , as a prey vnto the fishes . So that , though he boasted himselfe to be a God ; yet should hee finde himselfe , to be but a Man : yea and a miserable man , in the hand of him , that was appointed to kill him . Which fore-threatened destruction , was afterward fullfilled , vpon that whole kingdome . Yea , and that , with so great a desolation , and such incredible crueltie , as the like was neuer exercised before , vpon any Citie . Insomuch , that the Calami●●e of the Tyrians , did passe as a Prouerbe , in mens ordinarie speech . Quae , ex antiqua Tyro . These things are more grieuous , then those that are reported of the ancient Tyrus . Of whose fearefull destruction , Ezeckiel foretelleth , that it should be lamented , with this pitifull eiulation . Quae , est , vt Tyrus , quae obmutnit in medio mari ? What Citie is like Tyrus , destroyed so fearefully , in the midst of the Sea ? For the fourth of them , King Herod the great ; who was indeed the greatest persecutor , that euer the Christians had ( for all other persecutors did but onely persecute Christ , in his members ; but he persecuted Christians in their head ) he strooke at the very head of Christianitie , and persecuted Christ in his owne immediate person : His impietie escaped not Gods iust , and heauie iudgement . For , as he intended , most cruelly to haue murthered the Sonne of the liuing God : so God abused his crueltie , to the murthering of his owne sonnes . Whereby , he became so infamous to the world , that it went of him , as a common Prouerbe , that , Melius est , Herodis esse porcum , qu●m filium . It is better to be Herods Swine , then his Sonne . But yet , here the iudgement of God left him not : but strooke him with so many , and so grieuous diseases together , that to reade , it , it is a wonder . Which Iosephus expresseth , in very fearefull manner . His words thereof , be these . Regi , morbus factus est grauior , poenam impietatis exigente Numine . Lento enim calore torrebatur , qui non tam externo tactu deprehenderetur , quam intùs popularetur v●scera . Aderat & vehemens voracitas , cui necesse esset continuò cibos suggerere . Simulque vexabatur intestinorom exulceratione , & colicis passionibus . Pedes tum●bant flegmate humido & pellucido , similiterque inguina . Ipsa quoque verenda putrefacta scatebant vermiculis , accedente foeda , nec minus molesta tentigine , non sine foetore gravissimo . Super haec omnia , nervorum contractione laborabat , & difficultate anhelitus . Quamobrem , constans erat , inter Divinos & Fatidicos opinio , Regem laesae tot modis pietatis , Deo poenas expendere . Hitherto Iosephus . The Kings sicknesse grew euery day more and more grieuous ; God punishing him seuerely , for his former impietie . For first , he was scorched and broyled with a lingring fire ; which though it could not outwardly be felt with mens hands ; yet did it inwardly eate and consume all his bowells . Hee was taken , beside , with a doggish Appetite , which called for meat almost euery moment . Further , his intestines brake out into putrid vlcers , and grieuously tormented him with colique passions . His feete and flankes , swelled with a flegmatike humor , and his secrets were possessed with an vnnaturall tumor : corrupting most loathsomely into wormes , and exhaling continually most odious stinkes . Yet further , hee was grieuously vexed with the cramps and conuulsions , and greatly tormented with shortnes of ●reath . All which things considered , it was constantly resolued , amongst all Diuines , and South sayers , That they were nothings else , but th● strokes of Gods veng●ance , inflicted vpon him for his former vngodlinesse . Here was a perfect patterne of a miserable man tormented vnder the hand of God : hauing none of all his members exempted from his plagues ; but euery seuerall part , hauing his seuerall torment : dying , in a liuing death ; and liuing , in a dying life . A mirror of that infernall punishment , which God hath in hell appointed for the Atheist . And , not much an vnlike iudgement , fell likewise vpon the fift of them , H●rod called Agrippa : Who making ( vpon a time ) an eloquent Oration ; the people ( after the manner of their hyperbolicall flattering ) applauded him with this blasphemous encomion , That he spake , like a God , and not like a man. Which excesse of commendation , though hee knew to be most impious ; yet ( as the Orator speaketh in another like case ) Alieni facinoris munus●ulum non repudiavit : He would not refuse their present vnto him , though hee knew it was their sinne : It being so kindly offered he would not vnkindly refuse it ; but ( though it were their blasphemie ) yet did willingly accept it . Hanc impiam adulationem nec castigans , nec repellens , as Iosephus punctually obserueth : Neither repelling , nor rectifying , this their impious adulation . But God who is iealous of his honor , and , who will not giue his glory vnto any other , he sent his Angell to punish that impious intruder : who smote him with so grieuous a disease , that his body corrupted all into wormes . And thus was his end . 3 Let vs now proceed vnto those other Examples , which before I haue named out of Ecclesiasticall Histories . Of whom , the first , Caligula ; as he was a cruell Tyrant , in all his other gouernement : so , in the end he grew vnto that madnesse , as to assume the highest diuine honors vnto himselfe . Whose impietie and prophanesse , Iosephus expresseth in these words vnto vs. Inflatus potentiae magnitudine , oblitus est se esse hominem ; & contumeliosus in superos , ad reliquam insaniam , divinos etiam honores vsurpare ausus est . He being puffed vp with the greatnesse of his power , forgate himselfe to be a man : and growing proud against the gods , added this vnto all the rest of his madnesse ; that he presumed to appoint vnto himselfe diuine honors . Templum numini suo proprium , & sacerdotes , & excogitatissimas hostias instituens : as Suetonius , addeth . He appropriated a speciall temple vnto his owne godhead ; Yea and appointed both Priests and sacrifices for it : accepting euen the title of Iupiter Latialis . But , what was the ende of all this wicked glory , and of his prophane consecrating himselfe for a God ? Did God leaue it vnreuenged ? No. But , as Salomon , when he had forsaken God , God likewise ( in some degree ) forsooke him , and out of his owne Seruants stirred vp many dangerous aduersaries against him : so did he likewise with this man ; permitting him to fall into their hands , and to be murthered of them , with no lesse then thirty grieuous wounds ; as Iosephus reporteth them . Confecerunt eum , illatis certatìm crebris ictibus . For the second of them ; Domitian ; whom Eusebius affirmeth , to haue bin the true successor of Nero , for his impietie , and Theomachie : and who ( as Aurelius Victor reporteth ) more Caligulae , Dominum se , Deúmque vocari , coegit : Who , like impious Caligula , commanded himselfe to be called , both Lord , and God : but with the same successe . For , as he was an imitator of Caligula's impiety : so was he likewise his successor in his misery : being murthered ( as hee was ) by his owne seruants , and slaine , with no fewer , then with seauen deadly wounds . And this was the end of that immortall god . For the third of them , Maximinus , a perfect aemulus of the bloody King Antiochus , both in the impiety of his life , and in the misery of his death ; I haue largely extended that parallel betweene them , in many points of the comparison : both of them being strucken with most horrible sicknesses ; and both of them confessing , the stroke to be Gods. Onely , with this note of difference , that this Maximinus , before his loathsome sicknesse , by which hee lost his life , was strucken from heauen with lightning ; by which hee lost his eyes . And this ( as Eusebius affirmeth ) was the stroke of Gods iustice . That he , who before had burned out the eyes of many faithfull Christians , should now himselfe haue his owne eyes burnt out . And for the fourth of them , Iulian ; whose infamy will neuer die , for his blasphemy against Christ , and crueltie against Christians : he was very strangely killed , in his warre against the Persians ; being sodainly strucken with an vncertaine hand , but yet making a certaine wound . Peraduentnre by one , who , in his simplicitie , shot his arrow at randon ; not purposing , either to hurt him , or to hitte him ( as it fell out in Ahab , another profane King : ) but , without peraduenture , God directing the shooter , and leuelling the shotte , at his owne appointed marke : which hee failed not to hit , and to strike home , so sure , that ( as Abishai sayd ) hauing strucken himonce , he neede to strike him no more . And so there he died , directly ascribing his death vnto Christ : as before I haue obserued . 4 And diuers such like fearefull iudgements , do euen the Heathens themselues report , to haue hapned vnto Atheists : as may euidently be seene , in all those men , whom before I haue reckoned vp , by their names ; as infamed in their writings , for the principallest Atheists . For the first of whom , Protagoras ; though his fault were nothing else , but a seeming to doubt , whether there were a God ? yet , euen that scepticall impiety , escaped not the censure , of the Areopagitae ; but , by their decree , receiued the punishment , not onely of infamie , but also of banishment ; they sentencing , that his bookes should be publikely burned , and himselfe perpetually exiled . Yea , and where humane punishment left him , there diuine ouertooke him . For sayling ouer the sea , in the time of his banishment , he was by it deuoured , and swallowed vp . For the second of them , Di●goras : who is noted , as one of the principallest Atheists , in the writings , not onely of Christians , but of Heathens . He , in his impietie , was so publike , and notorious , that hee was not onely condemned , but also proscribed , by the people of Athens : Who propounded a Talent , vnto any man , that should kill him ; and two , vnto any , that could bring him forth aliue . Which punishment , though , at that time , hee escaped by flight ; yet could he not escape from the punishment of God. No flight could saue him from it . For , hee attempting diuers times to haue taken the Sea , it euer , vpon his first entring into it , grew so raging and violent , that hee still was forced againe to forsake it . Vntill , at last , he aduenturing , and putting all vnto the hazard , to auoid the ●ruelty of his fierce pursuers ; he ( as Protagoras before ) was swallowed vp of the waues : God taking his punishment , into his owne hands . For this , euen Athenacus obserueth , as the worke of Gods Iustice , inflicting due punishment vpon his vngodlinesse . Yea , and Tully reporteth , that , when hee was in the tempest , and before hee was drowned ; those that were in the shippe with him , obiected it vnto him , that it was for his vngodlinesse , that that tempest so afflicted them : ( euen as in a like case , the Saylers obiected it , vnto the Prophet Ionas . ) And though for the present , he turned it off , with a scoffe ; yet he payd for that profanenesse , with the losse of his life : All the rest of the Company , being punished by God , for one Atheists impiety . A thing , which so commonly falleth out , that ( as Xenophon obserueth ) all men , in their sayling , desire , for their Companions , to haue rather religious persons , then Atheists . Qui nauigationem eligunt , cum pijs potiùs eligere solent , qu●m cum ijs , qui impium aliquid perpetrârunt . And they doe wisely in it ; lest through other mens impietie , they bee punished for company : as it fell out , both with Ionas , and Diagoras . Whereas , on the contrary , S. Pauls pietie preserued all his Companie . For the third of them , Theodorus ; who , for his notable profanenes , was surnamed Atheos , as ( before him ) was Diagoras : he , for that his impietie , being questioned publiquely , was , by the sentence of the Iudges , both condemned , and executed ; being forced to drinke a cup of deadly wine , as it is in the Psalme . For , that was the punishment appointed by their Lawes , for the death of such profane and impious persons : That they , which had made others drinke in the poyson of their wicked opinions , should themselues , by drinking poyson end their owne wicked liues . For the fourth of them , Socrates ; though he were a man , so rare and excellent , for all morall vertues , that he is said to be the first , that euer called Philosophie downe out of heauen , and brought it to bee familiar , and to conuerse among men : yet , because his morall vertue was not seasoned with the Theologicall vertue of true Piety ; but , that hee was esteemed ( though falsely ) to be a derider of all the Gods ; the same Law , which before had seazed on Theodorus , tooke hold likewise on him : and sentenced him to the same condemnation , whom it held to be guilty of the same crime . And so , hee drinking of the very same Cup , did end his life also with a draught of poyson . Now , if any man do thinke , that the iudgments of those forenamed persons , are not rightly ascribed , to bee the iudgments of God ; because they were pronounced , by the mouth of men ; he is greatly deceiued , in his opinion . For ( as the Prophet Moses very truly affirmeth ) The iudgment is the Lords , whose soeuer the mouth be . He ( as the Psalmist testifieth ) not onely standeth among the Gods ; but also iudgeth among the Gods : as not onely present with them , but also president among them . So that , though their iudgement was framed in the Councell of men ; yet was it decreed by the counsell of God. He it was , that decreed the sentence , though he appointed the mouth of a man to pronounce it . The same God , who gaue the sentence ; that , that Blasphemer should be executed , among the Iewes ; was he , that gaue the sentence , that Theodorus , and the rest , should likewise be executed among the Athenians . So that , though they died by the iudgement of man ; yet died they , not without the iudgment of God. But , to proceede with the rest . For the fifth of them , Epicurus : though he denied Gods prouidence , yet he died not without Gods prouidence : but had such a death befallen him , as was most repugnant vnto his opinion . For , whereas he placed his whole felicity in pleasure ; he ended his dayes in most miserable torture ; being tormented in the Bladder , for foureteene dayes together . For the easing of which paine , he so excessiuely dranke wine , that thereof he died drunken : as Laertius testifieth in his funerall Epigram . — sitientiùs hausit Suaue merum : hinc Stygias cbrius ●ausit aquas . Whilst he sweete wine full fast did swallow downe : The Stygian Lake his drunken soule did drowne . And so , as he liued like a Swine , he died like a Swine : wallowing in all fi●thy pleasure in his life , and dying drunken at his death . For the sixth of them , Bion , a great derider of the gods : he was smitten with a very grieuous , and a most painefull sicknesse . Of which , after many paineful remedies attempted in vain , hee finally died in extreame paine and torture : ascribing all his torments to bee Gods most iust vengeance , for his former vngodlinesse . For the seuenth of them , Pherecides ; who boasted himselfe in the presence of his Schollers , That though he neuer offered vnto any of the gods , yet would he leade as happy , and as pleasant a life , as those that should sacrifice their fattest H●catombs : he vpon this his vaine-glorious and blasphemous ostentation , was suddainely strucken with a most horrible sicknesse ; so grieuous and so loathsome , that he was faine to auoyd the society of men , and to shut vp himselfe ( as it were ) in a close prison . So that , whenas any of his friends resorted to visite him , he was growne so deformed , and so ashamed of himselfe , that he would neuer be seene of them . But when they called to him , and inquired of his health ; he would shew them his finger through the rift of a doore , most miserably consumed and eaten vp with lice : and then tell them that his whole body was iust in the same case . And this , AElian reproteth as the iust vengeance of God , inflicted vpon him for his former impiety and irreligion . And , for the eighth of them , Dionysius ; it is true , that hee was a most impious and notorious Atheist : and that he had not onely sacrilegiously despoyled , but ( that which is worse ) irreligiously derided all the sorts of their gods , not sparing euen Iupiter himselfe . And it is also true , that hee was so prosperous , and so fortunate in his wickednesse , that he was neuer punished , neither by fire , nor sword , nor sicknesse , by any of the gods ; though he had blasphemed them all . In so much , that Tullie pleadeth his prosperity in his impiety , as a notable instance against diuine prouidence : insinuating , that if there had bin any , it would surely haue reuenged such sacriledge and blasphemy . But yet , for all that , Valerius Maximus obserueth , that his prophanesse scaped not , but had his due punishment : which fell vpon it , in the time of his Sonne , though it did not in his owne . Tame●si debita supplicia non exoluit ; dedecore , tamen filij , mortuus poenas rependit quas viuus effugerat : He sustained that punishment after his death , which he escaped in his life , and had it payd home in the person of his Sonne , which fell not immediately vpon his owne person . For , his Sonne being driuen out of his Kingdome , and carried away ( as a Captiue ) to Corinthus , was forced to liue there ( as a priuate man ) inglorious : and in the end , to take vpon him , the teaching of a Schoole , for lacke of better ●●intanance . From which , he being also expelled for his notable tyranny and plagosity ; he was forced ( for his last shift ) in most contemptible manner , to beg his liuing from dore to dore , with a Pipe and a Taber . Now , what death , or what torment could haue possibly beene so bitter vnto that olde Tyrant , as to see this great misery of his Sonne , if he could haue fore-seene it . No drowning , no burning , no rotting , of any of all the fore-named Atheists , could haue beene so grieuous vnto his owne person , as this great calamity , which fell out vnto his owne Sonne . For , it is the heauiest of all Gods heauy punishments , when he visiteth the iniquity of the fathers vpon the children , especially in the next generation . And such eminent calamity of the children , doth Aristotle himselfe affirme to be effectuall , if not euacuate , yet greatly to shake the felicity of their Parents , euen after their deathes . So that , none of al the fore-named Atheists escaped the stroke of Gods reuenging hand ; but all of them haue died such miserable deathes , as were due vnto their wicked and vngodly liues . Now , when God striketh men with such vntimely and vnnaturall deathes , that they be not permitted to liue out their dayes , it is a great argument of his wrath : as the Prophet Moses , in this very case concludeth : If these men dye the common death of all men ; or , if they bee visited after the visitation of all men ; the Lord hath not sent me . But , if the Lord make a new thing , and the earth open her mouth , and swallow them vp , with all that they haue , and they goe downe quicke into the pit ; then yee shall vnderstand , that these men men haue prouoked the Lord. Concluding , that their strange and vncouth death , is , not onely the worke of God , but the worke of his wrath . Yea , and Plutarch ( vpon the like occasion ) insinuateth the same . For he noteth it , as the iudgement of God , not onely vpon Tullus Hostilius ( who was an open Atheist ) but also vpon all those other his Successors , that were wicked Kings ; thar , Nullus eorum obijt , secundùm Naturae leges : That none of them had their deathes according to Natures lawes . Which may , much more generally be affirmed of Atheists , then of any other sort of vniust and wicked persons : that none of them doe die faire and naturall deathes ; but all violent and vnnaturall . By which immediate iudgements of God , falling downe so certainely , and so directly vpon the heads of Atheists , more then vppon any other wicked ones ; yea , and so generally too , vpon euery one of them , without all exception ; God doth much more effectually prooue himselfe to be , in the euidence of those workes ; then all the Atheists in the world can prooue God not to be , by the efficacy of their words . 5 But , here it may be obiected , that diuers of those men , whom I here condemne of Atheisme , and produce , as examples of Gods wrath against Atheists , haue bene heretofore , by my selfe excused , and proued to be no Atheists indeed : howsoeuer in the receiued opinion , they were commonly so esteemed . Whereby it may be thought , that either there or here , I haue done wrong vnto the truth . For , if they were not Atheists ; why were they by God punished ? If they were indeed Atheists ; why were they by me excused ? For the better remoouing of which semblance of contradiction , I answer ; that mine excusing them in that place , was not simply to free them from all those degrees of Atheisme , which God might in iustice punish ; but onely to free them from that highest degree of Atheisme , which in the vulgar opinion was imputed vnto them : Namely , from being such desperate and obdured Atheists , as simply & constantly denied there was any God. For , it is very true , which Plato affirmeth , that there was neuer in the world any such kinde of Atheist ; but that , All of those who denied God in the beginning , yet still confessed him in the end . And that therein he held a very true opinion , I plainely exemplified , by all those knowne Atheists , that haue beene most noted and branded for such : who haue all of them , at sometime , and some of them , at all times acknowledged some gods : notwithstanding they denied the gods of their owne countries ; to be truly gods . So that , mine excusing of them , was not , to free them a toto , but a tanto . Not to free them vniuersally , from the whole sinne of Atheisme ; ( which hath a great latitude , and is a body consisting of many parts and members : as I purpose , God willing , hereafter to make plaine ) but to free them from the crime of denying all gods ; which is the highest pitch , and ( as it were ) the ●ead of it . And yet , euen this also , not by peremptorie assertion , but by probable collection , onely out of those heads of their accusations , which haue beene most inforced against them , by their enemies . Now , though they were not guilty of this highest degree of Atheisme , in generally & obstinately denying all gods : yet might they be guilty of many other inferior degrees of Atheisme ; for which God might iustly punish them : and , by their example , teach others to beware of them . For , as it followeth not , on the one side , that , because they denied their false gods , that therefore they must needs denie the true God too : so followeth it not , on the other side , that , because they denied their false gods , they must needs confesse the true . For first , they might denie their false gods to be Gods ; and yet neuer seeke further to finde out any other , vpon a meere dulnesse , & negligence of Religion . And so liue , without any opinion at all of God. At the least , for the most part , though totally they could not . As those men , of whom the Apostle speaketh , that they were , without any God in the world . Which is a priuatiue kind of Atheisme ▪ ●or which , God might as iustly punish those Heathens , as he did his owne people , whom he suffered to perish , for their lack of knowledge . Secondly , they might deny their false gods ; & yet therewithall , deny the true God too . Which is a positiue kind of Atheisme ; by hauing an opinion There is no God : as the ●ormer was a priuatiue ; by hauing no opinion , That there is a God. Of which sort of Atheists , the Prophet Dauid speaketh , when he telleth vs , that , The Foole saith in his heart , There is no God. Which wicked opinion , though none of them all can constantly maintaine , but hold it weakly and infirmely & with many interruptions : yet might God ( euen for this impiety ) as iustly punish them as he did that blasphemer , who offended but in passion . And , thogh diuers of those Atheists , whom before I haue named , haue both repented , & recanted ; wherby they might diuert the seuerity of Gods iudgement : yet might ether their repentance be too weake to turne away the decree of their punishment ; as King Ahabs was : or it might come too late ; as Antiochus his did : or , they might , for the present submit & confesse ; and yet afterward returne vnto their former wickednesse ; as King Pharaoh did . All whom , notwithstanding their former confessions , yet he iusty punished , for their former blasphemies . Thirdly , they might denie their false gods , and seeke about for another ; and yet not hit vpon the right : because they sought him no , wthere they should , that is , in his owne most holy and sacred word . As Athenagoras obserueth of the Poets , and Philosophers . Deum inquirere , tanqu●m inventuri , nimia de se fiducia , conati sunt : non tamen illum vel reperire , vel animi cogitatione complecti potuerunt . Et meritò quidem : Quòd Dei notitism , non ab ipso peterent Deo , sed intra se quisque cum disquireret . The Poets and Philosophers did , ●●th of them , seeke God , praesuming that they could not misse him . But yet , indeed they could not finde him , no nor vnderstand him neither . Because they sought not the knowledge of God , by God ; but onely by confidence ▪ in themselues . So that ( as Lactantius hath very well obserued ) It was easier for them , to discerne their owne gods to be false , then it was , to finde out , who was the true . Tullius dissoluit publicas religiones : sed tamen veram , quam ignorabat , nec ipse , nec alius quisquam introducere potuit . Vt ipse testatus est : Falsum quidem app●rere , veritatem autem latere . Tullie ( saith hee ) could dissolue the false religions : but yet , hee could not finde out the true ; neither hee himselfe , nor yet any other of them : because it was vnto them vnknowne . Insomuch that be professeth , That falshood still appeareth , but Truth alwayes lurketh . Fourthly , they might ( in some degree ) finde out the true God , and yet ascribe his works vnto other false gods : as the Heathen did , the ruling of the heauens vnto their Iupiter ; of the Sunne , vnto Apollo ; of the Seas vnto their Neptune ; and , as the Israelites themselues did , their deliuerance , vnto their Golden Calfe . Which their dishonoring of him , he punished , with the death of about three thousand of them . And might therefore , as iustly , punish the same sinne , in the Heathen . Fiftly , they might denie their owne false gods , to be gods ; and yet accept of others , as false . As we may plainely see , in Socrates : who openly denied the Athenian gods ; and yet beleeued his owne familiar spirit , to be a god , which was , indeed , but a Diuell . Now , this was not to renounce his false Religion : but to exchange one false Religion for another , wherein , his latter impietie , was greater then his former . For which exchange of superstition , euen Plut●rch pronounceth of Tullus Hostilius ; that he was iustly destroyed , by lightning . Sixtly , they might denie their false gods , for a time ; and yet relapse vnto them againe . As Socrates againe did . Who , notwithstanding his former denying of all the Athenian gods : yet at his death , commanded a Cock to be offered for him , vnto Aesculapius . All these wayes ( and many more ) might those men be impious , against the true God ; though they both denied , and derided their false gods . For the least of all which manifold impieties , God might , in his iustice , take vengeance vpon them , as vpon the true Enemies of his true Religion : though they were not in the highest degree of Atheisme . And therefore , there is no wrong done , neither vnto the truth , in excusing them , from some degree of Atheisme ; nor yet vnto Gods Iustice , in punishing them , for other some . CHAP. 16. That the generall Consent of all men , in agreeing so fully , That there is a God ; is an infallible Argument , That there is one , indeed . 2. That , to this end , it is alledged by those Authors , that haue obserued it . 3. In making it , The Law of Nature . 4. In making Consent , a Symptome of Truth , in all things . 5. In making it , the chiefest Argument , that can be brought in this Cause . THE maine purpose of this first booke , is , to proue , There is a God : yet , neither by the view of his workes ; nor by the voyce of his word : but onely , by that inward praenotion , and perswasion , which nature hath implanted in the minde of euery man ; That a God ( surely ) there is . A Lesson , not taught from one man to another , but imprinted in all of them , by the same common nature . It is ( as the Orator asseuereth , in another like matter ) Non scripta , sed nata lex ; quam non ●idicimus , accepimus , legimus ; verùm ex ipsa Natura arripuimus , ●●usimuo , expressimus . It is not a Law , that is written in Tables ; but a Law , that is originally begotten within vs. A Law , which we haue , neither learned , nor receiued , nor read ; but which , by very Nature , we haue inwardly bred . A Law , as largely diffused into the hearts of all men , as the very humane nature is communicated vnto them . For ( as I haue formerly declared ) there is not any Nation , neither Greeke , nor Barbarian , neither Christian , nor Heathen , but that they haue their God ; their Priests , their Temples , their Altars , their Sacrifices , and other such like naturalls of Religion . And yet , all these , so differing one of them from another , that it euidently appeareth , that none of them haue learned their Religion , from their Neighbours ; neither by institution , nor yet by imitation : but onely erected it of themselues , from these two generall grounds of Nature : That there is a God ; and , That hee is to be worshipped . Againe , that , as there is no Nation of men , in the world : so be there no men of any condition , in the world , but that they haue their God : neither superior , nor inferior ; Magistrate , nor Subiect ; learned , nor vnlearned : as I haue largely declared , by particular instance , both of Poets , Lawgiuers , Philosophers , and Artizanes . Nay , yet againe , that , there is no particular person , in the world , but , in some degree or other , at some time or other , he beleeueth , There is a God : yea euen those men , that doe seeme the most to contemne him : Swearers , Blasphemers , & Idolaters . Nay , euen the very Atheists themselues , who make it their profession , to professe , There is no God : yet do euidently enough confesse him , in their deedes ; though they deny him , in their words . They doe really confesse him ; both by that excessiue selfe-loue , whereby they idolize themselues ; and by that inward feare , which they haue of another God , aboue themselues . Yea , and sometimes they are driuen to confesse him in words too : and openly , both to acknowledge and to renounce their former vngodlinesse . Finally , that , though none of all the Atheists should euer haue confessed God ; neither verbally , nor really ; neither directly , nor indirectly : yet that God , who is faithfull , and cannot deny himselfe , he confesseth himselfe , by those remarkeable , and exemplarie punishments , which he notoriously and constantly inflicteth vpon Atheists ; more euidently , then vpon any other sort of Offenders : Thereby , euen proclaiming himselfe , both to be , and to be vnto the Atheist , a professed enemy . So that , there is no part of all the vniuersall , from God vnto the Deuill , but that it proclameth God : no part of nature so disordered , or distorted , but that in this one point it retaineth his rectitude , to beleeue there is a God. Yea , euen the Deuills themselues , in whom the greatest auersion is . Which admirable consent of all the parts of the world together , in this one position , more then in any other , hath beene noted and obserued , almost by all the learned : as I haue formerly declared . 2 In which their allegation , this may further be obserued ( which I haue purposely reserued , for the close of this first Booke ) that the Authors there alledged , haue not onely related it historically , that such a generall consent there is , in beleeuing that there is a God : but they haue also pleaded it logically , as a good and a sound Argument , to proue , that therefore there is one indeed : inferring the truth of the thing so beleeued , from the vniuersalitie of mens consent , in beleeuing it . In which their probation , we may obserue this Gradation , consisting of three degrees . First , that they affirme this generall consent , and agreement of all men , without the dissent of any man whosoeuer , to be the very voice of nature . Secondly , that they affirme , a generall consent , in any other matter whatsoeuer it be , to be a good Argument of the truth . And thirdly , that they affirm , that in this particular truth , which is questioned by the Atheist , it is the strongest Argument , that can be brought to proue it . 3 For the first steppe of which Climax , That this generall consent of all men , in beleeuing There is a God ; is not , either any casuall , and accidentall agreement ; nor any politike composition , made by mutuall stipulation : but the simple and vncorrupted voice of nature , working alike in al men , and speaking vnto them , with one and the same tongue , though they be of diuers tongues , it is expressely affirmed , by diuers learned Authors ; both Philosophers , and Diuines ; both Heathens , and Christians . Tully saith expressely , that , Omnium consensus , est Naturae vox : That the consent of all men , is the voyce of Nature . Nay further that it is , not onely the voice of Nature , pronouncing ; but also , the very Law of Nature , prescribing . Omní in re , consensio omnium Gentium , Lex Naturae putanda est : The generall consent of all Nations , in all matters , is to be reputed for none other , then for the very Law of Nature . Which generall definition , hee pronounceth in that place , vpon this particular occasion , that , Omnes , esse vim , & Naturam divinam , arbitrantur ; That all men generally hold , That there needs must be a God. Yea , and in another place , hee reckoning vp the parts of the Law of Nature , he instanceth Religion , to be the very first of them . Naturae ius est , quod nobis non opinio , sed quaedam innata vis asserat : vt , Religionem , Pietatem , Gratiam , &c. The law of nature is that , which is not implanted into vs , by other mens opinion ; but begotten in vs , by an inward sense of our owne : as Religion towards God ; Piety , towards our Parents ; and thankfulnes , towards our Benefactors . Where he maketh religion , to be more natural vnto vs , then that naturall loue , which we owe vnto our parents . Yea , and so likewise doth Xenophon . Lex apud omn●s homines vnaest , & prima , vt Deos colas : & , vt Parentes item honores . This is one general Law , among al men , and the first of all , To worship the Gods ; and to honour our Parents . Where he also maketh Religion towards God , the very first branch of the Law of Nature ; and Piety towards our Parents , but the second . Yea , and in another place , he inferreth , that , because it is of the Law of Nature , it is also a truth . An tu putas , opinionem hominibus a Dijs innatam fuisse ? Sufficientes eos ad benè vel malè agendumesse , si non essent sufficientes ? Ac arbitraris , homines perpetuò deceptos nunqu●m sensisse ? Doe you thinke that the Gods would euer haue implanted this opinion into the mindes of men , that they are of power to doe both good and euill , if they 〈◊〉 not of such power ? Or can you once imagine , that men should ser euer in this point be deceiued , and yet neuer finde their error ? Conclu●ing , that because it is an inbred opinion , that therefore it is a truth . And the rather , because no man , as yet , could euer proue it false . Neither is this the iudgement only of Heathen Philosophers , but also of diuers of the learnedest Christian Fathers . Tertullian saith , that Ipsum Deum , secundùm naturam , priùs novimus : Our first knowledge of God , is by the inward teaching and instruction of Nature . Which therein hath lessoned vs so perfectly , that , as he there addeth , in another like matter : Quaeres igitur Dei legem habens communem istam in publico mundi , in naturalibus Tabulis ? We neede not to seeke it in the law of God : we may reade it so plainely in the law of the world , in the naturall tables of our hearts . Inferring in the Chapter following , Agnoscant interim Naturae authoritatem , communis parentis nomine : Let them therefore acknowledge the authority of Nature , as of their common Mother . Insinuating , that this lesson , is of her first teaching . So likewise Gr●gorie Nazianzene , Esse Deum , cùm ipse nos asp●ctus , tum Naturae lex , docet : That there is a God , not onely the visible sight of our eyes ; but also the very law of Nature , doth teach vs. So likewise , Lactantius . Naturalis legis caput primum est , ipsum Deum nósse : The very first Chapter of the law of Nature , is to know , There is a God. Yea , & this law of nature is so largely diffused , that it is infused euen into very Beasts : as God himselfe professeth . Yea , and as Xenocrates Carthaginensis also confesseth ; Qui non omn● spem abiecit , quìn et●ā in rationis expertibus animantibus , sit Dei notitia : He was not without some hope , but that , euen the brute beasts had some knowledge of a God. So that he stretcheth this Law of Nature , to as large an extent , as the Emperour Iustinian doth in his Institutions : who saith , that Ius naturale , non est humani generis proprium , &c. He maketh the law of Nature not to be a law peculiar vnto the nature of man ; but to be a common law , vnto euery liuing thing : as the naturall coniunction of male and female , the procreation of young , and such like . Vnto which extended signification of the law of Nature , yet this first head of it , concerning the knowledge of God , extendeth it selfe no lesse , then those his named instances . Nay , indeed much further ; as Proclus affirmeth . For he saith , that not onely things indued with life , but also things without life , haue euery one , in his kinde , not onely a knowledge , but also an acknowledgement of God ; vnto whom they all doe sing with such a voyce , as he hath giuen them . Cuncta pr●cantur , hymnòsque con●inunt , ad ordinis sui ducem ; alia , intellectuali modo ; alia , ration●li ; alia , sensiti●o ; alia , naturali . All things doe both pray and sing vnto their Captaine , and to the Author of their order . Some , after an intellectuall kinde and manner , as Angels ; some , after a reasonable , as Men ; some , after a sensible , as Beasts ; and some after a naturall , as insensible Creatures . Yea , and the three Children , in their Song , allude vnto the same : when they call , not onely vpon a Angels , b Men , and c Beasts ; but also vpon the d Heauens , the e Stars , the ● Winds , the g Waters , the h Hils , and the Mountaines , to bl●sse the Name of the Lord , to prayse him , and to magnifie him for euer . Yea , and the Prophet Dauid doth also the very same . Yea , and euen the very Diuells themselues ( as the Apostle Iames teacheth ) doe not onely beleeue God , but also tremble at him , Yea , and as S. Mathew testifieth , They doe also confesse him . Which though they do not willingly or purposely to honor him , yet doe they therein ( though vnwillingly ) honor him . So that this law of Nature is so forcible in euery creature , that it compelleth all of them to acknowledge their Creator ; yea , euen those that are the most vnwilling to doe it ; the Deuill , and the Atheist . Now , how commeth this law of Nature to be so forcible in them , as to be able to inforce them ? Surely , onely by that reason which Zeno hath alledged , that The Law of Nature is the very Law of God : Naturalem legem , esse Diuinam . This is that which compelleth them to confesse him : That he hath giuen it for a law vnto all his creatures , which they cannot passe : euen from the very Angels vnto the very Dragons : yea , euen to the great red Dragon . This then is the first collection , from this so generall a consent , in beleeuing There is a God ; that it is nothing else , but that Law of Nature , which God hath imposed vpon euery creature ; that they shall in some degree , both know him and confesse him . And to this very purpose it is alledged , by the forenamed Authours . 4 Now , as the forenamed Authours haue esteemed of his so full a consent , in beleeuing There is a God , to be a branch of the Law of Nature , and consequently an infallible truth : so haue diuers others collected it to bee a truth ; because there is so full a consent in it . The former sort , deducing the Consent from the Truth ; and the second sort , arguing the Truth from the Consent . For the same Nature which doth Nihil facere frustrà , it doth also , Nihil dicere frustra too . For , Nullius rei vel sine causa est ortus , vel sine ratione praenotio : as Plutarch truely affirmeth , There is no generation , without a cause ; nor no praenotion , without a reason . So that , Nature neither saith , nor doth any thing in vaine . And therefore , if Nature say , That there is a God , it is not vainely said : but there is surely one indeed . Now , that which all men affirme , they say it not of themselues ; but it is Nature that saith it in them . For , as I haue shewed out of the Romaine Orator , Consensus omnium , est Naturae vox : The Consent of all men , is the voyce of Nature in them . And therefore many learned Authors , both of Heathens and Christians , doe reckon such Consent , to be alwayes a concomitant of the truth : yet not following after it , as an ordinary seruitor ; but going before it , as a Gentleman Vsher. For , it followeth not , that such a thing is true , and therefore there is a generall Consent in it . But it followeth , There is in such a thing a generall Consent : and therefore it is true . For as Aristotle obserues : Quod vniversis videtur , id , esse , dicimus . That which all men affirme , is taken of all men , to be true and firme . And , in another place , he ascribeth as much certainety to Consent , as vnto any thing , that hath bene found to be true , by experiment . Quod omnes aut plures autumant , adducit homines , vt existiment , hoc ipsum dici , tanquam vsu perceptem , aut experimento cognitum : That which all , or the greatest part of men , doe beleeue , may iustly be beleeued , to haue beene found ( vpon triall ) an experimented truth . Yea , and in another place , he citeth the testimony of the ancient Poet Hesiodus , vnto the same purpose , Quam populi celebrant , omninò fama perire Nulla potest — What all men speake , and Fame doth crowne , That cannot easily be layd downe . And therefore is not likely , to haue beene rashly tak●n vp . Certus abest Author ; sed vox hoc nuncia● omnis . Credo tibi , verum dicere ▪ Fama , soles : saith another to like purpose . There is a constant rumor runn's ; Ye● want's a certaine 〈◊〉 . But , Fame , thou vsest to speake truth : I credit thee , the r●ther . Now , if a common fame be such an Argument of the truth , which many men divulge against their inward perswasion : then , how much more is the inward perswasion it selfe , when it is vniuersall , and begotten in the minde , not by any outward fame , but by a naturall inward worki●g ? As it is in this perswasion ; That there is a God. Here , the perswasion groweth not out of the fame ; but the fame out of the perswasion . And yet , is the fame as large as the perswasion : as Aristotle , in plaine words , doubteth not to affirme . Vetus est fame , & quidem haereditaria , mortalium omnium ; Vniuersa , a Deo , & per Deum , nobis esse constitu●a . It is both an an●ient , and a natur●ll fame , vniuersally diffused into the mindes of all men ; that from God , and by God , proceedeth all our good . Alledging this vniuersalitie of consent , to be a good argument , of the vndoubted truth of it . The same Philosopher defineth that to be probable , which seemeth to be true , either vnto all men , or to the most men , or , at the least , vnto wise men . Probabilia sunt , quae aut omnibus aut pluribus , aut sapientibus videntur . Then , must that needs be more then probable ; Quod , & omnibus , & pluribus , & sapientibus videtur : as this doth , That there is a God. This can be thought no lesse then a necessarie truth . For ( as Seneca obserueth ) Multum dare solemus praesumptioni omnium hominum . Veritas argumentum est , idem omnibus videri . Wee vse to ascribe much vnto a generall perswasion . It is an argument of a truth , to seeme a truth vnto all men . Nay , it is more then an argument of a Truth . It is ( as Tullie too affirmeth ) a very necessarie truth . De quo omnes consentiunt , id verum esse necesse est : That , whereon all men are agreed , that must needs be true indeed . Neither doe these Heathen men onely , giue this great ascription , vnto the consent of all men : but diuers Christian Diuines , doe also the very same . Chrysostome saith , that it is Grande indicium veritatis , cùm vnoore idem pronuncient . It is a great argument of the truth , when many doe speake the same . things , with one mouth . Pleading this , for the consent , euen of the Holy Euangelists : and out of their consent , concluding their truth , as by a firme Argument . And Hierom saith likewise , that , Etiam si Scr●pturae authoritas non subest ; tamen orbis consensus instar praecepti obtin●● . That though there ●e no expresse warrant of Scripture , yet the consent of the world , is as good as a praecept . Which , though hee there pronounce , in the person of an Heretike : yet in the person of the Orthodox , he doth not reuoke ; confirming by his silence , what he reproues not by his speech . So great an estimation , ●aue all learned men ascribed , vnto the consenting of all men . Yea , and diuers of them haue beene so zelous , in defending it , that they set a stigma , and a note vpon all that impugne it . Aristotle censureth them , to be a carping and captious kinde of men , who loue to reproue all othere mens opinions , and yet can bring ●o better themselues . Qui fidem [ consensus ] tollit , non valde probabiliora dicet . Tullie goeth a steppe further , and passeth an harder censure ; imputing v. to them not boldnesse , but malipertnesse . For , though he were one of the Academikes himselfe , who chalenged vnto themselues a Libertie of speaking , both for and against euery thing : yet de●●ieth hee , euen to Academikes the libertie of speaking against Consent : pronouncing that , to be , not libertie or and a citie , but petulancie and procacie . Tum demùm mihi procax Academia vid ▪ b●tur , fi omnes consenserint : Yea , and Caecilius censureth it , to be such a kinde of boldnes , as he cannot so much as thinke on , without great impatience . Cùm omnium Gentium , de Dijs immortalibus , quanvìs incerta sit vel ratio , vel origo ; maneat tamen firma consensio ; neminem fero , tanta audacia , tamque irreligiose , nescio qua prudentia , tumescentem , qui hanc religionem , tam vetustam , tam vtilem , tam salubrem , dissoluere , aut infirmare nitatur . Seeing there is a generally receiued opinion of God , through all the nations of the world , wherein the consent of them all is most certaine ; though both the reas●n , and originall thereof , be vncertaine ; the boldnesse of those men is not to be indured , nor their profanesse to be suffered , who ( swelling with an opinion of th●ir owne proper wisedome ) dare presume , to impugne so ancient , so profitable , and so wholsome a Religion . Clemens Alexandrinus taxeth those men ( which consent not with all other men , in this generall and naturall beleefe of a God ) to be not insolent , or malipert ; but to be plainely impudent : and sayth , that they doe , Omnem exuere pudorem , aduerùs veritatem . And Zacharias Mytilenensis , hee censureth them , to be no better then mad-men . Commun●m omnium sententiam destruere , est dementissimum . To impugue the common opinion of all men , is the action of a Mad-man . Thus you see , how great Authoritie , all learned antiquitie doth ascribe vnto Consent ; and how tender they be ouer it , making it so certaine an Argument of truth , that they cannot brooke any man , that doth seeke to oppose it . 5 Now , as this generall Consent of all men , is an Argument of truth , in euery other thing : so is it most of all , in this our present Question . To proue , There is a God. For though many other Arguments may be brought ●o confirme it ; and so be , by learned Writers , both of Heathens , and Christians : yet is none of them all , of greater weight , and importance . Tullie saith , that , Firmissimum hoc afferri videtur , cur Deos esse credamus ; quòd nulla gens tam fera , nemo omnium tam sit immanis , cu●us mentem non imbuerit Deorum opinio . This is the strongest reason , why all men should beleeue , that there is a God ; because all men doe beleeue it : And , because there is not any , either Nation so fierce , or Person so sauage , but that his minde is indued , with some opinion of the Gods. And againe in another place . Intelliginecesse est , esse Deos ; quoniam insitas eorum , vel potiùs innatas cognitiones habemus . We must needs beleeue , that therefore there be Gods ; because the opinion of them is so generally ingrafted , or rather indeed inbred in our mindes . And againe , in the same place . Esse igitur Deos , consitendum est : — quoniam ferè constat inter om●es , non Philosophos solùm , s●d etiam indoctos . Wee must needs confesse , that therefore there is a God : because , both Philosophers and ignorants doe so generally agree in it . Pressing still this consent , as a good Argument to conclude it . Yea , and Velleius , obseruing , with how great an applause , this naturall anticipation , and presumption of a God , was receiued and vrged by all the Philosophers ; hee seeketh cunningly to deriue the whole credit of the first inuention of this Argument , vnto his Maister , the Epicure : affirming , that though diuers other Philosophers had obserued , that a generall consent there is , in beleeuing a God : yet that onely Epicurus was hee , that collected , that this Consent had the force of an Argument , to proue it . Epicurus solus vidit primùm , esse Deos ; quòd , in omnium animis , eorum notionem impressisset ipsa Natura . Other Philosophers , do but onely report , and note this Consent ; that we may know that such a thing there is . But the Epicure notes this of it , that a sound and firme conclusion may be gathered from it . Which , his so strong ambition , to make his Maister , the Epicure , to be the first Author of this subtile inuention , doth euidently shew his great conceite of it ; and how strong , and inuincible an Argument hee thought it . But , Co●●● , the Academike incountereth Velleius , in that his assertion , and will not suffer him to steale away the glory of this Argument , onely vnto Epicurus , from the rest of the Philosophers : which he ascribeth vnto them , as well as vnto him . Commune hoc est argumentum aliorum etiam Philosophorum , This is a common Argument with other Philosophers , as well as with Epicures . And , that he spake no more then the truth in it , we may euidently see in Plato : who , among diuers other arguments , to proue There is a God , nominatìm instanceth , in this generalitie of Consent . O amice , facile est veritatem hanc ostendere ; Quòd Dij sint . — Primùm enìm , Terra , Sol , Sydera , ipsúmque Vniversum ; temporum quoque ornatissima varietas annis men sibusque distincta id ostendunt ; Graecorum praetereà Barbarorúmque omnium Consensus , Deos esse fatentium . It is easie ( my good Friend ) to make euident this truth , That there needes must bee a God : The Earth sheweth it , the Sunne sheweth it , the Starres sheweth it , the World sheweth it , the most beautifull varietie of times and of seasons , of yeares and of moneths sheweth it : And , the generall Consent both of Greeke ; and Barbarians , confessing a God , that likewise sheweth it . Where it euidently appeareth , that he not onely reporteth , that there is a Consent , both of Greekes and Barbarians , that There is a God : but also , from thence collecteth , that therefore there is one indeede : pressing this Consent , as a principal Argument , which proueth the truth of it . And the same wee may likewise see , in all those other Authors , whom before I haue alledged to be the Reporters of this general Consent ; that al of them intend it , to this only end , to vrge it as an argument , to proue , There is a God. So then ▪ the whole sum of this first book , may be contracted into this short Syllogisme : That , which hath at all times , and in all places bene beleeued of all men , that cannot possibly be false , but needs must be a Truth . But , That there is a God , hath at al times , and in all places bin beleeued of al men . Ergo , this cannot be false , but must needes be a Truth . The Maior is proued to be true , because , The Consent of all men is the Voice of Nature : which is not the voice of Error . The Minor hath bene proued , through the tract of this whole Booke . And therefore , the Conclusion cannot be denied . The End of the first Booke . The second Booke : Of the Grounds of Arts. CHAP. I. That all Arts leade to God. 2. The Metaphysicks , by two Arguments . 3. The first is , the limiting of all finite things : as of naturall Bodies . 4. And of their naturall faculties . 5. And yet not by the Sunne , which it selfe is limited : 6. Both in his working : 7. And in his moouing 8. By the limiting also of ●ll artificiall faculties . 9. And finally , by the limiting of all spirituall Graces . I Haue in the former Booke instructed the Atheist , out of The voyce of Nature ; and proued vnto him , That there is a God , by that naturall perswasion , which is generally begotten in the hearts of all men . Which , like a priuate and domesticall Schoole-master , teacheth the Atheist that Lesson , by a secret suggestion , as it were , the A , B , C , and first elements of Religion . The force and power of which inward instruction , the very Atheist himselfe feeleth sensibly within him . For , there is no Atheist in the world , so obdurate and hardened , but hee is oftentimes inforced to confesse , There is a God. Yea , & that not only against his will , by the stroke of Gods iudgements , which extort an vnwilling confession from him ; but also sometimes , by his will , and of his owne free motion , without any violence or outward compulsion , onely by the force of this inward perswasion . Nay , there is none of them all , so desperately wicked , but that , at some time or other , in some sort or other , he will serue some God , though he pretend to contemne all . Or , if he refuse to serue him ; yet hee cannot chuse but feare him , euen because he serueth him not : as being conscious vnto himselfe , euen by Natures inward lessoning , that his seruice is due vnto him . And that therefore , for his neglect of it , he is subiect to due punishment : which is a reall confession of him , yea , and that a very strong one . Thus forcible an operation , hath this inward voyce of Nature , in the hearts of all men , euen in the wickedest among them . Now , hauing thus , in the former Booke , instructed the Atheist in this first principle of Religion , by the voyce of his owne Nature , as of a domesticall and priuate Instructor : in this Booke I intend to bring him out , a little further , and to send him abroad vnto the Heathen Philosophers , as vnto the Schoole of more publique and expert Teachers . For that , which dame Nature doth but only affirme vpon her bare word , that doe the Philosophers both confirme by reasons , and declare by sensible Demonstrations . And though none of all those Arts , which they inuented , doe purposely propound to intreat of God , as of their proper subiect ; neither any of them haue this our present position [ That there is a God ] for one of their principles , as Theologie hath : Yet is there none of them , but that it affordeth vs some matter or other , from whence we may collect , that there needes must be a God. As we may euidently see , in all the seuerall parts of Philosophie . Let me giue you but a taste of some few , for all the rest : because the Argument is not popular . And therefore , it is but equall , that my stay vpon it should bee the shorter . The instances whereupon I will chiefely insist bee these : Two , out of the Metaphysicks : The bounding and limiting of all finite things ; and the extending of mens app●tites beyond all boundes and limits . Two , out of the Physickes : The first Cause , and , The first Moouer of all naturall things . Two , out of Phisick : Diseases , and their Remedies . Two out of the Politicks : the growing , and decaying of Kingdomes , and Empires . Two , out of the Ethicks : the way to Felicity , and Felicity it selfe . Foure , out of the Mathematicks : Punctum in geometrie ; Vnitas in Arithmeticke ; Ordo in Astronomy ; and Harmonia , in Musick . Finally , there is no Art , neither liberall , nor illiberall ; but it commeth from God , and leadeth to God. And this is the substance and oeconomy of this second booke . 2 Let vs first beginne with the Metaphysicks ; which Aristotle calleth , The first Philosophy , Primam Philosophiam : and so by degrees , descend downe vnto the rest . It affoordeth vs two considerations : from whence wee may collect , euen by the light of nature , that There needes must be a God. The first is , The bounding and limiting of all finite things . The second , The boundlesse and vnlimited appetite of mens soules . 3 For the first of which two points ; look throgh the whole world , & throgh all the sensible bodies , therein contained , & you shal euidently see , that though many of them be great , yet that none of them is infinite : there is none of them so great , as to be without his limit . As euen Aristotle himselfe , both affirmeth and proueth , in his first booke , De Coelo . Where , he plainely and categorically setteth downe this conclusion : Corpus infinitum , in ratione rerum , esse non posse . That it is a thing , contrary to the nature of things , that there should bee any body , without his termes and limits ; No , not euen the body of the vniuersall world it selfe : as , in the conclusion of the same chapter he expressely inferreth . Vniuersi corpus , infinitū esse non posse , ex ijs , quae diximus , patet . Then much lesse can any part of the world be infinite , if the whole be not . Vnlesse we should make the whole to be lesse then his owne part : which were vtterly absurde . And therfore all the parts of the world , must needs be limited , & determined . Let me giue you an instance or two , to this purpose : and that out euen of Aristotle himselfe . Terra in Aqua ; haec , in Acre ; Aer , in Aethere ; Aether , in Coelo est collocatus . Ipsum verò Coelum , nullo in alio corpore est vlteriùs collocatum . The Earth , that is bounded and limited with the Water ; the Water with the Aire ; the Aire , with the Fire ; the fire with the Heauen . The heauen is not bounded , with any further Body . How then is the Heauen bounded , if it be not boundlesse ? Why thus . Euery one of the lower heauens is bounded or limited , by the conca●e , or hollow part of his higher : vntill we come to that , which is the highest of all , and containeth all the rest , being contained of none . And yet , euen that is not without his bounds , but is limited and determined , within his owne conuexe or swelling superficies : as a man is , by his skin●e , or a bubble of water , by his thinne filme . So that , there is not , in Nature , any Body , that is infinite , nor any that is without all limit . To be vnlimited and boundlesse , is onely the Prerogatiue of the Maker of all things : as Prosper very well , and truly obserueth . Nílque adeò magnum est , quod non certus modus arcet . Et Coelum , & Terras , & totum denique mundum , Limes habet . Meta est altis , & meta profundis . Sed nusquam non esse , Dei est : qui totus , vbíque , Et penetrat Mundi membra omnia liber , & ambit . Ther 's nought so vaste , as to be voyd of limit . Both H●au'n , and Earth , and all the world hath bounds . All heights and depths haue termes , is we esteeme it : Height ne're so high , be Depth ne're so pro●ound . Vnlimited , and no where not to be , Agrees to God alone : Who wholy is The whole World through , and euery least part : He Within doth pierce , without doth compasse this . So that , there is not any Body , in Nature , so infinite , but that it is pre●●●ed within some bound and limit . Now , euery finite Body , being thus bounded & limited , it must needs haue had those bounds prescribed vnto it , by some other thing , and not by it selfe . For , euery thing , by nature , being desirous of scope , and seeking to inlarge it selfe , as farre as it is able ; if it had the setting of his owne bounds and limits , it would set none at all ; but would be as infinite , as God himselfe is : who hath the setting of limits vnto all things . And therefore ( as you see ) hath set none vnto himselfe : but is illimitable , and boundlesse . Nullis neque finibus , neque spacijs ●oarctatus : as Saint Hilarie teacheth : Being no way straitned , by any space , or place . And so would it be with all other things too ; if they had the assigning of their owne bounds and limits : they would all of them , be boundlesse . Because all bounds , be like bonds , and like shackles , vnto all things : which they would neuer put vpon them , if they could be without them . For ( as Scaliger well obserueth ) Vnicuique enti , insita est appetitio infinitatis , There is in euery thing , an appetite to make it selfe infinite . The Sea , if it could eate vp the whole Earth , and make all the Globe , Sea ( as it once was ) it would surely do it . For , the waters do desire , to stand aboue the mountaines ; as the Prophet Dauid testifieth . Againe , the Earth , if it could vtterly close vp the Sea , and make all the Globe , dry-land , it would surely doe it ; as Esdras notable expresseth in a witty apologue . I came ( saith he ) into a Forrest , in the plaine , where the Trees held a Councell , and sayd ; Come let vs fight against the Sea , that it may giue place to vs , and that wee may make vs more woods . Likewise , the floods of the Sea tooke counsell , and sayd ; Come , and let vs go vp , and fight against the Trees of the wood , that we may get another Country for vs. But the purpose of the wood , was vaine : for the fire came downe and consumed it . And the purpose of the Sea , was also vaine : for the sand stood vp , and stopped it . Whereby it appeareth , that there is , in all things , a desire to dilate , and to ingreat themselues . And therefore would neuer shut vp themselues , within bounds and limits , as it were , in a prison ; if they themselues had the setting and appointing of them . Therefore , as it is true , that Nullum ens finitum , est a se : so it is likewise true , that Nullum ens , finitum est a se. As nothing , that is finite , is of it selfe : so nothing that is , is finite of it selfe . But all the finite things , in vniuersall nature , haue both their being , and their bounding of some other . And they all doe feele within them , the imperiall power of a superior Nature : which hath appointed , and prescribed those limits ▪ vnto them : and therefore are wel content , to containe themselues within them : as obeying the command of him , that ruleth ouer them . Nonnè vides ( saith Claudian ) operum , qui se , pulcherrimus ipse , Mundus amore ligat ? nec , vt connexa , per aevum , Conspirant Elementa sibi ? quî , limite Phoebus Contentus medio ? contentus littore Pontus ? Et quî perpetuò terras ambítque , vehítque , Non premat incumbens oneri , nec cesserit aër ? See'st not the World , of Natures work 's the fayrest , well I wot , How it , it selfe together tyes , as in a true-loues knot ? Nor see'st how th' Elements , aye combin'd , maintaine one constant pl●● ? How th' midst of Heau'n content's the Sun ? and Shore containes the Sea ? And how the Ayre both compasseth , and carrieth still Earths frame ? Yet neither pressing burthens it , nor parting leaues the same ? This abiding of those things within their bounds and limits , cleane contrary vnto their naturall Appetites , doth euidently declare , that those bounds were neuer set vnto them by themselues , but appointed vnto all of them , by some other , whose prescribed law they are compelled to beare . Now , who can this be , that thus circumscribeth all things , within their set limits , but onely God himselfe : who is , both the Maker , and Ruler of all things ? For , what other could set bounds , both vnto Heauen and Earth , but onely the Creator and Maker of them both ? who , must needes be God. And therefore he it is ( as the Prophet Dauid testifieth ) that hath both a founded the Earth , vpon the waters ; b and bounded the Sea , within his bankes ; c and spread out the Heauen , as it were , a curtaine . He it is ( as the Prophet Isay testifieth ) that doth , Palmo , coelos ; pugillo , aquas ; digitis , terras metiri : that counteth out the heauen , with his span ; and measureth the waters , with his fist ; and comprehendeth the dust of the earth , in a measure ; and weigheth the mountaines in a waite ; and the hills , in a ballance . So that , the bounding and limiting of al the forenamed things , is the worke of none other , but of God , their Creator : who ( as Boetius truly calleth him ) is Principium , Vector , Dux , Semita , Terminus , idem . The first Beginner , and the Bringer on , The Guide , Path , Terme and all , is God alone . A●d this is confessed , not onely by Christians ; but also by diuers of the Heathens themselus . Ovid , describing the creation of the world , he ascribeth it expressely vnto a God , though he could not tell what God. But he numbreth as his workes , all the forenamed particulars ; Of compassing the earth about , with the water ; that , with the ayre ; and that , with the heauen ; of the bounding of the Seas within their shores ; of the stretching out of the feilds ; the raysing vp of hills ; the pressing downe of valleyes ; the growing vp of woods ; and diuers such like . All which , he pronounceth to be the works of God. Yea , and that , not onely in respect of their creation , and making : but also , euen of their circumscribing , and limiting . — Limitibus , dis●revit omnia , certis . With bounds distinguished , all things are limited . Insisting , nominatìm , vpon this point of their limiting . So likewise , Orpheus . Tu mundi terminos habes Vniuer si . Th●u , God , hast in thy hands , Of all the world the bounds . So likewise Pindarus : Sed discriminat omnia , interminata vis & potentis . It selfe a boundlesse power is , That setteth bounds to all things else . And , that this was not the idle fiction of Poets , we may see by the grauer sentences of the learnedest Philosophers : who casting about , with the best wit that they had , from whence this limiting of things should proceed ; haue , at the last , beene constrayned , to ascribe it vnto God. Anaxagoras affirmeth , that there is , a certaine infinite Spirit , [ Mens ] whose power and vnderstanding hath giuen bounds and limits , vnto euery finite thing . And of the same opinion was likewise his master Anaximenes ; as Tullie reporteth , in the very same place . Anaxagoras , qui accepit ab Anaximene disciplinam , primus , omnium rerum descriptionem & modum , Mentis infinit●e vi ac ratione , designari , & confici voluit . And , indeed , Anaxagoras did so totally ascribe , all the noble workes of nature , vnto the working of this M●ns ( which was his Philosophicall appellation of God ) that they vsed to call him , Mens , in derision . Yet , and , euen Aristotle himselfe , seemeth to taxe him , for it : and , yet , hee agreeeth with him in the very same point . For he saith , that there is , Quid. dam infinitum , cuius non est principium : sed hoc , principium caeterorum , quòd , & continet ipsum omnia , & gubernat . There is ( saith he ) a certaine infinite thing , which is it selfe without all beginning : and yet is the beginner of euery other thing : yea both their maintainer , and their gouernor . So that , this Infinitum , is both the beginning , from whence all things doe proceede ; and ( as it were ) the place , wherein all things are contayned ; yea , and the very Gouernour , by whom all things are ruled . And this Infinitum ( which doth thus finire , & continere omnia ) he calleth afterward , Divinum , that is , a Divine thing . Yea , and this , in the same place , hee plainely affirmeth , to be the common Tenet of all the Philosophers . Omnes , qui dignè Philosophiam tetigisse putantur , de Infinito sermonem fecerunt . Ac omnes , ipsum , vt principium quoddam eorum quae sunt , posuerunt . All those , that haue beene worthy to handle Philosophie , make mentiom of that Infinitum . Yea , and all of them confesse , that infinite thing to be the first beginner , and originall of all things . And that it may appeare , that he reciteth not this opinion , as reprouing or disliking it , hee , in plaine words , confirmeth it : and saith , that it was , with great reason , that they affirmed it . Principium omnes , infinitum ponunt , cum ratione . Now Aristotle was a man , as greatly addicted , vnto his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as Anaxagoras was , vnto his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ascribing all things , so absolutely , vnto the power of Nature , as if hee had beene hired to write in her behalfe . Insomuch that , as he called Empedocles , Naturae interpretem : The interpreter of Nature : so Suidas calleth him Naturae Scribam , The Scriuener of Nature . And therefore , he would neuer haue transcribed this circumscribing power , from his beloued Nature , vnto any such supernaturall cause , as that Infinitum Diuinum was ; if , with the Egyptian Sorcerers , hee had not beene constrayned to confesse , that in this worke , is the finger of God. Which yet , in another place , hee more plainly affirmeth . For he saith , that , God is therefore called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Id est , circumscribi omnia : & quia nihil in rerum natura sit , quod in infini●tum ex●urrat . God is called Peproméne , from his bounding of all things , and leauing nothing vndefined , without his bounds and Limits . For , nothing can exceed those termes and limits , which Fate hath prescribed . Which worke , Philolaus also ascribeth directly vnto God : affirming expressely , Vn●versa , tanquam in carcere , a Deo contineri : That all things are shut vp , by the appointment of God , within their bounds and limits ( as it were ) into their prisons . And this worke , of thus bounding and limiting of all things , doe the Greeks acknowledg , to be the worke of God , in calling their great God Iupiter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Limiferum , or , Rerum terminos afferentem , as Homers Translator renders : him that is , The appointer of limits vnto all things . And the Romanes likewise , doe seeme to acknowledge the very same , in calling the same God , Iovem terminalem : that is , Iupiter the Limiter , or the Bounder of all things . Thus , the bounding and limiting of all naturall bodies , doth leade vs , by the hand , vnto the knowledge of a God. 4 And so doth likewise , the bounding of their naturall powers and faculties . For , in these inferior parts of the world , wee may obserue a fiue-fold difference among the Creatures : euery one of them , hauing their proper and peculiar faculties , so defined and circumscribed , that none of them can exceede the bounds of his owne nature , nor exalt it selfe to the state of his superior ; but abideth in his owne ; and can goe no further . By which Hierarchie of the Creatures , we may easily ascend , and climbe vp vnto God , as it were by an Ascendent , consisting of fiue steppes . For , ( as the Orator truly affirmeth ) Si a primis , inchoatísque naturis , ad vltimas perfectâsque volumus procedere ; ad Deorum naturam perveniamus , necesse est . If wee will first beginne with the vnperfect works of Nature , and by degrees ascend vnto those that are perfecter ; they will leade vs , by the hand , to know the nature of God. And therefore , this Argument is much insisted on ; both by Tullie , the Orator , in the forealledged place ; and by Plotinus , the Philosopher , as Theodoret recordeth ; and by the learned Fathers , S. Augustine , and S. Gregorie : and yet , most fully , by Raymundus de Sabunde . Wherein , I haue obserued , that euery one of them , though they handle the same matter ; yet , haue put vpon it a seuerall forme . And therefore , I wil not tie my selfe , vnto any one of them : but ( imitating their example ) will cast the Argument , into a mold of mine owne . Now , those fiue degrees of Creatures , bee these . That some things haue bare essence and being , allotted vnto them ; and yet not either life , or sense : as , in si●ple bodies ; the Heauens , and the Elements : in compound bodies ; Stones , and Metals , and such like . Some other things , haue both Being , and Liuing ▪ and yet not either sense , or motion : as Trees , and Plants . Some other things , ●aue both Being , and Liuing , and Feeling ; and yet haue no proper , or animal-motion : as Oysters , and Muscles , and such other like conchylia ; which haue no naturall motion of their owne , but are onely carried , as the water driueth them . And therefore , Aristotle , very wittily , calleth them , Aquatiles plantas ; A kind of Waterplants : as he calleth earthly plants , Ostreaterrena ; A kind of Land-Oysters : because they haue no more selfe-motion , then these , I meane Lation , or local-motion from one place to another . Some things againe , haue both Being , and Liuing , and Feeling , and Mouing ; and yet haue no Reason , nor Vnderstanding : as Birds , and Beasts , and Fishes , and such like . And some things againe , haue all these powers and faculties vnited in one , both Essence , and Life , and Sense , and Motion , and Reason too : as we see they be in Men. And these distinctions of Creatures , are so obuious to all men , that he , which notes them not , is more worthy to be numbred among beasts , then among men . Now , if it should be demanded ; Why a Stone hath not life , as well as a Tree ? or , a Tree , not sense , as well as a Beast ? or , a Beast , not reason , as well as a Man ? wha● other reason , can be giuen of all this , but onely , that those powers are not in their owne power , to take so many of them , as they themselues thinke good : but , that they be limited and assigned vnto them , by a nature farre aboue them : euen the same nature that made them . And that they therefore haue them not ; because that Nature gaue them not . From whence , there follow these two Conclusions . First , that all those forenam●d faculties and powers , though they be in those things , that haue them ; yet they be not of those things , that haue them . They haue them , in themselues ; but they haue them , not of themselues . For then , all would haue all of them , and none would content themselues with any part , were it neuer so great . Would a Tree ( thinke you ) be content to sticke fast in the earth , as a dead and rotten stake ; if it could giue it selfe motion ? Surely , no. The blinde man , in the Gospell , that thought he saw men walking like vnto Trees , should surely see Trees walking like vnto men , if they could take vnto themselues the facultie of mouing . Againe , would a Beast be content , to be so subiect vnto man , if it could giue it selfe Reason ? Or would a Man be content , to liue here vpon the earth , if he could flee vp into heauen , and make himselfe a God ? Surely , he neuer would . That which Tertullian affirmeth of the Romane Emperours , is true also , in all others , that ; Si ipsi , se Deos facere potuiss●nt ; certè quidem , homines nunquàm fuissent . If they could haue made themselues Gods , they would neuer haue continued Men. And so in all other things , as well as in these , they would all haue all those faculties , if they could giue them to themselues . Therefore , seeing that , which hath onely Being , cannot giue it selfe Life ; and that , which hath onely Life , cannot giue it selfe Sense ; and that which hath onely Sense , cannot giue it selfe Reason ; this euidently sheweth vnto all that haue any Reason , that the ampliating , or restrayning of those naturall indowments , is not in their owne free disposition , or election : but in his onely power , who freely bestoweth them . This is the first conclusion . The second , That seeing those fore-named faculties are not in the power of the things themselues , that haue them ; therefore they must needes proceede from some other power that gaue them ; and that hath in it selfe , the whole power of dispensing them . And that can be none other , but a diuine and heauenly power . For , that nature must needes be supernaturall and diuine , which is the fountaine and wel-spring both of Being , and Liuing , and Mouing , and Sense , and Reason : and which hath the power , to deriue the streames of those diuine graces , vnto all other creatures , in such differing degrees , limiting and proportioning vnto euery seueral creature , that power and faculty , which standeth best with his pleasure : To some of them dispensing , but only one faculty ▪ to some two ; to some three ; to some foure ; to some fiue : as the housholder , in the Gospell , distributed his Talents vnto his seruants . This inestimable treasure of so many pretious Talents , and this admirable wisedome , which is vsed in dispensing them , cannot , in reason , be ascribed , but onely vnto God. He it is , that made the heauen , the earth , the sea , which haue onely being : the trees , the hearbs , the plants , which haue both being and liuing : the birds , the beasts , the fishes ; which haue both liuing , sense , and moouing : Yea , and Man himselfe too ; which ( beside all these fore-named ) hath also vnderstanding . As Mo●es plainly sheweth in the Booke of Genesis . Yea , and the Apostle Paul confirmeth it , in his affirming , that it is onely God , in whom wee liue , and moue , and haue our being : naming in expresse tearmes , three of those fiue properties , which before were named by vs , Liuing , Moouing , and Being . Yea , and adding for the rest , which he hath not named ( as a generall conclusion , to this particular enumeration , ) that it is he , which giueth vnto all , both life , and breath , and all things . So that it is God ( as Philo Iudaeus noteth ) qui suas potentias cincundedit rebus omnibus , tanquàm fortissima vincula ; & hijs , eas indissolubiliter astrictas esse voluit . God hath giuen vnto all things , their naturall powers , with which he hath bound them , as it were , in strong bands ; so that they haue no power to inlarge themselues . Yea , and euen the very Heathen themselues , haue ( by reason ) beene compelled to confesse , as well in this point , as they did in the former , that this must needes be the worke of God , and not of any other . Aristotle saith expressely , that ; Omnes , Aeris , Terrae , Aquae , res , Dei opera dicere possis : Dei ( inquam ) qui mundum continet . We may truely affirme of all things , which are either in the Ayre , or in the Earth , or in the waters , that they be the workes of God : Yea , euen of that great God , which containeth the whole world . In whose hand ( as the Psalmist teacheth ) are all the corners of the earth . Yea , and Aristotle in the same place , confirmeth his owne assertion , by the testimony of Empedocles , who hath plainely deliuered as much in his verses , recounting all these things following , nominatìm , as Gods workes . Omnia quae fuerant , quae sunt , quaeque ipsa sequentur , Plantarum genus , atque hominum generosa propago , Atque ferae , volucres , pisces in fluctibus alti . What things or haue beene , be , or what things euer shall , Of Plants the kinds , mans noble race , beasts , birds , and fishes all . [ May , all of them , be numbred as the workes of God. ] Yea , & Virgil affirmeth the same thing , though in other words ▪ where speaking of the powerful spirit of God , which pierceth through euery part of the world , he saith , that : Inde hominum , pecudúmque , genu● , vitaeque volantum , Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus ; Igneus est ollis vigor , & coelestis origo . From him , both men , and be●sts , and birds , and fishes too proceed , And whatsoeuer Monsters strange , in marbly Seas doe breed : All haue a vigorous kind of warmth , by an eternall law : And all their first originall from heauenly powers draw . But yet , not from the Heauens , as of their proper influence ; but from the Ruler of the heauens , as of his grace and goodnesse . For ( as Proclus truely t●stifieth ) Q●icquid bonum , ac salutare competit animabus ( yea and animalibus too ) caus●m a dijs definitam habet . What health or good soeuer there commeth to the creatures , it is definitely appointed vnto them by God. For ( as Aristotle affirmeth vnto the same purpose ) Et virent , & occidunt , diuinis parentia de●retis ▪ They both s●●rish and perish by the decree of God. I might be plentifu●l in this point , if I would pursue that multitude of testimonies , both of Po●ts & Philosophers , which euery where occurre , ascribing vnto God the creating of all things ; both of those that haue more , and of those that haue fewer Talents . But these now alledged , are ( for a taste ) sufficient . 5 Onely here , let me answer vnto one Obiection ; which hath crept into the heads of diuers learned men , as concerning the limiting of those last named faculties : before I proceede vnto the rest of the instances ; and that is briefly this : That though it be apparant , that those fore-named Bodyes , be so distinguished by their naturall properties , that some haue onely being ; some other , life , and motion ; and others , sense and reason : yet doth it not appeare , that it is only God , that hath so distinguished and distributed those faculties ; wee see not , that God doth it : but we see that the Sunne doth it : Whom Aristotle cal●eth , Authorem rerum procreandarum : The very Author and Parent of all generation : And vnto whom Trismegistus ascribeth , Omnium reram , in m●ndo , opificium ; vt qui imperet omnibus , & faciat omnia : the making of all things in the world , as to him that ruleth all , and to him that doth all . Wee see , that the Sunne begetteth dayly in the earth , not onely Stones and Mettals , which haue onely being ; but also Trees and Plants , which haue also life ; yea , and Flyes and Wormes too , which haue both sense and motion : yea , and if wee should beleeue the reports of the Heathen , it hath also begotten Men , with their Reason and Vnderstanding . So that this great worke , which wee ascribe vnto God ; and which we vse as an Argument , to perswade men , that there is a God ; ought rather to be ascribed vnto the Sunne : by whom we see it apparently done . And therefore doth not leade vs by any consequence , vnto Gods vnlesse we will acknowledge the Sunne to be God. But vnto this obiection I answer : that if the Sunne performe this by his owne power and vertue , it must then needes bee a God ; as performing that worke , which is proper vnto God. For who can giue life and motion , and sense , and reason , vnto things , by his owne power , but onely the Maker and Creator of all things ? Who by those very workes declareth himselfe to be a God. So that our fore-named instances , in leading vs vnto the Sunne , doe leade vs vnto a God ; if he be the giuer and distributer of those powers , by his owne strength and power . But , if the Sunne doe this not by his owne proper power , but onely by the delegated power of his Maker and Creator , who vseth him but as his minister : then doe our fore-named instances leade vs vnto a God ; who is aboue the Sunne , and is the God of the Sunne . Yea , and this , euen Trismegistus himselfe confesseth , in the very same place . For , though he professed of the Sunne , that hee doth , Hunc colere , ipsumque opificem agnoscere : Yet hee addeth this restriction ; Post primum illum , & vnum : That though he acknowledge him , to be the Maker of all things ; yet that it is , but vnder another , who is farre superior ; being the first , and the onely , before all the rest . So that , both wayes , the limiting and distributing of those naturall faculties , in such diuers measures , vnto diuers subiects , doe necessarily leade vnto a God : either vnto the true one ; or vnto one in opinion . Which against the Atheist , is fully sufficient . That , by way of supposition . But now , for our position : it must be resolutely held , that , though the Sunne doth performe diuers of those great works , in giuing those faculties vnto certaine bodies , according vnto their seuerall capacities : yet that it neither giueth them all ( for it giueth not Reason , which is the chiefest of all ) neither yet those which it giueth , doth it giue , by his owne vertue ; but onely by a kinde of limited facultie , which God his Creator hath giuen vnto it , to worke thus and thus , as the matter is prepared . So that , if the Sunne ( the supposed giuer of all those other faculties ) could but take vnto it selfe the facultie of speaking , it would certainely make the very same protestation , which was made by Saint Peter , in another like matter . Ye men of Israel , why maruaile ye at this , or why looke ye so stedfastly on vs ? as though we , by our owne power , had made this man to goe . The God of Abraham , Isaac , and Iaacob , he hath glorified his Sonne . — And his name it is , that hath made this man sound . And this same profession which the Apostle here maketh , for giuing motion vnto this Lame man , would the Sunne also make ( if it were able to speake ) for his giuing of motion vnto any other thing . Yea , and euen for his owne motion . For ( as Lactantius truly teacheth ) Inest syderibus ratio , ad peragendos meatus suos apta : s●d Dei est ill a ratio , qui & fecit , & regit omnia ; non ipsorum syderum quae mouentur . The Starrs haue a meane and a power in them , to dispatch their owne motion . But it is onely God , that hath giuen that power vnto them ; Who is both the maker , and ruler of all things . It is not a power that is proper to the Starrs . And therefore , Trismegistus , though hee ascribe much to the Sunne ; yet he calleth him , but , Secundum Deum , hunc mundum gubernantem : But a second Gouernour of the world , vnder God. Whereby it appeareth , that the Sunne is not that infinite limitour , which giueth seuerall gifts , and setteth seuerall bounds , vnto all other things ; being it selfe boundlesse ; but , that it must be numbred , among things limited . Yea , and that a great deale more straitly limited , then many other things , that seeme inferior vnto it . And this may euidently be seene , both in his Working-power ; and also , in his Mouing-power . 6 For first , for his working-power ; it is most plaine and euident , that the Sunne is two wayes restrayned in it , that is both , in the Matter , and in the Manner of his working . By both which it appeareth , that hee hath not an omnipotent , but a limited power in him . And first , for the matter . We see this by experience , that it is not in the Suns power , to put euery forme vpon euery matter : but is confined , to the habilitie and capacitie of the matter , as it is either prepared , or vnprepared by nature . The S●nne cannot , by that heate , put hardnesse vpon waxe , by which , hee putteth hardnesse vpon a stone : Nor , by that heate , put softnesse vpon clay , by which hee both softneth and dissolueth the Snow . This cannot be done by him : because the matter will not suffer him . Againe , the Sunne hath not power to giue euery naturall propertie , vnto euery naturall body . Hee cannot giue 〈◊〉 vnto a Tree , vpon that hard Rocke , where yet hee giueth Being vnto a Stone : Neither can hee giue being vnto a Stone , within that soft Dung-hill , where yet he giueth both being , and Liuing , and Mouing , and feeling , vnto a Worme . These things , hee can worke in one place ; because the matter is prepared for him : in another hee cannot ; because the matter is vnprepared for such and such a forme . For , hee cannot worke any where beyond the possibilitie or receptiuitie of his matter . Which euidently sheweth that the Sunne is not the first and vnlimited limitour , which distributeth those faculties , as he himselfe pleaseth : but is a meere seruant , that is limited himselfe , to doe no more then his Master pleaseth . Now , who is it , that limiteth this power vnto the matter ; that some matter should only be capable of life ; some other both of life , and sense ; some other ( beside these ) of motion ; and some of none of these , but onely of simple Being ? This distribution the Sunne cannot make , in euery matter , but onely where the habilitie thereof will suffer . Therefore , the limitour of this susceptiue power vnto the matter , in such differing degrees , and measures , and manners , can ( in truth ) be none other , but onely that omnipotent Creator of the Matter : of whom it is sayd , in the beginning of Gods Booke ; that , In the beginning , God made Heauen and Earth : and the Earth was voyde , and without forme . God hauing therefore made the matter , without any certaine forme of his owne , that it might be capable of euery other forme . And yet , not delegating so large a power vnto any Creature , as to superinduce any forme whatsoeuer , but onely as hee limiteth the capabilitie of the matter . And yet , vnto himselfe he hath reserued an infinite power , to put any forme vpon any matter . Which hee alwayes findeth plyant , and obsequent to his pleasure , euen against the proprietie of its owne particular nature . For ( as Eusebius citeth out of Dionysius ) Penitùs nefandum est , si quis putet ( sicut Artificem ) ad materiae aptitudinem , primam se causam accommodare . It is not to be spoken , that the first cause of all things , should ( like an Artificer ) be tied to the aptnesse and habilitie of his matter . For , he can easily worke , beyond all the power and possibilty of it . He can giue weight vnto the fire , which is the lightest of all things ; and make it to fall perpendicularly downe , as it were a showre of raine ; as he did vpon the Sodomites . He can giue hardnesse , and consistence , vnto the soft , and fluide waters , and make them to stand as stiffe as a wall ▪ as hee did vnto the Israelites . He can make dirt and clay , a Collyrium for the eyes ; as hee did vnto the blinde man. He can make the mouth of a dumbe Asse to speake , as hee did vnto Balaam . Yea , and hee can ; of very Stones , rayse vp Children vnto Abraham . Though Galen denie that power vnto him . But yet the Scripture ascribeth it : which is of greater credit . Yea , and euen the Heathens Mythologie attribut●s it , in Deucalions transformation of Stones into men . Inque breui spacio , superorum numine , saxa Missaviri manibus , faciem traxêre virorum , In little space , by Gods high power , which all things makes , Stones , cast from out Mans hand , put on mens shapes . So that God , who is the true limiter and distributer of these faculties , is not limited himselfe vnto any matter , though Plato thinke he be : but , he can make , at his pleasure , Ex quovis ligno Mercurium . He can make , Quidlibet ex quolibet : which the Sunne cannot . And therefore , it is God alone ( and not the Sunne ) that is both the Determiner , and the Dispenser of those naturall faculties , vnto their naturall bodies . Giuing where , and when he pleaseth , a passiue possibilitie vnto euery matter , of receiuing euery forme . Which power he hath not left , in the power of the Sun. Now for the manner of his working , it may againe be demanded : Who it is , that hath so co●fined , and circumscribed the power of the Sunne , that , out of such a matter , he should be able to produce onely life ; and yet , out of another matter , to produce both life , and sense ? This euidently sheweth , that the Sunne is not able , to worke and effect what it will , where it will ; but , like a meere Artificer , is co●fined to the hability , or imbecillity of his matter , and can go no further . Which sheweth that he is not an omnipotent worker , as is God the Creator . 7 And , as the Sunne is restrayned in his working-power ; so that he cannot effect , what he will : so is he likewise in his mouing-power ; so that he cannot goe , whither he will. But is , as strictly tied vnto his set-motion , as a Mill-horse to his Mil● : which cannot goe possibly out of his Circle . For , when he commeth to a certaine point Northward , hee can go no further that way ; but returneth back againe . And , when he commeth to a certaine point Southward , he can go no further t●at way ; but returneth backe againe . Whereupon those two points are called his two Topicks , or his two Returnes . Betweene which two points , he spendeth his whole time , mouing this way and that way , in going and returning : as the Sea doth , in his ebbing and flowing . And , when he is come vnto his period , he can go no further : but obeyeth the law of God his Creator . As the Sea likewise doth . For the very same God , which hath set bounds and limits vnto the Sea , and giuen it a commandement which it cannot breake : Hitherto shalt thou come , and no further , and here shalt thou stay thy pr●ud waues : hath also giuen the same commandement to the Sunne . Which it obeyeth accordingly . Yea , and that , by so strong and inuincible a necessity , that ( as B●laam prof●ssed , in a very like case ) it hath ●o power to transgresse : It cannot exceede the commandement of the Lord. By whose law and commandement , it is more narrowly confined vnto a strict motion , then any other planet is , in all the whole heauen . For , it is , as it were , imprisoned in the Ecliptike line , and tied fast vnto it , as with a chaine of Adamant : so that it hath no latitude at all in the Zodiake . Now , who is it , that bindeth the Sun , with such a necessitie , but onely God himselfe ? who ( as the Apostle expressely testifieth ) hath both assigned the times , and set downe the bounds of the habitations of men . Here is plainely , Iupiter terminalis : the true setter of bounds , and limits , vnto things : whose bounds and limits , though the Sunne it selfe haue no power to alter ; yet God , the setter of them , hath . Hee can change and alter them , at his pleasure . As he plainely gaue good proofe : first , vnto Ioshua ; in so holding the Sunne from mouing , that he could not go forward : and secondly , vnto Ezechias ; in so withholding , and pulling him , that hee made him goe backward . Which manifestly sheweth , that the Sunne , in his mouing , is not in his owne power , but vnder the command of a superior Ruler : who turneth him , and returneth him , at his owne will and pleasure . So that , the Sunne , of it selfe , hath not so much scope and liberty in his motion , as many a man hath : nay , not , as any Beast hath . For they can runne , either this way , or that way , at their pleasure : but so cannot the Sunne . Hee is moued by another ; by whom hee is so tied vnto a strict and vnalterable motion , that Astronomers can surely tell ( vnto the very minute ) all the Eclipses , that shall euer fall out , so long as the world it selfe shall last . As the Romane Orator hath expressely obserued . Defectiones Solis & Lunae , praedicataeque in omne posterum tempus , quae , quantae , quandò futurae . The Eclipses of the Sunne and Moone , are both knowne , and can be prognosticated , for all ages to come ; both in what fashion and in what quantity , and at what time , they shall happen . Now , these praedictions could not be so infallible , but that the Sunne is tied vnto a course vnalterable . Which notable captiuity of the Sun , more then of any other of Gods Creatures , is excellently described , and set out by Prudentius . Solem certa tenet regio , plaga certa coërcet . Temporibus varijs distinguitur , aut subit ortu , Aut ruit occasu , latet aut sub nocte recurrens . Non torquere facem potis est , ad signa Trionum ; Orbe nec obliquo , portas Aquilonis adire ; Nec solitum conversus iter reuocare retrorsum . Hic erit ergo Deus , praescriptis lege sub vnae Deditus officijs ? Libertas laxior ipsi Concessa est homini : formam cuiflectere vitae , Atque voluntatis licitum est : se●tramite dextro Scandere , seu laeuo malit decurrere campo : Sumere seurequiem , seu continuare laborem , Seu parere Deo , siue in contraria verti . Ista , ministranti regimen solenne dierum Haudquaqu●agrave ; m Soli datur , a Factore potestas . Sed famulus subiectus , agit quodcunque necesse est . The summe and effect of which verses , is thus much . A certaine Region doth restraine the Sunne , Which is design'd for times distinction : It neuer wanders past the Tropicks Line , It 's either rising , or it doth decline , Or else , by night , lyes hidden and returning , And neuer varyes from its common running . It cannot wreathe it selfe to th' Northerne Starr's , Nor can it reach , in oblique Orbe , so farre As to the Southern Lists ; nor change it place , Nor once call backe againe it wonted race . Can he then be a God , whom one law ties , And seruant makes , to such set officies ? Surely , a greater freedome granted is , And much more large , to euery man , then this . For he can change his ●orme of life at pleasure , And moue which way he will , to euery measure : Whether the vp , or downe , he lust to take ; The right hand , or the left , to sleepe or wake ; Whether to labour he intend , or rest ; God to obey , or not ; what likes him best . This liberty th' All-maker hath not lent Vnto the Sunne , whose glorious regiment All dayes solemnize . It doth subiect stand , And still attends Necessities command . So that , though diuers of the Heathen haue foolishly collected , from the constancy of his motion ; that the Sunne must be a god : Yet Prudentius ( as you see ) a great deale more prudently , collecteth the contrary : Concluding , that this argueth him rather to be a meere seruant , then a god . Yea , and so likewise doth Lactantius . Argum●ntum illud , quo colligunt , vniversa coelestia , Deos esse ; in contrarium valet . Nam , si Deos esse idcircò opinantur , quia certos & rationabiles cursus habent , errant . Ex hoc en●m appa●et , Deos non esse ; quòd ex orbitare , illis , a praestitutis itineribus , non licet . Caeterùm . si Dij essent , hûc atque illûc passim , sine vlla ●ecessitate serrentur : si●ut animantes in terra : qu●rum , quia liberae sunt voluntates , hûc atque illûc vag ●ntur , vt lib●it : & , 〈◊〉 me●ns duxerit , eò fer●ur . That argument , from when●e the H●athen doe collect , that the starres must needes be gods , doth most pl●inely prooue the contrary . For , if they take them to be gods , b●cause of the cert●inty of their courses , they b● therein much deceiued . For this plainely prooueth , that ( indeed ) they be no gods : ●ecause they be not able to depart from their courses . Further , if they were gods , they would moue , both this way , and that way in the heauens , as freely , as liuing creatures vse to doe vpon the earth . Who , because they haue the liberty and freedome of their will , they wander vp and downe , whither they themselues will. From whence he there concludeth , Non est igitur astrorum motus voluntarius , sed necessarius : quia praestitutis legibus officijsque deseruiunt . The motion of the stars is not voluntarie , but necessarie : because they be so tied vnto set lawes and offices . Which Zacharias Mitylenensis also expressely confirmeth . For hee saith of the Sunne , that , Habet motum voluntatis expertem , velut seruus : That his motion is involuntarie , like the motion of a seruant : which must be directed by his masters commandement . Now , if the Sunne be but a seruant , both in his working , and in his mouing : who is then his Lord and Master , that setteth him so on doing ? The Prophet Dauid cleeres that question . It is God that hath set a tabernacle for the Sunne , in the Heauens , and appointed him as a Gyant , to run his race . Quis , Solem per hiberna descendere signa praecipit ? ( saith Hugo de Victore ) Quis rursùm , per aestiva eum signa ascendere facit ? Qui● , eum ab oriente in occidentem ducit ? Quis iterùm , ab occidente in Orientem reuehit ? Haec cuncta sunt mirabilia : sed soli Deo possibilia . Who commandeth the Sunne to descend and goe downe into the signes of the Winter , and who , to ascend backe againe into the signes of the Summer ? Who leadeth him along from the East into the West ? And who fetcheth him againe , from the West into the East ? These workes to vs are wonderfull : but onely to God are possible . So that the Sunne is so farre from giuing bounds and limits vnto other things , that it selfe is the most streightly bounded and limited of all things . And that ( as before I noted ) not onely in his working , but also in his moouing . In his working : because ( as Zacharias Mitylenensis obserueth ) Nihil potest vel efficere vel operari , quàm quod constitutum sit a Deo , ordinis Dictatore : He can neither doe , nor worke any thing , but as God , the prescriber of order , hath appointed him . In his moouing : because ( as in the same place he affirmeth ) Continuum faciens motum & modulatum , non excedit terminos , ab Opifice sibi impositos . Though hee bee in a continuall and perpetuall motion ; yet doth he not exceede those bounds , that are praescribed him by that workeman that made him . So that God alone is the limiter of the Sun : and consequently of euery other thing : Giuing vnto all , both life , and breath , and all things : as the Apostle plainely testifieth . And therefore God may more properly be called the Sunne , for doing those things as the principall Agent ; then the Sunne can be called God , for doing them none otherwise , but onely as Gods instrument . For , those things , though instrumentally they be wrought by the Sun ; yet are they originally wrought , onely by God. And therefore , as Boetius very wittily collecteth : Quem , quia respicit omnia solus , Verum possis dicere Solem. Whom , for he solely euery thing doth see , Thou mayst well say the true Sunne for to be . But to proceede . 8 As it is in all the fore-named naturall powers , that they be limited and dispensed , according to the will and pleasure of the giuer : so is it likewise in all artificiall faculties . There is no man , adorned and indowed with al of them . But some man hath one , and some man another , but no man hath them all together . Non enìm omnia pariter , Dij hominibus dare consueuerunt : saith Homer . Nor all at once , nor all alike , nor euer hath it bene , That God should offer , and conferre his fauours vpon men : but dispenseth them by degrees , as he himselfe pleaseth . Which may as euidently be seene , in his dispensing of Knowledges , of Arts , and of Sciences ; as as in any of the fore-named naturall faculties . For , though all the seuerall Arts and Sciences in the world ( which are in number infinite ) haue beene deuised , and inuented by the wit of man : yet had neuer any man so infinite a wit , as to know and vnderstand the depth of all of them . Nay , no man of many of them . Nay , no man of any of them . No , not of that one Art , which by himselfe is professed , and wherein he desireth to bee accounted excellent . All which notwithstanding , are so limited by God , that they are not , either confounded or coincident : yet is our capacity so much straitlier limited , that it cannot reach to any of their limits . Let me insist a while vpon the seuerall steppes of this gradation : and giue some light , by instances , in euery one of them . That no man hath the knowledge of all Arts and Sciences , but is still limited and confined , either vnto some one , or else ( at the most ) but vnto some few of them : we may euidently see , if we will take a suruey , either of the Mechanicall , or of the liberall Arts. First for the Mechanicall , and manuarie Arts : wee see by experience , that the Plowman knoweth not , what belongeth vnto the Ship ; nor the Shipman , vnto the Plow . But , as it is in the Poet. Navita , de ventis ; de Tauris , narrat Arator ; Enumerat Miles , Vulnera ; Pastor , Oves . The Seaman , doth discourse of Winds ; The Plowman , talke of Oxen find's ; The Soldior , doth recompt his knocks ; The Shepheard , reckons vp his flocks . Nay , euen in those inferior and ministeriall Arts , which are subiected vnto others , as to their Architectonicals ; wee see , by like experience , that all of them are limited , within their owne precincts : and none of them acquainted with the mysteries of others : No not , though they all depende vpon the same head and principall . As namely , for example . The Art of the Sadler , although it be ordayned vnto the art of the Rider ; yet hath not the Sadler any skill in Riding , but onely in making of Saddles to ride in . And so likewise , downward . The Rider hath not the Art of making his owne Saddle , nor his Bridle , nor his Horse-shooe , nor his Bit : but there be seuerall Arts belonging to all these ; and yet all of them subseruing vnto the Art of Riding : whereof all they be ignorant : as the Rider , of all these : and each of these of others . And so it is likewise , in both our former instances . The Ship-wright , though hee haue the art of making a ship ; yet hath hee not the art of guiding a ship : No more then the Saylor hath the art of the Ship-maker . And the same we may likewise see , in the Plowman ; which is our second instance . Non sibi Agricola aratrum conficit , neque ligones , & rastros , &c. sed sunt fabri lignarij , & ferrarij ; saith Plato . The Husbandman makes not his owne Plow , neither his owne Plowshare , nor his Rakes : But they are the works of Carpenters , and Smiths . So that , though the Plowman haue the knowledg of the plowing of his ground ; yet hath he not the skill of making his owne plow : but that belongeth to the Carpenters occupation : who yet , hath not the skill and art of plowing . Now , who is it , that thus distributeth , and limiteth these meaner , and inferior arts vnto men ? It is onely God himselfe , by the Heathens owne confession . Maximus Tyrius affirmeth , that , though all those men fore-named , be euery one ignorant of anothers art ; yet that God is not ignorant of any one of them : but hath the perfect and generall skill of them all , imparting vnto men , but certaine small parcels and fragments of those knowledges , and reseruing to himselfe , as his owne prerogatiue , to haue the full and perfect knowledg of all of them . Non enìm , si aerarius faber , architecturae faciendae minimè sufficiat ; aut , si agricola , nauticae sit artis ignatus ; si navicularius , medicine ; aut alius quispiam terrestrium munerum peritus , maritimis ; ac vicissìm , maritimorum , terrestribus ineptus sit ; ita etiam Deus , ab vnatantùm circumscriptus est arte . It followeth not ( saith he ) that though the Brazier , be ignorant of the Arte of the Carpenter ; or , the Plowman , of the Shipmans ; or , the Pilo● , of the Phisitians ; or , any other that is skilful in the affayres of the land , be vtterly vnfit for the affayres of the Sea ; that therefore God should be so limited , as to haue the knowledge but onely of one Art : because wee men haue , of no more . For , ( as he there addeth , a little after ) Deus , singulas Artes , tanquam haereditatem possidet ; & tradere potest . God poss●sseth all Arts , as his proper inhaeritance , and so ●e deliuereth them to others . And , as it is in those illiberall Arts ; so is it likewise in all liberall Arts , that no man hath all of them . For , though they all be thought to be lincked all together , as it were , in a Chayne ; or rather , that they all doe make one single Ring , in that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof the Philosophers doe so pleasa●tly dreame : yet the Astronomer , is ignorant of the art of Musicke ; and the Musitian of Astronom●e ; the Geometrician , of Arithmetick ; and the Arithmetician , of Geometrie . And yet , all of those , be Mathematicians . And so likewise , in those foure Arts of speaking , which dwell , all of them , in the tongue ; Grammar , Logick , Rhetorick , and Poetrie . The Grammarian , is ignorant of the Arte of Logick ; the L●gician , of Rhetorick ; the Rhetorician , of Poetrie ; notwithstanding their neere affinitie . So that , no man can attaine vnto the knowledge of all of them : but is confined to his portion , as vnto his Dimensum ; which , in comparison of the whole , is ( God knoweth ) a very little one . Now , who is it , that limit●th these artificiall faculties vnto men , as well as the naturall ; but onely God himselfe ? It is he , and none else : as euen Homer plainly testifieth . Coelestes etenim , non omnibus omnia praebent . Eloquium , Ingenium , Membrorum gratia , Vires , Non vni eveniunt . — God hath not all his gifts bestow'd on all , or any one . Words sweetnesse , and Wits sharpnesse , beautie , strength of bone , These rarities of mind and parts , doe all concurre , in none . Where , he rendereth the true Reason , why all men haue them not : because God , who is their Giuer , bestowes them not . Nay , the strength of the body , and the sharpenesse of wit , are seldome , by God in any one man conioy●ed : as by many learned men , I finde it oftentimes obserued . Haud facilè fit ( saith Diodorus Siculus ) vt quisquam , & ingen●es corporis vires , & ingenium subtile habe●t . It falles not commonly out , that thesame man should haue , both strength of body , and strength of wit. But ( as Maximus Tyrius obserueth ) Qui mininè validus est ad gerendum negotium , ad obeundam speculationem , expeditum nactus est ingenium : contra , qui speculationem non sustinet , acriter agit . He that is but weake for action , is commonly good for contemplation : and he that is but dull in contemplation , is often vigorous in action . Rarò , vtrumque Deus cuiquam largitur ; vt idem Sit sapiens , & sit robusto corpore pollens : saith Palingenius . It 's seldome seeme , that God should giue , both these , all men among ; That one should be both wise in minde , and of a body strong . But , as Cato affirmeth on the one side ; that , Consilio pollet , cui vim Natura negavit : He commonly excells in Counsells reach , Whose outward valour , Nature doth impeach So Palingenius againe affirmeth on the other side ; that , Ingenio plerumque caret , qui robore praestat . He for the most part , wanteth wisdomes Lore , In Bodies strength , that others goes before . Nay , euen in the gifts of the body onely ; we see , that hee , which is excellent in some one , is , oftentimes , defectiue in many other . Corporum vires ( saith Seneca ) non ad omnia , quae viribus perficiuntur , ●ptae sunt . The strength of the body , is not apt for all those things , that are done by strength only . And hee illustrateth his position , by diuers pregnant instances . Illi , nemo , luctando , par est : ille , ●d tollendam magni ponderis sarcinam , praeualet : ille , quicquid appre hendit , non● emittit ; sed in procliue nitentibus vehiculis , moraturas manus imicit . One man , is very strong in wrestling : anothers strength lieth all in bearing , in listing , and carrying of great and weighty burthens : anothers strength lyeth all in holding whatsoeuer he casteth his hand vpon ; as in staying of heauy carts , and wagons , when they are running downe the steepest hills . As Homer notably illustrateth , in describing the games of the Phaeacians , in Running , Wrestling , Leaping , Coyting ; he nameth a seuerall Victor , in euery one of them . But no man , could win in Two : much lesse , in All of them . Now , who is it , that hath giuen this strength vnto men , in so strange and differing both measures and manners ? Homer answereth that question , in Agamemnons expostulation with Achilles : Quòd singulari , praeter caeteros , robore praeditus es ; id verò non Tutibi , sed Dij ded●runt . That thou in strength art singular , and others doest excel ; Thou not thy selfe , but God to thee , hath giu'n it , know we well . It is the Lord that is our Strength : as the holy Scripture also teacheth vs. Yea , and Seneca , in the former place , goeth further , and sheweth , that those faculties are limited , not onely vnto men ; but also vnto Beasts too . As , in dogges ; some of them are onely strong in fighting , some others , in running . And so in Horses too ; some of them are onely strong in riding ; some other of them , in onely drawing . And this gift , thus limited , euen to these brute beasts , doth God plainely assume vnto himselfe . Hast thou giuen vnto the horse his strength ? sayth God vnto Iob : meaning , that this was not the worke of a man , but the proper and immediate worke of God. Thus God , who hath the free disposing of all excellent gifts , in his owne only hands , bestoweth them as he pleaseth , both vnto men and beasts : giuing vnto some of them , more , and vnto others of them , f●wer ; after the onely motion of his owne goodwill and pleasure . But all of them he hath not giuen , vnto any one man. Nay , not all , to any Nation . All nations are not eloquent . All nations are not Warlicke . All nations are not learned . And yet , as God hath giuen all gifts vnto none : so hath he depriued none of all . But as Seneca obseruet● ) Omnibus sua decora sunt . Athenae , eloquentia , inclytae sunt ; Thebae , sacris ; Sparta , armis . Athens is glorious , for her eloquence ; Thebes , for her holia●●se ; and Sparta , for her armes . And the like may bee sayd of diuers other C●●●tries , vnto whom God hath giuen to excell , in diuers particular gifts : But , to excell in all , to none : much lesse to any Man. For , as Homer againe testifieth : Alij tribuit Deus bellica opera ; alij saltationem ; Alij cytharam , & cantum : alijs — animum p●udente● . God giues some , force of Armes , and arts of warre ; To others actiue nimblenes to dance ; These in the Harpe , and singing , skilfull are ; Those haue a soule to wisdomes height aduanc't . Which sentence of Homer , implyeth these two things . First , that all these fore-named things , are the onely gifts of God. And secondly , that hee powreth them not lauishly , vpon all men , without diser●tion ; but disp●nseth them aduisedly , according to his wisdome . For ( as Tertullian very truely obserueth ) God is not a Lauisher , but a Dispenser of his blessings : Dispensator bonitatis , non Profusor . But here it may be obiected , that Elaeus Hippias had the knowledge of all Arts. For he openly professed : Nihil esse , in vlla arte , ●erum omnium ; quod ille nesciret . That there was nothing in any Art , of which he was ignorant , instancing , not onely in liberall and ingenious Arts , but also in fordide and ignoble : As namely , that hee had made with his owne proper hands , both the Cloake vpon his shoulders , and the Rings vpon his fiugers , and the Shooes vpon his feete . Whose vaine ostentation is worthily scoffed with scomme of the Orator , Scilicet nimìs hic quidem progressus est : He surely went a steppe or two , too farre . And the like vaine profession , did Gorgias also make : whose custome it was , to call openly vpon all men , to come and oppose him in any thing : for that hee was well prepared , to dispute of euery thing : yea and to say all , of all matters , that could possibly be sayd of them . And so likewise Demecri●us , who began his speech thus : Haec loquor de vniuersis . Nihil excipit ( sayth the Orator ) de quo non profiteatur . Quid enìm esse potest extra vniuersa ? I speake this of all things , he excepteth nothing . For what can be with out the compasse of All things ? Much is also reported of the Emperour Hadr●an , for the great variety of his learning . But much more is reported of the wise King Salomon ; and much more truely too ▪ whose knowledge was so generall , that there was not almost any thing , whereof hee had not spoken . Whereby it appeareth , that though many men haue attained but to few arts ; yet that some men haue attained vnto many . Yea almost vnto all . For so it is reported of Democritus ; that he was , in Philosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : quia & Naturalia & Moralia , & Mathematica , & liberalium disciplinarum rationes , Artiumque omnium peritiam callebat . That he was , in all Philosophie , an absolute man : hauing an excellent knowledge , both in the Physickes , and Ethi●●es , and the Mathematicks ; and in all the rest of the liberall Arts. But vnto this I answere , with the Romane Orator : That a slight and perfunctorie knowledge , may easily be attained , of many of those Arts : but a full and perfect , scarce of any ; and much lesse , of all . So that , for those men fore-named ; it rather may be thought , that they knew many Arts superficially , then any substantially . For , if they knew so many , they knew them not all fully ; much lesse knew they all absolutely . They knew , perhaps , more then others : but they kn●w not so much , but they might haue learned more themselues . Their knowledge was but such , as Simo reporteth to haue bene , in his sonne Pamphilus , that hee knew , Nihil egr●giè praeter caete●a : sed omnia mediocriter , They knew many things indifferently ; but nothing exactly . For first , for Elaeus Hippias , that vain-glorious Sciolus ; how great his knowledge was , there is no man euer testified , but only he himselfe . He saith or himselfe , that hee was ignorant of nothing . But Tullie censure●h this , in him , to haue beene nothing else , but his boasting and ostentation . Cuncta penè audiente Graecia , gloriatus est . For Leontinus Gorgias , that bombasted Sophister , the greatnesse of his learning was rather in the peoples false opinion and ascription ; then in his owne true poss●ssion : as Aelian noteth of him . Veterum Graecorum aetate , s●mmae gloria floruerunt Gorgias Leontinus , & Protagor as Democriti filius : saptentia vero , tantum abfuerunt , quantum a viris pueri . In ancient time , among the Greeks , there were not men more renowned , then Gorgias , and Protagoras : Who yet came as short of many other , for their wisedome , as the weakenesse of a child , from the strength of a man. So that , for all their great fame , yet were they , in truth , but of a little learning . And for the Emperour Had ian , whose variety of learning is set out vnto the full , both by Aurelius Victor ; and by Aelius Spartianus : yet if it were no greater then is there reported , it came so farre short of an vniuersall knowledge in all Arts , that it might truely be said of him , that , th● greatest p●rt of those things which he knew , were indeed , but the least of those things which hee knew not . And for King Salomon though he had a singular prerogatiue in wisedome , yet was he so farre r●m attai●●● vnto the perfection of all knowledge , that hee ingenuo●sly professeth , that hee was 〈◊〉 vtterly tyred , in se●king that which he had not : and notably vexedly that , which he had ●ot . So that , for all these we cannot yet meete with any man , but that he had all his learning and knowledge limited out vnto him : yea , and that by a scant scantli●g And therefore the va●rting of Hipp●as , & Gorgias , of such an vniuersall knowledge , that they would 〈◊〉 all that 〈◊〉 be spoken ; was rather an argument of their solly , then it was of their 〈◊〉 ; as euen Aristotle expressely hath censured such vaine-glory . De omnibus eniti quidpiam dicere , nihilque praetermittere insgnis stultitiae 〈◊〉 videbitur esse , aut animi valdè parati . To endeauour to speake vnto cu●ry n●atter , and to leaue out nothing , is either an argument of exceeding folly , or of very rare learning . Scoffing at their vanity , that imagined themselues to know all things so perfectly . Therefore , Let vs now come vnto the second step of our forenamed Gradation : and there we shall see the truth of this conclusion , a great deale more plainely . For it is not or ely true , that , No man can haue the perfect knowledge of many Arts. Which Xen●phon directly , in expresse termes affirmeth : Non potest fieri , vt qui multis v●●●ur ●rtibus , is homo omnia pulchrè faciat : It cannot be , that if any man apply himselfe vnto many seuerall Arts , he should practise them all , either cunningly , or comely . In which his opinion , Plato likewise concurreth with him : yea , and goeth one step beyond him . For the same impossibility , which Xe●●phon ascribeth vnto the learning of many Arts , doth Plato ascribe vnto the learning , but of any two of them . Duas artes , aut studia duo , diligenter exercere , human● naturae non potest . It is aboue the power of our humane nature , for any one of vs , to be excellent , in either two Arts , or two Studies . No , not euen in two mechanicals . And therefore he appointed it for a law in his Common-wealth , Vt n●mo , aerarius simul & lignarius saber sit — sed sing●l● opifi●●s , singulis artibus vacent . That no man shall be both a Brazier , and a Carpenter : but that euery seuerall workeman , shall haue his seuerall occupation . Which law he would neuer haue ordained , but that he was perswaded , that two Arts together , cannot perfectly be l●arned . And therefore , Tullie is deceiued in both the parts of his sentence , when he saith , that , Interdictum non est , aut a rerum natura , aut a lege aliqua , tque more , vt singulis hominibus , non ampliùs , quam singulas artes nosse , liceat . That it is not forbidden , neither by Nature , nor by law , that any man should be learned , but onely in one Art. For Xenophon affirmeth , that Nature hath forbidden it ; Fieri non potest : and Plato hath appointed a Law to forbid it . Yea , and that vpon this ground , because Nature hath forbidden it ; Humana natura non potest . And this we may plainely see verified , euen in Tullie himselfe , to go no further for an instance . For , if any two Arts can be perfectly attained , by one and the same man ; it is Oratorie , and Poetrie : because these two are so neere , that they be all one in a manner . Est sinitimus Oratori Poëta : A Poet is the very next Borderer vnto an Orator . Nay , there is not onely a very neere neighbourhood , but also a kindred betweene those two Arts : Poetis , est proxima cognatio cum Oratoribus : as Tullie himselfe confesseth . And yet , he himselfe , indeauouring to attaine vnto both of them , both with as great a wit , and as great a study , as euer did any man , came so farre short , in the one of them ; that , that censure of Cat●●lus ( with a little deflection ) might very fitly bee applied vnto him , that he was , Tanto pessimus omnium Poëta , Quanto — optimus omnium Patronus . Of all the Poets , he the worst by much ; Who , of all Orators , was the true None-such . So that , for all his excellency in Oratorie ; yet could he scarce attaine to a mediocrity in Poetry . Which his weakenesse and deficiencie , the Poet Iuvenal , in his Satyre , derideth very bitingly : giuing instance in that noted verse of his : O fortunat●m natam , me Consule , Romam : O Rome , thou fortunate , While I thy Consul sate : And scoffing at it there , with this bitter Sarcasmus , Antoni gladios potuit contemnere , si sic Omnia dixisset . — If Tullies pleas , Had all bene such as these ; Hee might defie , The sword of Anthony . Yea , and Seneca obserueth the very same defect in him : and compares him with another : who being a very rare and excellent Poet ; yet prooued but a meane , and a very silly Orator . Virgilium , illa felicitas ingenij , oratione soluta reliquit : Ciceronem , eloquentia sua , in carminibus , destituit . Yea , and hee proceedeth in the same place , vnto other examples . Orationes Salustij , in honorem historiarum , non leguntur . Eloquentissimi viri Platonis oratio , qu●e pro Socrate scripta est , nec patrono , nec reo digna ●st . Virgils happinesse of wit forsooke him in his proofe : and Tullies eloquence , him , in his verses . Salusts orations , are no honor to his historie ; and Platoes made for Socrates , is vtterly vnworthy . So that , Virgil was a good Poet ; but he was no goo● Orator : Tullie a good Orator ; but yet no good Poet : Salust a good Historiographer ; but no good Declamer : Plato a good Disputer ; and yet no good Orator . All which , with all their wit and labour , yet could not attaine to be excellent in two Arts : though both , almost of one nature : and though they sought after them , with great study and indeauour . And therefore Seneca , in the forealledged place , sets it peremptorily downe , as his resolute opinion , that , The excellentest wit , that euer was , yet cannot get to excell , in any mo●e , then in one thing . Magna quoque ingenia , quando , plus , quam in vno , eminuerunt op●re ? When did the greatest wits , excell , in any more , then in one onely Art ? Nay , not in any one Art , to the full perfection of it : which in our Gradation , is the third , and the last steppe . For , no man euer yet had any Art so perfect , but that he still found , that he could learne somewhat more in it : and that there was somewhat , which , as yet , hee had not learned . So that he had not attayned vnto the last quiddities , and vttermost bounds of it . Which Hippocrates insinuateth , in the first of his Aphorismes : Where , hee seemeth to complaine , that mans life was so short , that he could not reach the fulnesse and perfection of any Art. Vita breuis , Ars longa : Mans life is but short ; but Art is very l●ng . Yea , and that so long : Vt discentes vita deficiat : as the Orator obserueth , euen in t●is very case . And therefore , Theophrastus was wont to complaine of natures iniustice , that she had giuen so long a life vnto Crowes , and vnto Stags , that could make no good vse of it ; and denied it vnto men , that could so profitably imploy it . All which their complaints , are builded vpon this ground , that , by the shortnesse of our life , we are cut off , from attayning vnto any one single Arte , in his ful & true perfection . Whereof Xenephon hath giuen vsa very pregnant instance , but in a manuarie-Arte ; yea , and that , one of the meanest , to wit , the Arte of Shooemaking ; wherein , a man would thinke , that there were not such deepe skill , but might easily be attained , by the shallowest skull . And yet , euen in this meane Arte , he there obserueth , that no man was perfect in in all the works of it : but that , Calceos facit , hic quidem , virorum ; ille , m●lierum . Some are Shooemakers for men ; and other some , for women . As it is with vs in Taylers : that some are Mens , and some are womens : and hardly one is excellent in both . And yet , maintaineth himselfe well , by that his mutilated skill ; though it be , in very deed , but a peece of an Arte. Yea and he glorieth greatly too , if he can excell , but euen in that : as Xenophon obserueth in the forealledged place . Satis est , etiam vna , cuique , Ars , ad alendum ; ac saepè , ne t●ta quidem vna . One Arte is sufficient to maintaine euery man : ye● , 〈◊〉 that , oftentimes not a whole Arte , but a peece of one . So hard a thing is 〈…〉 full perfection , but of any one Arte ; though it be but a meane 〈◊〉 ▪ As we may likewise see , in Platoes fore-named instances of his Smithes , 〈◊〉 his Wrights : how many seuerall Arts there be , vnder both these 〈◊〉 . Some , Goldsmiths ; some , Braziers ; some Blacksmiths ; some , Farriers ; some , Locksmiths . And so likewise , in the other of these heads . Some , Housewrights ; some , Shipwrights ; some , Cartwrights ; and some , the loyners of smaller workes . And yet all of these , but one Arte , of Wright-Craft ; and one Arte , of Smiths-Craft : though no man can attaine to be excellent in all of it . Which Tullie also sheweth , euen in his owne Arte of Rhetorick : and in those sixe persons , whom in his Bookes , De Oratore , he made his Interlocutors : Crassus , and Antonius , Caesar , and Catulus , Cotta , and Sulpitius . Who had , euery one of them , a seuerall forme of eloquence of his owne , and yet was , as good as Nobody , in any of the kinds of any of his fellowes . And the like he there declareth , by diuers instances , both of Greeke , and Romane Orators . Who , though they all professed the same Arte of Rhetoricke ; yet could none of them attaine , vnto all the graces of it . Nay , none indeede to many : but euery one had his owne ; an● that was commonly but one . Suavitatem , Isocrates ; subtilitatem , Lysias ; acumen , Hyperides ; sonitum , Aeschines ; vim , Demosthenes habuit . Quis eorum non egregius ? tam●n , quis , cuiusquam , nisi sui similis ? I socrates , had his sweetnesse ; Lysias his slynesse ; Hyperides his sharpenesse , Aeschines , his voice , and Demosthenes , his force . Euery one of which Orators , were excellent , in their kindes : and yet none of them like any , but onely like themselues . And hee exemplifi●th it , yet further , by diuers other instances , among the Romane Orators . Grauitatem , Africanus ; Lenitatem , Lelius ; asperitatem , Galba ; profluens qu●ddam habuit Carbo , & canorum . Qui● horum , non princeps , temporibus illis , fuit ? & suo tamen quisque in genere princeps . Africanus , had his grauitie ; Lalius , his mildnesse ; Galba , his austeritie ; Carbo , his profluence . Euery one of all those , were the principals of their times : and yet euery one excelled but only in his owne kinde . Whereby it appeareth , that , euen this one Arte of Rhetorick though it be an art , concluded within his definite termes ; Canco●lis circumscripta scientia ; as euen the Orator himselfe acknowledgeth : yet is a facultie , of so large and , so wide an extension , that all the bounds of it , could neuer yet be reached , or touched by any man : but that , euery one thought it , to be glory ynough for him , if hee could but attaine to any reasonable portion : though in diuers others parts , hee had many great defects . Which Seneca also obserueth euen in this very Case . In ipsa oratione , quanvis vna materia sit ; tamen ille , qui optimè argumentatur , negligentiùs narrat : ille , non tam benè implet , quam praeparat . In pleading ( saith hee ) though the Arte be all the same ; yet some man argueth excellently , who openeth the cause , but negligently : another hath the art to stirre vp his hearers , vnto diligent attention , and cannot hold them , when he hath done . And hee giueth , for an instance , his friend Passienus . Passienus noster , cùm coepit dicere , s●cundùm principium , slatim fuga fit : ad epilogum , omnes reuertuntur : media , tantùm quibus necesse est , audiunt . Whenas Passienus pleadeth , all his Auditors forsake him , when he hath done his exordium : and yet all returne againe , to heare his conclusion : but ●is middle part no man heareth , s●uing only those men , vnto whom it belongeth . Whereupon he there concludeth , that , Magna , & variares est eloquentia : 〈◊〉 vlli sic indulsit , vt tota contingeret . Sat●s foelix est , qui in aliqu●m ●ius p●rtem est receptus . Eloquence is a faculty , of an exceeding great varietie ; whi●h yet hath neuer bene so fauourable vnto any , as to giue it selfe vnto him intirely , and wholy . That man is well , for his part , that can get but a peece of it . So that ( as Saint Hilary admonisheth very wisely ) Non tantum confidendum est , ●n prudentia humana , vt perfectum se quis putet , sapere quod sap●at . No man should be so confident , of his owne high wisdome , as to conceite , that he hath attained vnto a perfection . And , as it is in pleading : so is it also , in disputing : Suid●s reporteth of Heraiscus : That he could excellently confirme a truth , but he was not able to conuince a lie . And Hierom reporteth of Lactantius : That he could be●●●r conf●●e a lie , then confirme a truth . Vtinam tam nostra confirmar● potuisset , quam facile aliena destruxit . Now , who is it , that thus narrowly confineth this facultie of the tongue , which no man can ●ame , but wildly runneth throughout the whole Earth ; but onely God himselfe ? He it is ( sayth the Prophet ) that giueth vnto men , the ●ongue of the learned : and that bestoweth eloquence , vpon whom hee pleaseth : as euen he himselfe professeth , vnto Moses . For when hee detrected his going into Egypt , vpon a pretence , that he was not eloquent : God presently asked , Who it was , that had giuen the mouth vnto man ? and who had made the deafe , and the dumbe ? Insinuating thereby , that it was onely he . And this wee may euidently see to be true , in those strange tongues and languages , which were by him bestowed , vpon the Apostles . For , when the Holy Ghost descended vpon them , they beganne , euery one , to speake in a strange tongue : yet not , as they themselues were pleased ; but , as the Holy Ghost permitted . They spake with other tongues , as the Spirit g●ue them vtterance : hee that gaue them the gift , giuing also limits to it . So that , both their languages , and their vtterance , were the gifts of God : yea and limited vnto them , in one and the same measure : but vnto some of them , in one ; and vnto others , in another . For , the Apostle Paul professeth , that hee spake with diuer● tongues , more then all his others fellowes . And , that wee should not suppose , that hee got those tongues by study , as it is with vs , hee expresly ascribeth that gift , vnto none other , but onely vnto God , as to the proper Author . To one , there is giuen the diversity of tongues ; to another , the interpretation of tongues ; by the very same Spirit . And therefore , he bese●cheth the Colossians , to pray to God for him , that a doore of vtterance might be opened vnto him . Whereby hee plainely acknowledged , that both the diuersitie of tongues , and the measure of vtterance , are the onely gifts of God. Yea , and the selfe same is likewise acknowledged , euen by the very Heathen . Among all those graces , which Homer affirmeth to be the gifts of God , and by him to bee diuersly distributed vnto men , the first of them , is , Eloquium , that is , Eloquence of tongue . Y●a , and Pindarus also , in expresse termes , acknowledgeth , God himselfe to be the only giuer of Eloquence . A Dijs , & prudentes , & fortes , & loquentes nascuntur . Or wise , or strong or eloquent , Both one , and all , from God are sent . Yea , and euen profane Lucian ( for all his scoffing spirit ) yet affirmeth , that , Eloquence is giuen vs , by the Spirit . He saith that men do , vim & potestatem dicendi , a Spiritu acciper● . Meaning there , the Holy Ghost ; though he would seem● to deride it . But God ( that giueth the tongue ) ouer-ruled his tongue , and made it speake the truth , against his will. Yea , and all the Orators themselues , bo●h of the Greekes , and Latines , doe plainely confesse the same : when , in the beginnings of their solemne Oratio●s , they call vpon God , to giue them good successe . And so doe Poets likewise : when they inuocate the Muses , and ●aine them to be their god Iupiters Daughters : They plainely therein confesse , that their facultie of Poetry , is giuen them , by the gods . Deceiued they are , in the particular , of ascribing that gift , vnto their false gods : but yet , right , in the generall , of ascribing it , to God : vnto whom , it is , indeed , of right , to be ascribed . As Pacianus hath plainely , and truely affirmed : Dic , oro , ●rater , Musae literas repererunt ? Nonne per Dominum omnia ? & a Deo omnia ? Tell me ( o my good Brother ) were the Muses , the first inuenters of learning ? Is it not from God , and by God , that a man knoweth euery thing ? Yes , surely . For ( as it is affirmed , in the booke of Iob ) Though there be a spirit in a man ; yet is it the inspiration of the Almighty , that giueth him vnderstanding . Then it is not , either the spirit of the Muses , nor the spirit of his Maisters , nor yet his owne priuate spirit , that teacheth a man any thing : but it is only Gods Spirit ; by his onely annointing . Vnctio vos docet omnia : Ye need not ( saith S. Iohn ) that any man should teach you , any thing ; For the annointing teacheth you all things . He is the Spirit of truth : and hee it is , that leadeth a man , into all truth ; as well in Philosophie , as hee doth in Diuinity . And ( as Plato well obserueth , vnto the same purpose ) If any man be not taught by him , it is but in vain● , that he giueth himselfe to learne . For , Nemo docebit , nisi Deus adiuuer it . No man can euer teach vs , if God himselfe doe not helpe vs. So that , all a mans knowledge , in all the Arts fore-named , is onely infused into him , by God , and by the breathing of his spirit ; sometimes , working with his labour : yea and sometimes , without it . For it is generally true , which the Orator hath affirmed , that , Nemo , vir magnus , sine aliquo afflatu diuino , vnquam fuit . That no man euer was excellent , in any one Arte , if we were not inspired , with a speciall spirit for it . So then , it is God likewise , that limiteth vnto euery man , all his Arts. And it is God likewise , that limiteth vnto euery Arte , all his faculties . For ( as Plato truly teacheth vs ) Cuique Arti , facultas a Deo tribuitur , certi cuiusdam operis indicandi . God hath giuen a faculty vnto euery Arte , to iudge but of his own● prop●r and definite worke . Neque enìmea , quae gubernatoria arte cognoscimus , medicina quoque percipiemus ; neque etiam , quae medicina perspiciemus , arch●ectura animadvertemus . We know not those things , by the Art of the Pilot , that we do by Phisicke ; nor yet those by Phisicke neither , that we do by Architecture : but euery Arte is tied vnto his owne proper matter : and is precisely limited , both to his Subiectum in quo , & to his Subiectum cirea quod . And this Limiter , he affirmeth expressely to be God. And thus the limiting and bounding , not one of all naturall bodies , and their naturall powers ; but also the limiting of all humane Arts , and Sciences , is the worke of God : who ( as Iustine Martyr noteth ) doth , & Naturae , & Arti , finem ponere : giue limits , both to Nature , and to Arte. Yea , and the contemplation of it , doth leade vs , by the hand , vnto the knowledge of a God : who is , both the Author , and the 〈◊〉 of them , by the direct confessions euen of the very Heathens . 9 Th●n , much more , must needes the limiting of all spirituall graces bee his , which are immediately ●men , by his owne most gracious hands . A●l which though 〈◊〉 ●iueth very liberally , and bountifully : yet doth he not giue them , either all , without measure ; or vnto all , in the same measure : but vnto euery one such a proportion , as seemeth best vnto his diuine wisedome . As Saint Paule plainely declareth in the first of his Epistles vnto the Corrinthians , where he han●leth that Argument , ex professo . Vnto one ( saith hee ) is giuen by the Spirit , the word of Wisedome ; to another the word of Knowledge , by the same Spirit : to another , is giuen faith , by the same Spirit ; and to another , the gift of ●●aling , by the same Spirit ; and to another , the operations of great workes ; and to another , pr●phesies ; and to another , the discerning of Spirits ; and to another , the diuer 〈◊〉 of tongues ; and to another , the interpretation of tongues . And all these , worketh euen the sel●e same Spirit , distributing to euery man seuerally , a● he will. Out of which place o● Saint Paul● , wee may obserue these three things . First , that none of all those graces , can be assumed of any man , as hee himselfe pleaseth : but they must be giuen to him , as their bestower pleaseth . Secondly , that they are not a●l giuen vnto any one man : but some of them vnto one , and some vnto another ; as God doth all his workes ; in number , weight , and measure . Thirdly , that the measure of all those Donatiues and Graces , is onely at the absolute will of their Giuer . But who is then this Gi●● , that in such sort disposeth those graces , as he pleaseth ? That also the same Apostle , a little before expresseth . There are diuer s●ties of gifts , but the same Spirit . There are diuer s●ies of administrations , but the same Lord. There are diu●rsities of operations , but ●od is the same , who worketh all in all . So then , the Limiter of all those graces , is the Spirit ; and that Spirit is the Lord ; and that Lord is God. It is the Spir●t of God , and God the Spirit , who is the limiter and disposer of all spirituall gifts vnto men , in that manner and measure , as hee pleaseth to bestow them . 〈◊〉 erìm Deus gra●iam suam , quam dat Ecclesiae suae ad mensuram , saith ●uffine . Non 〈◊〉 proficit vnusquisque in virtute , & grat●a quantum ●upit , sed quantum pl●et ei●d●uider , qui ●erminos pon●t . For , God limus all th●se 〈◊〉 , which he bestones vpon his Church : not giuing to euery man so much as he de●●reth : but onely so much , as hee 〈◊〉 Giuer pleaseth . And this Tertulli●n very notably confirmeth , by comparing this p●ace of S. Paule the Apostle , with another like place of Isaiah the Prophet : where this limiting and confining Spirit , is called by that Spirit : The Spirit of the Lord , the Spirit of Wisedome and vnderstanding ; the Spirit of counsell and strength ; the Spirit of knowledge , and of the feare of the Lord. By a parallell of which two places , he perempto●●y concludeth , ●h●t the Apostle and Prophet , speake both of the same Spirit . Compara species Apostoli , & Isaiae : Alij ( inquit ) datur , per Spiritum , sermo s●●entie : statim & Es●●as , Spiritum s●p●entiae p●suit . Alij , sermo sc●●●tiae : hic erit intelligentiae , & consilij . Aly fides in eodum Spiritu : hic erit spiritus religionis , & 〈◊〉 Domini . Alij● donum c●rationum ; alij , virtutum : hic erit valentiae spiritus . Alij , prophetia ; ali● , distinctiones spirituum ; alij , genera linguarum ; alij , interpretat to li●guarum : hic erit agn●tionis Spiritus . Compare the Apostle● place with Isaies . To one ( saith the Apostle ) is giu●n by the Spirit , the word o● wisedome : the Spirit ( saith the Prophet ) is the spirit of wisedom . To another ( saith the Apostle ) is giuen the word of knowledge : the spirit ( saith the Prophet ) is the spirit of vnderstanding , and couns●ll . To another ( saith th● Apostle ) is giuen fa●th , by the same spirit : the spirit ( saith the Prophet ) is the spirit of Religion , an● of the 〈◊〉 of God. To another ( saith the Apostle ) is giuen the gift of healing ; to another , the operation of great workes , by the same spirit : the spirit ( saith the Prophet ) is the spirit of power and strength . To another ( saith the Apostle ) is giuen propheci● ; to another , the discerning of spirits , to another , the diuer●ity of to●gues ; to another the interpretation of tongues : the Spirit ( saith the Proph●t ) is the spirit of knowledge . And he concludeth with these words : Vides Apostolu● , & in di●tributione facienda vnius spiritus , & in 〈◊〉 interpretand● , Prophet●●●●nsp●rantem . Thus you see , that the Apostle , both in distributing the seuerall gifts of one and the same Spirit , and in specifying by interpretation , who was that one Spirit , doth fully conspire and agree with the Prophet . And so indeed , they do●● speaki●g both of them the same things in differing words : yea , and sometimes not in diff●ring words neither ▪ but in the very same words . So then , it is none other but the holy Spirit of God , that is the giuer and distribut●r of all spirituall g●aces . Which , as he seuerally dispenseth vnto seuerall persons ; so doth he likewise , in seuerall manners . As we way euidently see , in all the fore-named instances . This Spirit distributed Wisedome and Knowledge , vnto many : but in such measure as vnto Salomon , not vnto any . It distributed faith vnto all th● beleeu●rs : but yet , it distributed it in differing measures . The C●nanitish woma● is commended , for a great faith . The Apostles themselues are reproo●ed for a little one . It distributed vnto diuers , the power of working miracles : but it distributed it vnto them in differing proportions . The rest of the Apostles healed but where they were present : but the Apostle Paule , euen where he was absent : The rest , but by ●heir bodily touching ; but P●ter , by his onely shadowing . The rest of the Prophets , but onely whilest they liued : but Elish● , after he was dead . It distributed vnto all the Prophets , the high gift of prophecying : but in such measure , as vnto Moses , it gaue it vnto none of them . It distributed the gift of tongues , vnto all the Apostles : but yet vnto Saint Paule , more largely then to them all . Thus the holy Spirit of God is both the onely giuer of all spirituall gifts , vnto men ; and the onely distributer of them all among men ; and the only limiter of the same in all men . And thus , the limitation of all finite things , both of naturall bodyes , and of their naturall powers ; and of artificiall ●aculties ; and of spirituall graces ; doe all of them conclude , That there is a God : vnto whom , and to none other , that worke can be ascribed : And this , both by the consequence of naturall reasons ; and also , by the testimonie of the weightiest authoriti●s ▪ both humane and diuine . Which is the fi●st Metaphysicall Consideration . CHAP. 2. The immensitie of mens appetites doth shew , T●ere is a God. 2. The immensitie of naturall appetites . 3. 〈…〉 appetites . 4. The immensitie of intellectuall or spirituall app●tites . 5. The immensitie of Desire . 6. The immensitie of Anger . 7. The immensitie of will. 8. And yet God is able to fill them all . THe second Metaphysicall consideration , from whence we may collect , that There is a God , is taken , from a place of a contrary Nature vnto the former . For , as the former concluded it , from the limited and bounded circumscription of all finite things ; which cannot be the worke of any other Agent , but onely of God : so this concludeth it , from the vnlimited and vnbound extension of the Appetites of Man ; which can haue none other sufficient and replenishing Obiect , but onely God. The defining and circumscribing of all finite things , doth shew , There is a God ; by whom they haue beene limited . And the dilating and extending of mans infinite appetites , doth shew There is a God ; by whom they must be filled . For an infinite appetite , cannot be replenished , but by an infinite Obiect . So that , though the Soule of a man , haue many diuers powers and faculties in it , which represent vnto vs , diuers notable images of Gods diuine properties ( as shall , God willing , be declared in a speciall Treatise intended to that purpose : ) yet is there none of them all , which repr●senteth Gods Infinity , but onely that one facultie , which by Philosophers is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the burning Appetite , and Desire of the Soule . Which is a thing so spacious , and in some sort so infinite , that it cannot be filled with any finite Obiect : as the Prophet Habakuk hath expresly declared : who , in this respect , compareth it vnto Hell , and vnto Death , that cannot be satisfied . From whence , it must needs follow , that , seeing no finite Obiect is able to fill vp that gaping Chasma , and insatiable gulfe of the Soules appetite ; that therefore there must needs bee some infinite Obiect prouided for it ; which is able to fill it , vntill it crie , Ynough . For ( as Aquinas well obserueth ) Quael●bet potentia appetit obiectum sibi conueniens . Euery facultie , in nature , requireth such an Obiect , as is fitting vnto it . And therefore Appetitus and Appetitum , must bee fitted , as iust together , as Locus and Locatum : or else there should be Vacuum in rerum natura : yea , and Vanum too . For , if the appetite be neuer filled , and neuer attaine his ende ; then ( as Aristotle obserueth ) Inanis , & vanus erit Appetitus : Our appetite shall both be vacuus , and vanus . And therefore , that Nature , which hath made the appetite so large , if it had not appointed some fitting and proportionated Obiect vnto it , whereby it may be filled ; it hath framed and fashioned it so large in vaine , and transgrest in her proportion . But , that , Nature hath not done . She hath made , in all her works , neither vacuum , nor va●um : She hath made nothing in vaine , as Aristotle in plaine termes expresly affirmeth . For first , for vacuum ; he saith , that , vacuum esse , Naturae ratio non patitur : The very nature of Nature , will not suffer any Vacuum . And secondly , for Vanum ; hee expresly saith againe , that , Deus & Natura , nihil faciunt frustra : That neither God nor Nature , doth any thing in vaine . But the largenesse of the appetite , should in vaine haue beene created , if there were not in all nature , some Obiect to fill it . Which , no finite Obiect can possibly performe . And therefore , it followeth , There must needs be some Infinite . And that can be nothing , but onely God : as Aqui●as plainely proueth . 2 Now , looke into all the seuerall appetites of Man , of what nature soeuer ; and you shall finde them all , to be of an infinite , and vnsatiable nature : and such , as that none of them can be filled , with that ordinarie Obiect , which , in common vnderstanding , is appropriated vnto it : but expecteth , yea and exacteth , some other , of a more extended , and infinite , nature ; before it can be filled , and throughly contented . Aquinas diuideth the generall Appetite , into these three speciall kindes : that , Some of them , be naturall ; Some , sensible ; and some intellectuall , or Spiritual . In all which , wee may see an infinite auiditie : and such , as cannot be satisfied , with any finite Obiect . Let me giue you , in euery head , some Examples , to illustrate it . And first , for Naturall Appetites : Aristotle , in one place , giueth instance , of three of them ; which are , the most common , and familiar vnto all men . And they be , the Appetites of Eating , of Drinking , and of Sleeping . And yet , none of them all , is able to content the appetite of the soule . As King Salomon , nominatìm , giueth instance , in all of them . For eating and drinking ; hee expresly affirmeth of them , that though all the labour of a man , be onely for his mouth ; yet that ( for all that ) the soule is not filled . Whereby hee insinuateth , that though the Belly may be filled , both with eating and drinking ; yet the appetite of the Soule , is not filled , with either of them . And wee see his obseruation to bee verified , euen to sense , in the daily practice of Gluttons , and Drunkards : who lose not their appetites , with the filling of their stomacks ; but , euen then , when their Bellies are distended , and full ; yet their appetites are ieiune , and emptie ; and still desire more , euen when they haue too much : yea , and euen prouoking their oppressed Stomackes , to eate yet more , with their sawces ; and to drinke yet more , with their salt● meates so , adding thirst vnto drunkennesse : rising vp early , to follow it , and sitting vp late , at it : as the Prophet complayneth , Yea , euen , ad diurnam stellam matutinam potantes : as the Comicke speaketh : drinking downe the Euening st●rre , and drinking vp the Morning starre ; making so their ipsum viuere , to be nothing else , but Bibere . Nec sitis est extincta priùs , quàm Vita , bibendo . His Thirst , yea and his Life , in drinke , Were quench't together , and extinct . As though they had purposely beene made , for nothing , but onely , for the actions of eating , and drinking . And therefore Aristotle very truely calleth them : Furentes circa ventrem : Men out of their wits , with the pampering of their bellies : giuing a notable instance , in the Glutton Polyxenus ; who wished , that his necke were as long as a Cranes , to prolong his pleasure , in eating , and drinking . And yet , that curse of God doth continually pursue them , that though they eate much , yet they haue not enough ; and though they drinke much , yet they are not filled . Their stomackes may be filled : but so are not their appetites . For ( as Salomon truely noteth ) Vente● impiorum , est insaturabilis : The righteous eateth , to the satisfying of his soule : but the belly of the wicked euer wanteth . And so it is likewise , in the third of his instances : the appetite of sleeping : which is , as vnsatiable , as any of the rest , if a man do giue himselfe vnto it : as Salomon also obserueth in it : who , so elegantly characterizeth the drowsie-headed Slug gards , that no Character in Theophrastus , is more graphically described . Which he hath done , in the forme of a short Colloquie or Dialogue , by an excellent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherein first , hee rowseth him vp , and calleth vnto him , to wake him out of his slothfull and heauie sleepe . How long wilt thou sleepe , ô Sluggard ? and when wilt thou arise out of thy sleepe ? Then , he bringeth in the Sluggard , very earnestly intreating him , that hee would not molest him , but yet a while permit him , to haue a little further sleepe , a little longer slumber , a little more folding of the hands together . And finally , hee plainely threateneth him , that if hee continued in that Lethargie of his sleeping , his pouerty would presently ouertake him , as a Traueller ; and seaze vpon him , like an armed Souldier . And yet would not all this serue the turne . Hee was so deepely possessed with his veternus , and sleeping sicknesse , as if hee had beene metamorphosed into a very Dormouse . So that , this drowsie humour likewise , is not diminished , by feeding it : but rather ( like a dropsie ) it is the more increased . 3 And , as it is in naturall appetites : so is it , in sensible appetites too . They cannot be satisfied , no more then the former . But euen , when they haue what they would , they yet still call for more . And this also , King Salomon illustrateth , by two direct instances ; in Seeing , and in Hearing . The eye ( sayth he ) is not filled with seeing , nor the eare with hearing . The Eye , I grant , may bee wearied with seeing : but filled it cannot bee . As Musaeus expreslie noteth : Intuens defessus sum ; satietatem non inveni aspiciendi . My sight is wearied out with looking on ; And yet my selfe , satiety haue none . For , as the Graue and Destruction cannot be filled , so cannot the eyes of a man be satisfied : sayth Salomon againe , in another place . And so likewise the Eare. It may be wearied with hearing : but yet it cannot be filled neither . As Socrates likewise expresly obserueth . Aures suscipiunt voces omnes : nunquam verò implentur . Our eares do receiue all manner of voices : and yet be there none of them , that be able to fill them . And the like may bee sayd , of all the rest : as I partly haue shewed before , in the Tast : and that , both in our eating , and also in our drinking . Whereof Tully hath giuen vs a very notable instance , in the Persian King Xerxes : who , hauing tired himselfe out , with all ancient , and knowne pleasures , propounded great rewards vnto the inuenters of new : whereof when he had tasted ; yet could he not with all of them , be contented . Praemium proposuit ci , qui invenisset nouam voluptatem ; qua ipsa , non suit contentus . 4 But in a mans intellectuall , or spirituall appetites , ( for so , in a large sense , I accompt of all , which any way haue their seate in the Soule ) the same may a great deale more euidently be shewed . Them , Aristotle reduceth , vnto these three heads : Cupiditas , Ira , Voluntas : Desire Anger , and Will. All of them , hauing their place in the soule : and yet euery one , in a seuerall part of the soule . For , whereas the Soule is deuided into three parts , or powers , or faculties : Concupiscibilis , Irascibilis , and Rationalis : in euery one of these seuerall faculties , there be placed , by nature , their seuerall appetites . Cupidit is , in Concupisc●bili ; Ira , in Irascibili ; and Voluntas , in Rationali : In the Concupiscibl● part or faculty of the soule ▪ is seated the appetite of Desire ; in the Iras●●●le part , the appetite of Anger ; and in the reasonable , the appetite of Will. So that ( as , in the same place , he concludeth ) Si anima diuidatur in tres partes ; in earum vn● qu●que inerit appetit●● : If the Soule be deuided into his three parts ; you shall find , that euery part hath his owne proper appetite . Yea , and all of them too , in their nature , to be infinite . 5 And first , for Cupiditas , or Desire : there be foure principall Obiects , about which it is chiefly occupied : namely Power , Honour , Riches , and Pleasure . In all which , it bewrayeth it selfe to be infinite , and such as cannot be contented and satisfied . Whereby wee may see it plainly verified , which Aristotle hath obserued , that , Cupiditatis natura est in finita : that A mans desire is of an infinite nature . For first , as concerning Power ; if a man doe but once set his appetite vpon it , he hath left himselfe no power to cast limits about it : but it will grow to bee so infinite , that all the power of the world will not bee able to content it . As we may euidently see , in Alexander the Great . Whose appetite of Power , was so infinitely great , that when he heard , Democritus to hold , There were many Worlds ; hee fell into great sorrowing , because that , as yet , hee had not conquered one . Whereby it is euident , that all the power of one world , could not satisfie his appetite , though he might haue had it all . Nay , though there had bene as many worlds , as Democritus dreamed of , though hee might haue had all of them , yet would they not all haue contented him . For , as the Tragicall Poet hath truly obserued , Auidis , duidis , natura parumest . To such as are ambitious , and so greedy , All Nature selfe doth seeme to be too needy . Which Petronius Arbiter very notably exemplifieth , in the vnsatiable ambition of the Romans . Orbem iam totum , victor Romanus h●bebat : Quâ mare , quâ terrae , quâ sidus currit vtrumque Nec satiatus erat . — The conquering Romans got into their hand , The whole worlds compasse ; euen as farre as Land , Or any Sea● , or Heauen it selfe extended ▪ And yet this Nation could not be contented . For , the ambition of the proud inlargeth it selfe , like Hell ; and is like vnto Death , that cannot be satisfied : as the Prophet obserueth . Yea and Liuie also not obscurely insinuateth . Animus hominis insatiabilis est , eo quòd fortun● spondet . The minde of a man , will not be satisfied with any thing , if fortune do still promise , to bestow more vpon him . Neither was this the particular humor of those men fore-named ; whose greatnes of ambition , might easily bee bred in them , by the greatnesse of their Fortune : but it is the generall humor of all men , be they neuer so meane . For ( as Isocrates very truely affirmeth ) Vniuer si mortales , in eo elaborant , vt plus alijs possint . It is the common desire and indeauour of all men , to haue prerogatiue of some greater power , then there is in other men . Insomuch , that euery man , be he neuer so good , yet desireth a power , if it bee but to doe euill . And though hee neuer meane to vse it ; yet he desireth to haue it . — et qui nolunt occidere quenquam , Posse volunt . — saith the Poet. who haue to hurt , nor heart , nor Will ; Yet wish ● haue power , euen to kill . So Pilate , though he had no intention to hurt Christ ; yet boasted vnto him , that he had power to doe it . Knowest thou not that I haue power to crucifie thee , and haue power to loose thee ? And yet he vsed all meanes to saue him . Yea , and ●●ban , though his power was by God himselfe restrayned , yet he boasted that he had it . To conclude , a man hath not lesse power ouer himselfe in any thing whatsoeuer , then when he once fixeth his appetite vpon Power . And so it is likewise , in the next Head of Honour . If a man doe chance , to set his desire vpon that , it groweth , by and by , so infinite , that hee cannot bee contained within any bounds and limits , neither of Reason , nor of Duty ; no , nor of his owne Safety . As we may see by examples , in all these seuerall heads . For the first of them . The bounds of Reason , how grossely they oft●ntimes transgressed by ambition , the Orator hath pointed vs , to a notable instance , in the Heathen Philosophers . Of whom , though there were diuers so rigid , and sterne , as to publish whole Bookes in contempt of Vaine-glor●e , yet was the taste of that Vaine-glorie so delightfull to themselues , as that in the same bookes , they publisht their owne names . Which manifestly sheweth , that howsoeuer they outwardly would seeme to contemne it , yet they inwardly affected it . So they affected glory in writing against Glory ; and shewed themselues vaine , euen in calling it Vaine . Which folly they would neuer haue committed so euidently against their outward profession , but that their Reason was dazeled , and blinded by ambition . And the like may be seene in the ambition of old men : who ( contrary to all reason ) are as greedy of Honour , in their decrepite old age , when they must by and by forgoe it ; as they were euer in their youth , when they might long enioy it . For ( as Thucidides well obserueth ) Sola dulcedo Gloriae , ●en senescit . The onely humour of ambition , doth neuer grow feeble , or old in any man : but euen in those that are the oldest , and most decayed men , yet their ambition is still young . Yea , and he reprooueth in the same place , that vsuall prouerbe , as a very false position : that , In senecta , lucrari magis delectat , quam honore affici : That all men , in their age , are rather delighted with gaine , then with fame ; with riches , then with honours . This he holdeth to be false . And wee may see the truth of it , in old Caius Marius : whose ambition sprouted greene , when his body was dry and withered , and in effect , halfe dead . Which manifestly sheweth , that though olde mens experience doe teach them many other things ; yet that this is a lesson which it can neuer teach them : To set downe a stint vnto their owne ambition . So farre doth it transgresse all the lines and bounds of Reason . And so doth it of duty too : yea , and that in a very high degree . Whereof two Tragicks haue giuen vs two notable instances , in two ambitious brothers , or rather indeed monsters , E●eocles and Polinices ; who were both of them so inflamed with the rage of ambition , and carried so violently through all the barres of duty , iustice and vertue , that Euripides bringeth in one of them with this execrable sentence : Nam si violandum est ius , Regnandi gratia , Violand●●n est : alijs rebus , pictatem colas . If Iustice may be violate , for any cause at all , Then surely , for a Kingdomes sake , this violence may fall . In all things else , keepe Piety inuiolated you shall . Thereby plainely declaring , that the ambition of honour is more violent then any other : breaking all the bonds of duty , both to iustice and piety . Which yet in his brother , may be seene much more plainely . For him Seneca bringeth in with another sentence , as impious as his brothers was , and a great deale worse : — Pro regno velim Patriam , Denates , coniugem stammis dare . Imperia , precio quolibet , constant ben● . I could well , for a Kingdome , be content , To see my countrey , gods , and wi●e ybrent . All cost to get a Kingdome , is well spent . Whereby it plainely appeareth , how immoderate the desire of glory and Honour is : contemning all the bonds of all the strictest duties that are betweene either God , or Man , and vs. And , as ambition leadeth men , to transgresse and violate all the bounds of duty : so doth it oftentimes , to transgresse the bounds likewise , euen of their owne Safety . Whereof , Homer hath left a notable example , in the ambition of Achilles : who , hauing the condition propounded vnto him ; either of a short life , with great glory ; or of a long one , with little ; he was so ambitious of praise and commendation , that he preferred the short life before the long . But Dion Nic●eus hath left vs a more notable example , in Agrippina , the Empresse : who being fore-told , that if Nero her sonne euer came to bee Emperour , he would surely kill her : yet she was so ambitious of beeing mother to an Emperour , that she presently answered : A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Let him be a murtherer , so he first be an Emperour . Thus for the loue of Vaineglory , she despised her owne safety . But Laertius hath left vs a most notable example , in the Philosopher Empedocles : Who , hauing by the cure of a dangerous disease ( which was held for incurable ) obtained great credit , and by certaine vaine people , hyperbolizing his fact , being palpably flattered ; that hee could neuer ( sare ) haue done it , if he had not beene a god ; hee grew by their flatterie , into that madnesse of conceit , as to hope , that he might so art it , as indeed to be taken and beleeued for a god . And so , sleeping one night in the open fields , with diuers of his neighbours , he s●ily stole away , & cast himselfe secretly into the mouth of burning Aetna ; hoping by that his sudden dispearing , and neuer beeing heard of among men againe , to haue confirmed the growing opinion of his godhead . But he was greatly deceiued : for the violence of the fire casting backe againe his pantofle , discouered the fraud , & bewrayed which way he went , and so was hee foully frustrated of the opinion of his Godhead , which now he had a great deale too dearely bought . So infinite and vnsatiable was his ambition of Glory ; that in comparison of it , he despised his owne safety . Yea , and Horace is of opinion , that if it were yet to doe , he would doe it againe . He would againe destroy his life , vpon hope of that foolish glorie , which he sought for in his death : — Deus immortalis haberi , Dum cupit Empedocles , ardentem frigidus Aetnam Insiluit — Nec semel hoc fecit , nec si retractus erit , iam Fiet homo , &c ponet famosae mortis amorem . While proud Empedocles would a God , immortall seeme to be , And so be thought , into the flames , of Aetna leapeth he . Nor this so done , the same recall'd , and made to draw new breath ; The Man would not depose the loue , of such a famous death . Thus vnquenchable is the thirst of ambition , if it once be throughly grounded , and rooted in any man. And the like Suidas reporteth of Heraclides Ponticus . And , as a mans appetite is infinite after Honour : so is it no lesse , after Riches , and Treasure . For , if hee once doe settle his desire vpon it , the Riches of the whole world , will be too little for it . Nec Croesi fortuna vnquàm , nec Persica regna , Sufficient animo , — saith the Heathen Poet. Nor all King Croesus wealth , nor Persian Kingdomes can Suffice the greedy minde , of th'auaricious man. And therefore ( saith Lucilius ) Qu● credimus , divitias vllas animum expl●re posse ? How can we beleeue , that the aboundance of any Riches , should be able to satiate a couetous mans minde ? Aboundance of Riches , may well , inflare animum : but , it can neuer , implere : It may well be able , to puffe vp the minde ( for so the Apostle Paul insinuates it doth ) but yet , for all that , it can neuer ●ill it . For , ● Nunquam expletur , nec satiatur cupiditatis sitis , saith the Roman Orator : The couetous mans thirst , cannot possibly be quenched . But it groweth vpon him , like the thirst of a Dropsie , which is the more increased , by drinking , to extinguish it . For , Crescit indulgens sibi dirus hydrops , Nec sitim pellit , — saith another Poet. This cursed Dropsie , by ind●●lgence , growes To such a thirst , as no repelling knowes . No , nor replenishing neither : though , euen the couetous man himselfe , at the first , thinkes it may . For ( as Aristotle obserueth ) Primò , dicunt pauca sufficere , atque minima : mox verò , vbi illa sunt consecuti , plura semper appetunt quousque in infinitum procedant . At the first , themselues imagine , that a few things will content them : but , when they haue gotten them , they still seeke for more , after them : vntill at last their appetite groweth in them to be infinite . And so likewise , Aristophanes : Nec quanquam hominum [ Pluti ] caepit satietas : Nam si quis acci piat talenta tredecim , Auidiùs contendit parare sedecim . Si & hec confece rit , quadraginta appetit . And so is infinitun . There neuer yet was man , with wealth so well content , But though he had attayn'd to treasure competent , He yet would striue still more his state for to augment . For , as the fore-alledged Poet hath truly obserued : Crescit amor nummi , quantum ipsa pecunia crescit ; Et minùs hanc optat , qui non habet . — The loue of wealth increaseth still , as wealth doth selfe improue ; And he loues Riches euer least , that hath the least to loue . For , he that most loueth them , is alwayes least able to bee satisfied with them . Cupit hic gazis implere famem ; Nec tam●n omnis plaga gemmiferi Sufficit Istri , nec tota sitim Lydia vincit , saith the Tragicall Poet. A man , with Treasure , seek's to stake That hunger , which doth Riches rake . But all the gemm's of Ister shore , Nor all the gold of Lydia's store , Can fill the greedy Appetite . It is a thing , so infinite . For ( as Salomon affirmeth of it ) He that loueth mony , he will neuer be satisfied with monie . Neuer . Take himselfe for an example of his owne position : yea , and that , a very good one . It is reported of him , that he had congested and amassed together such infinite monies , that , Siluer , in his time , was as common , as Stones . And yet , for all this his vnmeasurable store , he still had a desire of getting more and more . To with ende , hee still continued his new-begunne Trade , vnto the land of Ophyr : furnishing out a new Nauie , euery third yeere . Which is a manifest Argument , that his appetite , with all that hee had was not satisfied . For , as the Poet hath very well collected : — nondum impleui gremium , si panditur vltrà . He hath not fill'd his lapp , that still doth hold it ope . Yea , and ( as before I noted , of the appetite of Honours ) that it breaketh all the duties both vnto God , and Man : so doth Seneca set the same note , vpon the appetite of Riches . Per hominum Deorumque iras , ad aurum ibitur . Wee runne madding after Gold , contemning all the anger both of men and God. Whereupon Virgil truly noteth : — quid non mortalia pectora cogis , Auri sacra fames ? Of cursed Gold the hunger . starued loue , What is 't , whereto mans heart it cannot moue ? And , as vnsatiable as is the desire of Treasure : so vnsatiable , is also , the desire of Pleasure . For , if a man doe but once set his appetite vpon it , let him ingurgitate himselfe neuer so deepe into it ; yet shall he neuer be able to fill his desire with it . For , as Aristotle also in this head obserueth : Voluptatum appetitio , est insatiabilis . There is nothing whatsoeuer , that is able to satisfie the appetite of pleasure . And Tully likewise , vnto the same purpose . Vnum n●scio , quomodò possit , qui luxuriosus est , finitas habere cupiditates . This one thing ( saith he ) I cannot vnderstand : How a man , that is intemperate , should haue his desire and concupiscence finite . Whereof , Eusebius yeelds an instance , in the Emperour Maxentius , of whom , he reporteth , that , Quamuìs infinitas ferè , liberas & ingenuas mulieres , per vim , flagitiose violasset ; nullo tamen pacto , poterat intemperantem & effusam animi sui libidinem explere . Although hee had defiled an innumerable number of matrons & freewomen ; yet was he neuer able to satisfie the appetite of his filthy vnmeasurable lust . And the same we may see likewise , in Messalina the Empresse : a wonder , nay , a monster , for her following of filthy pleasure . For , she was so prodigiously giuen vnto it , that she might truly say , as it is in the Poet , In me , tota ruens Venus , Cyprum deseruit . That Venus had forken her famous kingdome Cypres , And wholy plac'd her seate , in this lasciuious Empresse . For she , because she would euen glut her selfe with fleshly delights , conueied her selfe once into the common Stewes , and there enioyed her filthy pleasure , vntil she was neuer the neerer . Her lewd and filthy appetite was still as greedy of it , as it was before . So that , at her parting , shee was forced to complaine that she had wasted , and wearied her selfe , in vaine : being , as that Poet noteth , but onely , — Lassata vitis , nondùm satiata — Not filled , only tired , with pleasure she desired . Neque enìm vnquàm finem inueniet libido : saith the Romane Orator . For lust is an Appetite , that can neuer finde an end : It being , indeed , infinite ; as Plato affirmeth of it . Voluptas est infinita , eiúsque generis , quod nec principium , nec medium , nec finem in seipsa , suapte natura , continet , aut aliqundò continebit . The appetite of Pleasure is infinite ; and of that nature , that it knoweth nor beginning , nor middle , nor ending in it selfe ; nor doth , nor can , nor will content , or containe it selfe . 6 And , as our appetite is vnsatiable in matters of Concupiscence ; which is Aristotles first head : so is it also , in matter of Reuenge ; which is his second head . A thing so sweete vnto our corrupt nature , that , as it is obserued , by the Heathen Philosopher : Inimicum vlcisci , vitam accipere est alteram : For a man to be reuenged of his enemy , seemeth as sweete as to receiue a second life giuen him . As it doth euidently appeare , in King Nabuchodonozer : who , hauing conceiued a grieuous displeasure , against some of his Neighbours , he calleth out his Captaines , and giueth them a charge , to go out , and to reuenge him vpon all the whole earth , and to destroy all flesh , that would not obey the command of his mouth . Thereby , plainely declaring , that , as the Tragicke noteth , — Arma non seruant modum , Reuenge extreame , can hold no mean● . But , as in another place , he describeth it . It is , — Nulla dolor Contentus p●ena ; querens supplicia horrida , In●●gitata , infanda ; Iunonem docens Quid odia vale●nt ; nesciens iras●t satis . Reuenge is such a griefe , as no paine can content , But seek's out horrid , strange , and vncouth punishments , It teacheth Iuno rage , and angers rudiments . As we may euidently see , in those immane cruelties , which diuers haue exercised , euen vpō mens dead bodies . A notable example of which barbarous inhumanity , there is recorded vnto vs , by Tully , in those notable immanities , which Dolabella exercised , vpon the body of Trebonius : of whom he thus writeth . Suam insatiabilem crud●litatem exercuit , non solùm in viuo , sed etiam in mortuo . Atque in eius corpore lacerando , atque vexando , cùm animum satiare non posset , oculos pauit suos . He exercised all his vnsatiable butchery , both vpon him aliue , and vpon his dead body : seeking to feede his eyes , by renting him in pieces , seeing he could not fill his appetite , with any cruelty of punishment . And , Herodotus reporteth the like , of Cambises : who so hated King Amasis , that hee caused his dead body to be taken out of his graue , Deinde , verberibus caedi , ac vellicari , & stimulis pungi , omníque contumelia insestari : Then to bee lasht , and drawne , and stucke , and stabbed , and infested with all reproches , and vnworthy vsage . And the like crueltie , did Pope Sergius practise vpon Formosus : whom he digged out of his graue , and iudicially condemned , as if hee had beene aliue : and cast out into Tyber , as vnworthy of any Sepulcher . 7 And , as it is in matters of Reuenge ; which is Aristotles second head : so is it also , in matters of Will ; which is his third head . Which will , though it belong vnto the reasonable part of the Soule ; yet doth it oftentimes , so farre exceede all the lines and bounds of reason , that Aristotle perstringeth it , for this absurdity , that it oftentimes desireth things of meere impossibility . Voluntas , eorum etiam est , quae fieri non possunt . Our will and affection reacheth oftentimes to such things , as cannot possibly be done . Wee oftentimes desire those things , that are vnlawfull : yea , and sometimes wee desire those things , that are impossible . And hee giueth this for instance ; That we desire to be immortall ; although both God and nature hath made vs purely mortall . Neither doth our will onely transgresse the prescript lines of reason , in desiring of those things , which , in themselues , are vnlawfull : but also , in desiring euen of those things , which are lawfull : when we desire them , in vnlawfull either manner , or measure . As for example , the loue of Children vnto their Parents , is both naturall and lawfull . And yet , the loue of Mirrha vnto her Father , was wicked and vnlawfull : because she loued him , in an vnlawfull manner . And so was likewise , the loue of Satyrus , vnto his : because he loued him in an vnlawfull measure . Whereupon , he was called Patris amator : The louer of his Father : as it were , by a nickname . And so is it likewise , on the other side too : when the loue of the Parents is too great vnto their Children ; as Niobe's was to hers . A vice , which , in old Eli , euen God himselfe reproueth . Thou honourest thy Children , aboue me . Now , these excesses , in our intellectuall appetites , doth Aristotle condemne , for meere exuperances , and vices . So that , these intellectuall appetites , are oftentimes no lesse excessiue and immoderate , then either the naturall , or the sensible . Let me giue yet one instance more , of a truly intellectuall obi●ct , exactly adequated and proportioned vnto the intellectuall appetite . And that is Learning , and Knowledge . Vpon which , if a man do but once set his minde , it carrieth him after it , with so infinite an appetite , that the more he getteth of it , the more he still desireth it ; and yet can neuer bee filled with it . For ( as Ecclesiasticus obserueth of it ) He that eateth of wisedome , shall haue the more hunger ; and he that drinketh of her , shal haue the more thirst . A thing , which euen the very Heathen haue likewise obserued , of Knowledge , and Learning . That though it be , of all things the most sweete and pleasant : yet that it cannot possiby either glut , or fill the Appetite : Nec poteris artibus animum saturare , nec sapientia explere : saith Theognis . Thou canst not glut thy soule with learning ; thou canst not fill it with wisedome and vnderstanding . Non enìm possunt Praeceptores , quemadmodùm qui in vas infundunt , implere mentem ▪ saith Philo Iudaeus : No master can fill the minde of his Scholler , as men doe vse to fill a vessell with water . For there is no part of learning , that can fill the Soule , though there be no part of it , but that greatly delighteth it . Tullie noteth of Philosophie : that there was in Cato , inexhausta aviditas legendi , quae satiari non poterat : There was in him , an insatiable auidity of reading , which could not be satisfied , Whom therefore he calleth , Helluonem Librorum ; A deuourer of Bookes . And Plutarch obserueth the same of Histories . Quae etiamsi animum oblectant ; tamen perpetuum veritatis studium non explent : Though Histories doe much delight and please the mind ; yet can neuer replenish that infinite auidity , end desire of the truth , which in them the soule seeketh . And Tullie againe affirmeth the like of Astronomy , and the motion of the Heauens : Quorum contemplatione , nullus expleri potest animus : With the contemplation whereof , it is vnpossible that the minde should euer bee satisfied . So that , no part of learning ( no nor all of it , together ) is able to fill the minde . When a man hath once setled his appetite vpon it . Thus all the Appetites of man doe carry him headlong , beyond all the bound both of vertue and reason . And yet , when he hath followed them , vntill he be tired with them , he can finde no sound contentment in any one of them . Take King Salomon himselfe , for an example of examples , in all of them . For so he seemeth to propose himselfe , in euery one of the fore-named instances . For he ingenously confesseth , that one while he set his minde vpon nothing , but on pleasure , and to passe his time merrily , in pleasance and iollity . But he found himselfe quickly to be wearied with that , and to grow into so great a dislike of all mirth , that he sayd vnto Laughter , Thou art madnesse . Againe , another while he gaue himselfe wholly vnto Eating and Drinking . Another while , to Building . Another while , to Planting & Gardening . Then , to Water-workes , and Fishing . Then to pompe in great House-keeping : entertaining a huge traine of seruants , and followers . Then , another while , to priuatenesse and heaping vp of Riches . Another while , to the study of learning and Wisedome . And thus was he driuen to shift and change his desire , from one thing vnto another , finding solid content in neuer a one of them : but ( after some small experience ) great irkesomenesse in them all . So that , his poore soule ( like the Doue , which was sent out of the Arke of Noe ) could finde no sure footing vpon any one of them . Whereupon , he pronounceth of them all , without exception , that there is nothing in them but Vanity and Vexation . Thus , all the appetites of man , though they be almost innumerable , yet are all of them vnsatiable ; and doe , all , with Agurs horseleech , cry nothing but Giue , Giue . And yet , when you haue giuen them all that euer you can , they are still as bare and empty , as were Pharaohs leane kine : being , for all they do deuoure , yet neuer a whit the fatter , neuer a whit the fuller . So that , as S. Bernard noteth of all of them : Fit vt per varia , & fallacia mundi oblectamenta , vagabundus animus , inani labore discurrens , fatigetur ; non satietur . It commeth to passe , that the minde of man , wandring ouer the world , through diuers delightfull and deceitfull pleasures , and spending her strength and trauell in vaine , is at last wearied and wasted out , is surfeted , and yet not satisfied with them . 8 Now , what is the end of all this long discourse , but onely that , which I noted in the beginning of the Treatise ? That seeing God hath made the appetite of man , of such an infinite extent in euery branch of it , that none of all these obiects is able to content it , which are supposed to be the most naturall vnto it ; that therefore there must needes bee some supernaturall Obiect appointed for it ; which is able in euery corner to fill it : or else it must bee vnfilled : which were to bring a vacuum and emptinesse into the workes of God. Which is vtterly absurde . For as God in his prouidence did neuer make any belly so great , but that he prouided sufficient meate to fill it ; yea , euen the great belly of that great beast Behemoth ; which himselfe so greatly magnifieth : so likewise , in his wisedome , would he neuer haue made a mans appetite so great , but that he hath appointed some obiect that can fill it : yea , and euery corner of it . Now , that the whole world is not able to doe . As may bee well vnderstood , by this Hierogliphicall conceit : That the world is of a circular forme : but the heart of a man is of a triangular . And therefore , as if wee should put a circle into a Triangle , we can neuer so fill it , but that all the corners will be empty in it : so if we should put the whole world into a mans heart ; yet could it neuer fill it , nor reach into euery corner of it . And therefore the onely obiect that is able to fill this three cornered heart , cannot be any thing else , but onely the Holy and vndiuided Trinitie . This is an all-filling obiect , that is greater then our heart : and therefore is easily able to fill it , and to radiate into euery corner of it . Yea , so to fill a mans appetite , in euery chanell of it , vntill , like Dauids Cup , it euen runne ouer . For he is able to fill all our naturall appetites , both of eating , and drinking , and sleeping , and such like . For , He openeth his hand , and filleth with his blessing , euery liuing thing . And He it is , that giueth vnto his beloued sleepe . And , though the mouth of our appetite doe gape neuer so wide ; yet hee openeth his hand wider , and filleth both the mouth , and the belly , with his hidden treasure . And so likewise , for our sensible appetites , of Hearing , Seeing , and Tasting , and the rest : hee can easily fill them too . For , he hath prouided such excellent things for vs , as neither Eye hath seene , nor Eare hath heard , nor yet , by the heart of man can be conceiued . He can fill all our intellectuall appetites , both of Power , and Honour , and Treasure , and Pleasure . For he hath prouided for vs , an incorruptible crowne of glorie . And , In his presence , is the fulnesse of ioy ; and , at his right hand , are pleasures for euer more . Thus ( as the Psalmist noteth ) God can , Replere in bonis , de siderium nostrum : He can , euen fill our d●sire , with euery good thing . And therefore , in another place , he professeth , that , There is nothing in heauen that he desireth , but him ; nor any thing on earth , in comparison of him . He fixed his whole desire vpon God : because he alone could fill the whole of it , without any diminution . As the Psalmist againe , in another place , confesseth : I will behold thy face , in righteousnesse : and when I awake , I shall be satisfied with thine image . God is a fantasme , that can fill the fantasie ; and an Obiect , that can still the appetite . Which , nothing in the world can doe , without him ; no , not the whole world , nor all that is in the world : but onely God himselfe . For , as S. Augustine truely writeth . Si cuncta , quae fecit , Deus dederit , non sussicit , nisi s●●●sum dederit . Though God should giue thee all hee hath , yet would all that be n●thing , if hee gaue thee not himselfe . Whereupon hee professeth in another place , that Quicquid igitur mihi vult dare Dominus meus , auferat totum , & se mihi det . There is nothing in the world , that vnto me seemeth pleasant , but onely God. And therefore , if God would giue vnto me , al : that euer he hath ; let him take all that away , and giue me onely himselfe . For , there is nothing else , that can fully content vs , as in his Confessions he plainly professeth : Domine , quia fecisti nos ad te , inqutetum est cor nostrum , donec requiescat in te . O Lord ( saith hee ) because thou hast purposely made vs for thy selfe , therefore our heart can no where finde any quiet , vntill it doe come to rest in thy selfe : Not in all the honours , not in all the riches , not in all the pleasures of the world . As is likewise very notable obserued , by S. Bernard : Ad imaginem Deifacta animarationalis , caeteris omnibus occuparì potest , repleri non potest . Capacem Dei , quicquid Deo minus est , non implebit . Inde est , quòd naturali quidem desiderio , summum quiuis probatur appetere bonum ; nullam , nisi adepto eo , requi●m habiturus . The soule of a man , being made vnto the image of God , may be busied about many other things , but can be filled with nothing but with him . For that , which is capable of God himselfe , cannot be ●illed with that , which is lesse then God himselfe . Hence euery man naturally desires the cheifest good , and can neuer rest , vntill he haue found it . For , as Bellarmine very aptly and wittily illustrates it , As the body of a man , cannot rest in the ayre , be it neuer so wide ; nor yet in the water , be it neuer so deepe ; but still sinketh downe , vntill it come vnto the earth , because that is his proper and naturall place : so the Soule of a man can neuer finde repose , neither in the aereal & stickering Honours , nor in the earthly and dirty Ri●hes , nor in the watery & softening Pleasures of this present world ; but onely , in God alone , who is indeed , the proper place , and true Center of mans Soule , in whom it can onely repose it selfe securely . I will lay me downe to rest , and sleepe in peace , ( saith the Psalmist ) for it is the Lord onely that maketh me dwell in safetie . Here is the true repose , and naturall rest of the Soule , when it lodgeth vp it selfe , vnder the shadow of Gods wings . And therefore , Dauid beseecheth the Lord , that he would hide him , vnder the shadow of his wings . Professing in another place , that , vnder the shadow of his wings , should be his refuge . And in another , that , his trust should be , vnder the shadow of his wings . And in another that , he will reioyce , vnder the shadow of his wings . Thus , vnder the shadow of Gods wings , the Soule findes her true reposednesse , her refuge , her assurance ; and her fulnesse of ioy : so that when she is come thither , she can desire no more . For , as a Buble ( saith Gregorie Nyssen , vsing a contrary comparison vnto Bellarmines ) cannot stay it selfe below , in the botome of the water ; but , by degrees , ascendeth vp , vntill it come vnto the toppe : and , when it is come thither , it then striues no longer to ascend vp any higher ; but there breaking his thinne filme , powreth forth it selfe naturally , into the open ayre : so likewise , a mans Soule cannot content and stay it selfe in any of these earthly and inferior things ; but naturally ascendeth vpward , vntill it come to God : Whither when it is once come , it then hath no desire to ascend vp any further , but there naturally resteth ; Yea , and like the Bubble , beforementioned , ( with the Apostle Paul ) desireth , to bee , euen dissolued , that it may be with God. And here a Mans desire hath his vttermost stint . For God ( as Nazianzene truely teacheth ) is , Intelligibilium omnium summus vertex , in quo desiderium omne consistit , ac defigitur , nec , supra eum , vsquàm fertur . God is the highest pitch of all our vnderstanding , and the totall summe of all our desiring . So that our vnderstanding can desire to fly no higher , because he is the highest ; and our appetite can desire to comprehend no more , because he is the greatest . Nec aliquid est quod extra illum quaeratur , quia totum in illo invenitur quod desideratur , saith S. Augustine : We neede not to seeke for anything out of him , because all that we desire wee may easily finde in him . For ( as S. Paul teacheth vs ) God is , Omnia , in omnibus : all , in all . From which very place , Beda draweth this conclusion , that therefore , Deus est finis desideriorum nostrorum : That God is the last ende of all a mans appetite . For , hee that hath God , hath all . And hee that hath all , he can desire no more ; because there is no Obiect for his desire to couet . And therefore ( saith he ) when God promiseth vnto vs , Ego ero illorum Deus ; he saith all one in a manner , as , Ego ero vnde satientur ; I will be their God , that is , I will fill their appetite . Now , saith Hugo de Victore , Cogita qualis esse possit , qui omnium vi●entium sensus fabricat , appetitus creat , ac in singulis quibusque an●mantibus , & quid appetere , & quantum appetere debeant , ordinat . Consider with thy selfe ( saith he ) what an one , be must needs be , that hath both giuen vnto all liuing things , all their senses ; and created in them all , all their seuerall appetites : yea , and further hath appointed vnto euery one of them , both what , aud how much , they must desire in euerything . Surely , he that hath created so many infinite appetites , in so infinite many things , and yet is able to suffice them all , can be none other , but that one infinite Obiect , which is God all-sufficient . Who ( as Irenaeus truly teacheth ) is , omnium rerum pleroma , that is , the true plenitude , and ●ulfilling of euerything . Thus the infinite appetite of the soule , which cannot with any finite thing be fully satisfied , doth leade vs directly vnto God. For ( as Saint Augustine well obserueth ) Mens , dum inhianter cogitanda appetit , & repentè denuò cogitata fastidit , docetur , quòd aliundè pendet . Ad Deum quippe suspensa est , a quo solo formata est . Mans soule ( saith hee ) whilest it greedily desireth euery thing that it thinketh of , and by and by despiseth what before it was greedy of , is taught , by this loathing of euery inferiour creature , that it hath his whole dependance vpon a superior Nature ; that is , onely vpon God , by whom onely it was made . Whereupon , he there concludeth , that Quia omne , quod infra appetit , minus est ; iure ei non sufficit , quicquid Deus non est . Because a mans appetite is so great and so infinite , that all earthly things are too little for it , it must needs from thence follow , that that which can suffice it , can bee nothing else but God. And therefore ( as Pisanus very Christianly exhorteth vs ) Cùm , sine Deo , nulla Creatura sibi satis sit ; qui studet sibi sufficere , Deum quaerat . Seeing no Creature is sufficient for it selfe , without God : let him that would suffice himselfe , seeke his sufficiency in God. For ( as Saint Paul truely teacheth vs ) We are not of our selues sufficient for any thing , but all our sufficiency is of God. And here only , the soule of man doth finde his , Ne plus vltra : Because , God onely is both Summum verum , who can fill the vnderstanding , and Summum Bonum , who can fill the affection . This is the second Metaphysicall consideration , which leadeth a man vnto the knowledge of God ; the infinite auidity and extent of his appetite , which cannot be satisfied , but with an infinite obi●ct , which nothing is , but God. CHAP. 3. That , euery thing in Nature , hath a Cause of his Being . 2. That , nothing can be the Cause , of his owne Being . 3. That , among the Causes , there is one first , and supreme Cause , which is the Cause of all the rest . 4. That , this first , and supreme Cause , is nothing else , but God. IN the two former Chapters , I haue vnfolded , two Metaphysicall considerations , from whence we may collect , That there is a God : Namely , the limited circumscription of all definite things ; and the vnlimited dilatation of mens infinite appetites . In these two next Chapters , I purpose to vnfold two Physicall Considerations , which import the same inference . The first is , a C●usa , that is , from the first cause of all naturall things . The second is , a Motu , that is , from the first Moouer of all moueable things . Both which do conclude , That there must needs be a God : as being indeed nothing else , but two Philosophicall termes , in sense aequipollent vnto the very name of God , and so oftentimes promiscuously vsed . For the first of which two heads , to wit , The first cause of all thing ; I will fashion the argument into the forme of a Sorites ; wherein we may ascend , by foure steppes , and degrees , vnto the very presence , and intuitiue vision of God. The first of them is this , That there is nothing in Nature , but it hath his Cause . The second , That nothing in Nature , is the Cause of it selfe . The third , That among all the Causes , there is one supreme and first Cause , which is the true Cause of all the rest . The fourth , That the first Cause of all things , is nothing else , but God. All which foure positions , are held and maintained , by a generall consent , both of Christians , and Heathens , with great confidence and assurance : yea and that , not as questionable , or disputable problemes ; but as most vndoubted , and irrefragable axioms . For the first of which foure points , That there is nothing in Nature , but it hath his Cause : Plato directly affirmeth it , in expresse and plaine termes . Quicquid gignitur , ex aliqua natura necessariò gignitur . Whatsoeuer is begotten , is begotten , is begotten of something . Yea , and Tully confirmes it , almost in the same termes . Quicquid oritur , qualecunque est , causam habeat à natura , necesse est . Whatsoeuer thing is bred , of what sort soeuer , it must needs haue some cause of his breeding in nature . For , Ex nihilo nihil fieri , That nothing can be made of nothing , ( as Aristotle testifieth ) is a common Principle , among all the Philosophers . Non enìm est , vel cogitari potest , vt sit aliquid , non per aliquid : sayth Anselmus : It cannot be imagined , that there should be any thing , which hath not his beginning and being , from something . For , Nullius rei , sine Causa , est ortus : saith Plutarch : There can be no being , where there is no Cause of being . And so likewise Tully . Nullius rei , Causa remota , reperiri potest origo . Take away the Cause from any thing , and you take away the beginning of his being . And therefore , in another place , hee peremptorily pronounceth , That nothing can be made , without his Cause : Illud exploratum habeto , Nihil fieri posse , sine Causa . Which , Palingenius also expressly affirmeth , — sine Causa , Esse potest nihil , aut fieri — Without a Cause , nor being , nor ought can haue beginning . And thereupon , Tully derideth it for a grosse and a palpable absurdity , and a paradox against the very grounds of Philosophy , to affirme that there can any thing ( without a Cause of it ) be either made , or done . Nihil turpius Physico , quàm fieri , sine Causa , quicquam dicere : There can be no fouler error in a naturall Philosopher , then to affirme this , That any thing can be done or made , without a Cause . And , it is a very foule error indeed . For , to say , that any thing is made without a Cause , is to say , it hath a being , and yet no power of being . For , Causa is defined to be , cuius vi , res est : A Cause is a power , whereby euery thing hath his being . And , as Plato affirmeth directly to that purpose : Causa est , qu●● principaliter rem facit . So that , for the truth of this first position , that euery thing in Nature hath a Cause of his being : you see it , to be cleerly put out of al question , by the consenting testimonies of many learned men . Yea , & the most of them , no way ingaged in our Religion ; but following only the light and guidance of Reason . 2 And therefore , let vs now proceede vnto the second ; That nothing in nature can be the Cause of it selfe . Which is a position , as euidently true , as that Nothing can be the Maker of it selfe . For ( as a Christian Philosopher hath very well collected ) Quod facit , est actu ; quod fit , non est actu . Non magis igitur potest aliquid facere seipsum , quàm simul & esse , & non esse . That which maketh any thing , must needes be actually in being : that which is but in making hath as yet , no actuall being . And therefore , it is as impossible for any thing to make it selfe , as it is at the same time , to haue both being , and no being . For , if it be impossible ( as Aquinas affirmeth ) Vt aliquid sit simul & actu , & potentia , secundùm idem : then it is much more impossible . Vt aliquid sit simul & actu , & non actu ; or that Aliquid simul & actu sit , & actu non sit . A necessary disconuenience , where any thing is allowed to bee cause of it selfe . And therefore Trismegistus sets it downe for a peremptory position , that , Nihil , quod est genitum , a se genitum est . Yea , and Gregory Nyssen directly subscribeth vnto him : Nullam rem sui ip sius principium & causam esse . That nothing can be the beginning or cause of it selfe . Yea , and Palingenius , genius also expressely confirmes it . — nil se gignit , nil provenit a se : Nilque sui causa esse potest . — Ther 's nothing , that it selfe begets , or from it selfe proceedes : Ther 's nothing of it selfe is cause , nor ought that causelesse breeds . The Reasons , wherefore nothing can be the cause of it selfe , be principally two . The first , because , euery cause is a seuerall thing , in nature from his owne effect . The Cause , and his Effect , are so by nature seuered , that they cannot bee confounded . For , Causa , & cuius est Causa , aliud est , saith Aristotle . The Cause is one thing , and that whereof it is a cause , is another . And so likewise Palingenius , in the fore-alledged place . — causa , necesse est , Vt suo ab effectu distet , diuersaque res sit , Needes must the cause be differing : And from th' effect a diuers thing . Yea , and Plato likewise expressely confirmeth it : not resting in the bare position : but forming it into a very strong reason . Aliud , est causa . Neque enìm causa , ipsius causae causa esse potest . Causam enìm efficientem esse constat . Ab effeciente verò effictum fit , non efficiens . Aliud autem est efficiens , aliud effectum . Non ergò caus● , ipsius causa est ; sed eius , quod ab ipsa efficitur . The cause is of one nature , and that , which is of the cause , is of another . For , the cause is not the cause of a cause , but of an effect : because the cause is an efficient : and an efficient bringeth not forth another efficient , but onely an Effect . Now , an effect is alwayes a thing different from his efficient . Therefore , a cause is not a cause of a cause , but of an effect , which is made by that cause . This is the first reason , why nothing can be the cause of it selfe : because then , it should differ from it selfe , and should not be the same thing with it selfe . The second Reason is : because the cause is alwayes before his effect . Causam , causato , dicimus esse priùs . The cause , before the caused , we do euer asseuere to be . Efficiens & effectum vnita quidem sunt invicem ( saith Trismegistus ) sic tamen , vt vnum praecedat , alterum verò sequatur : The efficient and effect are vnited together , by a mutuall dependance one vpon another : and yet is the one of them before the other . For ( as Zacharias Mytilenensis obserueth ) Oportet effectorem antiquiorem esse effectu , & opificijs Opificem : siquidem , id quod fit , secundum est ab co quod efficit . The Efficient is more ancient then his owne effect ; and the Workeman , then his worke . For , whatsoeuer thing is made , must needes bee posteriour vnto his Maker . So likewise Palingenius : Causa , suo effectu prior est , Authòrque , opere ipso . The cause doth alwayes his effect fore-goe : Before the Worke , the Workeman is , we know . Yea , and so Aristotle himselfe . Effector opificium praecurrere debet . Nihil autem , scipso , prius & antiquius est . The Workeman must needes bee more ancient then his Worke. But nothing can be more ancient then it selfe . And therefore nothing can be the worke of it selfe : and consequently , nothing the cause of it selfe . For ( as Aquinas from this place very truely collecteth ) Impossibile est , vt aliquid sit causa efficiens sui ipsius : quia sic esset prius seipso . It is meerely impossible , that any thing should be the cause of it selfe . For then it should bee before it selfe . Yea , and Aristotle againe presseth the same Reason ; yea , and backeth it with another not inferior : that if any thing were the cause of it selfe , it should not onely be before it selfe , but it should also bee superior vnto it selfe . For , the cause is superior vnto his effect . Whereupon he there inferreth , that , Nequaquam conuenit , quòd aliquid nuncupetur , vel sit , causa sui : vt falsum est , quòd aliquid Prius , quà prius , sit posterius seipso ; & superans , quatenus tale , sit superatum . It is vtterly absurd , that any thing should bee called , or be the cause of it owne selfe : as it is false , that any first thing , as it is first and priour , should be posterior to it selfe , and that the excelling , in as much as such , should be the excelled . So that , nothing can be the cause of it selfe : no not euen God himselfe . who is the cause of all things . For , if hee were the cause of himselfe , then must hee bee also the Effect of himselfe ; which destroyeth his Omnipotency : hee must bee another from himselfe ; which destroyeth his Vnity , and Immutability : he must bee after himselfe ; which destroyeth his Aeternity : Yea , he must be the Worke and Creature of himselfe ; which destoyeth his Infinity . But none of all these can fall into God. For ( as Hilary truely noteth ) Neque aliud est , neque aliundè , quod Deus est . God can neither be another from himselfe ; not of any other , but himselfe . Therefore God , though he be the cause of all other things ; yet can he not be the cause of himselfe ; for the fore-named inconueniences . It cannot bee denied , but that God is of himselfe : but not , as of a cause . He is of himselfe : because his Beeing , and Himselfe , are indeede all one ; his Essence , and his Esse , as Aquinas prooueth plainely . For , his subsisting of himselfe , is indeede , his very substance : as Eusebius prooueth out of Dionysius . Non-genitus Deus , per se est : vt , ipsum nongenitum esse , substantia sua est . The vnbegotten God subsisteth of himselfe ; and his beeing vnbegotten , is indeed his very substance . And therefore , when Seneca saith , that , Deus ipse , se fecit : and Lactantius , that Deus est ex seipso procreatus : their meaning is no more but this ; that hee is , ab alio nullo factus , aut procreatus . Hee is therefore sayde to bee the Maker and begetter of himselfe ; because hee had none other maker , nor begetter but himselfe : no , nor indeede himselfe neither , but is altogether vnbegotten . And so , when God is called by Apollo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and by Sibylla , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , one that is made of himselfe , and begotten of himselfe : the meaning is no more but this ; that hee is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , Vnmade , and vnbegotten : as it followeth in the same place : Neither made nor begotten , of any other , no , nor of himselfe neither . For ( as Iustin Martyr truely writeth ) hee is neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Hee is neither produced out of himselfe , nor yet out of any other thing but himselfe . He is neither ex se ; nor ex alio ; no nor ex nihilo ; as Anselmus addeth : yea , and prooueth very wittily in his Monologie . Where he summeth vp all these things together , vnto the same reckoning , that I haue done before : that seeing he is not made , or begotten of any thing ; that therefore he must needs be vnmade and vnbegotten . Quoniam igitur nec per se , nec ex se , nec per aliud , nec ex alio ; nec per nihil , nec ex nihilo , habet principium ; n●llo modo habet principium sedneque finem habebit . Because ( saith he ) God hath his beginning , neither by himselfe , nor of himselfe ; neither by any other thing , nor of any other thing ; neither by nothing , nor of nothing ; it followeth therefore , that he hath no beginning : as he shall haue no end . And the truth of this doctrine is expresly confirmed , euen by the very Heathen : who hold it for a Maxime , that God is vnbegotten . Quaecunque gignuntur , procedunt ab altero : saith Trismegistus . Est ergo aliquis factor istorum ; atque is ingenitus , vt genitis sit antiquior . Those things that are made , are made by some other : and therefore they needes must haue a Maker , who must needs himselfe be vnmade ; because hee is more ancient then any thing that is made . Thales likewise confirmes the same vnto vs. Deus est antiquissimus : est enìm ingenitus . God must , of necessity , be the ancientest of all things ; because hee is not made , or begotten of any thing . For , Ingenitus praevenit omnia genita : saith Philo Iudeus : That which is vnmade must needs be more ancient then those things that are made . Now , if nothing be without a Cause ( as I haue proued , in the former paragraph , ) and yet nothing can bee the cause of it selfe , ( as I haue proued , in this ; ) then must it needes follow , that euery thing that is , hath the Cause of his being , without it selfe : sauing onely God himselfe , who hath no cause of his being : but is himselfe all one with his owne being : as life it selfe is all one with its owne liuing . For , God is nothing else but Life . Tu es ipsa vita , qua viuis ; & Sapientia , qua sapis : saith Anselmus : Thou art the Life it selfe ; whereby thou liuest ; and the Wisedome it selfe , whereby thou knowest . And therefore , as Life is not the cause of its owne liuing , but the very same identity with its liuing : so God is not the Cause of his owne being , but one and the same thing with his being . 3 Now , if nothing can be the Cause of it selfe ; then must euery thing needes haue a cause without it selfe , which is another thing from it selfe . For , we see by experience , that there dayly be produced , many strange and notable effects in the world : which all of them proceed not from one and the same cause : and yet none of them is brought forth without his cause . And therefore , it commeth , in this place , to be discussed ; Whether , among those Causes , there be no first Cause at all , but an endlesse proceeding and going on , in infinitum ? or , whether , among them , there be many first Causes ? or , whether , there be but one which is Causa causarum , that is , The true Cause of all the rest , and whereof all other Causes are but mere Effects ? For the first of which three problemes , were may dayly see by sense , how one Cause produceth , and begetteth another ; and that , another ; and that , another : and , that euery one of these , though it bee a cause of some inferior effect ; yet is it an effect of his owne superior Cause . As for example : the beating of the Sunne vpon the Earth , worketh in it an heate ; that heate produceth many kindes of fruites out of it ; those fruites beget nourishment , both in men and beasts ; that nourishment begetteth that Semen genitale , whereby yong ones are begotten , in all their seuerall kindes : and so from generation , to generation , continued . Now , in this connexion and series of Causes , if we ascend vpward , we must needes either ascend in infinitum , without all end : or else , in the end , to arise vnto some highest Cause ; where wee must be forc't to rest , and can goe no further : because there is no higher . To proceede in infinitum ; that ( as the Orator speaketh ) is Auribus Animisque hominum absurdum : It is an absurd thing , both to the eares and mindes of all men of vnderstanding . And ( as Anselmus pronounceth , euen in this very cas● ) Hoc , nemo non putat obsurdum , n●si qui nimis est absurdus : There is no man , but thinkes this very absurd , if himselfe be not too grossely so . And therefore , Palingenius very truly affirmeth , that there cannot be , in Causes , an infinite progresse . — Ergo infinitus In Causis processus erit ? Minimè , sed oportet Nimirùm esse aliquid primum : a quo maximus ordo Causarum incipiat ; qui a summo tendit ad imum . What then , in Causes can there be an infinite processe ; And can no End bee found ? Oh no. There can be nothing lesse . But there must needs some first maine Cause of all the rest be set : Which th' order great of Causes all beginning doth beget ; And in which , Highest , Lowest , Midst , are all together mett . Thus he reiecteth this innumerability of Causes , & fixeth them , at last , in some one , that is the first . So that ( as Aristotle himselfe affirmeth ) Est principium aliquod : neque sunt infinitae entium causae : There is some first cause , & the causes of of things are not infinite . For if there should be , in causes , an infinite proceeding , and no first cause among them ; then ( as Aquinas very wittily collecteth ) there could be no second neither , nor no third , and so none at all . For these numerall termes of First , Second , Third , and so forward , are not onely names of number , but also of order . So that , as nothing can be first , which hath any thing before it : so nothing can be second , which hath not a first before it ; nor third , which hath not a second , and so on , in all the rest . From whence it must needes follow , that , if there be no first cause , there can be no second , nor third , and by consequence none at all . But wee see by experience , that there be second causes ; and therefore by necessitie , there must needs be a first . We see there be inferior causes , and therefore there must needs be also some superior ; and by consequence , from which they all descend , and vpon which they all depend . For ( as Aristotle himselfe affirmeth ) Necesse est , quod prius est , Causam esse eorum , quae post illud sunt . In the series of Causes , that which goes before , is alway●s the cause of all them that follow after . But now , commeth the second Probleme , that , If there must needs be some supreme and first cause : Whether there be Many of them ; or , Whether be but one ? That there cannot be Many Firsts , the very name of First doth necessarily import . For , if any thing be either before that , or with that , which wee intend to be First ; then cannot it truly be called the First . If any thing be before it ; then is it not Primum , but Secundum . If any thing be with it ; then it is not Prius , but Simul . So that , if it be first , it can be no more but one . Besides , if there should be many firsts ; there would follow another very great inconuenience , For then ( as Palingenius obserueth ) Tunc discordabunt inter se , ac magna ciebunt Praelia , tot Reges : quia Regni summa potestas Non patitur plures . Sic , mundus non erit vnus , Nec pulcher : namque est Ordo , pulcher●ima rerum . So many Kings would ne're accord , but raise a grieuous broyle , For supreme Power suffer's not that many rule the soyle : And so the World it selfe nor one , nor beautifull should be ; As lacking Order : Order 't is doth all things beautifie . But , we euidently see , those things to be cleane contrary . We both see , that there is but one world , and not many : and yet , that it is full both of order and beauty . And therefore it cannot haue many first Causes in it : as Palingenius , in another place , concludeth . Quare , non possunt plura esse exordia rerum , Ast vnum ; quia perfectum non amplius vno est : A quo , sicrerum aeternus ducitur ordo : Vt monade a prima , innumeri generantur . Wherefore , more first beginnings cannot be Of things that ord'red are , but one prime Cause : Because no more but One is perfectly ; From which , all order tak's eternall Lawes . As from a single vnion , who sees not ; Innumerable numbers are begot ? Yea , and Trismegistus , from the fore-named inconueniences , expresly concludeth : Impossibile est , duos aut plures esse factores : neque enìm ordo vnus probaretur in multis . Praeterea , qui inter illos imbecillior esset , potentiori invideret . It is impossible , that there should be two or more Creators : for one and the same order would not be approued of many . Besides , he that should be the weaker and more impotent , would euer enuy the more potent and mighty . So Cyprian . Non potuerunt multa & diuersa rerum esse principia . Quia , nisi ad vnum oninia respicerent , discordia & infinita cuncta volverentur in chaos . There could not be many and diuers first causes of Creatures . Because , vnlesse all had respect and reference vnto one prime and supreme cause , all would returne into their fist Chaos . Anselmus , our learned Primate , hath , of set purpose , disputed this point : and proued , by strength of reason , that , among all the Causes , which are in the world , though they be in number infinite , yet , that there can bee no moe of them , but onely one First . His reason is this following . Quicquid est , non nisi per aliquid est . Quod cum ita sit , aut est vnum , aut sunt plura , per quae sunt cuncta quae sunt . Quòd si sunt plura , tunc aut ipsa referuntur ad vnum aliquod , per quod sunt ; aut eadem plura singula sunt per se ; aut ipsa per se inuicem sunt . At , si plura ipsa sunt per vnum , iam non sunt omnia per plura , sed potiùs per illud vnum , per quod [ illa ] plura sunt . Si verò illa plura singula sunt per se , vtique , est vna aliqua vis vel natura existendi per se , quam habent , vt per se sint . Non est autem dubium , quòd per illud vnum sint , per quod habent , vt sint per se Veriùs ergò , per ipsum sunt cuncta , quàm per plura , quae sine illo vno esse non possunt . Vt verò plura per se inuicem sint , nulla patitur ratio : quoniam irrationalis cogitatio est , vt aliquares sit per illud , cui dat esse . The whole summe of whose reason , is , in effect , thus much : Whatsoeuer thing hath being , must needs haue it , by Something . And that thing , which giueth it being , must needs be , either some one speciall thing asunder , or else many things together . If many things concurre , to giue being vnto any thing ; then must they needs be such , as that either all of them haue their being , from some one other thing ; or , that all of them haue their being , euery one of himselfe ; or that all of them haue their being , euery one from another , by a kind of interchangeable and mutuall power . Now , if all those many-things do themselues receiue their being from any other One-thing ; then are not all things made by those many-things ; but rather by that one-thing , which made all those manythings ▪ Now againe , If all those many-things , haue euery one of them his being of it selfe ; then must there needs be one certaine power or Nature of Selfe-being ; by participation whereof , they all haue their being of themselues . And then , they must needs be , all of them , only by that One-thing , by which they do all receiue their selfe-being . Therefore , all things haue their being more truely from that one-thing , then from those supposed many-things , which themselues do receiue all their being from that One-thing . As for that other opinion ; that many things should mutually giue , each to other , his being ; that is cleane against all reason . For it is a senselesse imagination , that any thing should from that receiue his owne being , vnto which it selfe hath giuen a being . A very good , and a sound reason ; though somewhat , perhaps , perplexed vnto the vulgar vnderstanding , through the often iteration , and implexed application of the termes , of One , and Many , and Being , and Selfe-being , so intricately wouen into so many seuerall parts and branches of the sentence . But vnto those that be learned , it is cleare enough and liquid . So that , though the Series of Causes be neuer so long , yet must we needes , at last come , by degrees , vnto some first ; which is the true Cause of all the rest : and cannot be the effect of any : because all other are of it . For , as Palingenius writeth : Ens primum , causa est , & non effectus : at imum Effectus tantùm debet , non causa , vocari . Quae media existunt , his nomen adhaeret vtrumque . In Nature , and in order of all things in their respect , The first and highest called is a Cause , and no Effect : The last and lowest an Effect : but not a Cause at all . But those that stand twixt first and last , thou mayst by both names call . Both Causes , and Effects . Causes of their inferiors , and Effects of their superiors . As in the Series of the Categories , the highest , is only a Genus , and not a Species ; the lowest , is onely a Species , and not a Genus ; the subalternes , are both , in their diuers relations ; Genera , to their inferiors ; and Species , to their superiors . But the highest can bee no Species . And , no more , can the first Cause , be the Effect of any other : because it is not vnder any forme or higher : but is the highest it selfe : and is Ingenitum , as Aristotle teacheth . And therefore Trismegistus expresly affirmeth , that , Ex vno principio cuncta pendent . That all things haue their being , and beginning , of one thing . And that , in the same place , hee affirmeth , to be God. And this , Nyssen affirmeth to bee the receiued opinion of all men . Constat inter omnes , ex vna causa pendere res omnes . It is confessed of all men , that all things depend vpon the supreme Cause . And therefore Aristotle biddeth vs , that , in searching of the causes , wee should , semper exquirere summam causam : That we should neuer cease , vntill we are come , vnto the supreme and the first cause . And so Gregory likewise , vnto the same purpose : In omni causa , solus ipse intuendus est , qui principaliter est . In euery cause , he only is to be eyed , that is the principall , and principally is . For , vpon it do all the rest depend , as Iamblicus likewise expresly teacheth . Ab vna causa integra , tota dependet multitudo : Adque summam causam , plures alia referuntur . The multitude of all inferior causes , depend vpon one intire supreme cause : and to that , which is the highest , are all the rest referred . Thus , the multitude of these inferior causes doe leade vs vnto one supreme and first Cause : which can be nothing else , but God : which is the summe and substance of the fourth , and last paragraph . 4 Now , if euery thing that is , must needs haue a Cause : and , if nothing can be the Cause of it selfe ; and , if , among all the Causes , there can bee but one first , and principall Cause ; which is the true Cause of all the rest , and of all those Effects which proceed from all of them : then must needes that first Cause be nothing else , but God. For , what can that be , which giueth being vnto all things , but onely God ? whom Damascene calleth , Infinitum quoddam essentiae pelagus , that is , A boundlesse Ocean of pure and simple being ▪ which out of his fulnesse , imparteth their being vnto all other things , as the Ocean doth his waters , vnto fountaines and riuers . For , if this first Cause , which hath giuen their being vnto all the innumerable things of this world , bee something else , and not God : then , what hath God done ? or , what hath God to do ? to whom hath God giuen any being ? or , how can hee possibly be a God , which hath giuen being vnto nothing ? or , how can that bee any other thing then God , which hath giuen their being vnto all things in the world ? Therefore , whosoeuer yeeldeth , that there is a first cause , hee must needes yeeld , by consequence , that , that first cause is God. And this we may see verified , by a generall consent , both of Christians , and Heathens . Of whom , some doe call this first Cause , by such titles and appellations , as doe necessarily insinuate , that it must needes be God. Some collect it , by such reasons , as doe necessarily conclude it . And some , in direct and expresse termes , affirme it . For the first of which three heads , to wit , the titles , that are giuen to this first Cause , Palingenius ( as before I shewed ) calleth it , Ens primum : Ens primum , causa est , & non Effectus . — The first Ens , is a pure meere cause , it cannot an Effect be call'd . Both which two titles , are the titles of God : both to bee , Ens ; and to bee , Primum . For first , for Ens. Demascene expresly affirmeth , that , of all Gods other names , the name of Ens , is most proper vnto him . Ex omnibus nominibus , quae Deo tribuuntur , nullum aequè proprium videtur , atque Entis nomen . Of all the names , which are attributed vnto God , there is none so proper , as is the name of his Essence , or Being : he being named from his owne Being , I am . And for Primum : euen Aristotle himselfe affirmeth , that God is , Et primum , & principale principum : both the first , and the principall principle of all things . Yea and , euen God himselfe chalengeth both the same titles directly vnto himselfe . For he calleth himselfe , I am : which is al one , with Ens : and he calleth himselfe , The Ancient of dayes : which is all one , with Primus . Nay , Primus , in expresse termes : Primus , & novissimus , Ego sum . Yea , and Aristotle further affirmeth , this primum Ens , to be , Ipsum quid est : which is all one , with I am : and to be , not an Accidens , but a Substance . Now , Aristotle , in another place , giueth to this first and supreme Cause , another title , which is as proper vnto God , as either of the former . And that is , To haue his being of it selfe . Suprema causa , est Natura , per se : The highest cause , is such a kind of Nature , as hath his being of it selfe . Which , ( as Origen teacheth ) is proper and peculiar vnto God. Tu solus es , ●ui , quod es , a nullo datum est : Thou only hast a being , who hast not thy being giuen thee , by any other thing . So that , this title of , Natura per se , is the proper and peculiar title of God : as Trismegistus expresly affirmeth . Solus Deus , & meritò solus , in se , & a se , & circum se , totus est plenus , & perfectus : isque , sua firma est stabilitas . It is God ( sayth he ) and nothing else but God , that hath , both in himselfe , and of himselfe , and about himselfe , his fulnesse and perfection : and it is only he , that is his owne strength and stability . Yea , and Plato affirmeth of this , Natura per se ; that , Ab eo , quod verè est , non abest , nec motus , nec vita , nec anima , nec sapientia : That thing which truely is , and hath his being of it selfe , hath also both his mouing , and his liuing , and his spirit , and his wisedome , and all , of himselfe . Which are the meere properties and attributes of God : who ( as the Scripture testifieth ) Hath his life in himselfe . This is proper and peculiar vnto God , to be , Natura per se. All other things are , Natura , per aliud . There is none of all them , that haue either their liuing , or their mouing , or their breathing , or their being , of themselues ; all which nominatìm , Plato ascribeth vnto the first Cause : but all these things they doe onely receiue from God , as the Scripture nominatìm affirmeth of all of them . In him they liue , and mooue , and haue their being . And he it is , that giueth vnto all , both life , and breath , and all things . Who ( as Palingenius affirmeth , ) Est per se viuens , sapìensque , bonúsque ; Anullo accipiens quod habet , verùm omnia ab illo Accipiunt : igitur quod habent , amittere possunt , &c. He by himselfe alone doth liue , selfe wise , selfe good he is : From none receiuing what he hath : but all receiue of his : And therefore they , what●er'e they haue , haue power it to lees . Trismegistus giueth it another title , which is likewise the proper title of God. For he calleth it , Vnum principium , ex quo cuncta dependent . And in another place ( as though hee had not yet spoken enough ) he correcteth himselfe . Ex vno cuncta pendentia , ex eo potiùs defluentía . Hee sayth , that there is but one principall Cause , vpon which all things doe depend ; or rather indeed , from which all things do descend . Now , this can bee nothing else but God. For ( as Anselmus very well collecteth ) Id quod per se est , & per quod alia cuncta sunt , summum esse omnium existentium , ratio docet . That which hath his being of it selfe , and which giueth being vnto euery other thing , must needs be , euen in reason , the highest and most principall thing that hath a being . Now , God hath his being onely of himselfe : and hee likewise giueth being , vnto euery other thing : for there is nothing in the world , which hath any being , but it hath it , by participation from him . So that , nothing indeede can primarily and properly be called Ens , but onely God. Euery other thing , as it hath his dependence vpon this first Cause , so can it bee called Ens , but in an vnproper and secondarie acceptance : as the Accidens , which hath his whole Esse in his Substance . And this , euen Aristotle himselfe expresly confesseth . Caetera Entia dicuntur , eò quòd , Entis propriè dicti , quaedam , sunt Quantitates ; quaedam , Qualitates ; quaedam , Passiones ; quaedam , aliud aliquid tale . The other Categories , are called Entia , Beings ; as being some , Quantities ; some , Qualities , some , Passions ; and the like ; of that Ens , or Being , which is properly so called . And that is the prime and onely Praedicament of Substance . And so it is , betweene the first Cause , which hath his being of it selfe ; and all other things , which haue their being from it . They be indeed , but as Accidents , in comparison of it . And their being , vnto his , is no better then nothing : as is plainely and directly affirmed by Origen . Et quae in Coelo sunt , & quae in Te●ra , quantum ad naturam Dei pertinet , non sunt . Neither the things in Earth , nor the things in Heauen , in comparison of God , haue any true being . And immediately aboue . Nam , & vmbra , ad comparationem corporis , non est ; & fumus , ad comparationem ignis , non est . The shadow being compared with the body , hath no being ; and no more hath the smoake neither , being compared with his fire . So that , all other things , in comparison of God , are , but Fumus , & Vmbra . And therefore this Vnum Principium , ex quo cuncta dependent , is nothing else , but God. Whom , euen the Scriptures themselues call ( as Dionysius Areopagita affirmeth ) Causam omnium , & Principium , & Essentiam , & Vitam . The cause , Beginning , Being , and the Life of all . Ex quo suspensa sunt omnia , saith Seneca : Of whom all things depend . Yea , and in the same place , he affirmeth , that onely of him , Sunt omnes causae causarum . That God is such a cause , as produceth the causes of all other things . For , all other causes bring forth nothing but Effects : but God is such a cause , as bringeth forth causes . He is tale Principium , quod quidem movetur , vt rursus extet principium : as Trismegistus affirmeth . He is such a cause , as , by his mouing , produceth another ●ause . For hee is , Causa Causarum : and no cause could haue his operation , as a cause , but onely by the power of his gracious assistance . It is onely Gods blessing , which giueth vnto all causes their proper operation . The Heauens , which drop downe fatnesse vpon the Earth , doe it onely by the vertue of the blessing of God. For , it is onely hee , that sendeth a gracious raine vpon his inheritance , and refresheth the same , when it is weary . And so likewise , the Earth though it drinke in the raine , yet can it bring forth no fruite , vnlesse it receiue a blessing from God. And so likewise the Father , which begetteth his Childe , receiueth all his generatiue power of God. Behold children are the inheritance of the Lord , and the fruite of the wombe is his reward : saith the Prophet Dauid . Yea , and Euripides likewise , vnto the same purpose : A Dijs , dantur liberi mortalibus . Children are giuen to men : It 's God that giueth them . So that , not onely all things in the world , are the works of God , but also all the Causalitie , which is to be found in any of those things , is onely the Effect of God , the first cause . Nay , as Bradwardine very truely teacheth ; All the Effects , which are wrought in things by their second causes , yet are more immediatly wrought by God , who is the first cause , then they be by their nearest causes themselues . Nulla res potest aliquid facere , sine Deo. Et nulla res potest aliquid sacere , nisi Deus , per se , & immediatè faciat illud idem ; imò , & immediatiùs , quolibet alio faciente . And thus the very titles , which Authors haue giuen vnto the first cause , doe necessarily imply that it must needs be God. But yet , diuers of them goe further , and collect the very same , by way of Argument . Damascen proueth , that the first cause of things , must needs be God , by this Sorites . Quae mutabilia sunt , etiam creata sunt . Quae autem creata sunt , dubium non est , quìna quopiam creata sunt . Conditorem porrò increatum esse , necesse est . Nam si ipse quoque creatus est , a quopiam quoque creatus est . ldque tantisper locum habebit , quòad ad aliquid minimè creatum pervenerimu● . Increatus est ergò summus ille opifex , atque immutabilis . Hoc autem , quid aliud esse qu●at , quàm Deus ? Whatsoeuer things are mutable [ as are all , that be sensible ] they must needs haue beene created . Whatsoeuer is created , is created of some Creator . That Creator himselfe must needs be vncreated . Or , if he also be created , hee must be created by something . And this holdes on , so long , vntill wee come at last vnto something vncreated . Therefore that great work-man , that is the maker of all things , must needs himselfe be both vncreated , and immutable . Now what can that be else , but onely God himselfe ? This is Damascenes reason : whereby hee doth conclude , that the first cause of all things , can be nothing else , but God. Trismegistus , in like sort , doth presse the very same Argument , in matter fully agreeing , though in words somewhat differing . Quae sensu percipiuntur , facta sunt omnia ; Genita non a seipsis , sed fiunt ab altero . Est ergò aliquis factor istorum , atque is ingenitus , vt genitis sit antiquio● . Those things that are subiect vnto sense , haue all of them beene made . Those things that are made , haue not beene made of themselues , but of something else . And therefore , they must needes haue had some maker . And hee must needs be vnmade : because hee is more ancient , then any thing that is made . He there proceedeth further , disputing much , both of the Power , and Wisdome , and Goodnesse , of this First cause , and Creator : and of his Dominion ouer euery creature : being much sollicitous , by what name he should call him : whether by the name of God , or of Maker , or of Father , or of all these three together ? And hee resolueth his owne doubt : that hee may worthily be called , Deus , propter potentiam ; Factor , propter actum ; and Pater , propter bonum : A God for his power ; a Creator , for his worke ; and a Father , for his goodnesse . This is that Heathen mans discourse , vpon the first cause . And Seneca hee bringeth in , another Argument , vnto the same effect : which , though in the passage it be somewhat different ; yet , in the conclusion , it fully agreeth with it . For he reckoneth vp fiue differing causes of the world . Id ex quo , Id a quo , Id in quo , Id ad quod , Id propter quod : that is , The Matter , the Efficient , the Forme , the Exemplar , and the End. But the power of all these he ascribes vnto the Efficient : making it , in effect , the onely true cause : and all the rest , to be rather as instruments vnto it , then Concauses with it . Quae nunc retuli , non sunt multae & singulae Causae , sed ex vna pendent ; ex ea quae facit . It is onely the Efficient , whereupon they all depend . The Efficient is that , which praepareth the Matter , imposeth the Forme , conceiueth the Patterne , and propoundeth the End. And this Efficient of the world , he expresly affirmeth , to be nothing else , but God. Faciens hic , Deus est . And thus , they doe not onely insinuate , The first Cause to bee God : but also , by Argument , they indeauour to proue it . Yea and diuers of them , in expresse termes , affirme it : which is our third head . Seneca , whom I last named , shall bee the first of them . Hee saith expresly of God , that , Ille est prima omnium Causa , ex qua caeterae pendent . God is the first and cheifest Cause of all things , whereupon they all do hang. And againe , in another place . Quaerimus quae sit Causa ? Ratio faciens , id est , Deus . Do we inquire what is the Cause ? Euen the Reasonable Spirit ; that maketh it . And that Reason or Spirit , is God. The second is Trismegistus , whom I named next before him : who saith , that , that Efficient which is more ancient then any Effect , is nothing else but God. Efficiens & Effectum , vnita quidem sunt inuicem : sic tamen , vt vnum praecedat , alterum verò sequatur . Praecedens sanè Deus Essiciens : sequens verò , id quod est effectum . The Cause and his effect are alwayes vnited : yet so , that the one of them goeth before , and the other followeth after . The Cause which goeth before , is nothing else but God : the thing which followeth after , is the Effect of that Cause . Yea , and in another place , he defineth God to be nothing else , but onely a generall Cause of all things . Deus profectò mens non est ; at verò , vt sit mens , Causa est : nec spiritus ; sed causa , qua spiritus extat : nec lumen ; sed causa , qua lumen existit . God is not vnderstanding ; but the cause of Vnderstanding . [ It is the inspiration of the Almighty that giueth vnderstanding ] God is not a spirit , but the Cause of all spirits ; [ The Father of Spirits ] God is not a light , but the Cause of all light . [ The Father of Lights . ] So that , in his verdict , this first and chiefest Cause , is nothing else but God. Whom , in another place , he calleth , Bonum efficiens , Bonafaciens omnia : That good Efficient Cause , which bringeth forth all good Effects . The third of them , is Aristotle ; whom I named before them both : who expresly affirmeth , that Deus est rebus omnibus & Causa , & Principium : that , God , is vnto all things , both a Beginner , and a Cause . Yea , and in another place , hee affirmeth , that he is , causa , quae continet omnia : making him , not onely the first and cheifest Cause , but also , the generall cause of all thing . The fourth is Pythagoras ; who calleth God directly , causam & efficientem & formantem . Both the Efficient , & the Forming cause . The fifth is , Macrobius : who writeth thus of God : That Deus , qui prima causa & est & vocatur , vnus , omnium quae sunt , quaeque videntur esse , princeps , & origo est . God , who is both called the first cause , and is so indeed ; he is , both the Ruler , and Maker of all things . Vnto which fiue fore-named , I will onely adde a sixt . And that is Pindarus : who directly affirmeth , that God is the Efficient , and Author of all things . Omni rei Deum Authorem superponere oportet : Wee must acknowledge God to be the Author of all things . The Greeke word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And thus ( as you see ) the yeelding of a first Cause , ( which wee must yeeld of necessity ) doth forcibly draw vs on , to the yeelding of a Deitie . CHAP. 4. That these sensible and second motions , direct vs vnto a first . 2. That a first motion , doth necessarily imply , a first Mouer . 3. That this first Mouer , is the cause of all the motions in the World. 4. And , that therefore , this first Mouer , is nothing else , but God. I Haue already dispatched the first of those two physical considerations , which I purposely selected , to declare , There is a God : taken from the first Cause , and Causer of all naturall things . I am now come to the second : ( which is taken from the first Motion , and Moouer , of all moueable things . Wherein , I may bee the shorter , because this Argument runneth almost in the same tract , which was traced by the former . But it is an Argument , so much insisted on , both by Philosophers and Diuines , that I know not any other , that is either vrged oftener , or inforced further . And therefore , for the better vnderstanding of our order in proceeding , I will contriue this Argument , into this gradation . Fir●●●hat second motions direct vs , by necessitie , vnto a first . Secondly , that this First Motion , doth leade vs yet further , vnto a first Mouer . Thirdly , that this first Mouer is the onely cause , of all those seuerall Motions , that are found in all things . And , fourthly , that therefore this first Mouer , can be nothing else ; but God. For the first of those foure Steppes ; That these second and inferior Motions , do leade vs by degrees , vnto one first and supreme Motion ; Plato proueth by this reason . Quandò aliud ab alio movetur , illúdque rursum semper ab alio ▪ eritnè in talibus aliquid , quod primò mouetur ? At , quomodò id , cùm ab aliquo moveatur , eorum quae moventur primum erit ? Certè , impossibile id est . Sed quandò aliquid , seipsum mouens , aliud quoque mouebit , illúdque aliud , & sic deinceps plurima movebuntur ; an aliud totius motus principium erit , quàm mutatio eius quod seipsum mouet ? When as one thing is moued by another , and that still by another , and so in infinitum ; can there then be any thing , that hath a first motion ? [ no , surely , there cannot . ] For how can that be the first moouing of all other , which it selfe is moued by another ? This is a thing vnpossible . But , if wee grant , that there is something , which is moued onely by it selfe , and not by any other thing ; if that moue another thìng , and that another , and so there bee many things moued in their order ; then , the first beginning of all those motions so moued by others , can be nothing else , but onely the Impulsion of that one first Mouer , which mooueth of himselfe . Out of which discourse of Plato , wee may gather these two Aphorismes . First , that , if there should be in those motions , which are moued by another , an infinite progresse , there could none of them be first . Secondly , that , we must needs come , in the end , vnto some such thing , as is moued onely of it selfe , and not of any other thing . And thirdly , that , this on● thing , which thus mooueth of it selfe , is the true cause of motion , vnto euery other thing . Aristotle , in like manner , though , in many other points dissenting from his Maister ; yet , in this point of Motion , he consenteth fully with him : yea , & presseth the same reason , almost in the same forme . Omne quod mouetur , ab aliquo moueri necesse est . Et , aut ab eo quod mouetur ab alio , aut ab eo quod non mouetur ab alio . Si ab eo mouetur , quod ab alio motu cietur , mouens aliquod esse primum , quod ab alio non mouetur , necesse est . Fieri enìm non potest , vt in infinitum proficiscatur id , quod mouet , atque mouetur ab alio : Quippe , cùm infinitorum nihil sit primum . Whatsoeuer thing is mooued , must needes be mooued of something ; and that thing which moueth it , must needes it selfe be moued , either of another , or not of another . If it be mooued by such a thing as is mooued of another , we must come , by necessity , vnto a first moouer , which is not mooued by any other . For it is vnpossible , to goe still on for euer , in those things that are moued by another . Because , in those things that are infinite , there can none of them be first . And therefore , where there is granted to be any first thing , there cannot be held to be an infinite proceeding . Yea and againe , a little after . Fieri non potest , vt id , quo motus affertur , moveat absque eo quod movet a seipso . It cannot be , that that which is moued by another , should be moued but by that which is moued by it selfe . And hee giueth these examples . Baculus mouet lapidem , & mouetur a manu , quae ab homine mouetur . The Staffe moues the stone , the hand moues the staffe , the man moues the hand : and the man is moued ( in some sort ) of himselfe . For ( as the Romane Orator affirmeth ) Quod animal est , motu mouetur interiore , & suo . Euery liuing thing is moued , by an internal motion of his owne . So that the summe of those two fore-named Reasons , which I haue aboue set downe in their Authors owne words , is ( in effect ) thus much . That , Whatsoeuer thing is moued must needs be moued by something : and that thing , must either be moued by it selfe , or by some other thing . By it selfe can no inferior or second thing be moued , but alwayes by some former and superior . For , as it subsisteth not by it selfe , but by another ; so moueth it also , not it selfe , but by another . Motum enìm suum non sibi debet , sed Authori , ( saith Hilarie . ) It oweth all his motion , not vnto his owne power , but to his Author and first Mouer . So that no inferior thing is moued of it selfe , but onely by the power of the supreme and first Mouer . Now , if all these sensible and inferior things be moued of some other ( as wee plainly see they are , ) then may we , by them , ascend , as by steppes and degrees , from the lower to the higher , vntill we come at last , vnto that first Mouer . For , in those things that are moued by another , wee cannot proceede in infinitum ; but must , at last , stay in one , which is the Mouer of all the other and yet it selfe is moued by none other , but hath both his motion , and his being , of himselfe . And therefore must needs be God. This is the whole summe a●d effect of that Argument . Whereby this first point is euidently cleered : That the contemplation of these secondarie motions , doe leade vs , by necessitie , vnto a first . Yea ( and as Aquinas very wittily obserueth , as well in Motions as in causes ) There can be no Second , if there be no First ; no inferior , if there be no superior ; no posterior , if no prior ; nay , no last , if no first . And this holdeth , not onely in these relatiue denominations , but also in the true existence of the very things themselues . So that , the motions of these inferior Bodies , which we see , by sense , must leade vs , of necessitie , either to grant a first Mouer : who is the Author of all the motion in the world : and therefore must needs be God : or else , to yeeld , in motion , an infinite proceeding : which is absurd , euen to Reason , and vtterly destroyeth all order in things : or else , to hold , that There is no motion at all ; as Melissus did , Motum non esse , sed videri esse : Which is the greatest absurditie of all . An absurditie so grosse , as is confuted , euen by sense . As Diogenes very wittily proued , against a Philosopher , maintayning that error , that There was no motion . Behind whom he slily comming , whipt him sodainely about the Legges . And then , whilest hee was running , he scornefully asked him , Whether now hee thought there were any motion ? Not esteeming him worthy to be confuted by reason , but onely to be derided by that sensible demonstration . For ( as Iosephus very well obserueth to this purpose ) Insen satos , decet , non verbis , sed operibus arguere : or rather indeed , verberibus , as Diogen●s did : The best kinde of arguing with mad men , is , with a word and a blow ; not with reason , but with stripes . And yet , euen this grosse absurditie would follow , vnlesse , from these secondarie motions , wee should arise vnto some first . For , Si primum nihil est , omninò causa nulla est , saith Aristotle , If there be no first cause , there can be no cause at all . And so , If there be no first motion , there can be no motion . Which , sense sheweth to be false . And if there be any second motion , there must needs be a first . This , Reason sheweth to be true . And therefore , for this first point , I conclude it with Aristotle , that , Si media sunt , necesse est finem esse . If there be any meane motion , there must needs be an end of them . And if an end , then a beginning . Neque enìm infinitus est a●●quis motus , sed cuiusque finis : saith he , in another place : There is no motion so infinite , but , in the end , it hath an end ; and consequently , a beginning . For , as the Poet hath truly obserued , — Finisque ab Origine pendet . This is a Rule , That euery End , On some Beginning must depend . 2 Let vs therefore now ascend , from the first step , vnto the second ; that , If there be any first motion , then must there needs be a first Mouer , which moueth onely of himselfe , and not by any other . For , in euery motion there bee three things to be considered : The Mouer , The Motion , and The thing moued : And these three things are neuer confounded , though they euer be conioyned . But , as the Motion is one thing , and the Moued another ; so is it likewise betweene the Moued , and the Mouer . For ( as Picus Mirandula obserueth , very truely ) In quolibet moto , Motor est alius are mobili . In euery motion , the Mouer is distinguished from the thing that is moued . Yea , and Aristotle himselfe , vnto the same purpose . Quod mouet , & quod mouetur , diuisum esse videtur . That which moueth , and that which is moued , are a diuers thing , and plainly diuided . But yet , though these three be ioyned all together ; yet is the Mouer , in order , before either of the other , euen by the law of Nature . The Motion cannot be before the thing moued ; nor yet the thing moued before the Mouer of it : but alwayes , the thing moued is before his motion ; and alwayes the Mouer before either of them . For , as Philo Iudaeus affirmeth of the Motion ; that Fieri non potest , vt motus rem motam praecesserit : It cannot be , that any motion be , before the thing moued , be . And so Aristotle affirmeth also of the Mouer ; that , Motor rem mobilem praecurrere debet . The Mouer must forego the thing moued . Now , if the Mouer be distinguished both from the motion it selfe , and from the thing that is moued ; yea and so distinguished , that it is before them both : then , as euery Effect doth argue his Cause ; so doth euery motion , argue his Mouer : and consequently the first motion , his first Mouer : Whom , though we doe not see with the Eyes of the body ; yet may we easily collect by Reason , the Eye of the minde . To illustrate this point , by that familiar comparison , which the Orator pointeth at , in explication of this Reason . We see , by experience , in a Clocke ( which is , as at were , an Artificiall Heauen , measuring out vnto vs the diuisions of time ) that euery Wheele is moued euery one of them by another , vntill at last we be brought vnto the waight it selfe , which moues them all together . Whither when we be come , we can proceede no further by sense ; and therefore , must collect the rest by reason . Now , Reason plainely teacheth vs , that though the waight doe moue all the wheeles of it selfe ; yet that it could not tie it selfe vnto the line : but that , that must needs be done , by some other thing . And that therefore , there must needs haue beene some Author , and contriuer of that cunning peece of worke : who first conceiued in himselfe , by a mentall Idea , the whole reason and conueiance of all these seuerall motions ; and then accordingly disposed all the wheeles , and waights , into their seuerall places . So that , the motion of the wheeles , in euery Clock , doth manifestly tell vs , that there must needs haue beene an Author of that curious worke : whose artificiall workemanship and contriuing , is that , which hath giuen , vnto all those wheeles , their motion . And , as it is in a Clocke ( which I called before an Artificiall Heauen , because it measureth vnto vs the diuisions of time ) so is it also in the Heauens themselues : which may as fitly be called a naturall Clock , for their measuring , by their motions , the distinction of time . We see , by experience , in them , that all these inferior and elementarie Bodies , doe receiue their motions from the Heauens , their superiors : and so likewise , euen in the Heauens themselues , that the lower is still moued by his next higher , vntill wee come , by degrees , vnto the highest of all , called Primum mobile ; that is , the first moueable body , which moueth all the rest . Now , when wee are come thither , sense can leade vs no further . But yet Reason can . For then , we must collect , that as the wheeles in a Clock could not set themselues on mouing ; but that this must needs be the worke of their Maker : so likewise the Heauens , though they moue without all ceasing ; yet haue not taken vnto themselues their motion , but haue had it giuen them , by their Author and Mouer . For , as Aristotle truely teacheth , Si motio cietur , necesse est , praeesse motorem aliquem : Wheresoeuer there is motion , there must needes haue beene some Mouer before , and some Moderator and guider of that motion , from whom , at the first , it receiued his beginning . So that , Primum Mobile doth necessarily imply , that there is a Primus Motor ; which must needs be God : be hee who , or what soeuer . For , Quodnam erit , obsecro , ( saith Nazianzene ) a quo vniuersum hoc mouebitur ? Quidnam illud vicissìm mouebit ? Quid item illud ? Idque adeò in infinitum ? What , I pray you , is that which doth moue the whole world ? What is that , which moueth it ? And what againe that , which moueth it ? and so in infinitum ? Euen Aristotle himselfe resolueth that Quaestion : that Omne quod mouetur , a superiore mouetur : Whatsoeuer thing is moued , is moued by some superior Mouer . From whence it must needs follow , that euen Primum Mobile it selfe , which the Orator calleth , Extremam oram , & determinationem mundi , that is ; The furthest coast , and frontier of the world : though it be , among the Heauens , the highest of all other , yea , and that , which moueth them all together ; yet hath it , aboue it , a superior mouer , by whom it selfe is moued : Which can be nothing else , but God. And thus , the first Mouer may necessarily be gathered out of the first motion , euen by consequence of Reason . Yea , and so it is likewise , euen by Aristotle himselfe . Si quid ab eo mouetur , quod ab alio motucietur , mouens aliquod esse primum , quod ab alio non mouetur , necesse est . If anything bee moued , by that which is moued of another , it will bring vs , at the last , vnto a first Moouer , which mooueth onely of it selfe , and not by any other 3 Let vs now come to the third steppe : that , If there be a first Mouer ; as hath formerly beene proued ; and , if hee haue the fountaine of all true motion in himselfe ; as is generally confessed ; that then , hee must needes be the first Cause of motion , vnto euery other thing . And this is likewise testified , by the principall Philosophers , with an vniforme consent . Plato saith directly , that , Initium omnium motionum , primumque motum , illum , fateri necesse est , quo quid seipsum mouet . Et , hanc esse antiquissimam omnium , potentissimamque motionem . We must needes confesse , that the very first motion and beginning of all motions , is onely that motion , whereby a thing moueth it selfe . This is both the most ancient , and the most potent motion . Now , there is nothing in the world , that moueth of it selfe , but onely God himselfe . No not , euen the soule of any liuing thing , if wee will properly speake . For , though it bee defined to be , Actus primus corporis naturalis , that is , the very first act of a naturall Body : yet must that bee vnderstood , but onely of his owne body : yea , and that onely , but in respect of our sense . That is therefore sayd to bee , Actus primus ; because there is not euident any sensible mouer of it , as there is in bodies : but in respect of this inuisible first Mouer ( which is its Author and Creator ) it is but Actus secundarius . Not a thing that is mooued by his owne proper power , but onely by a power receiued from another , namely from this first Mouer , who is Actus prìmus indeed , and in whom the Soule hath onely both his Liuing , Mouing , and Being . And so is it likewise in euery other thing . There is no motion in any thing , but it floweth from this first Mouer , as from his first fountaine : as Tully affirmeth in expresse and plaine termes . Quod seipsum mouet , caeteris quae mouentur fons est , & principium mouendi : That which mooueth of it selfe , is the fountaine of motion vnto all other things . So Aristotle likewise , almost in the same words . Id , principium aliarum motionum est , quod sibi motum affert . That is the Beginner of other motions , that is the Giuer of motion to it selfe . And againe , in another place : Fier● non potest , vt id , quo motus affertur , moueat , absque eo quod mouet a seipso . There is nothing can be moued , but only by that , which is moued by it selfe : meaning , as by the first Cause : though not , as by the Next . And againe , in an other place , he giueth direct instance , that , In Medijs , that is , in second and subalter●e motions ; that which is inferior , is alwayes mooued by his next superior ; and that , by his next ; and that therefore all the rest must be moued by the first , from the highest vnto the lowest . Mediorum , quorum , extra , aliquid primum & vltimum est , necesse est , quod prius est , Causam esse eorum , quae post illud sunt : In those middle motions , which haue any first , the former is alwayes the Cause of the latter : and so by consequent , The first , of all the rest . And this , in another place , hee directly affirmeth to be God. Natura diuina , de simplici quodam rei primae motu , virtutem proximis largitur : atque , de ijs iterum , ad remotiorae ; quoàd per vniuersum trans●at . The diuine Nature , from a certain simple motion of the first thing , giueth a mouing virtue to the next ; and so , by them , vnto the more remote , vntill it haue pierced and passed throughout all the whole world . For , as Plutarch well obserueth , to this purpose : though , Quaeque res suo mouetur modo : yet , vnicum est , quod mouet omnia . Though euery thing moue , after his owne proper manner ; yet they all of them are moued , by one first and generall Mouer . A●d that wee should not thinke , that there can be in motions a perpetual ascent , which can neuer finde an end ; that Aristotle reiecteth , as an absurd conceit . Non est enim generatio to infinita sursum versùs . And so not Motio neither . But , as in another place hee directly affirmeth , Wee must needs , at the last , ascend vp vnto some first . Non in infinitum hoc proficiscitur , sed stabit tandem alicubi ; atque er●t quidpiam , quod primò Causa erit vt omnia moueantur . We cannot proceede vnto infinitie in Motion : but wee must stay our selues at last , and come vnto some one thing , which is the first Cause of the motion of all things . And this ( as in another place hee affirmeth ) is not onely his owne particular opinion , dissenting , vpon sigularitie , from others ; but the generall Tenet , of all the Philosophers . Consid●rare oportet , vtrùm sit causa motus & principium , id , quod motu seipsum ciet ; an id , quod ab alio ●gitatur ? Illud , omnes vt●que ponent . He moueth the question , Whether of the twaine is the beginning of motion ? That , which moueth of his owne power ; or , That , which is moued of another ? And he resolueth it , that , All men doe agree vpon the former . So that , by the generall Consent of all men , it appeareth , that the first beginning of all motion , must be by some such Mouer , as is not moued by any other : but hath all the power of motion shut vp in his owne power . And that therefore , this First mouer must needs be God , and none other . Which is the forth steppe of this Chapter . 4 For , if these secondarie and lower motions doe leade vs vp vnto a higher : and those vnto an higher , vntill at last wee ascend vnto some highest Mouer ; which is the Cause of motion vnto all the lower : then , what can this highest Mouer be else , which moueth all other things , but onely God himselfe ? This Tullie , in plaine and expresse termes , affirmeth : where he putteth both those properties , which before I haue named , into the very definition of God ; that he is , both Omnia mouens , and Ipse praeditus motu sempiterno . Hee is both the Author of motion vnto all other things , and the Cause of motion in himselfe . Both these hee affirmeth to be the properties of God. And so Aristotle affirmeth , that Locall motion , in what body soeuer , doth onely proceed from some diuine Power . Si namque Latio Lationis Causa erit , illam quoque oportebit aliorum gratia esse . Quare , cùm non ●it processus in infinitum , finis omnis Lationis , erit diuinorum corporum aliquod , quae in Coelo feruntur . If one Local motion should be the cause of another ; then it also should be caused and be from others , and for others sake . Wherefore , seeing there is no infinite progresse in things moueable ; the end of all Lation ( or Local motion ) must be some one of those heauenly Bodies , which are carried about . Yea , and that wee should not thinke , that , by those Diuine Bodies , he meaneth any of the Starres : in another place he affirmeth , that this first and supreme Mouer , is a thing , aboue all sense ; whereas all the Sarres are sensible . For , si non erunt alia , praeter sensibilia ( saith he ) non erit principium , nec ordo , nec generatio ; sed semper principij principium : If there should be no other then sensible things ; then should there be no beginning , nor order , nor generation of things : but alwayes a Principle to euery Principle . Whereby hee infinuateth , that the first and supreme Mouer , is not of a sensible , but of a diuine , and a spirituall Nature . Yea , and Tully expresly affirmeth ; that it is God , which giueth motion , euen vnto the very Heauens . Dedit autem Diuinis , duo genera motus , &c. He hath giuen to the Heauenly bodies , two kinds of Motions , &c. Yea , and Aristotle againe in another place , compareth God vnto those Players with Puppets , that by the pulling of one string , can set the whole Engine , and euery part of it , on mouing . Which Anaxagoras plainely acknowledgeth , when hee maketh his Mens , to be Principium motus : by which word , hee meaneth nothing else but God. Mens ením est Deus : saith Trismegistus . God , which is Mens , is the beginning of 〈◊〉 motion . And , as Zeno likewise expresly affirmeth , this title of Mens , is but the Philosophers name and appellation of God. Deum vnum esse , ipsúmque Mentem appellari . There is but one God , and he is called Mens . So that , when Anaxagoras called this first Mouer , Mens ; his meaning , by Mens , is nothing else , but Deus . And , that wee impose not a forced sense , vpon that word , by other mens expositions ; the same may bee gathered , euen out of his owne writings : and that , by two substantiall reasons . First , by those titles and appellations , which hee bestoweth vpon it : and then , by those workes , which hee ascribeth vnto it . Both which , are peculiar and proper vnto God. The titles , which hee bestoweth vpon his mens , be these Mentem , esse Principium omnium , solámque , rerum omnium , ipsam esse simplicem , & non mistam , & puram esse sinceramque . Atque eidem Principio haec vtraque conuenire , Cognitionem , & motum ; Vniuersumque mentem hanc mouisse . This mens ( saith hee ) was the first Beginning of all things , being it selfe most simple , and without any mixture , most pure , and most sincere . And hauing , in it selfe , the true and reall possession , not onely of knowledge , but also of motion : yea , and that all the whole world is moued by this minde , and by this Spirit . Now , these bee the peculiar properties of God : in whom ( as the Apostle testifieth ) are all the treasures both of knowledge , and Wisedome . Yea , and of motion too : for , in him we both liue , and moue , and haue our being . So that , by this description , his mens must needes be God. Yea and so is it likewise , by his ascription too . For hee ascribeth vnto this mens , the very making of the world : which is the worke of none other , but onely of God. Cùm omnia simul essent , atque infinito tempore quiscerent ; mens mouit , ac segregauit . When as all things had lyen quiet , for an infinite space together , it was mens that first moued and ordered them asunder : alluding vnto that confused Chaos , wherein , as the Poet speaketh , there were , Non benè iunctarum discordia semina rerum , There disagreeing seeds were clearely seene , Of things which had not well conioyned bene . Now , this was the proper worke of God. Yea , and this was the proper Spirit of God , that did it : as euen Plutarch , in plaine and expresse words , recordeth it . Anaxagoras dixit , initio constitisse corpora , Dei autem mentem ea digessisse , atque omnium rerum ortus effecisse ; Anaxagoras sayd , that there were bodies in the first beginning ; but that the minde and hand of God digested and ordered them , and effected the originall of all things . Marke , Dei mentem . This m●ns , the Primus motor , which first gaue things their being , and reduced them into order , was nothing else , but Dei mens , The wisdome , and the Spirit of God : who ( as it is also testified in the holy Scripture ) when hee prepared the heauens , was ther● , and when he set the compasse vpon the deep● . Yea , and this was not the singular opinion of onely Anaxagoras ; but the common opinion of the most of the Philosophers . Yea , and of the Poets , too . Virgil sayth in expresse termes , that the first mouer of the world , was onely this Mens : Mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet . Yea , and that wee should vnderstand , that vnder the name of mens , hee vnderstandeth nothing , but the Creator of the world , hee addeth in the next words : Indè homìnum , pecudúmque genus , vitaeque volantum . That massy Chaos bodies huge was moued by this Mens . And men , Beasts , Birds , and Creatures all forthwith proceeded thence . All which workes , in another place , hee expresly attributeth vnto God , vnder his owne expresse name . He is the mouer of the World , he is the maker , both of men , and beasts , and birds . — Deum namque ire per omnes Terr●sque tractúsque maris , calúmque profundum . Hìn● p●cudes , armenta , viros , genus omne ferarum . &c. God walketh through the World , in euery Coast , And goes the winding Seas Tract vttermost : Yea , and the most high Heau'ns . From him , all liuing Both men , and Beasts receiue their life , and being . Thus , that which before hee shadowed , vnder the name of mens , hee plainely now expresseth , vnder the name of God : making him the first mouer , and Creator of the world . And so likewise doth Plato . For hee saith , that there is a certaine Anima , or Spirit , which doth , in omnibus , quae mouentur , habitare , & coelum & cuncta gubernare : which dwelleth in all things , that haue any motion , and which gou●●neth both heauen , & euery other thing . So that , though hee alter Anaxagoras his terme ; yet hee meanes the selfe same thing . For , as Parmenides affirmeth , Anima & mens idem sunt : Though they differ in name , yet are they one , and the same thing . Yea , and Plato , in the same place , affirmeth this Anima , which is the mouer of all things , to be God , and nothing else . Deumesse , omnes arbitramur . We all suppose , There is a God. And so likewise doth Theophrastus : who denieth , euen Nature it selfe to bee the first mouer , euen of naturall bodies : ascending vp higher , and ascribing all their motion vnto a superior and more diuine power . Hoc , alij cuidam meliori ac priori relinquendum est potestati . We must ascribe this , vnto another , and a better , and a superior power . Now , what is there either better , or superior to Nature , but onely the God of Nature ? Yea , and a little before , hee expresly affirmeth , that this first mouer , and Beginner , is indeede nothing else , but the very God of Nature . Diuinum omnium principium existit , per quod & sunt , & permanent vniuersa : That first Beginner , from whence all things haue both their consisting , and existing , is a diuine power and Nature . To conclude this whole Chapter . All those Arguments , which Tullie bringeth , to proue the Soule to be immortall , are much more concludent , to proue God to be aeternal , whose Motion is both of himselfe and perpetuall . For , there he plainely telleth vs , that there is a certaine thing , which moueth only of it selfe , and yet giueth motion vnto all other things . Quod caeteris fons est , & principium movendi . And therefore is , both without all beginning ; quia , Principij nulla est origo : Of a Principle there is no Originall : and without all ending ; quia , Quod seipsum mouet , quontam nunquàm deseritur a se , nunqu●m moveri quidem desinet . That which moueth it selfe , inasmuch as it neuer deserteth it selfe . it neuer desisteth to be moued : and consequently must needs be aeternall . For , Quod seipsum movet , aeternum est . That which moueth it selfe ( and is mou●d of no other ) is aeternal : Now , none of all these properties , which here hee setteth downe doe agree vnto the soule , but onely in some comparison . For , the Soule hath neither his motion of it selfe , nor yet giueth motion vnto all other things , nor is aeternal or without all beginning . This is proper and peculiar vnto God himselfe alone , whose title is , The aeternall . As for the Soule , though it may be called Immortall ; yet can it not , aeternall . Immortall it is , because it hath no ende : but aeternall it is not , because it had a beginning . But God is truely the mouer of himselfe , and the giuer of motion vnto all other things . He is truely aeternall , both without all beginning , and without all ending , as one that hath all his being onely of himselfe : and therefore can neuer cease to be , because he cannot forsake himselfe . Quic quid enìm per se est , semper durare necesse est , Cùm nullo indigeat , cùm solo pendeat a se ; Cùm vi non possit , cùm nolit sponte perire , saith Palingenius . What e're subsisteth of it selfe , must needs be euer-lasting , As needing other none ; and selfe-dependence neuer-wasting . And therefore perish cannot it by an externall sway , Nor by internall vnfor'ct minde will perish or decay . So that , all those high properties , which both Plato and Tully doe apply , but vnproperly , vnto the Soule ; may , most truely and properly , be applyed , vnto God : That hee , both hath all his motion of himselfe , and giueth all motion vnto all other things , and that hee hath neither beginning nor ending ; but is truely aeternall from all euerlasting : being not onely The first Mouer , but the sole - mouer of all things , in whom , all other things haue their only motion , and from whom they doe all of them receiue their onely being . So that , we may truely affirme , as it is in the Epigram , that , Principium Deus est Mundi , quo cuncta moventur , Et quae permittit , vel iubet , Author agit . The Worlds beginning , loe , 't is God , by whom all things are moued : And what he suffer's , or command's , hee doth , as Author proued . Especially in Motion ( as Bradwardine very notably declareth in these foure true positions : that , Qualibet Creatura mouente , Deum necessariò commouere , That what Creature soeuer moueth , God alwayes moueth with it . The second : That nothing can moue any other thing , except God himselfe doe properly moue the same thing . The third : That nothing can moue any other thing , except God doe immediately moue the same thing . The fourth : That nothing can moue another , except God moue it more immediatly , then any other second Mouer . So that ; to recapitulate the summe of this whole Chapter ; If these second and inferior motions doe leade vs vnto a first , and that vnto a first Mouer , which is the very fountaine of motion in all other : then must needs this First Mouer , be God himselfe , & none other . But , the first of these three points hath beene sufficiently proued , in the first three Sections of this Chapter . And therefore , the Conclusion followeth necessarily from them ; That this first Mouer must be God , as we haue seene in this fourth . Yea , and that ( beside the force of the consequence ) by diuers direct Testimonies , both of Heathens , and Christians . Which is the second Consideration , borrowed from the Physicks , whereby it may be proued , That there is a God. CHAP 5. That the true cause of Sicknesse , is Sinne against God. 2. That God , for this cause , doth threaten , to sende Sicknesse . 3. That hee sendeth it according to his threatening . 4. That Phisitions obserue the stroke of Gods Vengeance , to be in many Sicknesses . I Haue hitherto vnfolded certaine Considerations , from whence we may collect , that There is a God : first , out of the Metaphysicks ; and then , out of the Physicks . Let vs now come vnto Physick . For , Vby desinit Philosophus , ibi incipit Medicus . Where the Philosopher endeth , there the Physitian entreth . And therefore , let vs propound some Considerations , out of it . For , it hath many in it . But in this , as in the former , I will insist , but vpon two : letting passe all the other : that is , vpon Diseases ; and , vpon their Remedies . Both which are acknowledged , to be the proper and peculiar workes of God , almost by the generall confession of all men , both Christians and Heathens . For our better , and more orderly proceeding wherein , I will reduce this first discourse as concerning Diseases , vnto these foure heads . First , that they both confesse , the first and originall cause of sicknesse , to be onely mens sinnes . Secondly , that God , for this cause , hath oftentimes threatened to punish men , with sicknesse . Thirdly , that accordingly , he hath sent diuers kindes of grieuous sicknesses , vnto many . And fourthly , that euen Physitians themselues doe finde in many sicknesses , that they be diuine punishments . For the first of which foure Heads : What is the true Originall cause of sicknesse : S. Chrysostome telleth vs , that it is the part of euery good Physition ; inquirere semper in morborum radic●m , tque ita pervenire ad ipsum mali fontem : to s●arch into the roote of diseases and sicknesses , and so to proceede vnto the fountaine of those euils . And S. Basil hee telleth vs , that it is the part of a discreet and wise patient , not to leaue this inquisition only to the Physition , but he himselfe also to search into a the causes of his owne diseases , that so he may the better attaine to know their remedies . Nos , plagas a Deo suscipientes , qui benè & prudenter vitam nostram moderatur ; principio quidem inquiramus cognitionem rationis , ob quam nos flagellet . Whensoeuer we are scourged and chastised by God who guideth our whole life by his wisedome and goodnesse , we ought first to search carefully , for what cause hee so correcteth vs. For , the cause being once found , the Remedie is halfe found , and the cure , in a manner , alreadie halfe performed . Medici , causa morbi invent● , curationem esse inventam , putan● . Physi●ians , hauing once found out the cause of a disease , they thinke they haue found the cure . Now , for the true cause of diseases , and Sicknesses ; though it greatly haue puzelled , both the greatest Philosophers , and the learnedst Physitions , to finde out , what it is : some assigning them , vnto the excesse or defect of the primary Qualities of Heate , Cold , Moyst , Drye : some , vnto the impuritie and corruption of our meates : some , vnto the infection of vnwholesome and putrid ayres ; and to diuers such other Materiall causes ; wherein they be greatly diuided amongst themselues : Yet is there a full agreement , both of Heathens , and Christians , that God is the first Efficient cause of them ; and that Sinne is the true Impulsiu● cause , which inforceth him to send them . This the Prophet Dauid expresly declareth , when he called Sicknesse , The Rebuke of God : and affirmeth , that , For sinne , hee inflicts it , vpon man. When thou , with rebukes doest chasten man for Sinne , thou makest his beautie to consume away . This also the Apostle Paul expresly declareth , when he telleth vs that , By one man , Sinne entred into the world ; and Death ▪ by Sinne. And againe , in another place ; where hee telleth the Corinthians , that , for their Abuses in receiuing the Sacrament , they were stroken by God , with diuers kinds of punishments : some of them , with Sicknesse ; some of them , with Weakenesse ; and some of them , with Death . Yea , and this our Sauiour Christ himselfe expresly declareth , when hee biddeth the sick-man , whom hee had lately cured , to goe , and sinne no more , lest a worse thing come vnto him . Thereby plainely declaring , that his Sinne was both the cause of his former Sicknesse , and would bee also of his future , if he sinned any more . And , that Sinne is indeed the true cause of diseases , wee may see it plainely verified , in all these memorable Sicknesses , that are recorded vnto vs , in the Holy Scriptures . The Botches , wherewith the Egyptians wery smitten , was , for their rebellion against God , and their oppression of his People . The Leprosie wherewith the Prophetesse Miriam was smitten , was , for being so enuious against the Prophet Moses . The Pestilence , wherewith the Israelites were smitten , was for their adulterie with the Daughters of Moab ; and for their idolatrie with their prophane god . The Emerods , wherewith the Philistins were smitten , was , for their Impietie in detayning the Arke of God. And so generally , in all the rest . There is almost , in no place , any mention of any greiuous and exemplary Sicknesse , but there is , in the same place , some mention of that Sinne , for whose punishment it was sent . In which forenamed instances , we may obserue these two things . First , that , not onely the pestilence , and leprosie , and such like grieuous and infectious Sicknesses ( which are called Morbi Sontici , that is , mischeiuous diseases ) are the scourges , and strokes of God : but also all other inferior diseases , as Emerods , & Botches , and such like smaller annoyances , as euen hee himselfe professeth in another place . Secondly , that those diseases are sent by God vnto men , to correct and chasten them , for their sinne . Neither is this the testimony of the Holy Scripture onely , but also of the Heathens , euen in their owne Histories . Wherein , wee may obserue , that whensoeuer there befell them , the publike calamity of any generall sicknesse , they still imputed it vnto their sinnes , prouoking the anger of some or other of their gods . As may be manifestly shewed , by manifold instances . Herodotus ascribeth that greiuous sicknesse which was sent vpon the Scythians , to their sacrilege , in sacking the Temple of Venus . Pausanias ascribeth that deuouring sicknesse , which was sent among the Iones , vnto the profane lust of Menalippus , and Comaetho : And that generall abortion , which happened among the Caphyens wiues , onely vnto the cruelty of their bloody husbands ; in stoning ( for a ●leight cause ) certaine young and wanton Children . The hand of diuine Iustice inflicting their punishment , in the very same subiect , wherein they had offended . Their crueltie exercised vpon other mens Children , being iustly punished by the death of their owne , in a most equall retaliation . The same Author ascribeth the dropsie and lousie-sicknesse of Cassander , vnto his crueltie and infidelitie vnto Alexander his Maister . And Herodotus againe reporteth of the Persians , that they generally held , that whosoeuer was smitten with the leprous infection , hee was surely a profane person ; and had ( doubtles ) committed some great and grieuous sinne , against their god , the Sunne : though they knew not what it was . And therefore , they banished them , out of all their Cities : collecting from the sicknesse , the stroke of Gods Iustice , euen in an vnknowne Cause . And this , which we haue seene in the Histories of the Greekes , wee may see yet more plainely , in the Histories of the Romanes . For , Plutarch ascribeth that destroying plague , which happened among them , in the time of Romulus , vnto the trechery , which was practised in the murther of Tatius . And Liuy ascribeth another such like plague , which followed the condemnation of Manlius Capitolinus , vnto that iniustice , which was vsed in his death . And thus haue , euen the Heathen , bene taught , in the very Schoole of Nature , without going any further , that the true cause indeede of all sicknesse and diseases , are onely mens sinnes , prouoking Gods Iustice to take vengeance of their wickednesse . As Dauid plainely confesseth in one of the Psalmes , There is nothing sound in my flesh , becouse of thine anger ; neither is there rest in my bones , because of my sinne . 2 Which Lesson , may , yet a great deale more perfectly , bee learned , in the holy Schoole of God. For there , hee himselfe threatneth ( and that , in many places ) that , if men doe refuse to obey his Commandements , hee will punish their disobedience , with diuers greiuous sicknesses . Of which places ( for example ) I will instance but in one : which is , indeed , most excellent ; and which , very sufficiently , may serue for all the rest . It is , in the Booke of Deuteronomy . Where , God threatneth most seuerely , that , If they will not obey the voice of the Lord , to keepe , and to do his commandements , and ordinances : that then all these Curses shall come vpon them , and ouertake them . Cursed shall they be in the Towne , and cursed in the field . Cursed in their basket , and cursed in their dough . Cursed in the fruite of their body , in the fruite of their land , and in the fruite of their Cattle . Cursed when they go out , and cursed when they come in . Yet further . That the Lord will make the Pestilence to cleaue vnto them , vntill he haue consumed them . That he will smite them , with the consumption , and with the feuer , and with the burning ague , and with the feruent heate , and with the sword , and with blasting , and with mildewe . And with the botch of Egypt , and with the Em●rods , and with the scab , and with the itch ; so that they cannot be healed . And with madnesse , and with blindnesse , and with astonyi●●●● 〈◊〉 . And that he , will smite them , in the knees , and in the thighes , with a sore b●tch● ▪ so t●●t they cannot be healed ; euen from the sole of the foote , vnto the ●●ppe of the he●d . And that he will make their plagu●s wonderfull , and the plagues of their seede , euen great plagues , and of long continuance ; and sore diseases , and of long durance . So that , they shal want that common comfort of al sicknesses ; Si longus , leuis ; si grauis , breuis , that if it be long , it wil be the lighter ; and if it be fierce , it will be the shorter . But hee threatneth such a sicknesse , as shall be , both Longus and Grauis : both fierce , and of continuance . And hee brought such a one , vpon the King Iehoram : whom , for his crueltie and idolatrie , God threatned to plague , with an incurable sicknesse , which should exhaust and consume him , by the rotting of his bowells . Which sicknesse , being sent accordingly vnto him , it dispatcht him not at once ( as it did Herod , and Antiochus ) but , held him in greiuous torments , for the space of two whole yeares . Now , thus many threates of so many sicknesses , God would neuer haue made , but that he knew his owne power , and could command all maner of diseases , at his wil & pleasure . For , to threaten , is ridiculous ; but euen among vs men , where , there is not a power , to inflict , what one doth threaten ? 3 But , that hee threatned not more in word , then hee was well able to performe in deede , we may euidently see throughout the whole tract of the holy historie . Where there is so particular mention , of all those same diseases , to haue beene really inflicted by God , which , before , by name are mentioned , that it manifestly appeareth , that God is both mindfull and true of his word ▪ most faithfully performing , not onely what he promiseth , but also what hee threatneth And therefore saith S. Augustine . Nemo dicat , in corde suo ; Verum est , quod promittit ; falsum , quod minatur . Nam sicut , quod promittit verum est ; sic quod minatur , certum est . Let no man once surmise , that God is true , in his promises ; but false , in his threatnings . For , as that , which he promiseth , is true : so that , which he threatneth , is sure . As we may euidently see , in all those particular diseases , which , in the fore-alledged place , God reckoneth vp vnto vs. For the first of them , the Plague : God in●licted that sicknes , vpon his owne people , the Israelites , for their grudging and murmuring against the Prophet Moses . For the second of them , the Consumption : he inflicted that sicknesse vpon the wicked King Iehoram : of whom it is recorded expresly , that hee was , Longa consumtus tabe . Yea , and the good King Dauid was also touched with it , as it may bee gathered out of his owne complaint : I am euen consumed by the stroke of thine hand . For the third of them , the Feuer : hee inflicted that sicknesse , both vpon Peters wiues mother , and vpon Publius his father . For the fourth of them , The feruent heate : hee inflicted that sicknesse , at another time , vpon the Israelites . The inhabitants of the Land , are burned vp , and few men are left . Yea , and euen heerein also he spared not his owne beloued Dauid . Who complaineth againe , That his Reynes are full of burning , and that there is nothing sound in his flesh . For the fift of them , Boyles and Botches : though they be called in that place the Botch of Egypt ; yet inflicted hee it , not onely vpon the Egyptians , but also vpon the Iewes . From the sole of the foote vnto the head , there is nothing whole , but wounds , and swelling , and sores : full of Corruption . For the sixt of them , the Emerods : he inflicted that disease , vpon the Philistims . For the seauenth of them , the itch and the scabb : hee inflicted that disease , vpon his seruant Iob. For the eight of them , Madnesse : hee inflicted that euill , vpon the Princes of Noph , by mingling among them , the spirit of giddinesse . For the ninth of them , Blindnesse : hee inflicted that euill , both vpon the Sodomites , and vpon the Aramites . And for the tenth , and last of them , that is to say , Amazement and Astonishment of heart : hee inflicted that disease vpon King Antiochus . When the King had heard these words , he was astonished and sore moued : therefore hee layde him downe vpon his bed , and fell sicke for sorrow : confessing that his sleepe was departed from him , and that , for very care , his heart fayled within him . So that , there is none of all the fore-named sicknesses , which he threatened in word , but he sheweth that hee had power to inflict the same in deed . By all which memorable instances , it euidently appeareth , that there is no sicknesse at all , neither so great nor so little , but that God can inflict it , both when , and where he will. Yea , and euen the very Heathen confesse also the same . For , euen their owne Histories , as well as the Scriptures , do number all the forenamed diseases to be nothing else indeed , but onely diuine punishments . For the first of them the Plague : that memorable Pestilence , which Homer so describeth to haue fallen among the Greekes , in the Troians warre , is by him ascribed vnto Apolloes anger : Apollo , plenus irarum , noctique ipsi assimilis . Apollo , full of wrath and rage , Seem's like an hideous night's praesage . And that fearefull plague , which Thucidides describeth to haue fallen vpon the Athenians , in the Peloponnesian warre , is ascribed by him also , vnto the anger of Apollo . And that wasting and deuouring pestilence , which Ovid describeth to haue fallen vpon the Aeginets , is by him ascribed vnto the wrath of Iuno : Dira lues populis , irâ Iunonis iniquae , Incidit . — A cursed Plague vpon the People fell , It was , cause Iuno was not pleased well . And that destroying plague , which fell againe vpon the Athenians , for their condemning of Socrates , is ascribed by another vnto the wrath of Iupiter . Pro Iovis offensa , Pestis accessit . Where he calleth it expresly , the Iudgment of God. Eiusmodi iudicijs vtitur Deus . They all of them directly reputing the Plague to be nothing else , but the vengeance of God. They were wrong in the particular , in ascribing those sicknesses vnto their false gods , who being but dead men , were not able to doe them either good or harme : but yet right in the generall , in ascribing them to God ; for God indeed was he that sent them , though haply hee vsed the Deuills ministerie in them . For the second of them , the Consumption : Pausanias reporteth of Phyallus , Captaine of the Phocenses ; that hee first was threatned by Apollo in a dreame , that hee should consume , as bare as a certaine brazen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was consecrated vnto him , in his Temple , by Hippocrates . Which miserable consumption , hee afterward accordingly did bring vpon him . For the third of them , the feuer : Quintus Curtius reporteth of Alexander Magnus , that he , abusing the consecrated vessells of Hercules , in the very same Citie , yea and in the same manner , as 〈◊〉 had before , in his abusing of the vessells Gods holy Temple : hee was sodainely strooken , in the middest of his Banket , euen as hee was in drinking . Nondùm Herculis Scypho epoto , repentè , velut telo confixus , ingemuit . He sodainly cried out , as if he had bene shot with a deadly dart . Which stroke was none other , but onely the sodaine blow of a feuer : as Sabellicus relateth his disease . And with the same disease was Titus also smitten , as Suetonius reporteth : Yea and that no lesse sodainly , in his returning from their playes . Which stroke he well perceiuing to be inflicted by God himselfe vpon him , hee ca●e his eyes vp vnto heauen , most pitifully complaining , that hee had most vniustly and without his desert killed him . For the fourth of them , the feruent heate : Ouid reporteth , that together , with that grieuous plague , which Iuno inflicted vpon the men of Aegina , there was ioyned with it , so feruent a heate , that when they cast themselues vpon the earth , to haue cooled their bodies , the earth it selfe was so sodainely and so vehemetly heated by their bodies , that they could receiue no benefit , nor comfort at all , from it . Dura sed in terra ponunt praecordia : nec fit Corpus humo gelidum : sed humus de corpore feruet . They cast their naked bodies on the ground ; Their bodies by the Earth not cooler found : But th' earth from bodies doth with heate abound . And thereupon another Poet calleth the plague , — Pestem flammiferam . For the fifth of them , Boiles , and Botches : Aurelius Victor reporteth , that Galerius Maximianus was smitten with that disease : whereby ( as he relateth it ) Defecit , consumptis genitalibus . But Pomponius Laetus describeth his disease , more filly to the purpose . Incidit in morbum : vlcus inguinibus innatum virilia exedit : marecescente tota illa corporis parte , vermes pullulârunt : remedia deerant : medici desperauerunt . He fell into a foule disease . An vlcer , bred in his secret parts did eate off his priuities : and all that part of his body , rotting away , and full of crawling wormes , perished . Noremedies were present . All Physitians despayred . And this his greiuous sicknesse , Eusebius affirmeth , to bee nothing else , but the stroke of Gods vengeance : Vltio diuinitùs illata . For the sixt of them , the Emerods : Caelius Rhodiginus reporteth , that Philoctetes was smitten with it , for his killing of Paris . For the seauenth of them , the Scab : Volateran reporteth of the Emperour Copronymus , that hee was strooken with it , and died of it . Perijt , Elephantiae morbo . And Baptista Egnatias addeth , that he died of it in great extremity of torment . Post infinita flagitia , exquisitissimo cruciatu consumptus . For the eighth of them , Madnesse : Pausanias reporteth , that the Calidonians were strucken with it , by Bacchus , at the earnest prayer of his Priest , Cor●sus : as the Greekes were , with the Plague , at the like request of Apolloes Priest , Chryses . And this sicknesse ( as the Poet Caecilius affirmeth ) is absolutely in Gods hand , to inflict where he pleaseth . Deo in manu est , quem esse dementem velit , Quem s●pere , quem sanari , quem in morbum inijci . Sic enìm Lambinus . Whom God will haue a foole , or wise be found , He shall be so , and so ; or sicke , or sound . For the ninth of them , Blindnesse : Herodotus reporteth of Phero , King of Egypt , that hee was sodainely smitten blind , as by the dart of God. And for the tenth of them , Astonishment , and Stupiditie of minde : Aelianus reporteth that the Celtish nation were so possest with it , that they would not so much as runne out of an house , when they euidently saw it , either falling vpon their heads , or burning about their eares : but would rather chuse , voluntarily to perish , then wisely to withdraw themselues from their death . Which , though that Author ascribe vnto a kind of valour : yet may it , much more truely , be reduced to Stupiditie . And thus , euen the Heathens , as well as wee Christians ; and secular Histories , as well as Holy Scriptures , doe number all the fore-named sicknesses , to be nothing else , but the punishments of God. Yea , and so doe they also , all other , not named . As Plutarch , in the Delphians giueth an expresse instance ; Deum iratum hominibus , omnis generis tetros m●rbos intulisse : That , their God being angry and offended with them , sent all m●nn●r of greiuous dise●ses , among thom . Whereby it appeareth , that diseases and sicknesses doe not come vnto men , by blinde chance and fortune , as the Philistims would faine imagine : but ( as they found vnto their cost ) they bee sent vnto men by the ordinance of God. They come not out of the dust : as Iob teacheth in his booke , that is : Not onely from their second and inferior causes , but from God their first Cause . Who , as sometimes hee worketh with those naturall Causes , by infecting the aire , and corrupting the water ; and blasting our fruites , with vnwholesome dewes and mildewes , as hee himselfe professeth : so worketh hee often-times without them , by his owne immediate stroke : As when he sent his Angell into the host of Seneherib , and , in one night destroyed to the number of an hundred and fourescore and fiue thousand . And therefore Saint Hierom , inquiring into the true cause of all sicknesse , hee flyeth aboue those inferior and naturall concauses , vnto the supreme and supernaturall Cause . Non dubitemus , ista dicere , vocem flagellorum esse : Licèt nonnulle , haec , vel ex corrupto aere , vel ex escarum & corporum diuer sitate , accidere dicant . Let vs not doubt , but that sicknesse is the lash of Gods scourge : though some men do impute it vnto the corrupnes of the ayre , or to the vncleannesse of our meates , or to some one diuesity or other in our bodies . But the true , and the first cause , indeed , is onely God. For , as Stobaeus hath noted , out of Euripides : Morbi mortalium alij , nostraculpa , fiunt , Alij diuinitùs immittuntur . Some sicknesses , by mens owne fault ; and some By Gods iust iudgment , sometimes on vs come . Nay alwayes by Gods iudgment . And then , most of all , when they come by our fault ; whether our fault in feeding , or our fault in liuing ; they still come by Gods sending . For as the Tragicall Poet hath very truly noted : Quicquid patimur , mortale genus , Quicquid facimus , venit ab alto . Whate're we suffer , or what e're we doe , Com's from aboue , and is not bred below . And another of them , vnto the same purpose : Deo volente , quisque , & ridet , & dolet . As God will , so Men laugh , or weepe . For , as S. Ambrose , to this purpose , very truely obserueth , Omnia , iudicio Dei fiunt : vt aegrum corpus aliquis habeat , aut salubre ; vt diues , aut pauper sit ; vt iuuenis moriatur , aut senex . All things doe fall out , by the iudgement of God. Whether a man be sick , or in health ; whether hee be rich , or poore ; whether hee die yong , or old . All these , are appointed vnto him by God. 4. Ye● , and that Sicknesse is nothing else , but the very stroke of God , sometimes instructing vs , not to sinne ; and sometimes correcting vs , for our sinne : S Basil plainely teacheth vs. Saepe , disciplinae gratia , in morbos incidimus . And a little after . Saepe , peccatorum sunt flagella , infirmitates . Sicknesses are often sent vs , for our instruction sake . Oftimes , our sorrowes and infirmities , are the scourges of our sinnes and iniquities . And this we may further see , by the iudgement of Physitions ; vnto whose art it more properly belongeth , to search out the true causes of all diseases . For , they often-times doe finde , in many Sicknesses , that , beside the disor'red and peccant humors of mens bodies , which are the materiall cause of all Sicknesse , there is in it beside , the speciall stroke of Gods hand . Whereunto they are inforced to reduce it , as vnto his true and proper Efficient . Because they see it oftentimes to fall out that many diseases , which they , at the first , thought to be but slight and contemptible ; yet doe proue , in the end , to be mortall , and incurable : doe they all what they can ; the power of their medicines , being manifestly hindered , from their naturall working , in the body of this man , which yet worke most kindly , in the body of another man. For ( as Solon obserueth , to this very purpose : Saepè , è modico dolore , morbus fit magnus : Quem nemo soluerit , blanda remedia praebens . Ofttimes we see , from small greene wounds , and from a litle griefe , A greater Sore and Sicknesse grow's , then will admit reliefe . So that , as another Poet , in the same case , obserueth : Non est in medico semper , releuetur vt aeger : Interdum , docta plus valet arte , malum . It is not alwayes in Physitions skill , To cure the Patient , that is sick , and ill . For sometimes sicknesse on the Patient's part , Prou's stronger farre , then all Physitions Art. Yea , and in another place , he confirmeth his owne obseruation , by a reall demonstration , in the plague of the Aeginets : Exitium superabat opem , quae victa iacebat . The Poyson of the Maladie , Was stronger then the Remedie . The malice of the sicknesse surpassing all the helpe of the most approued medicines . And this incurablenesse in euery sicknesse ( which is , indeed , the very soule of the sicknesse , whereby it liueth , though the Patient dieth ) doth himselfe chalenge , to be his owne peculiar worke . The Lord will smite thee , with the Botch of Egypt , and with Emerods , and with the Scab , and with the Itch ; so that thou shalt not be healed . And therefore , Hippocrates giueth this good counsell vnto all Physitions , that when they come vnto their Patients , they should consider with themselues ; whether there be not , Diuinum quiddam , in morbis : The stroke of God , in the Sicknesse . Because , then it should seeme , that hee held his case for desperate : and that it was but in vaine , to apply any medicine . For , as the Roman Orator hath recorded of him : Desperatis , Hippocrates vetat adhibere medicinam : Hippocrates forbiddeth the Physition , to apply any medicine , to a desperate man. But yet , by the leaue of that learned Phisition , the Case is not so despereate . For then , no sicknesse should be cured . Because , in euery sicknesse , there is the stroke of God. There is no sicknes so little , but God hath a finger in it , if it be but the aking of thy little finger . For , though there be in the body , but onely one disease , that is called Sacer morbus : yet is it most certaine , that there is , Sacrum quiddam , in omni morbo : There is the stroke of God in euery sicknesse . And yet euery sicknesse is not vnto death , as our Sauiour Christ testifieth . But , that sicknesses and diseases , are nothing else , but Gods stripes , we may see it plainely verified , both by God himselfe , who chalengeth it ; and by the Scriptures , which ascribe it ; and by the Fa●thers , who teach it ; and by the very Heathen themselues which confesse it . For the first of which foure proofes , to wit , the chalenge of God : The Lord himselfe expresly threateneth in the fore-alledged place , That he wil smite them with the Consumption , and with the ●euer , & with the burning Ague , and with the feruent Heate , and with the Sword , and with Blastings , and with Mildew . Marke , God will smite them , with all these . Thereby plainely insinuating , that all those diseases are as truely Gods smiting , as his smiting with the Sword , which hee numbreth there among them . And againe hee threateneth , in the very same place , that he will smite them , with the Botch of Egypt , and with the Emerods , and with the Scab , and with the Itch. And yet againe : that he will smite them , with Madnesse , and with Blindnesse ; and with Astonying of heart . So that , all those Sicknesses , he chalengeth and assumeth to be his strokes , and his Smitings . Yea , and the Scriptures themselues ascribe the same vnto him , yea , and vnder the same name : and that in both Testaments . In the Old , the Lord denounceth against King Pharaoh , that if he will not let the Israelites depart , he will send all his plagues , vpon his heart . The words of the Text are ( as Arias Montanus hath ad verbum , translated them ) Mitto omnes plagas meas , in cor tuum : I will send all my strokes , vpon thy heart . Therefore all the Egyptian plagues , were nothing else , but Plagae , that is to say , Gods smitings . So againe , in another place ; the Leprosie is called , Plaga Leprae , that is , the stroke of Leprosie . And so the Prophet Dauid beseecheth the Lord , to take his plague away from him . Amoue a me plagas tuas Calling his diseases , plagas , that is , the strokes of God. And so likewise , in the New Testament ; diseases and sicknesses are called Gods scourges : Flagella , his whipps , or his rods . The Euangelist Saint Marke , calleth the womans bloody issue , her scourge , or her rod. And , in another place , he saith , that there pressed vpon Christ , but onely to touch him , so many as had plagues . The Greeke signifieth Scourges . And so likewise , the Euangelist Saint Luke hee sayth , that our Sauiour cured many , of their sicknesses , and plagues . The Greeke againe is , Scourges . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Hee cured them of their Scourges . Therefore Sicknesse are Scourges . Yea ; and the Fathers , in their writings , doe perpetuate the same phrase . S. Basil calleth Sicknesses , Plagas , & flagellationes Dei : The strokes and Stripes of God. And Saint Hierom hee calleth them , Flagella Diaboli ; The Scourges of the Deuill : In corporis malis , flagellum Diaboli intelligimus . The one Father , from the Author , calleth them , the Scourges of God : the other , from the Instrument , the Scourges of the Deuill . As wee see they were , in Iob : and , in that crooked woman , whom our Sauiour Christ healed . But yet , the Author of both their infirmities , was God : because the Deuill could do nothing , but as hee was fore-limited . And therefore , euen the Heathen , who before confessed sicknesse to be sent from God , yea and to be sent , as a punishment , for sinne , against God , do also acknowledge it , to be the Stroke of God. The Philistims call their Emerods , the stroke of Gods hand : euen as plainely and directly , as Dauid himselfe doth : I am euen consumed , by the stroke of thine hand . Yea , and the Poet Iuuenal affirmeth of all the Heathen in generall , that , — missum ad sua corpora morbum , Infesto credunt a numine . Saxa Deorum Haec , & tela putant . — If they but feele a little Sicknes sent , To touch the body : Then they thinke it meant Euen from some angry God , whom they haue grieu'd , For Sinne inflicted . And being thus mischieu'd . They deeme and name Diseases , miseries , The Slings and Darts of wronged Deities . This he reporteth for the common opinion of all the Heathen , that all of them beleeue , both that God is the sender of all kindes of sicknesses , and that they be the Strokes of his darts , and arrowes . Which , wee may further see confirmed , by that Censure , which Homer giueth of the plague of the Greekes : which hee both ascribeth vnto their God , Apollo ; and calleth it there expresly , Telum Dei. A title , which , euen the Scripture it selfe giueth also , to that Sicknesse : Thou shalt not be afraid of the feare of the night ; nor yet of the arrow , that flyeth by day ; nor of the pestilence , that walketh in the darknesse : expressing in the latter words , what hee meant in the former , to wit , that , by that arrow , he vnderstood , the pestilence . Neither is this Sicknes only , called one of Gods arrowes : but all other Sicknesses too . Thine arrowes light vpon me ( saith the Psalmist of his Sicknesses ) and there is nothing sound in my flesh , because of thine anger , neither is there any rest in my bones , because of my Sinnes . Which place of the Psalmist , expresseth in effect , the whole summe of this Chapter , and of euery Branch of it . First , naming the Cause of his sicknesse , to be Sinne Secondly , the Effect of his sinne , to be Gods anger . Thirdly , the fruite of Gods anger , to be his sicknesse . And fourthly , the forme of his sicknesse , to be ( as it were ) the stroke of an Arrow . Now ( to forme this whole discourse , vnto our present purpose : ) If the true cause of sicknesse , be onely Sinne against God : If God himselfe doe threaten , for this cause to send sicknesse : If he truly hath performed , as much as he hath threatened : And , if sicknesse be nothing else , but the Stroke of Gods hand : Then must there needs be a God , which worketh all those things . But all the fore-named points haue sufficiently beene proued , not onely by Scriptures , and the doctrine of Christians ; but also by the testimonie , euen of the very Heathen . And therefore , That there is a God , doth neede no further proofe . This first consideration of Physick , of the nature of Sicknesse , is proofe more then ynough . CHAP. 6. The God is the giuer of health vnto men . 2. That hee is the preseruer of it . 3. That he is the restorer of it . 4. Both by giuing medicinable herbes vnto men . 5. And by teaching them the right vses of them . 6. And by ioyning his blessing vnto their working . THat sicknesses and diseases doe not come to men by chance , nor 〈◊〉 out of the dust ; but are sent by the Iustice and Iudgement of God , either to correct men for sinning , or to restruine men from sinning ; I haue already proued in the former Chapter . Now , that the Remedies of diseases are also sent from God , and from none other author , I take to proue in this Chapter . A thing , which followeth , in a manner , vpon the granting of the former . For , if wee grant , that God is the Author of diseases ; we must also grant , that he is the Author of Remedies . Or else , we shall be forced to yeeld vnto the one , of these two grosse absurdities : Either , that there be two Gods ; or else , that something , which is not God , yet is better then God. For , if we yeeld , that diseases come from one Author , and their Remedies from another ; then doe wee make two diuers Authors : Duo Principia , Two Principles , and two Gods , as Zoroastres did . And if we hold , that that Author , from whome Remedies doe come , is not God ; then hold we , that something is better then God. For , it is better to giue Remedies , then it is to giue diseases : as it is better to giue good things , then it is , to giue euill . So that , except God be the Author of Remedies , as well as of diseases , he shall not be the Soueraigne fountaine of Goodnesse , but shall haue a more base and inferior office , then some of his owne creatures . And so , God shall not be God : But that other , which is the giuer of good things ; shall be God. For , ( as Plato truly teacheth ) Bonorum , solus Deus , causa est : malorum verò , quamlibet aliam , praeter Deum , caus●m quaerere decet . It is onely God , that is the Cause of all good things : but euill things haue not God , but some other thing , for their cause . Therefore , for the clearing of this doubt ; that there be not two diuers Authors and Princes in the world ; the one sending diseases ; the other , their Remedies ; but , that both of these doe come from one Author , who is God , and none other ; it is euidently anounched , in the Holy Scripture , as it were of set purpose , for the preuenting of this error . Thus the Prophet Moses telleth the Israelites , that , If they will obey al Gods holy commandements , the Lord will both take from them , all their owne in firmities , and will not put vpon them , any Egyptian diseases . Thereby plainely insinuating , that it is absolutely in Gods power , both to impose diseases , and to send releases . Thus Eliphaz , without all insinuation , affirmeth in expresse and plaine tearmes : God maketh the wound , and he bindeth it ; he smiteth , and his hand maketh whole . Thus Hannah , in her song , The Lord killeth , and maketh aliue ; he bringeth downe vnto the graue , and heraiseth vp . Thus Moses , in his Psalme , Thou turnest a man vnto destruction ; Againe thou saist , Returne , yee sonnes of Adam . Thus likewise Hosea : The Lord hath wounded , and hee will binde vs vp . By all which Testimonies , it euidently appeareth , that there is not one God which striketh vs , and another which healeth vs : but it is one and the same God , which doth both these vnto vs. Vna manus nobis vulnus , opemque feret . As it is in the Poet. All is but one , and selfe same hand , that thus , Both one while hurteth , and that helpeth vs. It is but one and the same God , Qui & caedit , & sanat : as it is in Tertullian Who both killeth and cureth . Who yet is not good in the one action , and euill in the other ; but truely good in them both . Iust , when he afflicteth , which is one kinde of Goodnes ; and Mercifull when he releaseth , which is another kinde of Goodnesse . Nay , then also mercifull , euen when he afflicteth : being Deus , ad inferos vsque misericors . And therefore , Optimus , si reddit placatus , quod abstulerat iratus : as it followeth in the same place . He is such a God , as is mercifull , euen downe vnto hell . And therefore must n●edes be very excellently good , if hee restore that health againe , when he is appeased , which he tooke away when he was displeased . So that the very necessity of Reason inferreth , that if God be the sender of diseases vnto men ( as I haue formerly prooued him ) then must hee also bee the sender of remedies vnto them . Else can he not be God ; nay , else can hee not be Good. For how can he be either God or good , who is willing to hurt vs , if he know , that he hath not the power againe to helpe vs ? But God is truely and perfectly good , and hath in this point as great a power , as he hath in any other ; and extendeth it as graciously vnto the benefit of all men : being indeed both the Giuer and the Preseruer , and the Restorer of health vnto them ; from whose onely grace and fauour , all these heauenly blessings come . For the first of which three points : That God is the Giuer of health vnto men , the Prophet Dauid expressely affirmeth it , in calling God in one place , His strength ; and in another , His saluation ; and in another , The strength of his saluation . The Fathers they acknowledge it : Philo Iudaeus deliuereth his opinion in these words : Sic opinor , Sanitatem meram , quam nullus morbus praecessit in corpore , Deum , perse , solum largiri : liberationem autem a morbo , etiam per artem , aut medicinam ; ipse sanans vel per haec , vel citra horum operam . This is mine opinion , That pure and perfect health , which hath not beene attainted with any sicknesse , is giuen immediately by onely God himselfe . But a release from any sicknesse , he oftentimes worketh by the meanes of Physicke ; yet healing vs , as he pleaseth , either with it , or without it . Acknowledging God directly , not onely to be the bestower of health , but also the deliuerer from sicknesse . So likewise Gregorie Nyssen : Hoc est perfectae Prouidentiae opus , non solùm contractos curare morbos , verùm etiam prohibere , antequam contrahantur . This is the worke of Gods perfect Prouidence , not only to cure Diseases , when they are come vpon vs , but also to preuent them , before they come vnto vs. So likewise Saint Augustine : Salus Hominum , à quo ? A Deo. Tell me , from whom it is , that health commeth vnto men ? He answereth that Question , that , It onely comes from God. And againe , in another place . Deus dedit carni , originem pulchritudinem , valetudinem , propagationem , foecunditatem , membrorum dispositionem , salutem . It is God that hath giuen vnto the body of a man , both his beginning , and his beauty , his strength , and his foecunditie , his comelinesse , and his Health . Yea , and euen the very Heathen acknowledge also the very same . Critias saith expresly . — bonam valetudinem , Dij , munus iucundissimum , dederunt hominibus . It is God that hath giu'n good health vnto men , Which , of all other gifts , is most sweete vnto them . To this end , the Romans did consecrate , Salus , among their other gods : Insinuating thereby , that it is God , that is the Giuer of all health , and all safetie . And therefore , among those other titles , which they bestowed vpon God , they called him * Sotera , that is to say , A Sauiour , quia Salutem dat : as the Orator expoundeth it . Is nimirùm Soter est , qui salutem dedit : He onely is a Sauiour , that giueth health vnto men . By which very name , they worshipped , euen Iupiter himselfe , among them ; as Pausanias instanceth , in the Troczenians : Adesi & I●vcs fanum , ●●gn●mine Seruatoris . They haue a Temple of Iupiter , surnamea the Sauiour . A title so essentiall and proper vnto God , that Basil reproueth it , as a kind of profanenesse , for any man to giue it vnto his Phisitions , and to call them , Saluatores , or Sauiours : though , by them , they haue bene saued , from never so grieuous sicknesses . Because all Phisitions , euen then , when they cure their Patients , yet doe it not by their owne power , but by the power of God , who is the true Sauiour : yea , and the onely Sauiour too . For , Beside him there is no Sauiour . And therefore , King Philip of Macedon did iustly deride the dotage of Menecrates , a fantasticall Phisition , for calling himselfe Iupiter , that is , A helping Father : as that name is etymologized by the Romane Orator : Iupiter id est , Iuuans Pater : as though hee ( like another Iupiter ) had , in his hand , a full power , to bestow health and safety , vpon any man whomsoeuer . Which folly that wise King derided very sauorly : and , in that his derision , acknowledged , that Health commeth onely from God , and not from the Phisition . And therefore saith the Orator , that , Homines ad Deos , nulla re propiùs accedunt , quam salutem hominibus dando . That Men not come nerer vnto God in any thing , then they do , in giuing of health vnto men . But yet , this is not enough , to make them called Suiours . For hee that properly is a Sauiour , must saue , onely by his owne power : as our Sauiour Christ did . Who , both healed all infirmities , and gaue all kindes of healths , by his owne onely power : Sight , vnto the blind ; Strength , vnto the lame ; Hearing , to the deafe ; Clensing , to the Lepers ; and life vnto the dead : as is expresly testified . So that , euen in this respect ( though there were none other ) yet might he truly and properly be called a Sauiour & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as indeed hee is . But , as for his Disciples , though they did , all the same works ; yet could none of all them properly be called a Sauiour : because they did them , not by their owne power , but by his . As the Apostle S. Peter ingenuously confesseth . Ye men of Israel ( saith he , when he healed the Creeple , at the gate of the Temple ) why meruaile ye at this thing ? or why looke ye so stedfastly vpon vs ? as though we by our owne power , had made this man to goe . It is onely the name of Iesus , that hath made this man sound . Not , that the name of Iesus ( though it signifie , A Sauiour ) doth carrie with it any necessarie Charme , for either healing of diseases , or casting out of deuills , as some men vainely haue imagined : for in the sons of Scaeua the Iew , the contrarie was plainely proued : but , the Name of Iesus , that is to say , the power of Iesus , hath giuen this man his strength . For , all the miracles , which his disciples wrought , were done only by his power ; As is expresly testified , by plaine words in the Scripture : He gaue them power , against vncleane spirits , and to heale euery sicknesse . They had all their power , but onely by his gift . But he wrought all his miracles , only by his owne might . They wrought theirs , but Precando : but he his , Imperando : as Hegesippus distinguisheth . And therefore , though they saued many from very grieuous sicknesses : yet they , doing those works , not by their owne power , but onely by our Sauiour Christ Iesus his power ; not they , but he meriteth the name of a Sauiour : as being the very fountaine , from whence all health springeth vnto euery man. So that , it is , neither the strong constitution of our parents , nor the well-tempered complexion of our selues , that is the true fountaine of our health : but as the Psalmist very truly acknowledgeth , Domini est salus , It is onely the Lord that is the giuer of our health . Who therefore is worthily called a Sauiour . 2 And , as God is the only Giuer of health vnto men , so is he likewise the only Preseruer of the same . It is none of all those things , whereof Tullie giueth instance , as the principallest means for the preseruation of health , that are able to continue it ; if God himselfe put not vnder his gracious hand , to sustaine & vphold it . Neither , Notitia sui corporis ; nor Obseruatio , quaeres aut prodesse soleant aut obesse ; nor , Continentia in victu atque cultu ; nor , Praetermissae voluptates ; nor , Ars eorum , quorum ad scientiam haec pertinent . Neither the knowledg of our owne bodies ; nor the Obseruation , of either helpful , or hurtfull things ; nor abstinence in meat ; nor continencie from pleasures ; nor the art of Physitions : No , nor yet , those other helpes , praescribed by him also , vnto his seruant Tiro : neither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : neither the procuring of ready concoction , not the auoyding of wearisome labouring , nor the entertayning of moderate walking , nor the disposition vnto liberall recreation , nor the benefit of facile and soluble egestion : no nor any thing else , that can preserue health vnto vs , if God himselfe doe not sustaine vs. But , notwitstanding all those helpes , yet , if we want his speciall helpe and blessing , we shall soone be driuen to complaine with Iob , that , Our health doth vanish away like a Cloude . And therefore the Prophet Dauid , with thankfulnesse , professeth , that , It is the Lord only , that maketh him dwell in safetie , that is , which preserueth and continueth him in health . Of whose fatherly protection , in preseruing of his from sicknesses , hee hath composed a notable Psalme , wherein hee giueth men assurance , that they are kept so safe vnder the shadow of Gods wings , that the Plague shall not come neere them , though a thousand should fall at their side , and ten thousand at their right hand . And therefore Iob calleth him , Custodem hominum , The Preseruer of men . What shall I doe vnto thee , ô Thou Preseruer of men ? Which Tittle he there giueth him , not onely , because hee preserueth men from sicknesse ; but also vpholdeth them in their health . Without whose speciall prouidence , in keeping them , they shall neuer be able , to perserue themselues , though they vse neuer so great carefulnesse , or haue , at their elbowes , neuer so great Physitians . For , as S. Hierom very truely teacheth vs ; Nisi Dominus custodierit Ciuitatem , frustrà vigilauit , qui custodit eam : sic nisi Dominus custodierit Sanitatem , in vanum custodiunt , qui praecepta Salutis custodiendae edunt . Except the Lord keepe the Cittie , the Watchman watcheth but in vaine : And so , except the Lord keepe thy safetie , the Physition lesson's thee in vaine . The Lord , that first hath giuen it , he also must keepe it : else both thou and the Physition , doe , but in vaine , indeauour it . Yea , and euen the very Heathen doe hold , in their Religion , that God is not onely the Giuer of health , but also the Preseruer and maintayner of it . The Mantinenses dedicated two Temples vnto their great god Iupiter : the one of them , Iovi Datori ; the other , Iovi Servatori . The one of them , vnto God the Giuer ; the other of them , vnto God the Preseruer . And therefore Menander bringeth in certaine persons making of this prayer . Deos omnes coelestes precamur , — nobis vt salutem dent . Integram valetudinem , bona multa : Et eorum , quae iam parta sunt , Laetum ac commodum vsum . We pray the Gods , that safetie they And perfect health would grant to vs ; With all the many Gifts , that may Men happy make . Not onely thus , But this beside we further craue , A ioyous Vse of what we haue . Ascribing to their gods , not onely the giuing , both of health and all good things , but also the continuing of the prosperous vse of them . And so likewise Terence , he bringeth in , another , making , in effect , the same Prayer : — O Iupiter , Serua ( obsecro ) haec nobis bona . O God , these goods which we possesse , We pray , with thy praescruing blesse . Acknowledging the continuing , as well as the giuing of all good things , to be onely of Gods goodnesse . But , aboue all the rest , the continuance of our health . For , as Tullie recordeth ; among Iupiters other Titles , hee was called , Salutaris , that is , The Giuer of Health . Of which his appellation , he rendreth this reason ; Quia salus hominum in eius sit tutela : Because all a mans safetie , is onely in his custodie . Yea , and euen the profane Emperour and Persecutor Maximinus , though otherwise most irreligious ; yet ascribeth it onely vnto Gods especiall goodnesse , that the corruptions of the ayre do not infect all of vs : quòd corrupta coeli temperies squallentia corpora in mortem non conijciat . Thereby plainely confessing , that it is God onely , and none else , which is the Preseruer , and Maintainer of mans health . 3 Now , as God is both the Giuer , and Preseruer of health : so is he also , the Restorer of it . Hee both gaue it vnto vs , when we had it not : and preserueth it vnto vs , whilst wee haue it : and restoreth it vnto vs , when as wee haue lost it . And this point may also , as clearely be demonstrated , by the Testimonies , both of Holy Scriptures , and of Heathen writers , as any of the former . Of which Testimonies , some bee such , as doe onely expresse their opinion , in words : some such , as declare the strength of it , by deedes : and some such , as demonstrate the truth of it , by effects . For the first of which three heads : the Prophet Moses assureth the Israelites , that , if they will obey Gods holy Lawes and Ordinances , hee will , not only take all infirmities from them , but also , will not put any euill disease vpon them . Thereby plainely declaring , that God hath a power in him ; both to preserue men in their health ; and to bring them vnto sicknesse ; and to deliuer them from sicknesse . The Prophet Dauid likewise expresly confesseth , that it is the Lord onely , which both forgiueth all our iniquities , and healeth all our infirmities . Taking first away the Cause of our Sicknesse , which is onely our sinne : and then applying his owne healing grace , as a soueraigne Medicine . And so likewise Iehoram King of Israel confesseth , by insinuation , euen the very same thing . For , when the King of Aram writ vnto him , that he should heale the Leprosie of Naaman : hee asked in great passion ; Whether he were a God , that he should doe this great thing ? Thereby manifestly insinuating , that the power of healing is the worke of a God , and not of a man. Yea , and euen Naaman himselfe , when the worke was done , acknowledged , that God was the onely doer of it : Now I know , there is no God , in all the world , but in Israel . And how came hee to know this ? He knew it , by the miraculous healing of his sicknesse . For , as Ecclesiasticus directly testifieth : The power of healing , commeth onely from the most High. Yea , and euen the very Heathen do hold the same opinion . Coelius Rhodiginus reporteth out of Plutarchs Symposiachs , of a very notable and learned Phisition , named Philon ; that hee , hauing confected diuers excellent Medicines , Regia quaedam , & auxiliaria medicamenta ; called those his Medicines , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the hands of God. Which glorious appellation , whether he doe irreligiously apply vnto his owne medicines , as though they were able to procure a mans health , as well as Gods owne hands ; or religiously , as not being able to worke any health , without the helpe of Gods hand : yet both wayes , he acknowledgeth , the working of health , to bee the power of Gods owne hand . And so doth Tully likewise , when he writeth thus , vnto his wife : Statim ita leuatus sum , vt mihi Deus aliquis fecisse medicinam videatur : I was sodainely so eased , as if a medicine had bene sent vnto me from God. Thereby plainely acknowledging , that the hand of God is the most soueraigne Medicine . And thus , both Christians and Heathens haue deliuered their opinions , in expresse and plaine words : That it is onely God himselfe , that is the Restorer of men , vnto their health . And , that this is not , in them , onely a verball profession , or a volant and fleeting imagination , but a very strong perswasion , both inwardly setled and deepely grounded in them , as a sprout of naturall Religion ; they haue , both of them , declared , as well by their deedes , as they haue by their words : which is the second sort of our Testimonies . For , euer , when they haue beene afflicted with any kind of sicknesse , either publike , or priuate , they haue still sought , to obtaine their remedy from God , by offering vp vnto him , both Supplications , and Sacrifices ; as vnto the onely Restorer of their health . Thus did Moses ; when , by the fire of God , very many of the Israelites were deuoured and consumed , he sought for the remedie , only at his gracious hand : vsing prayer , for his water , to extinguish that fire . Thus likewise did Aaron ; when a grieuous plague was sent by God himselfe , among them , he sought onely for the remedie , at that hand which had smitten them , by offering vp incense , for a sauour of rest , and making an atonement for the people , with God. And thus likewise did King Dauid ; when , at another time , another like plague happened , he sought for the remedie onely at the hand of God , by appeasing of his wrath , with Burnt-Offerings , and Peace-Offerings . Yea , and euen the very Heathens themselues , in all their like Calamities , haue euer held this , for the chiefest of their Medicines , to obtaine release of God , by their prayers and supplications . Whereof , euen their owne Histories affoord vs both great plenty , and great variety of Examples . In that great plague , which hapned in the Campe of the Greekes , at the siege of Troy ; they sought onely , for their remedie , at the hand of God , by lenifying his anger , with sacrifice and prayer ; precibus & sacrificijs . In that great plague , which hapned vnto the Aeginets ; their King sought for remedie , at the hand of God onely . Ipse ego sacra Ioui pro me Patriáque , &c : Euen I my selfe , do , for my selfe , and for my Countries sake , To Iupiter by sacrifice , our whole atonement make . In that great plague , which happened among the Athenians ; they consulted with Apollo , what should be their best remedie : vnto whom , when hee answered ; That they should purge and cleanse their Citie : whenas they were deuising how to doe it , by other meanes ; Epimenides aduised them to performe it by sacrifice : which is indeed the best purgation , and the most certaine expiation . Yea and the Romane Storie affoords no lesse varietie : as we may euidently see , in many places of Liuie . In that great plague , which happened among the Romans , in the time of Tullus Hostilius , they all of them went into this opinion : Vnam opem aegris corporibus relictam ; si pax veniaque ab Dijs impetrata esset : That there was but one Remedie , for those that were sicke ; and that was , to obtaine peace and pardon of God. And that their practise was sutable vnto their opinion , he hath giuen vs , in another place , a very notable instance , in that great plague , which hapned in the time of Camillus . Where their expiation was performed with so great a solemitie , as equalled almost that of Iosias , for ceremony . Which in these words is described , and set out , by Liuie : Tristem hi●mem ( siue ex intemperie Coeli , raptìm mutatione in contrarium facta ) gravis pestilensque omnibus animalibus aestas excepit . Cuius insanabilis perniciei , quandò nec causa nec finis inveniebatur , Libri Sibyllini , ex Senatusconsulto , aediti sunt : duumviri , sacris faciundis ( lectisternio tunc primùm in vrbe Romana facto ) per dies octo , Apollinem , Latonámque , & Dianam , Herculem , Mercurium atque Neptunum , tribus ( quam amplissimè tunc apparari poterat ) stratis lectis , placauêre . Privatìm quoque id sacrum celebratum est : tota vrbe patentibus ianuis , promiscuóque vsu rerum omnium in propatulo posito : notos ignotósque passìm aduenas in hospitium ductos ferunt , & cum inimicis quoque benignè & comiter sermones habitos , iurgijs & litibus temperatum . Vinctis quoque dempta in eos dies vincula ; religioni deinde fuisse , quibus eam opem Dij ●uli●●at , vinciri . There followed , after an heauy winter , a most contagious Sommer : Whether it grew from the vnwholsomnesse of the Ayre , occasioned by many sodaine alterations , or from some other cause : but pernicious it was vnto all liuing things . Of which incurable euill , whenas they could neither finde out any cause , nor perceiue any end , the Senators decreed ; that the bookes of Sibylla shold be searched ; that two officers should be appointed , to looke to the performance of their holy seruice : their holy feasting in their Temples ( which they call their Lectisternium ) being at that time first ordayned in the Citie of Rome ; for eight whole dayes together , they appeased the anger , both of their God Apollo , and of his mother Latona , and of his sister Diana ; and of Hercules , Mercurius , and Neptunus : the Feast being held as sumptuously , as in those dayes could be possibly , in three seuerall places . Yea , and the same Feast was kept holy , as well priuately , as publikely . All the dores in the Cittie were then set wide open : All things , for the time , were vsed in common : all men , both knowne and vnknowne , yea and euen the very Strangers , were ●alled into their houses : Louing conferences were vsed , euen with their very enemies ; and an vtter cessation of all suites , debates , and quarells : Yea the Prison dores were opened , during all those high feast-dayes . And those , that , by the benefit of their gods , were then released , were neuer after that ( vpon meere Religion ) imprisoned . Thus ●arre proceedeth Livie . Out of which his narration we may obserue these two things . First , that though this great plague might , in part , be attributed vnto the often and sodaine alteration of the ayre , as vnto an immediate and inferior Cause : yet that they looked higher , vnto the first Cause , and ascribed it to God , from whom it came indeed . Secondly , that , as they acknowledged the disease to come from God : so they sought for their remedie , no where else , but of God. So confessing him directly , to be both the sender of sicknesse , and the Restorer of health . As we may euidently see , in the very same Author , by diuers other instances , in diuers other places : as namely . Lib. 7. p. 121. 129. Lib. 10. p. 187. Lib. 27. p. 308. Lib. 38. p 482. Lib. 41. p. 528. In all which places , he , reporting of very greiuous plagues , sheweth still , that they sought for their remedie at God , by appeasing of his wrath , with their Sacrifices and prayers . This sense hath God ingra●ted both into Christians , and Heathens . Neither doth Religion onely teach them , to seeke their remedie at God , in such publique calamities , but also euen in their priuate sicknesses . King Dauid , being afflicted with a dangerous sicknesse , maketh this request to God , Heale me ( ô Lord ) I haue sinned against thee . Thereby plainely insinuating these three things vnto vs. First , that onely sinne is the cause of all sicknesse . Secondly , that onely God is the restorer vnto health . And Thirdly , that only Prayer is the meanes of obtayning that grace . And though it may seeme a very strange request , to desire God to heale him , because hee had sinned against him : which was the very cause , for which God had smitten him : yet it is not so indeed , if the words be well resolued . For his meaning is no more but this : that God , who had stricken him , for committing of his sinne ; should now againe heale him , for confessing of his sinne . As if he should say , as it is in the Orator , Sit erranti medicina confessio . Let my confession be my Medicine . Or , as in other words He expresseth it , but to the same effect : Let my prayer ascend vp before thee , as incense ; and the lifting vp of my hands be as an euening Sacrifice . Thus , in his priuate sicknesse , as well as in the publike , he sought for all his helpe , at the onely hand of God. And the same disposition is also ingrafted into the mindes of the Heathen : Who ( as Iuuenal obserueth ) if they chance but to feele the least touch of a feuer , they straightway interpret it the effect of Gods Anger : and therefore they doe presently betake them to their vowes , and seeke to appease him by the promise of some sacrifice . They doe , — Pecudem spondere sacello Balantem , & Laribus cristam promittere Galli . They vow vnto the Shrine , a bleating sheepe , And to the Gods that doe their Houses keepe , They vow their Cocks heads , &c. Thus haue they beene taught , euen by the light of Reason , that , if the disease haue proceeded from God , the ease must also be sought for at his hand . For ( as Aquinas hath very well obserued ) The Remedie must alwayes be proportionated vnto the Meladie : else will it do● no good . Medicus ( saith he ) non tanto magìs sanat , quanto maiorem dat medicinam ; sed quanto medicina est morbo magìs proportionata . The Physitian doth not alwayes then heale the most strongly , when he giueth the strongest medicines ; but when the medicine , which he ministreth , is best tempered , and proportioned vnto the qualitie of the sicknesse . And therefore , if the sicknesse haue proceeded from God , it is but Medicina proportionata , that is to say , a Medicine made in his due proportion , that the Remedie should also be fetched from him . And , that , in thus doing , they haue not beene deceiued , neither in their practice , nor in their opinion , God himselfe hath declared , by euident demonstration : by sending a present release from euery sicknesse , whensoeuer they entreated it by their prayers and supplications , as all the fore-named Authors , in all the fore-named places , haue left testified vnto vs : which is the third ranke of our testimonies . For in all the selfe same places , where there is mention made both of the diseases to be sent from God , and of helpe to haue beene entreated of him ; there is also mention made , that , at their supplications , it hath beene sent vnto them . As the Reader may plainly see , in all the fore-alledged places , both of the holy Scriptures , and of the secular writers . Vnto whom , for breuities sake , I refere him . By all which Examples and Testimonies , it appeareth that the most soueraigne Medicine , for the cure of any sicknesse , is , vti Serapi medicina , & quotidie precari : as Varro aduiseth : to vse the medicine of Serapus ; and to powre out vnto God , our continuall and dayly prayers . And therefore the wise King Salomon , in that solemne and excellent prayer , which he made when he dedicated his new built Temple vnto God , hee made this request for one ; that , if either Famine , or Pestilence , or Blasting , or Mildew , or Grashopper , or Caterpiller , should at any time afflict them ; if they came into that house , and there should powreout their supplications vnto God ; that their prayer might be accepted , and their punishment released . Thereby plainely insinuating , that Prayer vnto God , is Panchrestum medicamentum , as the Orator speaketh , A salue for euery sore , and a Cure of euery sicknesse . A probatum est , whereof we may see in Hezechiah , who being attatched with a dangerous sicknesse ( some thinke it was the Plague ) yet did heale himselfe more soundly by his effectuall prayers , then could a whole Colledge of the learnedest Phisitions . And therefore the Patient , he is appoined to pray : My sonne , faile not in thy sicknesse to pray vnto the Lord , and hee will make thee whole . The Phisition , he is appointed to pray : They shall pray vnto the Lord , that he would prosper that which is giuen for thine ease , and their Phisicke for the prolonging of life . And the Congregation they are appointed to pray : Is any man sicke among you ? Let him call for the Elders of the Church , and let them pray for him , and anoint him with oyle in the name of the Lord. And the prayer of faith shall saue the sicke , and the Lord will raise him vp : and if hee haue committed any sinne , it shall be forgiuen him . In which place is congested , the whole summe of all those heades which before I haue collected , both in this present Chapter , and also in the former , namely ; First , that Sinne is the true cause of sicknesse , vpon whose forgiuenesse there followeth a release , as Mathew , 9. 2. Secondly , that God for this cause , sendeth sicknesse vnto men . Thirdly , that God is not onely the sender of sicknesse , but also the restorer vnto health . And fourthly , that the principall meanes to recouer , is earnest and hearty prayer ; our owne , our Phisitions , and our faithfull Ministers . So that , in this Case , it is not amisse ( though Tullie deride it , as a kinde of madnesse ) ad aegros , non Medicos adducere ▪ sed Vates , & Ariolos : to bring vnto the Patient , not a Phisition , but a Prophet . For so did God himselfe vnto Hezechiah , in his sicknesse . He sent vnto him , not Medicum , but Vatem , the Prophet Isay to visite him : by whom notwithstanding hee was both comforted , and cured . Thus God ( as I haue shewed you ) is both the Giuer , and the Restorer of Health ; yea , and that oftentimes immediately of himselfe , without all externall meanes : sending it downe sometime immediately out of heauen , by the only power of prayer , as he did Elias his fire . Thereby plainely declaring , that it was both a false & impious opinion , which was held by Leogorus : Se fortuitò potiùs , quàm Dei voluntate , valetudinem recepisse : That hee recouered by Fortune , rather then by Gods blessing . For , it was not by Fortune , that euen Pheraeus Iason recouered health , when his Enemy smiting him chanc't , to breake his impostume . This was onely Gods blessing . Hee was his Phisition . 4 Yea , and so is he likewise vnto all other men , euen when they vse their best meanes : because all the vertue of them is onely giuen by him . He it is , that hath giuen all medicinall herbes and plants vnto man. He it is , that hath giuen the Art of the Phisition , and the skill how to vse them . And hee it is , that onely giueth all the efficacie vnto them , by ioyning his blessing with them . And all this is confessed , as well by the very heathens , as it is by vs Christians . For the first of which three points : that God is the giuer of all medicines vnto Man ; we see this by experience , that there is a sanatiue and medicinable power giuen both vnto herbes , and vnto rootes , and vnto stones , and vnto mineralls ; yea and euen vnto diuers kinds of pure & simple earths ; called Terrae sigillatae , because they be printed and sealed for diuers seuerall vses in mans sicknesses and infirmities . With all which seuerall medicines the body of the earth is so euery where replenished , yea and the sur-face of it so euery where ouer-strewed , as if the whole earth were nothing else but a great bolus , or masse of soueraigne medicines , made vp , by God himselfe , for mans seuerall diseases . Now the Question is , whence this healing virtue commeth , vnto all the forenamed Simples ? whether , from the qualitie of the earth , wherein they grow ? or , from the influence of the starres , whereby they grow ? or , from some inward nature in themselues ? or , from fate ? or , from chance ? or , from diuine prouidence ? For , it needes must proceede from some one of these . But that it cannot come from any one of the fiue first imaginary causes ; it is ( by diuine prouidence ) most euidently declared , in the Booke of Genesis : Where , it is expresly testified ( as it were for the preuenting of this fond opinion ) that God made euery plant of the field , before he put it into the Earth ; and euery h●rbe , before it grew . A worke of so great carefulnesse , as hee hath not expressed in any other of his Creatures : man himselfe alone excepted . Now this place dischargeth all those forenamed causes of doing any worke in this notable effect . The Earth , that hath not giuen this virtue vnto plants : because they all were made before they were put into the Earth . The Starres , they haue it not giuen vnto them : because all the plants were made before them . For the plants of the Earth were made the third day : but the Planets of Heauen were not made before the fourth : no , nor the sixt Starres neither , as appeareth in the Scripture . Their owne power and nature hath not giuen it vnto them : because they had not their very being of themselues , but receiued it of another , euen the Diuine Creator . Fate , that hath not giuen it vnto them : because they alwayes possesse it not , neither worke , by necessity , vnto their owne effect . Chance , that hath not giuen it vnto them : because then , the remedies could not haue answered so aptly vnto the diseases , nor so constantly , in all places . Now , if neither Earth , nor Heauen , nor Nature , nor Fate , nor Fortune , haue giuen those qualities vnto Herbes , and Plants : then must Prouidence needes haue done it . For , as Plutarch collecteth , in the very like case , that , Omnia quaeneque fortuitò fiunt , neque necessariò , neque diuinitùs , res sunt naturales : so may we collect , from the very same diuision , vsing a little inuersion : that , Quae neque fortuitò fiunt , neque necessariò , neque naturâ , ea fiunt diuinitùs . Those things , which are neither done by Fortune , nor by Fate , nor by Nature , they must needs be done by Prouidence . And , for our present instance ; that the virtues of herbes are giuen to them by Prouidence , we may further collect , by two other Obseruations . The first whereof , is this : That the body of a man is not subiect vnto any sicknesse , though neuer so dangerous , but that it hath some remedie prouided for it ; if man were as skilfull , in discerning of them as God hath beene bountifull , in prouiding of them . And therefore saith Bachiarius : Ab sit hoc a fide mea , vt aliquam dicam esse plaga● , qu●e non haebeat consolationem : cùm mihi Propheta proclamet : Nunquid Medicus non est in Galaath ? aut resina non est illùc ? Farre be it from me to beleeue , that there can be any maladie , which hath not his remedie : seeing that the Prophet calleth out vnto me ; Is there no balme in Gilead ? and is there no Physition there ? Whereby it appeareth , that those medicinall qualities were bestowed vpon plants , by such a prouidence as was full of all goodnes , entertayning a generall care for all of vs ; yea and for euery disease that might befall any of vs ; that there shold not be any one , but that it had his medicine . The second of those obseruations is this : That those medicinable plants are so graciously disposed , in all the parts of the earth , that , as there is no sicknesse , but it hath his redresse : so is there no place , but it may be found in it : no region but it hath a naturall medicine , to cure euery sicknesse that is naturally bred in it , if man , in his ignorance , did not mistake it . Yea and that so vniuersally , that ( as Plinie obserueth ) Ne Syluae quidem , horridiòrque naturae facies medicinis carent ; sacra illa parente rerum omnium nusquā non remedia disponente homini . Euen the woods themselues , and the roughter face of Nature , be not without their medicines ; the holy Parent of all things prouiding helps for men , in all coasts , and all places . Whereby againe it appeareth , that those Medicines were ordayned , by such a kind of Prouidence , as both had infinite wisedome , to vnderstand , what medicines were fit , for what diseases ; and infinit power , to produce them , in all places . For , as Galen , no lesse religiously , then wisely , collecteth : Invidere nulli● bona , est perfectae bonitatis ; invenire cunctis bona , est summae sapientiae ; sed efficere cunctis bona , est , insuperabilis potentiae . To enuie good to nothing , is a note of perfect goodnes ; To finde out good for all things , is a note of perfect wisedome ; But to doe good vnto all , is a note of perfect power . So that , as concerning those medicinable plants , it is very true , which S. Basil obserueth , that , Non sponte sua ex Tellure germinant Herbae , quae contra quoscunque morbos accommodae sunt : sed , eae , voluntate Opificis , ad nostram vtilitatem productae sunt . Those Herbes which men vse for the cure of all diseases , doe not grow out of the earth of themselues : but , by their Creators goodnesse , they were made to profit vs. And so likewise Theodoret , vnto the same purpose : Creator rerum , Terram quoque , multas Herbarum species , non advescendum modò , sed & eas , quae esui inutiles sunt , germinare iussit : quandoquidem non alimento modò , verùm etiam valetudinis ●ura , nobis opus est . The Creator of all things commanded the Earth to produce all kinds of Herbes ; not onely such herbes , as are fit to be our meates ; but also such Herbes , as be vnfit for that purpose : because a man stands in need , as well of medicines , as of meates . So that , all kindes of Herbes , with all their vertues , whether nutritiue , or sanatiue , they be onely the gifts of God vnto Man : Who ( as Ecclesiastic●● testifieth ) hath created all the Medicines of the Earth : and hee that is wise , will not abhorre them . Yea , and euen the very Heathen confesse also the same . Tullie reckoneth vp this , as one of the greatest bounties of Nature , that there be , in all places great store of wholsome medicines : Medicamentorum salutarium plenissimae Terrae . And Plinie speaking of simple medicines , referreth their frequencie vnto Natures benignitie . Naturae placuit , esse remedia parata vulgo , inuentu facilia , ac sine impendio . Nature hath prouided , that all her wholesome Medicines should be ready at hand , easie to be found , and not deare to be purchased . Adding a little after , that , Remedia vera , pauperrimus quisque coenat . That the best , and truest Medicines , are euery day eaten , euen by poore men , in their Suppers . As for exotick and compounded medicines ; hee affirmeth , in the same place , that they haue only beene i●uented by the fraud of Physitions , rather to giue a false credit to their Art , then to bring any true benefit vnto their Patient . Now , though both these two Authors , doe ascribe the making of those plants vnto Nature : yet , vnder that word , they vnderstand God. When they praise the benignitie & bountie of Nature , for giuing such medicinable plants vnto men , they doe meane , The diuine Nature . Or if they meane by Nature , any setled and fixed order of generation ; then , when they ascribe those plants vnto Nature , they meane onely in respect of their present propagation ; and not in respect of their first Creation . For , that themselues confesse to be the worke of God : as Trismegistus expresly acknowledgeth ; Constat , de Herbis , de Lapidibus , de Aromatibus , vim Diuinitatis naturalem in se habere : It is certaine , both in Herbes , and in Stones , and in Spices , that they haue a naturall force of Diuinitie in them . So that , it is so naturall , that it is also diuine . It is naturall , in respect of their present propagation ; which holdeth a naturall course , in their generation ; but it is supernaturall and diuine , in respect of their first Creation . It is so , Vis naturalis ; that it is also , Vis Divinitatis ; as he plainely there affirmeth . 5 And , as the Heathen acknowledge , that medicinable Qualities are giuen vnto plants ; and plants , with their Qualities , are giuen vnto men , only by the gift of God : so doe they also confesse , that the finding out of those Qualities in them , and the skill how to vse them , is onely the worke of his goodnesse vnto man , and not the effect of Mans owne invention . Mirari licet ( saith Tullie ) quae sint animaduersa a Medicis Herbarum genera , quae Radicum ▪ ad morsus bestiarum , ad oculorum morbos , ad vulnera : quorum vim atque naturam ratio nunquàm explicavit . It is a wonder to consider , how many sorts of Herbes , and how many kindes of Rootes are obserued by Physitions for the biting of Serpents , or other hurtfull Beasts , the diseases of the Eyes , and the healing vp of wounds . The nature and power of all which seuerall plants is so infinite an inuention , as could neuer haue beene found out by Mans wit and reason . Now if the wit of man could not finde out this great secret : what was it then , that hath found it out ? Surely nothing else , but a diuine illumination , and inspiration of God. And this , euen the Heathen themselues haue confessed . Deorum fuisse apparet ( saith Plinie ) aut certè divinum , etiam cùm Homo inveniet . It is apparent that this was Gods inuention , or , at the least , that it was a diuine inuention , euen though it were inuented and found out by man : But he resolueth , that this is so high a skill and vnderstanding , as was rather giuen by God , then euer found by man. Eandem omnium parentem , & genuisse hac , & ostendisse , nullo vitae miraculo maiore , si verum fateri volumus . That vniuersall Parent and Creator of all things , who first created those Medicines for man , hath also declared the vse of them vnto him . A thing most strange and miraculous , if we will confesse the truth . And , a little before , hee rendereth a reason , why the knowledge of those things must needs be rather the teaching of God , then the inuention of man. Because , if God hath only giuen those virtues vnto plants ; and man , without God , hath found them out ; man hath done the greater worke , and God the lesse : Superata hoc modo videri posset naturae ipsius munificentia , si humani operis esset inuentio . And therefore , a little after , hee concludeth , that , Si quis illa fortè ab homine excogitari posse credit , ingratè Deorum manera intelligit : If any man do thinke , that such things could haue bene found by the wit and reach of man , hee is an vnthankfull interpreter of the gracious gift of God. Vnto whom Homer also ascribeth this blessing , that for all kind of Medicines , it is onely hee that possesseth them : Pharmaca cunctorum Iupiter vnus habet : God only hath the remedie , For euery kinde of malady . And thus , euen the very Heathens themselues do expresly acknowledge , both the plants themselues to be the workes of God , and the knowledge of their vses to be the gift of God. Neither stay they only heere , in this particular branch of Phisicke ; but they acknowledge the whole Art , to be the gift of God. Hippocrates affirmeth it , in expresse and plaine words ; Medicam facultatem Deorum esse munus . And so Tully likewise : Medicinae vtilitas Deorum immortalium inuentioni est consecrata . The Art of Phisicke , is of so great a profit , that the inuention of it , is ascribed vnto God. So Plinie : Dijs inuentores suos assignauit . Yea , and it is expresly affirmed by Homer , to bee both a diuine Science , and greater then any other . Ast , Medicum , reliquis diuina scientia , maior Instruit . Yea , and Apollo , one of their chiefest gods , doth boast of this inuention to be his , and none others . Inuentum Medicina meum est , opiferque per Orbem Dicor : & Herbarum est subiecta scientia nobis . The Art of Phisicke , it is mine Inuention , and an Art Diuine . And I am call'd , the World all o're , The common Helper of their sore . The Nature of all Plants is knowne Only to Me , it is mine owne . And therefore they called Apollo , Vlion , Salutiferum , and Artemidem ; ex eo , quòd integros faceret , as Strabo reporteth : because he made men whole . But Plutarch reduceth this Art , a great deale higher , referring it , not to Apollo , but euen vnto Iupiter , or if there be any God , who is greater . For hee condemneth it , as one of the greatest absurdities of the Stoicks , that they do ascribe this Art , vnto any of the petty and inferior gods , and not rather vnto him , that is the chiefest of them . Wherein hee erred not . For it is , indeede , the gift of the greatest God. It is hee ( saith Ecclesiasticus ) that hath giuen men this knowledge , that he might be glorified , in his wondrous workes . And therefore he exhorteth vs , To honour the Phisition , because of necessitie . Adding there this reason : For the Lord hath created him . He hath created him ; not onely as he is a man ; but also as he is a Phisition . As it is expresly testified , by Saint Augustine . Illa corporis medicina ●on inuenitur , vnde ad Homines manare potuerit , nisi a Deo : Cuirerum omnium status salusque tribuenda est . It cannot bee found out , from whence the Art of Phisicke should come vnto men , but onely from God : vnto whom the health and safetie of all things ought to be ascribed . So Basil : Ars medica , à Deo , vitam nostram moderante , concessa est . The Arte of Phisicke is giuen vs of God who onely ruleth our whole life . So Theodoret : Quia Deus , qui te mortalem in hac vita condidit , sciuit , te morbis quoque exercendum fore , simul medicam artem te docuit : cuius scientiam morborum incur sionibus opposuit . Because God , who made man mortall in this present life , foresaw , that he needs must be exercised with sicknesses , he therefore taught him the Arte of Phisicke : opposing that knowledge , against the assaults of all kindes of diseases . And so likewise Ephra●m Syrus , comprehending in one sentence both these last fore-named points ; Deus , Herbas , & Terrae pharmaca , & Medicorum studia , ad morbos corperis curandos concessit : God hath giuen vs , both Herbes , and other wholsome Medicines ; and beside , both the study , and skill of Phisitions , to cure all the maladies , and diseases of our bodies . So that , it is onely hee , which hath giuen both all medicinable plants vnto the Earth , and all skill to the Phisition , in what manner to vse them . And thus , both the Heathens , and Christians agree , that both the Phisicke , and the Phisition , are the onely gifts of God , for the health , and good of man. 6 But yet , neither of both these can doe any good vnto him , if they bee not assisted with Gods speciall blessing . For first , for the Phisition : that it is not in his power , with all his skill , to make any sicke-man whole ; we may see it , in the old Testament , by the example of King Asa : whose too great confidence in his Phisitions , and too little in his God , was that which brought him vnto his end . And the same we may likewise see , in the new , in the woman diseased with the bloody issue : Of whom it is testified , that though shee had suffered many things from her Phisitions , and continued long with them , and vsed great change of them , and spent all she had vpon them ; yet was she neuer the better for them , but rather much the worse . And the like is also reported of the Emperor Adrian ; that hee , at his death , was forced to complaine , that , Turba Medicorum interfecit Regem : The multitude of Phisitions had brought the Emperour vnto his death . Whereby it appeareth , that no Phisition hath power to heale any man , if God do not giue a special blessing vnto him . As the Philosopher Taurus insinuated to that Phisition , that came to heale A : Gellius . Cum Dijs bene volentibus , opera tua , sistas hunc nobis sanum . Implying , that his labour and Gods blessing must worke both together , before the sick-man could recouer . For , as Ecclesiasticus expresly testifieth , Neither the Apothecary can finish his owne worke , in making of the Medicine ; nor yet the phisition , his , in applying of the medicine ; if they be not assisted , with Gods speciall blessing . The Apothecarie ( saith he ) doth make a confection : and yet he cannot finish his owne worke . For of the Lord commeth prosperitie , and wealth , ou●r all the Earth . Then he commeth from him , vnto the Phisition : Giue place to the Phisition , for the Lord hath created him . Let him not go from thee : for thou hast neede of him . But what ? can he heale thee when he list ? No. But he addeth : The houre may come , that their enterprises may haue good successe . But how ? He addeth further : For they shall pray vnto the Lord , that he would prosper that which is giuen for ease ; and their Physick , for the prolonging of life . So then the Physition toucheth : but it is God that healeth . There is greater efficacie vnto health , in the Physitions prayer , then there is in his power : the whole prosperitie of the medicine depending vpon Gods blessing . And therefore saith S. Hierom : De omni infirmitate dicendum est , quòd absque misericordia Dei , medendi ars nihil valeat . In all a mans infirmities , without Gods speciall goodnesse , the arte of the Physitions is of very little worth . And in another place , he confirmes his owne assertion , by the fore-named instance , of the diseased woman . Quis Medicorum sanare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potuit , nisi tu solus ? ad cuius contactum fimbriae , flatìm redijt sanitas . which of all the Physitions could heale that diseased woman , but onely thou alone ? Who wast able to restore her health vnto her , by touching , but onely , the hemme of thy vesture . Yea , and the same Father againe reporteth of Hilarion : that , when a like diseased woman was brought vnto him , desiring to be cured , and complayning that no Physick could doe her any good , that holy Father replyed : Si quae in Medicis perdidisti , Pauperibus dedisses , curasset te verus Medicus Iesus : If that , which thou hast lost vpon thy Physitions , thou hadst bestowed vpon poore and needy persons , Iesus Christ , the true Physition , would haue cured thee long agone . And therefore S. Basil hath giuen vs a good Caueat : not to repose so strong a confidence in any kind of Physicke , be it neuer so good ; because all is but weake , without the blessing of God. Satagendum est , vt h●c Arte , si quandò illa opus est , ita vtamur , vt non omnem illi causam sanitatis ascribamus . We must take heed , that when we vse the helpe of Physick ; yet that we ascribe not all our health vnto it . For , as hee addeth a little after : Irrationale est , propriae salutis spem in manus ponere Medicorum . It is against all reason , to put all the hope of our health in the hand of the Physition ; who hath it not in his hand : as before I haue shewed . And , as it is not in the Arte of the Physition to giue health vnto the sicke-man : so is it not also in the power of any Medicine . For , as it is affirmed in the Booke of Wisedome ( speaking of those Israelites that were stong and bitten by the firie Serpents ) It was neither Herbe , nor Plaister that healed them , but the word of the Lord , that healeth all things . Nay , it was not the Brazen Serpent that healed them , though for that very purpose it was specially appointed ; but it was only God himselfe that healed them by it , as is expresly there affirmed : He that turned towards it , was not healed by that thing which he saw , but by thee , ô Sauiour of all . Whereby it appeareth , that it is not the outward medicine , but the inward blessing , that healeth . And that , as S. Augustine obserueth , our health commeth vnto vs , onely from God , the Creator : euen then , when we receiue it , by meanes of the Creature . De Creatura mihi salus est ? A Deo est . And this we may see verified , both in the old , and new Testament . God appointed King Hezechiah , to apply a plaster vnto his sore ▪ but , in the same place , he telleth him , that it is he , that doth heale him . And , S. Iames biddeth the Elders , to annoint the sicke m●n with oyle ; but , in the same place , he addeth , that it is the Lord , that doth raise him vp . So that , as S. Augustine very well obserueth , Corporis medicamenta , quae hominibus ab hominibus adhibentur , non , nisi ijs , prosunt , quibus Deus operatur salutem . Qui , & sine illis mederi potest ; cùm , sine ipso , illa non possunt . Those bodily Medicines , which are applied by men , doe profit none but those , vnto whom God himselfe doth worke , for their health . Yet he can heale , without any Medicine : but so cannot any medicine without 〈◊〉 . And this also is confessed , euen by the very Heathen : Etiam , sine Medico , medicinam dedit Minerua . God can heale any Sicknesse , euen without a Physition . He can heale , euen by his onely word . He sent his word , and healed them . Nay , he can heale , by his onely will , as is noted by S. Basil. Sola voluntate contentus . And he giueth this for instance . Volo : mundare . I will : Be thou cleane . Thus , it is onely God that healeth , whether it be with the Medicine , or without the medicine . For , All health is of him ; as is testified in the Psalme . Now , to recollect all these Heads ; and to apply them vnto that , which is our maine purpose . If God be both the Giuer and the Praeseruer , and the Restorer of health : if he haue both giuen vs all those Medicines , that vphold and maintaine it : and taught vs , the true and right vses of them : and giuen his blessing , to assist their working : then must there needs be a God , that procureth all this good . But , that the first of these is true : it appeareth in the seuerall sections of this Chapter . And therefore , the second must likewise needs be true . CHAP. 7. Little Citties doe rise to be great . 2. Great Cities doe fall to be little . 3. Yet is not this the worke , of either Fate , or Fortune : 4. But of Gods owne Prouidence , and Praeor dination . 5. Who limiteth their powers . 6. Boundeth their Dominions . 7. And praescribeth their continuance . THe next Consideration is taken from the Politicks : and therein from the rising and falling of Cities , of Kingdomes , and Commonwealths . Which great and notable works , though diuers of the Heathen haue partly ascribed to Fate , and partly vnto Fortune ; yet falsely vnto both of them : as being in very deede the onely worke of God. Who , as sometime he raiseth poore men , out of the very dust , and lifteth vp their heads , to make them sit with Princes , calling them ( as he did Dauid ) A caula ad aulam : so doth he oftentimes , with Cities , and Nations , aduancing them from poore Originals , to be great and mighty Monarchies . Carthage , which at last grew so mighty and potent , as to fight with Rome it selfe , for the Empire of the world : yet was , at first , no larger then could be encompassed with the thongs of a Bulls hide . Yea , and euen Rome it selfe , which obtayned that Empire , and Lorded it ouer all with an iron Scepter : yet was extended no further by Romulus , but onely to the number of a thousand houses . In so much that the Italian Poet wondereth at the wonderfull increasings of it : Aspice , nec longè repotam , modó Roma minanti Impar Iüdenae contentáque crescere Asylo , Quò se extulerit dextrìs . Loe ; but of late , how little Rome ; To what a greatnes now She 's come ! Yea and Venice , at this time the Venus of all Cities , and the strongest Fortresse and Balwarke of all Christians ; yet was , at first , but a Marish , inhabited by poore Fishers . And the like may be obserued , almost of all those other renowmed and famous Cities : whose glorious gests and victories haue so greatly innobled them , in the register of Histories : they haue , most of them , bene raised from such ignoble and contemptible originalls ; that , when they view themselues in the ruffe of their greatnes , they are vtterly ashamed , to thinke of their first littlenesse . 2 And , as we may obserue diuers poore and little Cities , to haue growne great and potent , being raysed from the dust , to sit among the Starres : so may we likewise obserue , on the contrary part , diuers great and potent Cities , to haue become very little ones , being pluck't downe from the Starres , to sit downe in the dust . God threatneth against Edom , that though they exalted themselues like vnto Eagles , and placed their nest among the Starres , yet would he bring them downe . And he calleth vnto Babel , that proud Monarch of the East : Come downe , ô Daughter Babel , and sit in the dust : sit vpon the ground : for there is no more throne , — Sit still , and get thee into darknesse : for thou shalt no more be called , The Lady of Kingdomes . And , that this his threatning was not brutum fulmen , an idle flash of Lightning ; but that it had his full effect , vpon that proud Citie , we may euidently see , by comparing this place of the Prophet ; wherein she is sayd to be , Tender and delicate ; with another place of the Psalmist , wherein she is sayd to be , a Citie wasted with misery . Babel vastata . Whereby it appeareth that this threatned deuastation , had , euen in those dayes , begunne to seaze vpon them . Which happeneth oftentimes so sodainely , that that which in many yeares was not builded , yet is , in a moment , destroyed : as Isaiah giueth instance both in Ar , and Kir : which both were destroyed , and brought to silence , in a night . And Phauorinus obserueth the same of Helice , and Bura : that they were sodainely swallowed vp . Absorptae sunt , & tanquam nauigantes perierunt : & perished in a moment , as Saylors do , by Shipwracke . And the like may be obserued , of diuers other mighty Cities , heretofore the Imperiall seates of great and potent Monarchs ; that now they are so vtterly demolished , as that , euen their very places can no more be found , nor no man say , that , Here they stood ; as Niniue , Susis , Ecbatane , and diuers others recknoned vp by Pausanias . Mycenae , quae in bello Troiano imperârunt Graecis ; Ninus deinde , in qua Assyriorum Regia fuit ; tertiò , Th●bae Boeoticae , quae principem olìm locum in Graecia obtinuerunt : hae omnes ad internecionem vsque sunt desolatae . Mycenae , which , in the time of the Troian warre , was the head of all Greece ; and Ninus , where was sometimes the Royall Palace of the Assyrian Monarchs ; and Thebes of the Boeotians , one of the chiefest Cities of all the Graecians , are now quite destroyed and made vtterly desolate . Vpon which occasion , hee entreth a meditation of the notable ●ragilitie of all humane prosperitie ; giuing , in that place , diuers other very pregnant and remarkeable instances , of Thebes in Aegypt , and Orchomenus , sometimes two rich and populous Cities , but now reduced beneath the fortune of diuers priuate persons : So likewise of Delus , sometimes the most frequented and common Mart of all the Graecians , now vtterly deserted and forsaken of all Nations : So likewise of Babilon , sometime the greatest Citie that euer the Sunne look't vpon ; but , at that time , so little , that there was nothing there left , but a Wall , and at Temple . Contrariwise , of Alexandria , and Seleucia ; which , though they were builded but euen the other day ; yet started vp so sodainly to great wealth and glorie . Whereas Chryse and Hiera , sometimes two famous Islands , at that time lay drowned , and buried in the waters . Concluding his meditation , with this ●piphonema : Sic res mortalium sunt momentaneae , & nulla ex parte firmae : Thus the things of mortall men , are both of small continuance , and subiect vnto great mutabilitie of chance . And it should seeme this meditation had made a deepe impression into diuers other of the Heathen , and not a little troubled them . Ouid , lighting into it , addeth diuers other instances vnto those of Pausanias : Nunc humilis veteres tantummodò Troia ruinas , Et pro divitijs tumulos ostendit avorum . Clara fuit Sparte , magnae viguêre Mycenae , Necnon & Cecropis , nec non Amphionis arces . Vile solum Sparte est : alta cecidêre Mycenae . Oedipodioniae , quid sunt , nisi nomina Thebae ? Quid Pandioniae restant , nisi nomen , Athenae ? Now humbled Troy is turn'd to dust , and nothing hath to show , But rubbish , for her riches ; and the ruin'd Toombs , I trow , Of ancient Inhabiters . So Sparta famous was ; And Mycene great , and glorious ; and Theb's a stately place ; Renowned Athens was the like . But now , faire Sparta is A Soyle most vile ; and Mycene high is falne full low , I wis : And as for Theb's and Athens both ; to both betides the same ; For both , and all , haue nothing left , besides a naked name . So that , as the Prophet Obadiah speaketh , They are now become , as if they had neuer bene . And Strabo noteth the same of diuers other Cities , about the mount Carmel : which , he saith , are nothing now , but Oppidorum Nomina , meere names of Cities : vt Sycaminorum ciuitas , & Bubulcorum ciuitas , & Crocodilorum ciuitas : As the Citie of the Sycamines , and the Citie of the Cowheards , and the Citie of the Crocodiles . And that , which these Authors haue obserued of Cities , hath Philo Iudaeus obserued of whole Kingdomes . Quòd si non libet singulorum fortunas perquirere , vide regionum integrarum & gentium mutationes , &c , If you list not to insist vpon the particular fortune of Cities , consider the mutations of whole Countries , and Nations : how ( as Lucr●tius also obserueth : ) Augescunt aliae gentes , aliae minuuntur . Some Nations florish , Other some do perish . 3 Now , whence commeth this rising , and falling of Cities ; and why doth this happen rather vnto the principals , then it doth vnto others ? It appeareth in Plutarch , to be an old conceit , to attribute this to Fate , and to a kind of Destinie bestowed vpon those Cities , in their genethliacks , and natiuities , by the aspects and positure of the Stars . But this the Psalmist reiecteth , in expresse and plaine termes : Promotion ( saith he ) commeth neither from the East , nor from the West , nor from the North , nor from the South . It commeth not from the East , from whence the Stars doe come in their diurnall motion : nor yet from the West , from whence they come againe in their naturall motion : nor yet from North , or South , from whence they goe and come in that motion of theirs which is called Trepidation . From none of all these motions doth Promotion come . But ( as it followeth in that Psalme ) It is God , that is the Iudge ; hee putteth downe one , and setteth vp another . And this is true , as well in the fortunes of Cities , and Nations , as of particular persons . As wee may euidently see in the prophecy of Isaiah . Behold ( saith he ) it is the Lord that maketh the earth empty , and he maketh it waste ; He turneth it vpside downe , and hee scattereth abroad the Inhabitants of it . And therefore Plutarch derideth this opinion of the Stars , that they should giue fortune vnto Cities : and reckoneth it among the number of Fables . Yea , and that very worthily . For , if it were fatall for those Cities to rise , how come they to their fall ? Is there now crept in a mutabilitie into Fate ? Is it now become contrarie vnto it selfe ; to depresse the same thing , which before it selfe aduanced ? Or , haue things two Fates ? the one , whereby they be aduanced , and the other , whereby they are depressed ? These things doe not cohere . And therefore some haue runne a cleane contrary course , & ascribed all to Fortune . So Manilius . — Quoties Fortuna per orbem , Seruitium , imperiúmque tulit , varieque revertit ? How oft hath Fortune , through the world , thinke I , Brought Slauerie , borne Imperie , and wheeled diuers●y ? So Seneca . Imperia sic excelsa Fortunae obiacent , So highest Empires stoope to Fortunes feete . So Plutarch , who ascribeth all the prosperitie of the Romanes , onely to their Fortune : writing a Booke of that Argument : De Fortuna Romanorum . So Pausanias , who affirmeth , Vniversa , tum firma , tum imbecilla , quaeque recèns facta sunt , quaeque perierunt , a Fortuna immutari , eiúsque arbitratu , summa vi & necessitate , omnia trahi . All things , both weake , and strong , both things done now of late , and things done long agone , are subiect vnto Fortune : she drawing all things after her , at her owne will and pleasure . And hee giueth , in that place , diuers fit and pregnant instances , as well in the rising , as falling of Cities . For the rising of them , hee there nameth Alexandria , and Seleucia , of whom hee affirmeth , that , Ideo ad tantam magnitudinem & felicitatem excreuerunt , quòd Fortuna eos , tanquam manu , duxerit : That they therefore grew vnto such greatnes and felicitie , because Fortune led them to it , as it were , by the hand . In the falling of Cities , he nameth these before mentioned , of Thebes , My●enae , Delus , Babilon , and the rest : of whom hee addeth this Conclusion , that they all were destroyed , by the iniquitie of Fortune : Et haec quidem prorsùs Fortuna abolevit . So that he ascribeth , as well the rising , as falling of Cities , to be the worke , not of Prouidence , but of Chance . But , that herein hee is deceiued , it appeareth by this argument : That both the rising , and falling of many Cities , haue beene truely and certainely foretold : Which they could not haue beene , if it had beene by Fortune . For , these things which are fortuitous , cannot be foreseene by Prouidence : & therefore not foretold . Who can foretell , that at such a time , such a man shall haue a fall ? No more could any man foretell , that at such a time such a kingdome should haue his fall , if it were meerely casuall . But wee see , by experience , that both the rising of some Cities , and the falling of others , haue bin certainly foretold , by diuers of the Prophets . The Prophet Daniel , not only foretelleth , both the rising , and the falling , of the foure grand Monarchies ; but also graphically describeth them , by their seuerall properties : yea and paintes them out , vnto our eyes , in two liuely emblemes : the one , of the foure-parted Image ; the other , of the foure fearefull Beasts . Yea , and in the translation and succession of those Monarchies , he plainely describeth the falling of one of them , and the rising of another , vnder the figure of a Battell , betweene a Ramme , and a Goate : wherein the Goate preuayled . Which Goate , he there affirmeth , to be the King of the Graecians ; as he doth the R●mme , to be the King of the Persians . Where , if the euent had fallen out contrary vnto his praediction , he being so definite , and confident in his asseueration , hee had beene vtterly shamed , and had iustly incurred the note of a false Prophet . But he knew whom he beleeued , and that hee could not be deceiued : because these things were by God himselfe reuealed ; by whom they were both fore-knowne , and fore-appointed . So likewise , the Prophet Ionas , in his foretelling of the destruction of Niniveh , was as definite and peremptorie in appointing the certaine dayes , as Daniel was before , in naming the certaine Nations . Yet forty dayes and Niniveh shall be destroyed . Which finall destruction ( though the meanes be vnknowne ) yet had certainely happened , if by their earnest repentance , it had not beene auerted . Another like destruction , there is also foretold , by the Prophet Balaam ; to happen from the Grecians , or Romans , vnto the Kingdome both of the Assyrians , and of the Hebrewes . The Ships shall come from the Coasts of Chittim and shall subdue Assur , and shall subdue Heber , & he also shall come to destruction . A very true prophecie , though vttered by a false Prophet . For , whether we take Chittim for the Greeks , or the Romans , ( as it is sometimes for both , ) by those two Nations , were those two Kingdomes subdued ; and the latter of those Kingdomes , by the latter of those Nations , was not onely subdued , but also subuerted , according to the prophecie in that place deliuered . Now these things could not haue beene thus certainely foreshewne , if they had not beene as certainely foreseene . And that they could not haue beene , if they had fallen out by Fortune . So that , as concerning Fate ; Solon excludeth that , in one of his Elegies , cited by Demonsthenes . Nostra quidem Fato Iovis vrbs non occidet vnquàm : Our famous Cities glorious State Shall neuer fall by force of Fate . And , for Fortune , Tullie excludeth that : Nostris vitijs , non Cas● aliquo , Rempub . ●misimus . We haue lost our State , by our offences , and not by any Fortune . Nay euen Pausanias himselfe , in the very same place , where he so resolutely ascribeth this worke vnto Fortune ; yet ( as either forgetting himselfe , or remembring his error ) hath plainely confessed , that it is the worke of God. Minimè mir●r , Megalopolin omnia ornamenta ac pristinam felicitatem amisisse , cùm Deum sciam nouis semper rebus delectari . I meruaile not , that the magnificall Citie Megalopolis , hath lost all her ornaments , and ancient eminence ; whenas I consider , and know well , how God delighteth himselfe , with the changing of Cities and States . Nay , euen the Deuill himselfe , in assuming the disposing of all kingdomes vnto himselfe , euen there asserteth them vnto a kinde of prouidence , and denieth them both vnto Fate , and vnto Chance . 4 Therefore we must hold this , as a fixt and certaine truth , that both the rising and falling of Cities , Kingdomes , and Common wealths , are the decrees and appointments of Gods onely Prouidence . Wherein we haue many very pregnant and cleare testimonies : Yea , and that not onely of the Holy Scriptures , but also of Heathen and Secular Writers . King Salomon saith , in the person of God : By me Kings raigne , and Princes decree iustice . By me Princes rule , and Nobles , and all the Iudges of the Earth . For , as Tertullian truely teacheth , Indè est Imperator , vndè est & homo , antequàm Imperator : indè potestas illi , vndè Spiritus . By him a man is made a King , by whom he was made a Man , before he was a King. Hee gaue him his dominion , that gaue to him his breathing . Now that is onely God : who ( as the Apostle testifieth ) hath giuen vnto all men , both life , and breath , and all things , He it is ( saith the Prophet Daniel ) that hath power ouer the Kingdome of men , and that giueth it , vnto whom hee pleaseth ; yea , euen vnto the very abiects . Whom afterward , if they grow proud , he casteth downe againe . Dij & secunda elatos fortuna , qu●m celerrimè , cùm velint , euertere , & abiectos excitare facilè possunt , sayth Xenophon . God quickly can , at his pleasure , depresse those , that are prided with prosperous Fortune ; and easily aduance those , that are deiected with aduerse . Yea , and it was Platoes opinion ( as Sabellicus reporteth it ) Nullam posse Ciuitat●m , sine fauore Numinis , vel prosperè constitui , vel constituta feliciter administrari . That there cannot any Citie , either , at the first , be happily planted , or afterward , be prosperously gouerned , without the speciall blessing , and fauour of God. And this may be obserued , to bee particularly affirmed , of all those foure great Monarchies fore-named For the Babilonian Monarchie ; the Prophet Daniel expresly ascribeth that vnto God. The most high God ( saith he ) gaue vnto Nebuchadnezzar , both a Kingdome , and Maiesty , and honour , and glorie . For the Persian Monarchie ; King Cyrus himselfe ascribeth that vnto God. For he saith , that , The Lord God of heauen , had giuen him all the Kingdomes of the Earth . Yea , and Themist●cles likewise confessed it , in plaine words , vnto Artabanus , one of the Persian Princes . Ego parebo vestris legibus , quandò ita visum Deo , qui Persas extulit : & propter me plures , quàm nunc sunt , erunt , qui vestrum Regem adorent . I am ready to obey your Persian Lawes , seeing God hath so ordained , who hath so greatly exalted the Persians . And I my selfe will bee a meane , that many moe , then now doe , shall giue honour to your King. For the Grecian Monarchie ; the Prophet Daniel againe ascribeth that vnto God. For he saith , that the third Beast , which was like vnto a Leopard ( wherein the Grecian Monarchie was prefigured , ) had his power , and dominion giuen vnto him . And therefore he had it not of himselfe : as Hananias , one of the seauenty two Interpreters , very plainely proueth vnto King Ptolomeus , by this familiar reason . Non quenquam esse Regemex sese , inde patet , Quia omnes cupiunt consequi hanc dignitatem , sed non possunt : cùm Dei donum sit . It appeareth , that no man can make himselfe a King , because all men doe desire it , and yet cannot attaine it ; because it is Gods gift . As Seneca acknowledgeth in the person of Nero : Munus Deorum est , ipsa quòd seruit mihi Roma , & Senatus . It is Gods gift , that the Citie and the Senate are subiect to me . And for the Romane Monarchie ; Plutarch ascribeth that directly vnto God. For , hee saith of Rome , that it could neuer haue growne , á tam vili & paruo initio , ad tantam gloriam & potentiam , sine Numinis praesentia : From so despicable and poore a beginning to so admirable a power and glorie , without the presence & prouidence of God. And this hee there reporteth , not as his owne single and particular opinion , but as a vulgar and common , receiued and maintained among the most of them . And , in another place , hee affirmeth of Rome , that , Fundamenta Romae iecit Tempus cum Deo : That the Foundation of Rome was layd by God and Time. It was layd by God , to continue for a long time , as he wittily there expresseth , by this fit deuice and fiction : That Fortune quickly flew ouer both the Persians , and Assyrians , and Macedonians , and Aegyptians , and Syrians , and Carthaginians : but , when shee came vnto the Romanes , she then put off her wings , as purposing to stay with them , and not to fly from them . So that God gaue them their beginning , in laying their foundation : and hee vpheld their continuing ; in giuen to them Time. This is Plutarchs iudgement of them . Yea , and Tully likewise ascribeth all the Romane greatnesse , vnto none other cause , but onely to the bounty and goodnesse of their gods . Quis est tam vecors , qui , cùm Deos esse intellexerit , non intelligat , eorum numine , hoc tantum imperium esse natum , & auctum , & retentum ? Who is there so mad , but knowing there is a God , he must also vnderstand , that by his speciall goodnesse , the great Empire of the Romanes is both founded , and increased , and continued ? Yea , and in the same place hee ascribeth the dilatation of their Empire , rather vnto their religion , then either vnto their valour , or vnto their wisdome . Nec numero , Hispanos ; nec robore , Gallos ; nec calliditate , Poenos ; nec artihus , Graecos ; nec hoc ipso huius Gentis ac Terrae domestico natiuoque sensu , Italos Latinosque : sed pietate , & Religion● atque hac vna sap●entia , quòd Deorum immortalium numine omnia regi , gubernarique perspeximus ; omnes gentes nationésque superauimus . We haue not ouercom the Spaniards , by our number ; nor the French , by our power ; nor the Carthaginians , by our pollices ; nor the Graecians , by our Arts ; nor the Italians , or Latines , by the naturall sharpenesse , and finenesse of our wits : but it is only our pietie , and religion , and this speciall wisedome of ascribing all things to the gouernement of the gods , that hath subdued vnto vs so many Countries , and Nations . Thereby plainely insinuating , that the greatnesse of their Empire was bestowed by God vpon them , onely as a reward of their pietie , and religion . Which Caecilius also expresly confirmeth . For he saith of the Romanes , that , Imperium suum , vltra Solis vias , & ipsius Oceani limites , progagârunt , dùm exercent in armis virtutem religiosam : The exercise of vertue , and of Religion , was that which inlarged the Romane dominion . For ( as he addeth a litle after ) Dum vniversarum Gentium sacra suscipiunt , etiam Regna meruerunt . While they receiue the Religions of all Nations , they deserue also their Dominions . This he falsly ascribeth vnto their false religion : which yet may truly be ascribed vnto the true one . And Camillus , in his Oration recorded by Liuie , expresly affirmeth , that al the calamities of the Romans sprung only from ther offences against God ; as , on the contrary , all their prosperity grew only from their piety . Which is true , in very deed , if it be rightly vnderstood , and be referred , as it ought , vnto to the true God. For ( as Ecclesiasticus very truely affirmeth ) It is the feare of the Lord , which causeth , that the Kingdome faileth not : but a Kingdome is lost , by crueltie and pride . And therefore King Ochus , being asked by his sonne , by what meanes he had preserued his kingdome so long ? answered , That this was done , Pietate , in Deos ; et iustitia , in Homines : By his Pietie , towards God ; and his aequitie , towards men . For ( as Elihu truely telleth vs ) Iudgment and aequitie maintaine all things : Yea , euen the very throne it selfe , as King Salomon acknowledgeth ; The Throne is established by Iustice. But it is supplanted and ouerthrowne by wickednesse ( as Ecclesiastcus ) obserueth Because of vnrighteous dealing , and wrongs , and riches gotten by deceit , the Kingdome is translated from one people to another . So that , as King Salomon himselfe in another place affirmeth , Iustice exalteth a nation : but sinne bringeth a people to confusion . A notable example whereof , God himselfe hath left vnto vs , in the Babilonians : whose kingdome and Nation hee professeth that hee will bring vnto vtter desolation , for their sinnes and iniquities . And this we may obserue to haue beene a strong notion , very deepely imprinted in the mindes euen of the Heathens : That , as nothing praeserueth Kingdomes more firmely , then vertue ; so nothing destroyeth them more certainly , then vice . A. Gellius ascribeth the rising of the Romans onely vnto their vertues . Omnibus virtutum ganeribus exercendis , colendisque , Populus Romanus , è parua origine , ad tantae megnitudinis instar emicuit . The Romans ( saith he ) ascended from their low and meane beginnings , to such an height of greatnes , only by their practice of all kind of vertues . And Tullie on the contrarie , he saith : They lost their greatnes by degenerating from their ancient vertue vnto vice , in the fore-alledged place : Nostris vitijs , non casu aliquo , Rempub. amisimus ; It is not by chance , but it is by our vice , whereby we haue decayed and lost our common-wealth . And therefore in the same place , he pronounceth , that , There is , Nihil tam inimicum Ciuitati , quàm iniustitia ; quae , sine magnae iustitia , nec geri , nec stare potest . That there is no such Enemie vnto any Citie , as iniustice is , and iniurie : because , without great Iustice , there cannot any Citie be either well gouerned , or safely praeserued . For , as the Tragicall Poet hath very truely noted : — Vbi non est pudor , Nec cura iuris , sanctitas , pietas , fides ; Instabile Regnum est . Where is nor modestie , nor equitie , nor sanctitie , No pietie , no veritie , no , nor civilitie , In such a Kingdome , certainly , There can be no stabilitie . Which sentence of the Tragick , is also confirmed , by another of the Comick : Where hee bringeth in a seruant , disputing with a Virgine , about the fortification and munition of their Towne . — Vt munitum muro , tibi visum est oppidum ? saith hee . How like you here , the warlike strength of this our walled Towne ? Vnto which she answered presently . Si incolae benè sint morati , pulchrè munitum arbitror . Perfidia , & peculatus ex vrbe , & avaritia si exulant . Quarta invidia , quinta ambitio , sexta obtrectatio , Septimum periurium , octaua indiligentia , Nona iniuria , decimum ( quod pessumum aggressu ) scelus . Haec nisi vrbe aberunt , centuplex murus rebus seruandis parùm est . If Citizens be manner'd well ; well mann'd and wall'd , I deeme it . If Citie Sinnes be banisht all ; then strong , may all esteeme it . If Trecherie , and Robberie , and Auarice be gone , If Enuie , and Ambition , and Backbiting he none ; If Periurie , if Idlenesse , if Iniurie be out , And truly , if that Vilainie , the worst of all the rout . Vnlesse these Vices banisht beene , what euer forts you haue , An hundres Walls together put , will not haue power to saue . Because , by those vices , they do euen inforce God to ouerthrow their Walls , as sometime he did Hiericoes . For , as Bacchylides truely affirmeth , — Alta a coeli sede Diruit oppida — superba , Qui summum in Omnes imperium tenet . It 's God , that ruleth ouer all , Who giu's proud Cities such a fall . Nay , wicked Citizens , by their vices , doe ouerthrow their owne Cities , and digge downe their Walls , as Solon well obserueth . Nostra quidem Fato Iovis vrbs non ●ccidet vnquàm , Propitijsque Dijs , salua manere potest . Moenia sed ciues stolidi , cupidíque lucrorum , Ardua , subverti , per sua facta student . It is not Fate our Citie can destroy : We may , long time , in safetie it enioy , The Gods to vs being propitious . But Citizens themselues , so vicious , So foolish are , and couetous ; that they Their owne walls raze , and vtterly decay . And therefore saith Theognis vnto the same purpose : Nullam vnquam ( Cyrne ) boni Ciuitatem perdiderunt viri . Sed quando , contumeliosis esse , malis placuerit , Populúmque corruperint , iudiciaque iniustis dederint , Propriorum lucrorum causa , & potentiae ; Existima , non diû illam civitatem quietam fore , Et si nunc manet al●a in quiete . Good men did ne're their Cities ruine bring . But when euill men shall iniuries begin , Not caring to corrupt and violate The Iudgements seates , for their owne Lucres sake : Then looke , that Citie cannot long haue peace , Though for the present it haue rest and ease . Now , this consent of the Heathen , in thus generally ascribing the rising of Cities and Commonwealths , vnto vertue ; and their falling , vnto vice ; implyeth , that they beleeued , that God is the Author and worker of both these . Because hee is the Rewarder of vertues , and the punisher of vices : who for the transgressions and wickednesse of men , both abateth and abaseth , and transformeth , and transferreth all their Kingdomes and Commonwealths , as hee himselfe pleaseth . Of all which , the Holy Scriptures haue left vs euident examples . He abated the Kingdome of the Israelites ; when hee tooke from Rehoboram , ten of the twelue tribes , and bestowed them vpon Ieroboam . He abased the Kingdome of the Caldeans ; when hee called vnto Babel , to come and sit downe in the dust : and draue out their proud King from the company of men , compelling him to liue among the brute Beasts : And all that , to teach him but this very lesson , which I now am in prouing : That the most High bereth rule ouer the Kingdomes of men , and that he disposeth them , as it seemeth best vnto him . Hee transformed the Kingdome of the Israelites ; when hee changed it from their Iudges , vnto their Kings : as hee likewise did the Romanes , from their Consuls , vnto their Emperours . In which change of that State , it is worthy obseruation , which is written by Plutarch : That God , determining to alter the Commonwealth of the Romanes , from their Optimacie , to a Monarchie ; hee purposely suffered Brutus to bee ouerthrowne by Octauius , lest hee should bee a meane to ouerthrow that gouernment , which God then determined to set vp , hee being a knowne Enemie vnto the state of a Monarchie . And finally , he transferred them ; the kingdomes of the Canaanites , vnto the Israelites ; of the Israelites , vnto the Caldeans ; of the Caldeans , vnto the Medes , and Persians ; of the Persians , vnto the Graecians ; and of the Graecians , vnto the Romanes . All which , haue , in the Scripture , their particular testimonies , to be the workes of none other , but onely of God himselfe : who ( as Iob affirmeth in his booke ) both looseth the Collar of Kings , aud girdeth their loynes with a girdle ; both increaseth the People , and destroyeth them ; both inlargeth the Nations , and bringeth them in againe . And ( as Daniel addeth , vnto the same purpose ) He both setteth vp Kings , and taketh away Kings . So that ( as Tertullian well collecteth ) Ille Regna dispensat , cuius est & orbis qui regnatur , & Homo ipse qui regnat . — Ille Ciuitates extollit , & deprimit , sub quo fuit aliquandó sine Ciuitatibus genus humanum . He disposeth of Kingdomes , whose both the World is that is ruled , and the Men that rule it . He both exalteth and depresseth Cities , whose Subiects men were , before they had any Cities . And this was vnderstood , euen of the very Heathen : as we may gather out of that prayer , which King Darius made , before his battaile with great Alexander : which Plutarch thus reporteth . Dij natales , atque regij , id primùm vos precor , Quam mihi Persarum fortunam dedistis , cam restitutam ego vti posteris relinquam ; vti victor , Alexandro rependam , quae in meos , mea calamitate ictos , contulit beneficia . Sìn fa●ale adest tempus , itaque visum est Nemesi , & rerum vi●issitudini , vti Persarum regnum cesset ; vt nemo hominum , praeter vnum Alexandrum , in Cyri sedeat solio . Oye immortall Gods , that are mens Creators , and Kings Protectors , first of all I beseech you , that I may leaue the same prosperity of the Persians vnto my Successors , which from you I receiued by my Predecessors ; that so I may repay vnto Alexander , those great benefits and fauours , which , in this time of my calamitie , hee hath royally bestowed vpon my dearest friends . But , if the fatall period of time bee now come , wherein the Persians Kingdome must needes change , and be vndone ; then againe I beseech you , that the succession of King Cyrus his Throne may fall vnto King Alexander , and vnto none other . In which prayer it appeareth , that he verily beleeued , as well the preseruation , as translation of Kingdomes , to be seated in the power of God. So that , for this point , of the rising and falling of Kingdomes and Commonwealths ; it seemeth vtterly absurd , not onely to the religion of well beleeuing Christians , but also to the reason of vnderstanding Heathens , to referre and ascribe it vnto any other cause , then onely to Gods prouidence . Especially not to chance . For , can wee thinke , that that prouidence , which is so precisely curious , as to marke and obserue the falling of Sparrowes , should bee so supinely incurious , as to slight and neglect the falling of Kingdomes ? This were absurd to thinke . For ; ( as Saint Augustine collecteth from diuers other the like workes of prouidence : ) Qui non solùm Angelum , & Hominem , sed nec exigui & contemptibilis animantis viscera , nec auis pennulam , nec herbae flosculum , nec arboris folium , sine suarum partium conuenientia dereliquit ; nullo modo credendus est , regna Hominum , eorúmque dominationes , & seruitutes , a suae prouidentiae legibus alienas esse voluisse . That God , who hath made , not onely Men , and Angells , but hath also ordered , with so great a conuenience , the very entraills of the least and most contemptible ●east , the feather of euery Bird , the flower of euery Herbe , and the leafe of euery Plant ; cannot in any wise bee thought , to leaue without the lawes and compasse of his prouidence , the dominions , and slaueries of Kingdomes , and Commonwealths . 5 And this may further be seene , by an other obseruation : that God hath incompassed al the Kingdomes of the earth with a threefold restraint ; to wit , a limitation of their powers ; a circumscription of their bounds ; & a prefinition of their periods . There was neuer , as yet , any kingdome in the world ; which either for his power , was illimitable ; or , for his place , vniuersall ; or , for his time , perpetuall . But , God , in his prouidence , hath so incompassed all of them , that euermore their powers , haue bin reduced vnto measures ; their dominiōs , vnto bounds ; & their cōtinuance , vnto periods . As we may see , by plaine examples in the holy Scriptures . And first , as concerning the restraint of their powers : that may euidently bee shewed , in three Easterne Kings . The first of whom , is Saul : who pursued the Prophet Dauid , with such implacable hatred , that he hunted him in all places , as a Partrich in the wildernes . And yet , when he offered himselfe into his hands , hee had no power to hurt him ; but ( as Esau in the like case pursuing his brother Iacob ) though he came out against him with a purpose to kill him ; yet , contrary vnto his purpose , he both louingly & humbly reconciled himselfe vnto him . So that , it might be said , as it is in the Tragicke : Otium è tanto subitum tumultu Quis Deus fecit ? What God , so soone , so great a calme Could bring , from out so great a storme ? Surely euen the same God , who , ( as a King testifieth ) hath the hearts of all Kings in his hand , and who turneth them , like riuers of waters , whither hee thinketh good . He it was , that so restrayned the power of this wicked King Saul , that he had no power in him , once to touch his Annointed , or to doe his Prophet any harme . The second of those kings , is Nebuchadnezzer : who was so vainely inflated , with the conceit of his owne power , that hee commanded his Captaines to goe fortn , and to see him auenged vpon all the earth , to fill all the face of the earth with his Armies , and to destroy all flesh that obeyed not his commandements : yea to destroy all the gods of all other Nations , a●d to set vp him to be worshipped for the God of the whole world . And thus he proiected to extend his owne power , beyond all due measure , and to aduance his owne honour aboue humane Nature . So that ( as the Heathen Poet speaketh ) he did Coelum ipsum petere stultitiâ . He sought , in his deepe foolishnes , To climbe into Heauens Holinesse . But , what was the euent of this his proud conceit ? Surely this his exorbitant and vnmeasurable ambition , and impotent desire of inlardging his power , beyond humane condition , was , by a superior power , restrained , and himselfe of all vaine purposes defeated . His Captaines were destroyed , his armie dispersed : His honour blemished , by the hand of a woman . Yea , and euen his owne person was banished from among the societie of men , and forced to liue wilde among the beasts of the field . So that ( as Olympias complained ouer her sonne Alexander , in the very like case ) Whilst hee affected the honour of a God , he was depriued of the honour of a man. And all this ( as euen hee himselfe confessed ) did fall out vnto him , by the appointment of God. The third , and the last of these Kings , is Senaherib ; propounding vnto himselfe the like amplification of his power and dominion , fell himselfe into the like , or a greater confusion . For he sending out all his warlike forces and powers to the siege of Ierusalem ; and there , by the mouth of his grandiloquus Orator , insulting ouer all the gods of the Heathen ; yea and not forbearing the very God of Heauen : when he had euen deuoured that kingdome in hope , and swallowed it downe , for as good as his own : God himselfe putteth his hooke into the nose of that Lion , and brought him backe againe the same way that hee came , destroying , in one night , an hundred fourescore and fiue thousands of his Soldiers , and giuing him to be destroyed , by the hands of his owne Sonnes . Thus God , who alway resisteth the proud , resisted the attempts of these three proud kings ; curtailling their power , and restrayning their ambition ; and thereby euidently shewing them , that , as No man can adde one cubite to his stature ; so no man can adde one ynch vnto his power , be he neuer so great a King. For ( as the Apostle Paul teacheth vs ) there is no power but of God , and the powers that be are ordained of God. Yea , and this the very Heathen themselues confesse likewise . Summi est potestas omnis , & gloria Dei : as our Sauiour Christ testifieth . And , no man hath either kingdome , or power , or glory , but only from him . And therefore king Salomon hath giuen vnto kings a very good exhortation , to remember whence their rule and power commeth . Giue eare ye that rule multitudes , and glorie in the number of your people . For the rule is giuen you of the Lord , and power by the most High : adding , that they be but the officers of his Kingdome . 6 And , as God hath limited vnto all kingdomes their powers : so he hath also circumscribed their dominions , reducing them into compasse , and confining them within their owne bounds and limits . For , as hee hath giuen vnto no king or kingdome an infinite power ; no more hath he giuen them an infinite Dominion . Infinitie is Gods owne propertie : which is so peculiar vnto the diuine Nature , that it is not communicable vnto any Creature whatsoeuer . Much lesse to any man , whose largest dominion cannot reach beyond the Circle of the Earth : which is but as a prick . And yet euen this Earth , as small as it is , was neuer yet allowed vnto any one King , were hee neuer so great : no , nor yet a quarter of it . It is true indeed , that the mighty Romane Monarchie was amplified so exceedingly by certaine of the Romans , as though they had gotten the whole world into their hands : and , as though it might truely be affirmed of them ( as it is of God himselfe in the Psalme ) that in their hands were all the corners of the Earth . Tullie saith of the Romane Empire , that it was , Orbis Terrarum terminis definitum , That it had no other limits , but the limits of the world . And , in another place , hee , speaking of those notable victories , which the Romanes had obtayned by Cn. Pompeius , hee affirmeth of them , that they were , ijsdem , quibus Solis cursus , regionibus ac terminis contentae : contained , within no fewer Regions , then the Sunne incompasseth in his course . This seemed not ynough vnto Caecilius . For he saith , that the Romanes did , Imperium suum , vltra Solis vias , propagare : They inlarged their dominion beyond the course of the Sunne . And Ovid , hee commeth not a steppe behind them , in this their exaggerated amplification . For he saith , that if God should looke downe from heauen vpon the earth , he could see nothing there , without the power of the Romanes . Iupiter , arce sua , totum cùm spectet in Orbem , Nil , nisi Romanum , quod tueatur , habet . Yea , and ( as Egesippus recordeth ) there were many , that thought the Romane Empire so great , and so largely diffused ouer the face of the whole Earth , that they called , Orbem Terrarum , Orbem Romanum : they called , the Globe of the Earth , the Globe of the Romanes ; the whole world , the Romane World. And the same follie , which possessed the Romanes for their power , possessed also the other Monarchs for theirs . Nebuchadnezzer the Monarch of the Caldeans , conceited , that hee had vnder him , all nations , and languages . And Cyrus , the Monarch of the Persians , professed , that he was the Lord of the whole world : The Lord God of Heauen , hath giuen me all the Kingdomes of the Earth . Thus blinde and bewitching a thing is Ambition , that it dazeleth the sight of common sense and reason . For , all this great ostentation is indeed nothing else , but , either the rhetoricall amplification of hyperbolizing Orators ; wherein there is truely audacia Tropi ; or , the vaine imagination of those fore-named Monarchs , doting vpon their owne greatnesse . For , the two first Monarchies of the Caldeans and Persians , were both of them shut vp , within the lists of Asia , and scarcely touched the skirts of either Europe , or Africa . The Graecian Monarchie wrought Eastward into Asia too : which , though it stretched further then either of the former ; yet were there many great Countries , euen in Asia it selfe , both Northward , Southward , and Eastward , where it neuer so much as touched . The Romane indeed stretched furthest of all the rest , as being possessed of large Kingdomes and Dominions , both in Asia , Europe , and Africa . But yet , for all that , they were so farre from obtaining the Empire of the whole world , that they could neuer get wholy any of these three parts of it : but there were in all of them diuers Regions and Countries , Vbi nec Pelopidarum facta , neque famam audiebant : Where they neuer so much as heard , either the facts or the fame , of either Grecians , or Ronames . As Macrobius ingenuously acknowledgeth : Gangem transnare , aut Caucasum transcendere , Romani nominis fama non valuit . The fame of the Romanes , as great as it was , yet was neuer so great , as either to be able to swim ouer the Riuer Ganges , nor yet climbe ouer the mountaine Caucasus . So that , euen their Fame came farre short of those swelling amplifications , which before you saw vsed , by their Orators , and Poets . But their Dominion came much shorter : as is expresly affirmed by the fore-alledged Author , Totius Terrae , quae ad Coelum puncti locum obtinet , minima quaedam particula , à nostri generis hominibus , possidetur . That though the whole Earth , compared with the Heauens , be no bigger then a Center in the midst of a Circle ; yet that scarce the least parcell of this little Earth , did euer come into the hands of the Romanes . Thus , euen these great and mighty Monarchies , which were the highest Columnes of Maiestie vpon the Earth , yet haue , all of them , beene reduced within their bounds and limits : yea and those very streight ones . And therefore none of the minor and inferior Kingdomes could be left without limits . As Tertullian plainely proueth , by a particular enumeration of the greatest , and most famous of them . Si Salomon regnauit , in finibus tantùm Iudeae ; à Bersabe vsque Dan , termini eius Regni signantur . Si verò Babilonijs & Parthis regnauit Darius ; non habuit potestatem vlteriùs , vltra fines Regni sui , non habuit in omnibus gentibus potestatem . Si Aegyptijs Pharaoh , vel quisque ei in haereditate Regni successit , illìc tantùm potitus est Regni sui dominium . Si Nabucodon●sor cum suis Regulis , ab India vsque Aethiopiam , habuit Regni sui terminos . Si Alexander Macedo nunquam Asiam vniversam , & caeteras Regiones , postquàm devicerat , tenuit . Si Germani adhuc vsque limites transgredi non sinuntur . Britanniae , intra Oceani ambitum , conclusae sunt . Maurorum gens , & Getulorum barbaries a Romanis obsidentur , ne Regionum suarum fines excedant . Quid de Romanis dicam , qui de legionum suarum praesidio imperium sunm muniunt , nec trans istas Gentes porrigere vires Regni sui possunt ? If Salomon raigned as a King , yet was it but onely in the Kingdome of Iudea : the borders of his Kingdome extended no farther then from Dan vnto Beersheba . If Darius raigned ouer the Babylonians and Parthians ; yet had be no dominion beyond the bounds of his owne Kingdome : hee could not command ouer euery other nation . If Pharaoh and his Successors raigned ouer the Aegyptians , yet all his dominion was onely ouer them . If Nabucodonosor and his Princes haue raigned from India vnto Aethiopia , yet there his Kingdome ended . So Alexander himselfe could neuer obtaine whole Asia , nor yet long retaine those Regions which he there had conquered . The Germans are not suffered to goe beyond their limits . The Britains are shut vp within the compasse of the Sea. The Moores and Getulians are kept in by the Romanes , so that they cannot come without their bounds . Nay , the Romanes themselues are faine to guard their dominions with their Garrisons and Legions , and cannot extend their Empire ouer all nations , at their pleasure . And that which he affirmeth of those fore-named Nations , may likewise bee obseru●d in all others . There is no Kingdome in the world , but it is shut-vp and included within some limits : yea and those oftentimes but very meane and weake ones : sometimes , a shallow Riuer ; someties , a narrow Hill ; sometimes , a field of sand . So weake meanes of inhibiting so strong desires , and so feeble , of resisting so vnbridled ambitions , that it is vtterly impossible for so weake and simple bounders , to be able to keepe in such men within their bounds , if God himselfe were not the Bounder of them . But hee , as hee hath by his power appointed , that a little weake sand should stoppe the rage of the swelling waters ; so hath hee likewise appointed , that such weake termes and limits should keepe in the proudest and most ambitious Princes , as it were raging Lions , with their grates , and cages . As if God , that hath sayd vnto the Sea , Hitherto shalt thou come , and no further ; and here shalt thou stay all thy proud and swelling waues : should likewise haue sayd vnto Kings , and their Kingdomes , ( as Seneca well expresseth it ) Vltra Istrum , Dacus non exeat . Istmus Samothracas includat . Parthis obstet Euphrates . Danubius Sarmatica ac Romana disterminet . Rhenus Germaniae modum faciat . Pyrenaeus medium inter Gallias & Hispanias iugum extollat . Inter Aegyptum & Aethiopias arenarum in●ulta vastitas iaceat . Let the Dacians be contained within the riuer Ister . The Samothracians within their proper Istmus . The Parthians within Euphrates . Let Danubius distinguish betweene the Romanes and Sarmatians : and Rhenus restraine the daring Germanes . Let the mountaine Pyrenaeus diuide the French , and Spaniards : and the wildernesse of Sand the Aethiopians , from Aegyptians . And in like manner also be all other Kingdomes : they are bound within their bounders , as it were in bands ; aad shut-vp within their limits , as it were in prison . Now the Bounder of all these , is onely God himselfe : who ( as I haue before shewed ) is the Bounder of all things . And this also appeareth by the liquid and cleere testimonies , both of Holy Scriptures , and of Heathen writings . The Prophet Moses affirmeth , that it is The most High God , that diuided vnto the Nations their inheritance , and separated the sonnes of Adam , and appointed the borders of the people . And Ecclesiasticus affirmeth , That it is God , that appointed a ruler ouer euery people , when he diuided the Nations of the whole Earth . So that , both the erecting of Kings , and separation of Kingdomes , are the onely workes of God. And therefore Trismegistus calleth God , Terrarum distributorem ; The distributer of Countries . And Demosthenes citeth this sentence , out of the inscription of an Altar , that — Iupiter ipse Rex superûm medius limite signat agros . God Iupiter himselfe , I weene , the King of Gods , is he , That causeth Countries , by their Lists , distinguished to be . And this to preserue the people from contentions : as in the same place , hee affirmeth . For , where there be not such limits to distinguish them , there al wayes doe the people contend about them . As Salust exemplisieth by a notable instance , betweene the Cathaginians , and the Cyreneans . Who hawing long contended about their limits ( and yet for a vaste feild of vnfruitfull bar●rea Sand ) when they had euen wearied themselues with diuers mutuall slaughters , in the ende ( for the ending of all contention ) they fell vpon this Conclusion . That they should both of them send forth at a certaine praefixed time , certaine Messengers from their borders ; and that the place , where they should meete , should be the Boundes of both Nations . The Carthaginians sent for them two Brothers called Phileni : by whose speed and diligence , they obtained great advantage . Which , when the Cyrenians chalenged , as being fraudulently gotten , by their setting forth before the appointed time ; they offered them this condition ; that , either the Phileni should be content to be buried quick , in the place where they mett , and which they chalenged for other limits ; or else they should permit the setting of their limits vnto those Cyrenians , vnder the same condition which was propounded vnto them . Which condition ( though vnaequall ) yet the Phileni accepted : and so were both of them in the place buried quicke . Vnto whom , for their valour the Carthaginians there erected , and consecrated an Altar : as an aeternall monument , both of the limits of their Dominion , and of the honour of these two noble Brethren , by whom they had obtayned the same . Out of which memorable historie , we may draw these three obseruatious , to our present purpose . First , that where there be no knowne limits betweene Kingdome and Kingdome , there be alwayes contentions and quarells about them . Secondly ▪ that the way to quench those quarells , is , there to set vp some artificiall limits , where there be no naturall . And thirdly , that euen those casuall and accidentall limits , yet are in those places fixed by the secret decree and appointment of God : which , both this Altar of the Phileni insinuated , and the forenamed Altar of Demosthenes expressed : — Iupiter ipse . Rex superûm , medius limite signat agros . 7 And , as God hath circumscribed the dominions of all King , within their bounds and limits : so hath hee also prescribed vnto all Kingdomes and Empires the times of their continuance . Both which points the Apostle Paul hath expressed in one sentence . God hath made , of one blood , al mankinde , to dwell vpon all the face of the Earth : and hath assigned the times , which were ordayned , and the bounds of their habitation . He both appointeth the bounds of their habitations ; which was our former point : and assigneth the times of their contin●ance , which is our present point . The same God , which hath determined the dayes of al men , and kept the iust number of their months with him , appointing them their bounds which they cannot passe ; he hath also appointed set periods of time , as well vnto Kingdomes , as vnto priuate persons : to some a time ; to some , two times ; to some , halfe a time ; to some , all these together , at his owne will and pleasure . Which times and periods being fulfilled ( as the dayes of a man when they are expired ) they are by and by dissolued . And this we may see verified as well in the great and mighty Monarchies ; as in the smaller and inferior kingdomes . — sublimes fregit Spartanus Athenas : Atque idem Thebis cecidit : sic Medus ademit Assyrio : Medoque tulit moderamina Perses . Subiecit Persen , Macedo : cessurus & ipse Romanis . — The Spartane spoyl'd th' Athenian State ; the like befell to Thebes : The Medes destroyd th' Assyrian Stock ; the Persian slew the Medes . The Persian Monarch was subdued by that great Macedo : The Macedon must shortly yeeld vnto the Romane foe . And the same may be seene in diuerse other Kingdomes , as Bartus exemplifieth by many notable instances . So that , as in the same place hee obserueth : As when the Wind the angry Ocean moues , Waue hunteth waue and billow billow shoues : So doe all Nations iustle each the other , And so one People doth pursue another . And scarce a second hath the first vnhoused , Before a third him thence againe hath rowsed . Thus the greatest Kingdomes for force , yet haue beene of small continuance , being successiuely cut off by the sword of their enemies . But yet that , not by chance , but by Gods speciall ordinance : who , when the number of their dayes were expired ( that is , when they had fullfilled the measure of their wickednesse ) then sent vpon them , the sword of other Nations , for the punishment of their sinnes . For the swords of men are but the Rods of God , whereby hee scourgeth them that rebell against him : as hee himselfe affirmeth , both of the Assyrians , and of the Babilonians , calling the one of them , the rod of his wrath , and the other his Hammer and his weapon of warre , wherewith hee will breake downe nations and destroy Kingdomes . So So that though they whett the sword , yet it is God that strikes the stroke . It is he that breaketh in sunder those Kingdomes with his hammer . Which yet he doth not before their appointed time be fulfilled . For ( as Ecclesiastes expresly affirmeth ) Vnto all things there is an appointed time . A time to plant , and a time to pluck vp . And the appointer of those times is onely God himselfe as by this one Argument it euidently appeareth ; that hee is so peremptorie and definite in foretelling the certaine times of the continuing and falling of diuers Kingdomes . Hee foretold of the great and mighty Kingdome of Babilon that it should continue but onely vnto the third generation , and that then it should vtterly be vndone . I haue giuen all these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzer the King of Babel my seruant — And all Nations shall serue him and his Sonne and his Sonnes Sonne , vntill the very time of his Land also come , and then many Nations and great Kings shall serue themselues of him : what could be more definite ? And that he neither deceiued nor was deceiued in it , the euent which followed , openly declared . For in the time of Belshazzer Nebuchadnezzers Sonnes Sonnes , the Babilonian Monarchy was dissolued , and that by the written decree of God , who there professeth that the number of that Kingdome was fulfilled . And as definite as hee was in appointing the set time of the disso●ution of Babilon , so definite was he also in appointing the set time of the Iewish Captiuitie vnder them . This whole land shal be desolate and an astonishment , & shal serue the King of Babel seuenty yeares . And when the seuenty yeares are accomplished , I will visit the King of Babel and that Nation &c. Which hee did accordingly performe . For first , for the deliuerance and manumission of the Iewes , it is expresly testified , that that was fulfilled , as soone as the time , fore-told by Ieremy , was finished . And , for the second part of the Prophecie , concerning the destruction of the Babilonian Kingdome ; it followeth by consequent vpon the former . For Cyrus , who , in the first yeare of his raigne , gaue order for the returne of the Iewes , was one of those Princes , who were the ouerthrowers of the Babilonians . As concerning which Prince , in giuing his name , almost an hundred yeares , before hee was borne ; there is so great an euidence of Gods fore-seeing prouidence , that a paralell to that prophecie , cannot bee giuen , in all the secular Historie . And as God hath bene definite , in foretelling the very time of the destruction of Babilon ; so hath hee bene likewise , in foreshewing the destruction , both of the Ephraemites , and of the Aegyptians : pointing downe precisely , vpon the very number of the yeares : Within threescore and fiue yeares , Ephraem shall be destroyed , from being a Nation . And for Egypt , he sayth : I will make the land of Egypt desolate , for forty yeares &c. But , at the end of forty yeares , I will gather the Egyptians from the people , where they were scattered . Now , this so peremptorie assigning of a definite time , as well of their captiuitie , as of their libertie , doth euidently shew , not onely that those times are certainly appointed ; but also that this appointment is onely made by God. Who ( as our Sauiour Christ teacheth vs ) hath in his owne power the seasons of all times : and who ( as the Prophet Daniel teacheth vs ) is hee , that changeth those times and seasons , and that both taketh away Kings , and setteth vp Kings . And this also was not vnknowne , euen to the very Heathen . For , Iason , in Xenophon , expresly affirmeth , that it is God onely , which doth , Et homines extollere , & potentes deprimere : That both lifteth vp the needy , and casteth downe the mighty . So likewise , He siodus : — homines sunt pariter obscurique , clarique , Nobiles , ignobilesque , Iouis magni voluntate . Facilè enìm extollit , facilè etiam elatum deprimit . Facilè Praclarum minuit , & obscurum adauget . Men are obscure , or eminent , They noble are , or base : But all is Gods appointement ; Who giu's the humble grace , Exalting them that are but low , And lofty ones depressing , Abating of the prouder show , And poorer sort increasing , So Homer : Facile est Dijs , qui coelum latum habitant , Et gloria illustrare mortalem hominem , Et malo afficere . The God of Heau'n , he easily can Immortalize a mortall man , with glory and with fame : The same God , euen as easily may Afflict a mortall man , I say , with sorrow and with shame . And Simonides affirmeth , that God hath not only the power of the thing , but also the power of the Time. He both can do the thing , and appoint the Time. O Filt , penes se habet Iupiter altitonans , finem Omnium quae fiunt , & pro arbitrio suo disponit . The Ends of all , in Gods sole power rest , Which hee disposeth , as him pleaseth best . So that ( to conclude this discourse with Tertullians sentence , ) I lle vices dominationum , ipsis temporibus , in seculo ordinat , qui ante omne tempus fuit , & Seculum corpus temporum fecit . Hee it is , that ordained the interchange of dominions and Empires , in their times , who himselfe is more ancient then any time , and who hath made an eternity of the body of time . Now , if Cities grow great , and little , neither by Fate , nor Fortune ; but by Gods praeordination ; if hee limit their powers , circumscribe their dominions , and measure out their continuance ; then must there needes bee a God , who performeth all these workes . But the Antecedent is true ; as hath beene proued in this Chapter . And therefore , the Consequent must needes follow after . CHAP. 8. God is , both the Physicall , and Ethicall last end of all things . 2. Hee giueth vs all vertues , which are the way vnto perfect Blessednesse . 3. Hee implanteth in vs all good affections , which are the praeuious dispositions vnto vertues . 4. He giueth vnto vs the true and perfect Blessednesse . 5. Nay , hee himselfe is , our true and perfect Blessednesse . LET vs now proceede forward , from the Politicks , vnto the Ethicks ; which affoord vs many Arguments , to proue There is a God : and that by the confession , euen of the very Heathen . For , as the Physicks doe inferre , that there needes must be a God ; because there is noe moe but one Primum Efficiens , but one first Efficient Cause , from which all things doe proceede : so the Ethicks doe inforce the same conclusion vnto vs ; because there is no moe , but one vltimus finis , but one last finall cause , vnto which all things are referred . Which last End ; as Aristotle himselfe teacheth , both in his Physicks , and in his Ethicks ; must needes be Summum bonum , ipsumque adeo Optimum : that is , The chiefest and most soueraigne good of all things . For , Quanto est posterior , tanto est praestantior omnis Finis . — Among all Ends , the Latter , is euermore the better . And consequently , the last must needs be the best . And so must needs be God. Or else there should something be better then God. Which were vtterly absurd . For , hee is the best of all . His title is , to be , Optimus . And therefore , as God is that Primum Efficiens , by whom all things were made : so is he also , that Vltimus Finis , for whom all things were made . As the Scriptures themselues haue expresly testified . The Apostle Paul telleth vs , that All things were made , not only of God , but also for God too . Of him , and through him , and for him are all things . So that hee is not onely their Primum Efficiens , that is , Their first Author from whom they came ; but he is also , their Vltimus Finis too , that is , Their last Ende , for whom they came . Both which points , King Salomon confirmeth in his Prouerbs , in expresse and plaine words : The Lord hath made all things for himselfe ; yea euen the wicked , for the day of euil . The Lord hath made all thing : therefore hee is their Efficient . He hath made them for himselfe : therefore he is their End. Sic Deus est finis postremus & vltimus , in quem Omnia contendunt , propter quem mundus , & omnis Res mundi est : siquidem , propter seipsum , omnia fecit . saith the Christian Poet. God is the End , yea that last End , Vnto which One , all things contend : For which the world , and all therein . Was made : For he made all for Him. And , as God is Finis rerum , condendarum , that is , The last Ende , for which all things were created : so is hee also , Finis rerum expetendarum : The last End for which all things are desired . Whom haue I in Heauen but thee ? ( saith the Prophet Dauid ) and there is none vpon Earth that I desire in comparison of thee . So that , God is not onely the naturall ende of all his Creatures ; but also the morall ende of all mens actions and affections . And this also may be conclud●d , by the reason afore-framed . For , Aristotle , affirmeth in the fore-alledged place , that , Si finis est quispiam rerum agendarum , quem , propter seipsum , caetera autem propter hunc volumus ; constat hunc talem Finem summum esse Bonum , ipsumque optimum . If there be any such ende of all humane actions , which we onely desire in respect of it selfe , and other things but with reference vnto it ; it is apparent , that such an ende must be that , which we call the supreme , and chiefest good . Now , that must needs be God : vnlesse something which is not God , should be better then God : vnlesse some other thing should be Summum Bonum , and God himselfe : be but Inferius Bonum . But that God himselfe , and nothing else , is both the last ende of all humane actions , and that chiefest good , which is aymed at in all of them , it is generally taught , in the Schooles of all the Heathen . Who deliuer vnto vs these foure speciall Doctrines , as the principalls of their Morals . Yea , and that , with as great and as vniforme a consent , as in any other of their doctrines can readily be found . First , that Vertue , which is the way vnto Felicitie , is giuen vs of God. Secondly , that good Affections , which are praeparatiues vnto Vertue , are also giuen by him . Thirdly , that Felicitie , which is the salarie and reward of Vertue , is giuen vs of God. And Fourthly , That God himselfe , is our onely true Felicitie . 2 For the first of which positions , and the first branch of it : it is a thing , which is agreed vpon , among the very Heathen , that the ende of the Ethicks , and Morall Philosophie , is to bring men , by vertue , vnto the true Felicitie . Felicitie is the ende of all mens actions and desires : but Vertue is the way , whereby men come vnto that ende . As Tullie exemplifieth in the person of Hercules . Abijt ad Deos Hercules : sed nunquàm abijsset , nisi , quùm inter Homines esset , eam sibiviam munivisset . Hercules is gone vnto the gods : but hee neuer had come there , if he had not made his way , whilest hee liued here . Hee had neuer come to Heauen , if hee had not by his vertue paued himselfe a Causey thither , whilest he liued among men . And therefore Seneca bringeth in Hercules , speaking thus of himselfe , and of his owne vertues : — Virtus mihi In astra , & ipsos fecit ad superos iter . My Vertue 't is , hath made a way for Me , Into the Heau●ns among the gods to be . For , as he addeth , in another place : Nunquàm Stygias fertur ad vmbras Inclyta Virtus . — Vertue ne're led to dwell Among the Ghosts in Hell And that , which Seneca affirmeth of Hercules , doth Ennius of Romulus : Romulus in coelo cum Dijs agit aevum . Romulus now liueth in Heauen , among the gods . But how came he thither ? That Tullie expresseth in another place . Quibus tandem gradibus Romulus ascendit in coelum ? By what steps , did Romulus ascend , and climbe vp into heauen ? He answereth his owne quaestion : Rebus gestis , atque virtutibus : By his nobles Acts , and by his vertues . And , that Vertue is the direct and compendious way vnto Felicitie , Aristotle himselfe defineth plainely , in his defining of it to be , Operatio per virtutem in vita perfecta : A working according vnto vertue in a life euery way perfect . But now , all the Quaestion is , Whence this vertue is ? Whether it be , by naturall inclination , from our Parents ? or , of artificiall institution , from our Masters ? or , of morall acquisition , from our selues ? or , of supernaturall infusion , from God ? For , one of these foure wayes it must needes come vnto vs. For the first of which foure wayes , to wit , for Naturall inclination , Tullie standeth ; who setteth downe these positions : Omnia officia , a principijs Naturae proficisci : That all good offices and duties doe onely arise , out of the principles of Nature : And therefore , omnia officia eò referri , vt adipiscamur Principia Naturae : That all our duties doe ayme onely at this ende , to bring vs to the first principles of our Nature . For , as in another place he affirmeth , Est virtus , quasi perfectio Naturae : And yet againe : Est virtus nihil aliud , quàm in se perfecta , & ad summum perducta , Natura . Vertue is nothing else , but Nature brought vnto her perfection & hight . And therfore he setteth downe this for a Conclusion , that , Nature alone can leade vs vnto vertue , if we follow her direction : Naturam ducem nactus , non est quisquam hominum , qui ad virtutem pervenire non possit . Which sentences , in some sense , may be admitted , with good acceptance , if they be interpreted of our originall & vncorrupted . Nature . But , consider of our Nature , as it is now depraued in vs , and by the corrupt Conduicts of our sinfull Parents traducted vnto vs ; and there is nothing more contrarie vnto our nature , then vertue ; nothing more consonant and agreeable , then vice . And therefore Aristotle affirmeth , that , Natura etiam prauè omnia facit : that , Nature doth all things out of order . And , in another place , hee , disputing , which of the two extreame vices , is most contrarie vnto the middle vertue , hee sets downe this for a generall rule ; that , That vice is alwayes most opposite vnto vertue , vnto which our owne nature doth leade vs most willingly . Ea namque , medio contraria magis esse videntur , ad quae nos ipsi quodammodò sumus propensiores . Which manifestly proueth ( as he also , in another place , expresly concludeth ) Nullam fieri virtutem morum , in nobis , naturâ : That no morall vertue is bred in vs , by nature . For the second Opinion , that it is framed in vs by Art , and by the instruction of our Teachers ; Plutarch not onely approueth it , but also hath written a Booke to prooue it , and , Vertutem posse doceri , inscribed it . Which ( as Aristotle well distinguisheth ) is true indeede in intellectuall vertues : as in Arts , and Sciences : they may be taught vs. But in Moralls , it is false . As out of the very name of morall vertues , in the same place , he collecteth : That name importing , not institution , but custome ; and that such vertues are gotten , not by learning , but by practising . And therefore Socrates professeth ( yea and proueth too ) quòd virtus nusquam discatur , nullóque praeceptore percipiatur : That vertue , can neither be learned , nor taught . So that , as Tullie is confuted by Aristotle ; That vertue is not of Nature : so is Plutarch , by Plato ; That it is not of Art. Which Maximus Tyrius also confirmeth . Non fit ab Arte , quòd euadunt boni , sed potiùs beneficio Iouis : It is not by Art , that men are made good ; but rather by the grace and blessing of God. For , as Saint Ambrose very truely obserueth , Vera virtus nihil requirit , nisi Dei gratiam : True vertue requireth nothing else , but onely Gods grace . So that , it is neither of Nature , nor of Art , as Plato in another place expresly affirmeth , reiecting both those two fore-named causes , in one sentence : Apparet virtutem , nec disciplinâ , nec natura ; sed diuinâ sorte suis possessoribus accidere . It neither comes by nature , nor by learning , but onely by Gods giuing . And for the third opinion , That it is gotten of our selues , onely by industrie and practise ; that apparently is Aristotles , in the fore-alledged place . Neque naturâ , neque praeter naturam , virtutes in nobis efficiuntur : sed idonei quidem ad suscipiendas sumus , naturâ : Suscipimus autem ipsas , atque perficimus , per consuetudinem . Vertues are begotten in vs , neither by nature , nor beside nature : But Nature giueth vs a fitnesse and hability to receiue them . But it is onely practise and custome , that ripens and perfects them . But yet ( as Pindarus truely noteth ) All our practise and custome , will but a little profit vs , if God doe not giue his blessing vnto vs. Ad summitatem virtutis pervenerunt , qui labores experti sunt . Cum Dei autem fauore &c. There be many that haue attained to the highest pitch of vertue , by their labour and indeauour . But yet by the assistance of Gods grace and fauour . And therefore Pythagoras giueth vs aduice , not to rely too confidently vpon our owne endeauours , but to ioyne our prayers vnto them , for Gods helpe and assistance . — ad opus accede , Deos , vt id perficiant precatus . Lay hand vnto thy worke , with all thy wit , But pray , that God would speede and perfect it . Otherwise , all thy paine shall be taken in vaine . For , as Saint Bernard truely teacheth : In cassum quis laborat , in acquisitione virtutum , si aliundé eas sperandas putet , quam a Domino virtutum . In vaine doe men labour to attaine vnto ve●tues , if they looke for them elsewhere , then from the Lord of vertues . It is he onely that giueth them , because he onely possesseth them : as Maximus Tyrius affirmeth : Virtutem , quam possidet , tribuit Deus . And therefore Theocritus aduiseth King Ptolome , that hee should , Virtutem a Deo petere ; Pray for vertue , at the hand of God. So that , none of all the three forenamed are the causes of vertue : neither Nature , Arte , nor Industrie . It is true , that all these , in some degree , may be helps : but yet onely as Gods inferior and ministeriall instruments . Nature may plant it , Art may prune it , Industry may water it : but , as the Apostle Paul teacheth vs , Neither is he that planteth , any thing ; nor yet hee that watereth , but onely God , that giueth the increase . And , hee that giueth the increase vnto plants , is hee , that giueth the increase vnto vertues , which are his heauenly plants : as euen Homer acknowledgeth : Iupiter virtutem viris augetque , minuítque , Prout quidem voluerit . God giueth vertue his increase , And lesseneth it , euen as He please . And therefore , it is confessed with one mouth , by all the Heathen , that it is God , that is the giuer of vertue vnto men . Which is the second Branch of our first position . Simonides saith expresly , that , Nemo , sine Dijs , virtutem accepit , neque vrbs , neque Homo : That neither Man , nor Citie , without Gods speciall grace , could euer attaine to vertue . So likewise Pindarus , Boni & sapientes , ex Deo solo proueniunt : Men are made both wise and good , only by the helpe of God. So likewise Theognis , Nemo hominum , neque malus , sine numine , neque bonus : There is no man made either good , or bad , but onely by God. According to that of Salomon , that , God hath made all things , for himselfe ; yea , euen the wicked , for the day of euill . And yet is not God the cause of mens wickednesse . Because hee maketh them not euill , inserendo malitiam , but onely , subtrahendo gratiam , as Aquinas distinguisheth , Not by inserting into any man the motions of sin , but by withholding his grace , which is the bridle of sinne : which being withdrawne , men rush violently of themselues , like vntamed horses , into all kinde of wickednesse . But , though God giue not vice , inserendo malitiam ; yet giueth he vertue , inserendo gratiam . And therefore the Romanes ( as Saint Augustine obserueth ) did consecrate vertue for one of their gods . Thereby plainely acknowledging , that Vertue is of God : yea The free gift of God , as Saint Augustine there affirmeth . Virtutem quoque Deum fecerunt , quae , quia Dea non est , sed donum Dei , ipsa ab illo impetretur , a quo solo dari potest . They haue named Vertue , for one of their Gods. Which because it is no God , but the gift of God , it must onely of him bee sought , who hath onely power to giue it , that is to say , of God : who ( by the consent of the chiefest Philosophers ) is the onely bestower of all vertues . Anax●goras saith , that , Mens ( which is his word for God ) is , Bonirectique causa : The cause of all goodnes . And so likewise , Proclus : Quicquid bonum & salutare competit animabus , causam a Dijs definitam habet . Whatsoeuer is good and healthfull to the soule , it hath his cause defined and appointed of God , Yea , and hee addeth there also the opinion of Plato . Virtutum omnium , corporaliúmque bonorum , velut sanitatis , roboris , institiae , temperantiae exemplaria , Plato probat procedere penès Deum . Plato proueth the Patternes of all vertues and of all corporall endowments , as of Health , of Strength , of Iustice , of Temperance , to proceede from God. Yea , and as Plutarch obserueth , God hath giuen vnto vertue a kind of naturall sweetnesse , whereby it is no lesse delightfull vnto such as doe practise it then it is vnto those , among whom it is practised . Deo adiuuante , placidi , mansueti , & humani mores , nemini eorum , quibuscum viuitur , ita grati , iucundique sunt , vt ei ipsi , qui ijs est praeditus . And this God doth , to allure vs vnto vertue , by the sweetnesse of it . Yea , and as Iamblicus obserueth , God doth not only prouoke vs vnto vertue ; but also reuoketh vs from vice . Ad iusta quidem adiuuans , ab iniustis reuocans . And this we may euidently see in the Scriptures , by diuers notable examples . For when Abimelech intended to haue corrupted Abrahams wife , God withheld him from it . And when Dauid intended to haue destroyed Nabal , God withheld him from it . And Opheus in his hymne vnto Venus ( by whom hee vnderstandeth Diuine and heauenly Loue ) hee maketh a prayer vnto her , to withhold his minde from all filthy and vicious loue . O Dea , nam vbíque habes audiendi acumen , Exaudi ; & laboriosam vitae meae viam Dirigas , tuis , ô veneranda , iustissimis telis , Profanarum extinguens horrendam libidinem cupiditatum . O Goddesse , heare ; for thou canst , whate're , where I pray ; Direct me , by thy righteous helpes , in my lifes tedious way , Quenching prophane and fearefull lusts , that leade my mind astray . He prayeth to God , to withhold him ; because hee could not withhold himselfe . And so , when Achilles intended to haue killed Agamemnon , Pallas withheld him from it , as Homer also testifieth : by that fiction , implying this vnfayned truth , that it is God , which withholdeth vs from euill , as well as which helpeth vs in good . Both which points together , wee may euidently see , in the prayer of the Pharisee : O God , I thanke thee , that I am not as other men are , extortioners , vniust , adulterers . Here be the vices , from which God had withheld him , and for which hee thanketh him . Hee proceedeth on , vnto those vertues , wherewith God had adorned him . I faste twice in the Weeke , and I giue tithe of all that euer I possesse . So that , if a man be not infected with all kinde of vice , he may thanke God for it . And , if hee be indued with any kind of vertue , he may thanke God for that too . For it is onely by the grace of God , that he is , as he is . In which action of the Pharisee , we may euidently see , a direct confutation of Tullies obseruation , that , Nemo quòd bonus vir esset , gratias Dijs egit vnquàm . And againe in the same place , that Virtutem , nemo vnquàm acceptam Deo retulit : That no man had euer thanked God , that he had made him a good man. For we see the plaine contrarie , in the prayer of the Pharisee : He expresly thanked God , that hee had made him so good . So that here is a confutation of his first position . His second is this , That no man euer acknowledged his vertue to haue descended vnto him from God. Which we see againe confuted , by all those seuerall testimonies , that before I haue recited . For they all haue professed , that Vertue is Gods gift . As for the reason , which in that place hee bringeth , to fortifie his position ; That men are praysed for their vertues ; which they could not iustly be , if it were the gift of God , and not gotten by themselues : That is a very false and insufficient reason . For , men are praised , both for their Beautie , and for their strength of bodie . And yet are both these the good gifts of God , and not purchased or gotten by our selues . And therefore , as error is alwayes vnconstant , and neuer true vnto it selfe ; so hee , in another place , both renounceth his owne position , and confuteth his owne reason . His position hee renounceth by a contrarie position , directly affirming , that , Si inest , in hominum genere , Mens , Fides , Virtus , Concordia ; Vnde haec in terram , nisi a superis , defluere potuerunt ? If there be among men ; either Wisdome , or Faith , or Vertue , or Peace ; Whence could any of these come to men vpon earth , but only from the God of heauen ? Naming Vertue , among the rest . And his Reason he confuteth by the instance of Metellus , Maximus , Marcellus , Africanus , Cato , Scipio , Laelius , who were the most vertuous , and the most prayse-worthy persons of the Romane Commonwealth . And yet he affirmeth of them all , that Horum neminem , nisi iunante Deo , talem fuisse , credendum est . That none of all these , could euer haue beene such a man , as he was , if he had not beene helped and assisted by God. So that hee ascribeth their Vertues , and consequently their prayses , vnto God. Thereby plainly ouer-throwing , the ground of his position : and shewing , that vertue may be praysed , although it be of God. Thus you see the great agreement , which the Heathens Philosophers haue with the Scriptures , in ascribing vnto God , to be the Author of all Vertues . 3 Neither is God onely the Author and giuer of growne and perfect Vertue , when it is formed into an habit ; but also of all those good motions , and affections , which are , as it were , the praeparatiues vnto it : or rather indeed the inchoations of it . Those good inclinations , and vertuous propensions , which ( being adult and growne vp ) doe proue the true substance and bodies of our vertues , are indeed not in vs any naturall dispositions ; ( as Tullie would haue them : ) but supernaturall inspirations , and Gods owne celestiall seminations ; as the Prophet Moses expresly affirmeth : The Lord thy God wil circumcise thy heart , that thou mayst loue him , with all thy heart , & liue . So that the first motions of our loue towards God , are onely the motions of his loue towards vs. Hee moueth vs to loue him , that we may liue with him . Without whose grace thus mouing vs , we could haue no motion in vs , at the least not vnto good . For , the Apostle plainely teacheth vs , that , it is God , that giueth vs both the will , and the worke . Hee both giueth vs the vertues , and the feede of them too , which are good affections . For , as the same Apostle in another place telleth vs : We are not able of our selues , so much as to thinke any thing , but all our sufficiencie is of God : So that , with the Prophet Isaiah , we may truely professe : O Lord , thou it is , that hast wrought all our works for vs. And this euen the Heathen themselues doe acknowledge : running through all the steppes of the Apostles former doctrine . One of them telleth vs , that , Nil agimus , nisi sponte Dei. By vs there can be nothing done , But by the will of God alone . Another of them , that wee speake nothing , but by the will of God. Natura humana , nec rationem , nec orationem de Dijs suscipere potest , sine Dijs ; nedum divina opera perficere , sine illis . The nature of man , can neither conceiue , nor vtter any thing of the nature of God , without the helpe of God : much lesse can it doe any worke of God , without him . Another of them telleth vs , that wee cannot thinke any thing , without him : because all our cogitations and thoughts doe come from him . Talis enìm mens est terrestrium hominum , Qualem quotidiè ducit pater , virorúmque , Deorúmque . saith Homer . Such thoughts Men haue , on earth that liue ; As Men may craue , but God doth giue . And so likewise Archilocus , vnto the same purpose : Mortalium mens — — talem praebet identidem Sese , Tonantis summa qualem Quotidie exhibuit voluntas : Mans minde doth dayly such it selfe explay , As Gods great Will doth frame it euery day . So that all the good motions and affections of the minde , the very Heathens doe professe , to proceede from God. And therefore Orpheus , in his hymme vnto Nemesis , prayeth to that Goddesse , to giue a vertuous and good minde vnto men , and to remooue all euill cogitations from them . Da verò mentem bonam vt habeant ; Extinguens odiosas cogitationes , profanas , nimis suprebas , & scelestissimas . Giue , Nemesis , ô giue a vertuous minde to men , Repressing odious , base , and vile , proud thoughts in them . Acknowledging all good motions , to bee Gods inspirations . And so likewise , on the contrarie , they againe professe , that all those wicked and depraued affections , whereby the minde of a man is corrupted , and so led headlong into all kinde of vice , are indeede nothing else , but the suggestions , and temptations of Diuells , and wicked spirits . Daemon vltor ( saith Trismegistus ) ignis acumen incutiens , sensus affligit , & ad patranda scelera armat hominem ; vt turpioris culpae reus , acriori supplicio sit obnoxius , eúmque , sine vlla intermissione , ad insatiabiles concupiscentias inflammat . The reuenging spirit , inflaming the minde with a quicke and sharpe fire , afflicteth our senses , and armeth a man vnto all kinde of wickednesse ; that so he being guilty of a greater fault , may bee obnoxious to a greater punishment . And therefore hee ceaseth not to kindle in our mindes vnsatiable concupiscences . And againe , in another place : Nocentes Angeli , humanitati commisti , ad omnia audaciae mala miseros ( manu iniecta ) compellunt : in bella , in rapinas , in fraudes , & in omnia , quae sunt animorum naturae contraria . The ●urtfull Angells , insinuating themselues into mens mindes , do hale-on poore wretches , as it were by the collars , into all kindes of euills ; into wars , into robberies , into frauds , and into all those vices , which are contrary vnto the true nature of our soules . So likewise Orpheus : Daemones humani saeui hostes , atque maligni , Qui nostris animis vacuis infanda ministrant , Vt semper diram vitam cum crimine ducant . The Diuells , Mens fierce and cruell Enemies , Obiect vnto their mindes strange vilanies , To make their li●es curs'd with Impieties . Which is largely and notably layd open by Porphyrius , out of whom it is transcribed , by Eusebius . Thus , euen the very Heathen , doe both beleeue , that there bee Diuells ; and , that they bee mans most hatefull and cruell enemies : and , that they pi●rce , and insinuate into the mindes of men : seeking there , with all kind of wicked lusts to corrupt them ; that so they may bring them vnto vtter destruction . And so , on the contrarie , they doe likewise beleeue , not onely that there is a God ; but also , that hee is the Author of all good : both giuing vnto vs all kindes of vertues , and giuing vnto vertues all their growth and increase ; yea and their first seedes too , by inspiring into our mindes good thoughts and affections . Insomuch , that Hippodamus affirmeth , that Homines habent virtutem , propter diuinitatis commercium : That men attaine vnto vertues , onely by the commerce and conuersation of the Gods. Who not only helpe vs vnto vertue , by furthering and cherishing our good motions & affections : but further , by extinguishing those wicked lusts and concupiscences , wherewith the Diuell endeauoureth to extinguish vertue in vs. For , that also they adde : Adsum ego Mens , ijs ( saith Pimander in Trismegistus , who professeth himselfe to bee the spirit of God , Mens diuinae potentiae ) qui boni , pij , puri , religiosi , sanctique sunt : praesentia mea fert illis opem . I am present with those men , that are good , and godly , pure , religious , and holy : And that my presence giueth them great helpe and assistance . In what manner , hee sheweth after . Ipsa Mens , ianitoris munere fungens , incidentes in insidias corporis , haudquaquam permitto finem consequi suum . Aditus enim , per quos turpes blanditiae manare solent , iugiter intercludo , libidinùmque●omites omnes extinguo . The Spirit ( performing the part of a Porter ) when as any of them fall into the snares of the flesh , will not permit and suffer them to finish their designe , but shutteth vp the passages of all flattering inticements , and extinguisheth the incentiues of all filthy lusts : By faith thus quenching the fiery darts of the Diuell , as the Apostle speaketh . For , this Spirit is water : in quo , omnia ignita illius peruer si tela extinguuntur : as Nazianzene obserueth . He is a Water , that extinguisheth all the darts of the Diuell , because they bee of fire . And , as this good Spirit ( like a Porter ) repelleth euill spirits , that they cannot enter : so hee also ( like a Souldier ) expelleth them againe , if they chance to enter . Hee taketh from those strong men , the armour , wherein they trusted , and casteth them out of the house , which they possessed . And this also , the Heathen then haue expresly confessed . Dij vera bona dant bonis , quibuscum versantur ( saith Iamblicus , ) suoque commercio prauitatem , passionémque longè ab ijs propulsant ; suoque splendore , tenebrosos indè spiritus arcent . Mali enìm spiritus , intrante Deorum lumine , velut sole , tanquàm tenebrae subterfugiunt . The Gods doe giue to good men those things that are truly good , when they come vnto them ; expelling by their presence , all passions , and vices ; driuing from them , by their light , the Angels of darkenesse . For the light of the Gods , when it entreth mens mindes , driueth away the Diuels , as the light of the sunne driueth away darkenes . So that though the Diuell be neuer so malicious , in seeking to doe men hurt ; yet is God no lesse gracious , in seeking to doe them good : the Diuell , by euill temptations , seeking to corrupt them , and so bring them to miserie : God , by good inspirations , seeking to correct them , and so bring them to felicitie , Which is our next point . 4 For , as the Heathen doe confesse , that God is the Giuer of all Vertue , and Goodnes : so doe they likewise confesse , that God is the Giuer of all Felicitie , & Happinesse . He giueth vs Vertue , as the way of Felicity : & he giues vs Felicity as the reward of Vertue . And therefore , the Apostle Peter telleth vs , that God hath called vs both vnto vertue , and vnto Glory : to Vertue , as the way ; to Glory , as the reward . For , so , Aristotle himselfe hath termed it expresly , Praemium , finisque Virtutis , optimum , diuinúmque quiddam , atque beatum esse constat . It is most certaine , that the reward , and ende of vertue , is such a thing , as is both the best of all other things , and a diuine thing , and a blessed thing . He calleth the reward and ende of vertue , Beatum , that is to say , a blessed thing : because it is Blessednesse it selfe . He calleth it , Optimum , that is to say , the best thing : because there is nothing that is beter then Blessednesse . And hee calleth it , Diuinum , that is , a diuine thing : because it is giuen by God himselfe vnto vs. And this is plainely confessed , both by Christians , and Heathens . The Apostle Iames telleth vs , that Euery good gift is giuen vs of God. And Plato confirmeth this testimonie to be true . Nihil nobis est bonum , quìn Dij praebeant : We haue nothing that is good , but it is giuen vs of God. And therefore Hesiodus calleth the gods , Bonorum Datores : The giuers of good things . And so likewise doth Homer , in the very same words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Which Plutarch also obserueth in him . But Iamblicus goeth further . For he calleth the Gods not onely Datores , but also Largitores bonorum : Yea & , Omnium bonorum , The bountiful bestowers of all good things . God giueth all good things : and he giueth them not sparingly : not digitulis duobus sumens primoribus ; as the Comick speaketh ; not taking vp a little between his thumbe and his finger : but in a far larger manner . He giueth to the full , with an open hand . He openeth his hand , and filleth all things with his goodnesse : measuring out his blessings , not modio , nor trimodio ; but ipso horreo ; as the Comick speaketh , in another place : not by the bushell , nor by the sackfull , but by the whole Barnefull . For all the Barnes-full in the world , are nothing else , but Gods bounty , and Gods gifts vnto their Possessors . So that , hee may be called truely Largitor bonorum , he giueth them so largly . And yet , as Turtullian truely noteth , God is not , Profusor bonitatis ; but Dispensator . He is not a rash powrer-out of his benefits ; but a wise Disposer of them . Because , as in another place he addeth , Nec ratio , sine bonitate , ratio ; nec bonitas sine ratione , bonitas est . Neither is reason , without goodnesse , reason ; nor goodnes , without reason , goodnes . And therefore God , who is not irrationabiliter bonus , not good without reason , disperseth his good things , with a liberall hand : but he disperseth them , with an exact and vpright iudgement . Now , if God be the giuer of all good things : then must hee needs be the giuer of Felicitie too , which is the principall good thing : If of the smaller and lower goods , then much more of Felicitie , which is the greatest and highest . For Plato maketh that collection . Ipsum bonorum omnium authorem cur non maximi etiam boni causam arbitrabimur ? He that is the Author of all good , why should hee not be the Author of the greatest good ? Yea , and Aristotle himselfe inferreth the same conclusion : Si aliquod aliud Deorum est munus hominibus , consentaneum est rationi , & felicitatem a Dijs ipsis dari , & eò magis , quò 〈◊〉 humanis bonis est praestabilius . If God hath giuen vnto men any other gift or bounty , then st●ndeth it with reason , that hee should also giue felicitie : yea , and that so much the more , by how much that gift is better . Whence he concludeth , that Felicitie is giuen to men by God : because it is the best of all other gifts . As Plato , from the same ground , concludeth the same , for wisedome , in the place before alledged . Which , in another place , he affirmeth directly , to be the true Felicitie . Sapientia , ipsa felicitas est : Quod puer quivis intelligat . Wisedome is the true felicitie : as euery Child may vnderstand very easily . And therefore , Homer doubteth not to affirme expresly that it is onely God himselfe , that is the giuer of Felicitie . Iupiter ipse distribuit felicitatem Olympius hominibus . The highest God , is th' onely He , That giues to Men felicitie . And Solon prayeth vnto the Muses , to obtaine felicitie for him , from the Gods : — Musae ? Felicitatem a Dijs immortalibus mihi praebete . O Muses , bring me happines , Which must come from Gods Holines . For , as Eu●ipides truly noteth : Nemo , Dijs invitis , vel felix est vel infelix . No man , against Gods will , Is either well , or ill . And , as I obserued before of Vertue , so may I now againe obserue of felicitie that the Romans consecrated it , for one of their Gods : thereby plainely insinuating , that as Vertue , so Felicity , is the onely gift of God. Both which points are affirmed , by Maximus Tyrius , in expresse and plaine words : Ex Iovis nutu , actiones virtutis , felicitatésque hominum pendent . Both the actions of vertue , and all humane felicitie , doe absolutely depend vpon the beck of God. Thus the Heathens confesse , that not onely Vertue , which is the way vnto felicitie ; but also that Felicitie , which is the reward of Vertue , are both of them , the gifts of Almighty God. And therefore they must needs confesse , There is a God , 3 Nay , they goe yet further . For , they not onely teach vs , that There is a God : and that hee is the Giuer of Felicitie vnto men : but also , that hee himselfe is the true Felicity of them . Which the Romanes implyed , in consecrating Felicitie , for a God. For , thereby they insinuated , not only that Felicity is of God : ( the point before noted : ) but also that God is the onely true Felicity : the point now in hand . Which they demonstrate vnto vs , by a Gradation , of three degrees . First , that Vertue and Godliness● doe so strictly vnite a man vnto God , that , in some degree , that it maketh him partaker of the diuine and heauenly nature . Secondly , that this neere coniunction of man vnto God , doth bring him vnto heauen , which is the place of Gods dwelling . And thirdly , that there it maketh him partaker of Gods most blessed and beatificall vision ; which is the highest summitie of all true felicity . And all these three points are so taught by the Heathens , as though they had bene catechized in the Schoole of Christians . For the first of which three points , it is the constant doctrine of the wisest of the Heathen , that mans felicitie , consisteth especially , in conforming himselfe vnto the nature of God , and in making himselfe to be like vnto him . So saith Iamblicus : Felix est , qui Deo , quatenus fieri potest , similis est . He is an happy man , that maketh himselfe as like vnto God , is hee possibly can . So Syrianus , the master of Simplicus : Boni causa est , vt cum Deo similemur : It is the cause of all good , to make a mans selfe to bee like vnto God. Now , that likenesse with God , cannot bee attained , by any thing else , but onely by Iustice , Vertue , and Goodnesse : as Seneca truely teacheth . Parem Deo pecunia non facit , sed animus ; & hic rectus , bonus , magnus . It is not thy money , but it is thy minde , which maketh thee conformable and like vnto God ; if it be a iust , and vpright mind , a vertuous , and good mind , a noble , and a great mind . This vertue makes a man , not similem Deo , but parem Deo , saith Seneca : not like vnto God , but , in some sort , euen equall with God. For Aristotle citeth it , as a common opinion , that , Ex hominibus Dij fiunt , ob virtutis excellentiam : That by the excellencie of vertue , euen men doe attaine to a kinde of Diuinity . A very excessiue and hyperbolicall speech : but yet diuers such there be vsed not onely by Heathens , but also by Christians , to expresse that great affinitie , and neere coniunction , which vertue maketh betweene God and man. Saint Augustine saith , that it maketh a man partaker of God. Dei sunt participatione foelices , quicunque sunt veritate , non vanitate , foelices . They that haue indeed the true possession of blessednesse , and not the false imagination of it , are blessed , by a kinde of participation of God. The Apostle Peter saith , that it maketh a man partaker of the diuine and godly nature . For , as Porphiry obserueth of wickednesse and vice ; that it transformeth a man into the nature of a Diuell : so is it also true , of vertue and goodnesse ; that it conformeth a man vnto the nature of God. Yea , and some haue gone so farre , as to say , it makes vs Gods. So saith Hierocles , that , Finis vitae , est , Deum facere , ex homine : The end of mans life , is , to make a man become a God. So Seneca , in the fore-alledged place . Animus rectus , bonus , magnus , nihil est aliud , quàm Deus in humano corpore hospes : A good , and vertuous minde , is indeed nothing else , but a very God , abiding for a time , in the body of a man. Neither haue Christians themselues abstayned from these exaggerated amplifications ; the better to recommend vertue , and goodnesse vnto vs. The Apostle Paul telleth vs , that , He which is ioyned to the Lord , is but one spirit with him . And Boetius telleth vs , that God only is our blessednesse : and that therefore , whosoeuer by God is made blessed , hee is made by him , A God. Deum esse ipsam Beatitudinem , necesse est . It is absolutely necessary , that God himselfe should bee mans Felicity . So likewise Palingenius : — Deus ipse supremum est , Eximiumque bonum , propriè , vereque vocandus . Quem qui habet , is debet foelix dici , atque beatus . God is the onely supreme good , so properly exprest , Whom whosoeuer hath , he may , be happy call'd and blest . And so it is indeed : because Felicity is Summum Bonum , that is , The supreme and the chiefest Good. And therefore , if God were not The true Felicity , he should not be The supreme good : but should haue a superior good aboue him , and himselfe bee but a second and inferior good . Whereupon hee addeth but a little after , that if God himselfe be the supreme Good , that hee which obtaineth that same supreme good , hee therewith obtayneth to bee made a God : Quoniam beatitudinis adeptione fiunt homines beati ; & beatitudo vera est ipsa diuinitas ; diuinitatis adeptione fieri beatos , necesse est ; sicut iustitiae adeptione iusti , sapientia , sapientes fiunt . Omnis igitur beatus Deus . Because , by the getting of blessednesse , men are made blessed ; and true Blessednes is nothing else but God ; therefore , by the getting of God , men get to bee blessed , as by the getting of Iustice to bee iust , and of Wisedome , to be wise . Therefore whosoeuer is blessed hee also is a God. So Nanzianzene proueth the Holy Ghost to be God , because otherwise he could not make him a God. Si eodem mecum est in ordine , quo pacto me Deum reddit ? And his Expositor , Elias Cretensis , deliuereth his sense in the same hight of words . Nimirùm Spiritus Sanctus , quum natura sua & sanctus sit , & Deus ; nos homines sanctificat , ac Deos reddit . The Holy Ghost being by nature both holy , & God , by sanctifying vs men , maketh vs become Gods. So likewise Dionysius : Salus non aliter existere potest , nisi ij , qui salutem consequuntur , Dij fiant : A man cannot otherwise attaine vnto saluation , then if he first be made a God. Which exaggerations of those fathers , and Scriptures , must not be expounded , according to the letter , as thogh men could be made to be Gods indeed : for that is a thing vnpossible : But the true meaning of them is , that by our imitation of Gods vertue and goodnesse , we are made so like vnto him , and so neerely ioyned with him , that we may bee sayd ( in some sense ) to be made partakers of his diuine nature : because all those vertues in him are nature . And therefore we may obserue , in al the forenamed places , that there is a mollification vsed , to reduce the fore-named Apotheosis and Deification , within the compasse of this sense . Dionysius Areopagita , where hee saith , that , All they which shall attaine the saluation of God , must first be made Gods : addeth ( for explication : ) Dei porrò effectio , est Dei , quoad fieri potest , imitatio , & cum eodem coniunctio , atque ( vt ita dicam ) vnio . The being made a God , is nothing else , but the imitation of God , and a coniunction with him , and ( that I may so speake ) a very vnion . Elias Cretensis , where hee saith , that the Holy Ghost doth make men Gods , addeth , that it is , per adoptionem , & gratiam : that this making of them Gods , is but onely Gods adopting them , by grace , to be his Sonne , So Nazianzen expoundeth , His being made a God , to be nothing , but onely , His coniunction with God. Quo pacto me Deum reddit ? vel quo pacto me coniungit Deo ? Which coniunction with God ( as Trismegistus teacheth ) is onely effected by religion , and godlinesse . Propè Deos accedit , qui mente , qua Dijs iunctas est , diuina religione Dijs iunxerit . That man commeth neere vnto God indeed , that ioyneth his soule vnto him , by piety and religion . So likewise Boetius , where hee saith , that , Beatus omnis , Deus : Th●t euery one which is blessed is thereby made a God : hee addeth for the qualification of that speech : Sed n●tura quidem vnus , participatione verò nihil prohibet esse quamplurimos : Yet there is but one God , by nature , but there may be many Gods , by participation . Not by the true participation of his naturall deitie , but of his vertue , and of his felicitie . Yea , and euen the Apostle Peter himselfe doth vse a further modification , euen of this participation . For , where hee telleth vs , that there be great and precious promises giuen vnto vs , That we should be partakers of the Godly nature : lest wee should misconstrue this participation , to be intended of Gods true nature or deitie , hee expoundeth himselfe plainely , that this participation of the diuine nature must bee gotten , by flying of corruption , by ioyning vertue with our faith ; and with vertue , knowledge ; and with knowledge , temperance ; and with temperance , patience ; and with patience goodlines ; and with godlines , brotherly kindenes ; and with brotherly kindnes , loue ; Which is the bond of perfection , and tyeth a man strictly vnto God. And this is the first degree of our felicitie with God , which is affoorded vnto vs , in this present life . There be two degrees more : which come not vnto men , before the life to come . The first , that vertue brings vs vp to Heauen , which is the place of Gods owne dwelling , and there maketh vs to liue aeternally with him . A thing plainely confessed , euen by the very Heathen . Pythagoras affirmeth , in his verses , that : — Si , relicto corpore , ad purum aethera perveneris , Eris immortalis Deus , incorruptibilis , nec ampliùs mortalis . When as our Soules our Bodies shall forsake , And to the Heauens they shall themselues , betake ; Then shall we be , as Gods immortall beene , All incorrupt ; no longer mortall men . For we shall then enioy God : who is our very life : as the Prophet Moses testifieth : yea the life of our life , our vita vitalis , as the Orator speaketh whereas this our present life , is but vita mortalis : a transitory and a mortall life . But this ( saith the Apostle Paul ) we know , that if our earthly Tabernacle be dissolued , we haue a building giuen vs of God , which is an house , not made with hands , but aeternall in the heauens . And therefore saith Musonius , that Vir bonus , est civis vrbis Iovis ; quae constat , ex hominibus , & Dijs . That he , which is a good ; man , shall bee a Citizen of the Citie of God ; which is a Citie , common vnto Gods with men . Which is a probable ayming at the Heauenly I●rus●lem : which in the Booke of the Apocalypse , is described vnto vs. I saw the Holy Citie , new Ierusalem , come downe from God , out of heauen , praepared as a Bryde , trimmed for her husband . And I heard a great voyce , out of Heauen , saying : Behold the Tabernacle of God is with men , and hee will dwell with them , and they shall be his people , and God himselfe will be their God with them . Vpon which our cohabitation with God , Tullie saith , that we are , Deorum quasi Gentiles ; the Countrymen of the Gods : Nay generis divini , the Kinsmen of the Gods , as he addeth in that place : of their owne generation : as Aratus speaketh . And therfore Tullie , in another place , speaking of the state of God , and vertuous men after this present life , he saith , that they shall liue among the Gods : Qui in corporibus humanis , vitam sunt imitati Deorum , his , ad eos , a quibus sunt profecti , facilis reditus patet : Such as haue liued the life of a God in the body of a man , shall finde an easie passage vnto God : because from him they haue descended . So that , God calleth those men to liue with him in heauen , with whom he himselfe hath liued vpon earth . Now the way , whereby they ascend vp into Heauen , there to liue with God , is , by instructing themselues in the knowledge of God : As some , euen of the Heathens themselues , haue taught vs. Trismegistus saith expresly , that , Vnica salus homini , est cognitio Dei : & haec ad Olympum ascensio . The happines of man is the knowledg of God : and this is our way , of ascending into heauen . Agreeing well with that of our Sauiour Christ : This is life aeternal to know thee , to be the onely true God , and whom thou hast sent , Iesus Christ. For , as Bernard truly noteth , Summum bonum hominis , est plena & perfecta agnitio Creatoris : The happines of the Creature , is the knowledg of his Creator : Not a naked , or an idle knowledg ; but a knowledg , which is ioyned with the practise of vertues . As the Apostle Peter teacheth vs. Ioynes with vertue knowledge . For , if they be not ioyned , they can neither of them profit . Nihil enim prodest exercere virtutes , nisi noveris Creatorem : saith S. Hierom : Nec Dei veneratio proficit ad salutem , nisi praecepta Conditorts impleueris . It profiteth nothing , to exercise vertue , without the knowledg of God : and it profits as little , to haue the knowledg of God without the practise of vertue . Wee must therefore ioyne theorical and practicall vertues together , and by them , as by two legges , ascend into Heauen . Which is the true Paradice , where mans blessednes dwelleth . As Stobaeus alledgeth , out of Sophocles : In Iovis tantùm hortis , beata felicitas . The Paradice of God , Heauen , onely is : The onely happy place of perfect blis . And vnto this heauenly Paradice , it is vertue that bringeth vs. And that by the confession , euen of the very Heathen . For , — Locum Virtus habet inter Astra , saith the Tragick Seneca : Virtue enioyes her place among the Starres . And she giueth to the vertuous , their place aboue the starres , seating them among the Gods. As they instance , in the Examples , both of Hercules , and Romulus : which before were touched by vs. As the same Tragick in the same Tragedie affirmeth expresly : — cum summas Exiget horas consumpta dies , Iter ad superos gloria pandit . When the last howre is out , of the last wasted day , Then Vertues glory is that , which vnto Heauen mak's way . And this is the second degree of our Felicitie with God ; that , by vertue , men are brought to liue eternally , in Heauen , which is the place of Gods owne dwelling . The third of them , is this ; That , by vertue , we are brought to enioy Gods blessed presence : whereby wee enioy that infinite happinesse , that cannot possibly be conceiued by vs. As the Apostle Paul teacheth vs : Those things , which the eye hath not scene , neither the eare heard , neither came into mans heart , hath God prepared for them that loue him . The particulars whereof , if they cannot bee conceiued , they cannot be expressed . Onely the Psalmist ( in the generall ) expresseth thus much , that , In his presence is the fulnesse of ioy , and , at his right hand , there are pleasures for euermore . And therefore , our Sauiour Christ placeth the highest pitch of the blessednesse of man , in the sight of God : Blessed are the pure in heart , for they shall see God. And S. Chrysostome , he placeth the highest pitch of the miserie of man , in the depriuation of this beati●icall vision . Satius est enìm , mille fulmina sustinere , quam vultum illum , mansuetudinis pietatísque plenum , nos tamen aversantem , videre ; & illos oculos placidissimos , nequaquam , nos aspicere , sustinentes . It were better , to suffer the fearefull flashes of a thousand lightnings , then to see that sweete countenance ( so full of pietie , and mildnes ) to be offended at vs , and those amiable eyes , not enduring to behold vs. This is worse , then to endure a thousand torments , and a thousand Hells : as hee writeth , in the same place . Therefore , as no tongue can expresse the torment and miserie of condemned soules , in being shut out from Gods blessed presence : so can no tongue expresse the comfort and blessednesse of the soules of the righteous , by enioying the light of Gods most gracious countenance : which yeeldeth more ioy and comfort to the heart , then can bee conceiued by the heart . Whereupon the Prophet Dauid prayeth vnto God , that hee would but shew him the light of his countenance , and he should be saued . For , Deum videre , est vita animae : saith Gregory Nyssen . The very life , whereby the Soule is maintained , is only the beholding of the glorious face of God. And this is a Doctrine , which is not altogether hidden , euen from the very Heathen . Who teach , that , the enioying of God , and of his gracious presence , is the absolute perfection of all humane happines . So saith Ouid : Felices illi , qui non simulacra , sed ipsos , Quique Deûm coram corpora vera vident . Thrice happy such as see Their Gods , in person true , As in themselues they be , And not in painted hue . Groping at that Diuinity Doctrine , that , Mans blessednesse consisteth in beholding of Gods countenance : not in a specular , and aenigmaticall vision ; but in a cleere , and immediate one , as Aquinas , or rather indeede , S. Paul himselfe , speaketh . And this was that , which Aristotle aimed at , if hee could haue hit it : when he so much preferred the Contemplatiue Felicity , before the Actiue : because the Obiect of it , is God. And therefore affirming of contemplatiue persons , that they be Dijs immortalibus amicissimi : The best beloued of God. Because , as S. Augustine affirmeth , By Contemplation , they looke God in the face : which there hee calleth , Summitatem contemplationis : The highest ascending of our contemplation . Hence the Platonicks affirmed , that , Frui Deo , est summum hominis bonum , that , The Blessednesse of man , is , to enioy God. An ancient Doctrine among the Heathens : as appeareth in Trismegistus : who deliuereth the same sentence , almost in the same words : Summum bonum animorum , est Deo frui . Which fruition of God , S. Augustine , in another place , expresseth to be , Non sicut corpore fruitur , aut seipso animus , aut amico amicus ; sed sicut luce oculus . That enioying , which good and godly men haue of God , is not like that enioying , which the soule hath of the body ; nor like vnto that neither , which it hath of it selfe ; nor like vnto that , which a friend hath of his friend : but like vnto that , which the eie hath of the light . Which is indeed so great , that , without it , the eye hath no vse of it selfe , but is as good as dead . And so is the soule too , without the sight of God. And therefore sayth Boteius , Felix qui potuit , boni Fontem visere lucidum . That man is blest , that can behold , and euer come to see The blessed God , the Fountaine cleare of all good things that be . For , With thee ( saith the Psalmist ) is the fountaine of life , and in thy light shall we see light . Thus , both Christians , and Heathens doe confesse , that God himselfe is Mans true happines , and the rich reward of all true godlinesse : as S. Augustine truely teacheth : Deus , est cultus sui , merces . God is the true recompence of his owne seruice . And Beda likewise , vnto the same purpose : Praemium virtutis , est ipse ▪ qui virtutem dedit . Our best reward of vertue , is , euen hee himselfe , who is the giuer of vertue . Yea , and this , euen God himselfe professeth of himselfe . For hee telleth Abraham , that , He is his buckler , and his exceeding great reward . Now , if God bee both the giuer of vertue , and the rewarder of vertue with felicitie , yea and felicitie it selfe , which is the reward of vertue ; then must there needes bee a God. But , the former of these is proued , both by Holy Scriptures , and by Heathen Writers . And therefore the latter followeth . CHAP. 9. The Mathematicks shew , that there is a God. 2. And more particularly , Geometry . 3. Which , by a Geometricall pricke , doth leade men vnto some knowledge of God. 4. Of whom ( in diuers powers ) it hath a kind of resemblance . WE haue now passed ouer , both the Metaphysicks , Physicks , Phisicke , Politicks , and Ethicks : in all which seuerall learnings wee haue learned , There is a God ; both by Reasons , and Authorities . We are now come to the Mathematicks : Which , as they are something more abstracted from sense , and from sensible Obiects , then any of all those fore-named Sciences ; so can they no● yeeld vs such sensible Arguments , to proue this great Conclusion , as the former can . For the proper subiect of the Mathematicks ( especially of those two Arts , of Geometrie , and Arithmeticke ; which I handle in this Chapter , and in the next after ) is onely to consider , of Quantum , secundùm se : Of Quantities by themselues , abstracted from their subiects . And therefore we must not looke from them , for either discourses , or demonstrations , or positions , directly & categorically to this purpose . But yet wee may draw , per obliquum ductum , similitudes , and resemblances from both those two Sciences : whereby we may ascend in our contemplation , euen vnto diuine and celestiall knowledges : as by the shape of the shadow , we may gather assuredly , the shape of the body , For , as Ficinus hath truly obserued , to this purpose ; Mathematica ita se habent ad diuina , vt vmbrae ad corpora : Mathematicals are proportiooned vnto diuinitie , as the shadow to the Body . And therefore saith Alcinous that , Mathematicorum consideratio , est praeludium ad diuinorum contemplationem . The consideration of the Mathematicks , is as it were , a praeludium ; vnto the contemplation of diuine and heauenly things . For , the very end of the Mathematicks ( as Plato teacheth ) is nothing else , but this ; Vt ad diuinam naturam considerandam , nos conferamus : quatenùs hanc hominibus inspiciendam Deus largitus est . Quam nunquam sine his artibus assequemur . The end of the Mathematicks , is , to leade vs men intentiuely to consider of the nature of God , and to contemplate of it , so farre , as it is lawfull to inquire into it . Which we can neuer compasse , without the knowledg of Mathematicall Arts. And therefore Aristotle calleth the Mathematicks , Divinam mathe sin , that is , a diuine learning : because they leade men vnto the knowledg of diuine and heauenly thing . Now , vnder the name of Mathematicks are comprehended foure Arts : Geometrie , Arithmetick , Astronomie , and Musick , Which Mathematicall Arts and sciences ( as some of the learned haue wittily obserued ) were practised by God , in his creation of the world . He vsed Arithmetick , in knitting all the innumerable parts of the world , in one body together : Geometry , in giuing vnto euery one , his proper forme and figure : And Musick , in ioyning them , in so concent-full an harmonie , each of them with another . Vnto which Mathematicall conceit , doth Coelius Rhodiginus think that place in the Booke of Wisedome directly to allude : That God hath made all things , in Number , Weight , and Measure : referring Number , to Arithmetick ; Weight , vnto Musick ; and Measure , to Geometrie . And Plutarch , interpreting that position of Plato : Deum semper Geometriam exercere , saith , in expresse words : That God made all things , Ratione , & Mensura , & Numero : in Wisedome , Measure and Number . Out of certaine grounds in all which Arts , we may collect , That there is a God though not Mathematica certitudine ( which , as euen Aristotle himselfe yeeldeth , is not in all things to be required ) yet more then Dialectica probabilitate , I will giue you but a litle tast , in euery one of those forenamed Arts : because these Mathematicall Subiects , being meere abstracts from sense , they cannot so familiarly , Influere in sensus , nor be so plausible to the vulgar vnderstanding , as other more popular Arguments can . 2 Let vs beginne with Geometry : which ( as Plato affirmeth ) doth Animum attollere ad veritatem ; atque ita ad Philosophandum praeparare , vt ad superior a convertamus quae nunc ( contrà quàm decet ) ad inferiora deijcimus . Geometry ( saith he ) erecteth a mans minde , vnto the searching of the truth ; and so praepareth his thoughts vnto Philosophie , that it maketh him to direct them , vnto those things , which are aboue ; which now hee directeth vnto the things which are below . Performing that office , whereunto the Apostle Paul so earnestly exhorteth vs : to make vs seeke for those things , which are aboue . Plutarch is more definitiue , and punctuall , in this point ; expressing more particularly , what those Superiora be : namely , that , by them is intended the very nature of God. For he saith , that the very end of Geometrie is nothing else , but onely to sublime mens mindes aboue their senses , ad naturae sempiternae contemplationem : to the contemplation of Gods aeternall Nature . Whereupon Max. Tyrius calleth Geometry ; Nobilissimum Philosophiae membrum : The most noble part of Philosophie . And the Greek Philo calleth it , Principem & Metropolin reliquorum : The prime and Metropolitan of the Mathematicall Sciences : because it doth , Intellectum veluti repurgare , & paulatìm a sensibus liberare . It purgeth mens vnderstandings and refineth them from the drosse of their senses . As we may see , in Pythagoras ; who hauing found out the truth of a certaine Geometricall Conclusion for which he had a long time before beene studying , he offered vp a Sacrifice vnto the Muses : thereby insinuating , that his illumination came from aboue : and so , by his Geometry , was ledde vnto the worship of the Deitie ; though vnder the title of the Muses . And therefore , saith Aristotle , that Qui dicunt , Mathematicas scientias , nihil de bono & pulchro dicere , falsum dicunt . Dicunt enim , & maximè ostendunt . Nam , etsi non nominant ; cùm tamen opera & rationes ostendunt , nonnè dicunt de ijs ? Those men that affirme , that Mathematicall sciences doe no way intreat of either Goodnesse , or Beauty , they affirme it very falsely For the Mathematicks doe discourse of them both . And , though they doe not expresly name them ; yet , when they intreate both of their works , and of their reasons , doe they not then intreate of the things themselues ? So that , though the Mathematicks doe not intreat directly of God , who is that Bonum , and Pulchrum ; yet , in that they doe speake & intreate of his works , they doe obliquely speake of him . And though they conclude not so directly & perēptorily , in this subiect of diuinity , as they do in their owne proper subiect of Quantitie ; wherein , as the Orator obserueth they doe not persuadere , sed cogere ; yet , euen here , they doe affoord vs such apt and fit resemblances , as , though they doe not cogere , yet may they well persuadere : Such as well may induce vs , though they doe not inforce vs. 3 And first for Geometry , there is one maine position in it : which though it be proper and naturall vnto that Art ; yet leadeth it vs , by consequence , vnto that aeternall and supernaturall power , which is called God. And that breefly is this : that , Punctum est principium omnis lineae . So that , all magnitudes and continuities are deduced from one originall prick . And therefore Proclus calleth Punctum , magnitudinis parentem , & authorem : hee calleth a Pricke the parent of all magnitude . Which position , as it hath his Mathematicall truth , in Geometry ; so hath it his Physicall truth , in naturall Philosophy . From whence it must needes follow , that all those so largely extended lines , in the greatest bodies of the world , doe lineally descend from one onely prick ; which , in it selfe , is indiuisible . Now , what can bee this one indiuisible pricke or point , which is the Author of all those huge magnitudes , which are euidently seene in those vast , and extended bodies of the world , the heauens , and the elements , but onely God himselfe ? Can all those huge dimensions of those immense bodies , such heights , such bredths , such depths , and such thicknesses , bee possibly deduced from any other pricke , then onely from God ? who , though hee be both higher then heauen , deeper then hell , broader then the sea , and thicker then the earth ; yet is hee , like a pricke in euery line of all of them ; and , as vtterly vncapable of any diuision , as is the very pricke of the Mathematician , which cannot be diuided , by the ege of very thought . Vnto which Mathematicall conceit , of deducing all magnitudes , and all their dimensions , from God , as from their true Originall point ; the Apostle Saint Paul doth seeme to allude , when hee exciteth vs , to comprehend , what is the bredth , and length , and depth , and height , &c. 4 And indeed , if wee consider of the nature and power of a point or a pricke in a line , and in all other continuities whatsoeuer , whether solides or plaines ; wee may easily perceiue , that there is in a pricke , a very great similitude and resemblance of God. For first , as a point or pricke is the very first fountaine of euery line , which is indeede nothing else , but only fluxus Punctotum : so this whole vniuersality of things , which wee call the World , is indeed nothings else , but a production , and elongation , and dilatation of the naturall goodnesse of Almighty God. The goodnesse of God is the onely true point , from which all created things doe proceede . For , as Dionysius Areopagita very truely teacheth : Deus , bonitate ductus , omnes naturas in lucem protulit . God , being onely led by his owne naturall goodnesse , was thereby induced to create and make all things . This is the true Center of all good things , which are but as the radij , that bee drawne from it . And this is that , which the Pythagoreans aymed at , in holding this position , that , Mathematicorum principia , sunt omnium rerum principia . That the Principles of the Mathematicks , are the beginnings of all things . Secondly , as in euery line , and in euery part of it , wheresoeuer you cut it , you shall surely finde a pricke ; which was a communis Terminus vnto both the diuided parts , being the beginning of the one , and the end of the other , and which knitted , and vnited them both together : so , in euery part of the world , which soeuer you contemplate , you shall find the mighty power of the Spirit of God ; which , like a common bond , knitteth all the seuerall parts of euery thing together , and vniteth them all , in one common nature . And this is manifestly acknowledged , euen by the Heathen Poet : Principio , Coelum , ac Terras , camposque liquentes , Lucentemque globum Lunae , Titaniaque astra , Spiritus intus alit : totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem , & magnose corpore miscet . From first beginning , there hath bene a certaine inward Spirit , Supporting Heauen , and Earth ; and Seas , Moone , Stars , and all things by it . Which Spirit , like the Punctum is in Mathematicke body , And so transfus'd in all the World , through all the parts that may be : That , as the Soule ( for such it is ) by mouing can be proued , So all the Worlds vast body is , by this Soule , euer moued . Thirdly , as a pricke is the end of euery line , Linearum terminus , as Aristotle speaketh , the extreame point , wherewith it is shut vp and determined : so is God the end of all his Creatures . Hee is both , that Terminus à quo , from which all things doe proceede ; and that Terminus ad quem , vnto which they all are referred ; and that medium per quod , by which they are all of them vnited . And all this is confessed , euen by the very Heathen : who do all affirme of God , with one generall consent , that it is he onely , which doth , Et principium , & media , & finem rerum omnium tenere . That God holdeth in his hands , both the Beginning , and Middle , and End of all things . Yea , and this also , the Apostle Paul directly affirmeth , though in somewhat other termes , when hee telleth vs , that , Of him , and through him , and to him , are all things , Of him as of their Beginning : Through him ; as by their Middle , tye , and Bond ; and , To him ; as to their End. For so , Origen expresly interpreteth those threetermes . Ostendit , Principium omnium , ex ipso ; Conseruationem , Per ipsum ; Et Finem , In ipsum . So that , God is that Punctum , in euery part of the world , from whom , euery Creature in the world doth proceede ; by whom , they are preserued ; and vnto whom , they bee destinated . And this is that resemblance , which Geometry affoordeth , to adumbrate the nature of God vnto vs. CHAP. 10. Vnity in Arithmeticke , doth leade men vnto God. 2. Which is affirmed by Philosophers , to bee the Originall of all things . 3. Yea directly affirmed to be Gód himselfe . 4. With whom , it hath , indeed , a very great resemblance . THE second of those Mathematicall Arts , is , Arithmeticke : wherein wee doe find another paralel position vnto that , which formerly wee found in Geometry . For , as Geometry teacheth vs , that Punctum , est Principium omnis lineoe : so Arithmeticke teacheth vs , that Vnitas , est principium omnis numeri . As all magnitude ariseth , from one only pricke : so all multitude ariseth , from one only vnity . For Punctum , and Vnitas , differ no more but thus ; that Punctum , est Vnitas sine numero ; and Vnitas , est punctum sine loco . And therefore , Zaratas , the Pythagorean , called Vnitatem , numeri patrem . Hee calleth an vnity , the father of all numbers . Because ( as Boetius very truely teacheth ) Omnis pluralitas est ex vnitatibus : All numbers are nothing else , but a coniunction of vnities . Now , if vnity be the parent of all multiplicitie , it must needs from thence follow , that all this multiplicity , and variety of so infinite many things , as wee see in the world , doe draw their originall , from onely vnity . For , one vnity is the beginning of all plurality , as well in numero numerato , in that which is numbred , as in numero numerante , that which numbreth : as Trismegistus expresly testifieth . Omnes res ab vno fuerunt , iuredicatione vnius ; & fuerunt nataeres omnes , ab hacrevna , aptatione . All things proceeded from One , by the Law of that One ; and all things came of that One , by the adpatation of all vnto that One. And this was that , which the Pythagoreans aimed at , in holding this one opinion so stisfly : Ex numeris , & Mathematicorum initijs , omni proficisci : That all things proceede from numbers , and from the first principles of the Mathematicians , that is , from Punctum , and Vnitas . Which are prima , and ( as it were ) minima naturalia , in the two principalls of all Mathematicall Arts. Punctum , in all Geometricall continuities ; and Vnitas , in all Arithmeticall numbers . These two , in the opinion of the Pythagoreans , are the very first beginnings , and originalls of all things . But especially this latter , especially this Vnity : which they make the onely cause of the whole vniuersity : maintaining this position ( as Aristotle reporteth their opinion ) Numerorum elementa , entium quoque cunctorum esse elementa . That the Elements and first 〈◊〉 of Numb●rs , are also the prime principles and originalls of all thi●●g . Now this Numerorum Elementum , this beginning and principle of all Numbers , is onely Vnity . And this Pythagoras made the originall cause of all thing● . Vnto which hee referred both the motions of the Heauens , and the generations of liuing Creatures , and finally all things . Omnia numeris ac●epta ferebat , tam conversiones syderum , quam ortus animalium . Hee deriued all things from Numbers ; as well the reuolution of the Starres , as the originall of all Creatures . 2 Yea , and as it is held by the consent of Philosophers , that Arithmeticall Vnity is the cause of all numbers : so is it held by them likewise , that Metaphysicall Vnity is the generall cause of all things . Iamblicus saith , that , Quaecunque sunt , per vnum sunt . What things soeuer are , are all by One. And Trismegistus saith , that , Monas , est omnium , principium , radix , & origo . Vnity is the beginning , roote , and originall of all things . And againe , that , Exvno prin●ipio , cuncta dependent : Principium , ex vno . That all things depend vpon one first principle : and it , vpon the vnity of it selfe . And that which hee saith , Anselmus plainely proueth in Monologio , as I haue partly touched before . Yea , and so doth Hugo de Victore too , by this inuincible reason ; that , Si diuersa intùs consilia praesidentium essent , ipsi se forìs rerum cursus ab inuicem aliquandò diuiderent : nunc autem , omnia dum sic concorditer ad vnum finem currunt ; profectò indicant , quòd vnus est fons , & origo , vnde procedunt . If there were diuers Authors , there would be diuers counsells ; if diuers counsells , diuers courses : whereas now all things running in an vniforme course , vnto one , and the same end , doe thereby euidently shew , that they all doe proceede from one and the same beginning . Aristotle he sayth , that , Vnum , est Dualitate prius : That Vnitie , is before all Duality : which followeth by necessitie , vpon the order of very nature . For Principium , is , by nature , before his Compositum . Now Dualitie is nothing but a composition of two vnities . Yea , and in the same place , it appeareth againe , that there were certaine Philosophers , which held this opinion , that there is , Quoddam vnum , which is Primum omnium vnorum . That there is a certaine One thing , which is the first cause of All things . Which opinion , though hee there doe pretend to confute ; yet doth hee indeede confirme it . For hee himselfe saith expresly , that , vnitas , est , naturâ , Causa , vt multa sint Entia . So that , vnity is not onely before all Plurality , but it is also , the Cause of all Plurality . It is before it , as the cause is before his effect . Now , what can be that Vnitas , the Cause of all vnities , but onely that Vnus Deus ; of whom , and through whom , and to whom , are all things ? Who ( as Boetius obserueth ) because he is but one in himselfe , he hath therefore giuen vnto euery thing that hee hath made , to bee but one . Qu●a Creator vnus est , ideo rebus , quas condidit , hoc in munere dedit , vt vnaquaeque esset etiam vna . Insomuch that ( as Dionysius Areopagita obserueth ) euen those numeralls themselues , which seeme to bee contrary vnto Vnity , yet haue their existence and being , by Vnity . As wee say , Vna duernio , & Dec●s vna , & vnum dimidium , & vna tertia pars , &c. As we say , in common speech , One Couple , and one Tenth , and one halfe , and one Third part . All which haue their particular being , by being but One. And so , there is nothing in the world , created by God , that is any more then One. God himselfe , by that created vnity , stamping vpon euery Creature , an image of the Vnity of his owne diuine nature . For ( as Boetius addeth , in the former place ) Prima Vnitas , quae est vnitas sibijp si , creauit aliam vnitatem , quae est infra eam . The first Vnity , which is one in it selfe ( that is , God the Creator ) hath created another vnity , which is beneath it selfe , which is , vnity in the Creature . Whereby , both euery thing is at one within it selfe and euery part of the world hath vnity with another : they agreeing all most louingly , as fellow members together . Hence Dionysius calleth God , Vnitatem , vnitatis omnis effectricem : An Vnity , which is the efficient of all vnities . Yea , and in the same place , hee alledgeth two substantiall reasons , why God may truely bee called One. The first is , Propter simplicitatem vacuitatis partium ( which Boetius before calleth , Vnitatem sibijpsi : ) Because God is so pure , and so simple an essence , that he is not compounded , so much as of any parts : but is euery way one , without any mixture or concretion . The second , Quia vi vntiatis , quae vnum facit , vnum efficimur , diuiduisque nostris dissimilitud●nibus , ac diuersitatibus , singulari modo connexis , in monada ; quae diuinam speciem refert , ac vnitatem , quae Deum imitatur , colligimur & concrescimus : Because , by the force of vnity ( whose worke it is to make things one ) all those diuersities and differences , whereby wee are diuided , be , after a speciall manner , conioyned , repraesenting in that vnity , an image of the Deity , which is , Eorum , quae coniunguntur , coniunctio , & vnitas : The coniunction , and vnity of all those things that are ioyned and vnited together . Which deity , is that vnity , not onely whereby all things are made one , but also whereby all things were made . There is no one thing in the world , but it is both made , and made one , by the vnity of the Deity . And therefore Pythagoras maintained this opinion : Sine vnitate , nihil esse factum : That it is Vnity , and nothing else , that is the maker of all things . Yea , and the preseruer of them too : as Boetius affirmeth . For , Tamdiû est vnumquodque , id quod est ( sayth he ) quamdiû in se vnitas est : cùm autem desinit esse vnum , desinit esse id quod est : Euery thing continueth so long in his being , as it continueth in his vnity : and when it loseth his vnity , it ceaseth also to bee . Whereupon hee there concludeth , that , Sicut vnitate res ad esse ducitur : sic & , in illo esse , custoditur . As by vnity , all things are first brought vnto their being ; so are they all , by vnity , preserued in the same . Nec quicquam inuenire possis ( saith Dionysius ) quod non vno ( ex quo omnis diuinitas nominatur ) & sit id , quod est , & absoluatur , & custodiatur : Neither can any thing be found , which is not both made , and perfected , and preserued by vnity : which is the very title of the Deity . Now , that , by this vnity , Pythagoras vnderstood nothing else but God ; it euidentlie appeareth , in that hee both maketh his vnity the Maker of all things : A quo sic rerum aeternus ducitur ordo : Vt m●nade à prima innumeri numeri generantur : as Palingenius expresseth it : From whom all things proceede , by an eternall Law , As from the power of Vnity all numbers we may draw . And againe , in that hee maketh it likewise , The fountaine of all goodnesse : Omnium bonorum principium . For , both those two attributes , both to be the Maker of all things , and the Giuer of all good things , are ascribed vnto God , in the Holy Scriptures , by the two Brother-Apostles . The first of them , by S. Iohn : By him were all things made . And the second , by S. Iames : Euery good gift commeth from the Father of light . So that , God onely is that vnity , which Homer also not obscurely insinuateth , when hee doth , Vnitatis naturam p●nere in bono : binarij in malo : When hee placeth the nature of vnity , in good : and of Duality , in euill ; making vnity , the Cause of all kind of goodnesse , both naturall , morall , and ciuill : as , in the same place , hee proueth , by diuers pregnant instances . Vnitatis natura ( saith he ) si aeri insit , bonam temperiem ; ●i animo , virtutem ; si corpori , sanitatem ; si ciuibus & familijs , pacem , & concordiam praestat . Contra , Bin●rij natura , aeri tempestatem ; animo , vítium ; corpori , morbos ; ciuitatibus & familijs , seditiones & odia insert . The nature of vnity is such , that , if it bee in the ayre , it maketh a good temper ; if in the minde , it bringeth vertue ; if in the body , health ; if in the City , peace . But Duality , clean● contrary in the ayre , procureth stormes ; in the mind , vices ; in the body , diseases ; and in the City , dist●actions . So that Pythagoras his vnity , which is the fountaine of all goodnesse , cannot otherwise bee construed , but to bee God himselfe . 3 But wee neede vse no circuit , to prooue this vnity , to bee God , in the opinion of Philosophers . For they themselues affirme it , in direct and expresse termes . Trismegistus saith of God ; that hee is , vnum illud principium , ex quo cuncta dependent , vel ex quo potiùs defluunt : That God is that one originall cause , on which all things doe depend ; or rather , from which all things doe proceede . And againe , in another place : That there is but Anima vna , & vit● vna : & quisnam ille praeter vnum Deum ? qui vnus singula facit in multis . There is but one soule , and one life : and what is that One , but onely one God , who being but One , yet doth all in all . Agreeing exactly with the Doctrine of S. Paul : That there is but one God , and Father of all , which is aboue all , and through all , and in all . So likewise , both Socrates and Plato , they both affirmed of God , that hee was : Vnum ▪ singularis , & per se subsistentis naturae ; solitarium , & revera bonum . God ( say they ) is but one thing ; of a singular nature , and by it selfe subsisting ; truely good , and without any companion . All which names , and titles , ( as Plutarch there reporteth ) they referred vnto Mentem , to a Spirit indued with vnderstanding : which must needes bee God : because nothing else hath his being of it selfe . And therefore ●ayth Simplicius , that , Vnitas , and Principium , and Bonum , and Deus , doe Vnam & idem sonare , doe signifie One , and the very same thing . Plutarch , he proueth God to be Vnum , but One , out of those two letters , E. I. which were written vpon the Gates of Apollo's Temple : which sound as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , Vnum es . Non enìm multa sunt numina , sed vnum . For there are not many Gods , but one God. And Iamblicus saith of God , That , Vnitas in Diis adeo superat , vt illorum esse sit vnitas quaedam . Vnitie in the Gods , is in so great an excellencie , that their very being , is only to be One. So that , though by the error of his religion , he were led to affirme , that there were many Gods ; yet , by the strength and power of very reason , hee was forced to yeeld , that there was nothing in God , but a most pure and simple vnitie : which is indeede Gods Esse , cui totum est , esse vnum : whose onely being is to be One : as Hugo de Victore noteth . Which Vnitie , in another place , Iamblicus affirmeth , to be the cause of the whole Vniuersitie . Est Vnitas excelsa omnium causa . Now , what can this sublime Vnitie be , which is the cause of all things , but onely God ? There is not any other thing , that is the cause of all things . And therefore Xenophanes ( as Aristotle reporteth ) looking vp into heauen , vnto this sublime Vnitie , affirmed it to be nothing els , but God. Xenophanes àd totum coelum respiciens , ipsum vnum ait esse Deum . Yea , and diuers of the Philosophers haue gone so farre , as not to thinke it inough to say , Deum esse Vnum : but Deum esse Vnitatem : because Vnum is concretum ; whereas there is nihil concreti in Deo. So that , ( as Citadimus very wittily collecteth in his obiections against Mirandula ) God may more properly be said to be Vnitas , then Vnus . Hence Pythagoras affirmed ( as Epiphanius reporteth ) Deum esse Vnitatem : That God is that one thing , without which there is nothing . And Oenod●pes likewise ( transposing onely the termes ) Vnitatem esse Deum : as Athenagor●s reporteth . He maketh Vnitie to be a Deitie . The reason of which their curiositie of speaking , was ; because though all of them found a true Vnitie in God , yet found they it to be such , as could not be expressed by any word . But the neerest they could come vnto it , was the name of Abstract Vnitie . For though God be one ( as is confessed by them all ) yet is he not so one , as any other thing is one : but so , as nothing else is one : as S. Bernard in his fi●t Booke de Consideratione , hath expressed very excellently . Where hee giueth instance , of eight seuerall wayes , whereby things are sayd and made to be one . And yet none of them doth fully expresse the Vnitie of the Deitie . Est Vnitas , quae collectiua dici potest , vt cùm ( verbi causa ) multilapides faciunt acervum vnum . Est vnitas constitutiua , cùm multa membra vnum corpus constituunt . Est Vnitas coniugatiua , qua fit , vt duo iam non sint duo , sed caro vna . Est & natiua , qua anima & caro vnus nascttur Homo . Est vnitas potestatiua , qua , homo , virtutis non instabilis , non dissimilis , sed vnus sibimet semper nititur inueniri . Est consentanea , cum per charitatem , multorum hominum est cor vnum , et anima vna . Est & votiua , cùm anima votis omnibus adhaerens Deo , vnus spiritus est . Est & dignatiua vnitas , qua limus noster , à Dei verbo , in vnam assumptus est personam . There is an Vnitie , which is made by collection ; as when many Stones doe make but one heape . There is an Vnitie , which is made by composition ; as when many members doe make but one body . There is an Vnitie which is made by coniunction ; as when man & wife are now no more two , but become one flesh . There is an Vnitie , which is made by stabilitie ; as when a man is constant in his vertue , whereby he is alwayes one , and like vnto himselfe . There is an vnity , which is made by consent ; as when , through Christian charity , there is found but one heart and one minde in many . There is an vnity , that is made by deuotion ; as when the soule adhaering vnto God by piety and religion , is thereby made but one Spirit with him . And there is an vnity , which is made by vouchsafing ; as when God the word vouchsafed to assume the nature of man , into the indentity of his owne person . These bee the eight kindes of S. Bernards vnity : wherein I will not censure , either any impropriety , or any coincidency : because they all may well passe for seuerall kindes of Vnity , in the popular capacity . But yet hee affirmeth of them all , that all these vnities are but to little purpose if they bee compared to the Vnity of the Trinity ; much more then being compared to the Vnity of the Deity . Haec omnia ( saith hee ) quid ad illud summum , atque ( vt ita dicam ) vnicè vnum , vbi vnitatem consubstantialitas facit ? All these vnities are as good as nothing , in respect of that vnity , which is found in the Deity , by Consubstantiality . Huic vni , quiduis illorum si assimiles , erit quoquo modo vnum : si compares , nullo . To this vnity , if you doe but liken any of those forenamed vnities , they may , in some degree , be sayd to bee vnities : but , if you compare them , in no degree at all . Whereupon hee there concludeth : Igitur , inter omnia , quae rectè vnum dicuntur , arcem tenet vnitas Trinitatis : quâ , tres personae vna substantia sunt . Among all the vnities , that can be called vnities [ of which Suidas nameth ten . ) Boetius reckoneth vp , foureteene seueral sorts ) The vnity of the Trinity is the very chiefest : Wherby three distinct persons are vnited in one substance . Which sentence of S. Bernards , Aquinas attributeth to Boetius : being , a little perhaps , mistaken in the Author ; but nothing at all , in the authority . Whereby it appeareth , that the Vnity in the Deity is so perfect and absolute , that the world cannot affoord a fit comparison to expresse it . Which Hugo de Victore acknowledgeth expresly , handling the very same point . God ( sayth he ) is not one , either by Collection ; as a flocke is sayd to bee one , which consisteth of many Sheepe : Nor one , by Composition ; as a body is sayd to be one , which consisteth of many members : nor one , by Similitude ; as the same word is sayd to be one , when it is vttered by diuers mouthes . But God is one , essentia , & identitate ; as the soule of a man , which is but one in one boby . Nay , God is more purely one , then the soule of any man. For , though the soule of a man be verè vnum , yet it is not summè vnum , as hee noteth in that place : It is , vnum essentraliter ; but it is not , vnum invariabiliter . And therefore , not summè vnum . For , that which is variabiliter vnum , that may bee quickly made Alterum : as a man in his sicknesse is from a man in his health . For , as Seneca truely noteth , Nemo nostrûm , idem est in senectute , qui f●it i●uenis : nemo est manè , qui fuit pridiè . But God , is both essentialiter , and inuariabiliter vnus . Hee neuer altereth from himselfe . In him there is no change , nay , no shadow of change . Yea , and this , haue some , euen of the Heathen themselues , found : as wee may plainely see in Plutarch : who pleadeth very earnestly , for the Vnity of the Godhead , against all supposed plurality . And yet denieth , that this vnity of the Godhead , is either such a kinde of vnity , as is among men ; who though he be but one , yet is hee a congeries , ex infinitis diuersissimisque affectionibus variè commixta : A masse of many vnlike and repugnant affections : but God is one in the most pure simplicite of his essence and being : so as nothing els is . Whereby it appeareth , ( as before I noted ) that there is not any vnitie in the world , sufficient to expresse the Vnity of God. But that ( as the Iewes beleeue in their Creede ) There is , talis vnites in Deo , qualis non reperitur in vllo alio . There is such a speciall vnitie in God , as cannot in any other thing , be found . For ( as Dionysius very truely obserueth ) Deus est tale vnum , quod cogitationem superat omnem : God is such an vnitie , as passeth all mans cogitation exceedingly . And therefore Dionysius , in another place , sayth of God , that he is not vnum ; but he doth ipsum vnum superare : He surpasseth One it selfe : or ( as Mirandula expresseth it ) he is , Super-bonum , Super-verum , and Super-vnum : a Super-good , a Super-truth , a Super-one , a very Super-Superlatiue-one , as surpassing all other Bonitie , and Veritie , and Vnitie . But how then can God be sayd to be One , if no created Vnitie be sufficient to expresse him ? Vnto this poynt , I answere , that God may be sayd in a speciall manner , to be One , three seuerall wayes : as I find it obserued by learned writers . For his Simplicitie , for his Singularitie , and for his Vniuersalitie . The first way , whereby God is sayd to be One , is , for the purity and simplicity of his substance : which is not compounded with any thing els . For , that is most truely and properly one , which is nothing but it selfe , and hath none other thing mixed with it . Vnum enim quod est , syncerum est , & mixtionis purum , sayth Plutarch . And such an one is God : who is so pure and simple an essence , that he is not compounded so much as of parts . But , as I noted before out of Dionysius , he is truely called Vnus , propter simplicitatem vacuitatis partium . He is truely called One , because he hath no parts in him : but is solely and wholly of his owne selfe a●one , without any mixture , so much as of matter , as Plutarch affirmeth in his description of him . Deus est Mens , & species separata , syncera ab omni materiae admixtione , perpessionibus obnoxiae . God is a separated mind , or forme , who is pure from the mixture of any matter , which may subiect him vnto any kind of passion . Yea , and Tully confirmes the same in his description : which though in words it differ , yet , doth it not in matter : For he defineth God to be , Mens soluta , & libera , segregata ab omni concretione mortali , &c. So likewsse Boetius : Diuina substantia , sine materia , forma est : atque ideò vnum . So that , all of them run vpon this common notion : That God is a pure substance , without any mixtion . Which his vncompounded simplicitie , is the the true matter of his Vnitie : For , wheresoeuer is mixture , there must needs be number . Diuersitas enìm , cum differentia enti● ponitur : sayth Plutarch : Where there be diuersities , there must needs be differences : and consequently , numbers . And therefore Trismegistus sayth , that , Euery compound body , is a multitude of bodies . Eorum , quae in mundo insunt , corporum , vnumquodque est multitudo . And , In corporibus , quae composita sunt , corporis cuiusque numerus est . So that , there is a number in euery mixture . And so , if there were any mixture in God , he could not properly be one . Whereas now , his simplicitie is the true cause of his vnitie . Quia nulla in eo diuersitas , nulla ex diuersitate pluralitas , nulla ex accidentibus multitudo ; atque ideo nec numerus . As Boetius well collecteth . There is in God no diuersitie , and therefore no pluralitie ; no multitude by accidents , and consequently no number . And this simplicitie of his substance , is the first of those three reasons , for which God is called One. The second is , from his Singularity ; as the first was from his Simplicity . Because there is no more Gods , but one ; God is not onely one , but he is also , The onely One. He is such an one , as hath no companion . Both which titles are expresly ascribed vnto God in the Scriptures : both that He is One , and that he is The onely One. The first of them , by the Prophet Moses : Audi Israël , Dominus Deus noster , Deus vnus est . The Lord our God is One God. The second by the Prophet Isay : Before me there was no God , neither shal there be any after me . So that God is so one , that he is The onely one . He is not only vnus , but also vnicus : or , to vse S. Bernards word , Si dici potest , vnissimus est . If that word may be vsed , he is of all things , the Onest . And in respect of this his Singularitie , because he is One , without any companion , is God called , One , euen of the very Heathen . Socrates and Plato , as before I noted , in their definition of God , ascribe vnto him Vnitie , with particular respect vnto his Singularitie . For , they define God to be , Vnum , singularis , & per se subsistentis naturae : To be one , of a singular and incommunicable nature : To be by nature one , and of himselfe subsisting . So likewise Antisthenes , who directly affirmed , Populares esse Deos , multos ; naturalem , vnum . That , though there were many Gods , in popular opinion ; yet that there is in nature , but onely one . So likewise Plutarch : Non multa sunt Numina , sed vnum . There be not many Gods , but One. Which one God , he there thinketh to be the Sunne : as Macrobius likewise doth : who applyeth all the names of the other Gods , onely vnto him , as if he onely were all of them . Deus vnus , & omnes , as Varro speaketh : and they all , nothing else , but his seuerall names . Yea , and Plutarch , in that place , collecteth the very same , out of two seuerall names of the Sunne . The first , that he is called , Apollo : Quòd Vnicus sit , ( of Apriuatiue , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ) Voce multitudinis negationem arguente . The second , that he is called Ieius : which soundeth as much as vnicus , & solus . Though Macropedius interpret that name otherwise . So that there is but one God , as there is but one Sunne : which therefore the Romans called Solem , quasi solum , that is to say , The sole One. And so may God be called ; likewise , for the very same reason : as Boetius very wittily obserueth ; Quem , quia respicit omnia , Solus , Verum possis dicere Solem. Whom , 'cause he lookes to all , Being solely one , Thou mayst him truely call , The very Sunne . And this is the second reason , why God is called One : in respect of his Singularitie , because there is no other God , but He. The third is , in respect of his Vniuersalitie , because God is One , Non numero , sed Vniuersitate : Not so much by his Singularity , as by his Vniuersality : as Ruffine distinguisheth . For he is indeede , all things . He is All in all : as the Apostle speaketh . And as he is in all things : so all things are in him . In him they liue , moue , and haue their being . So that , as Picus Mirandula obserueth out of Dionysius : Vnum dicitur Deus , quia vnicè est omnia . God may be called one ; because he onely is all things . An opinion maintained , by many of the Heathen . Xenophanes affirmed directly : Deum esse omnia : That God was all things . And so likewise did Trismegistus ; Omnia esse vnum , & vnum omnia : vt quae in Creatore fuerunt omnia , antequàm creasset omnia . He saith , That All things are One , and One is all : because they all were in their Maker , before the time that hee made any of them . And thereupon hee concludeth , that the name of God is , Omnia , that is , All things . Nec immeritò ipse dictus est omnia , cuius membra sunt omnia . His name is iustly called , All things , whose parts and members are all things . And againe , in another place . Necesse est , aut omnia esse eius nomen ; aut ipsum , omnium nominibus nuncupari . Either his name must bee All things ; or else , he must be named , by the name of all things . So likewise , both Zeno , and Melissus defined God to be , Et Vnum , & omne : To be One , that is All things . Which speeches of the Heathen , in making God All things , and in calling him by all names ; lest it should seeme to imply an vtter confusion of the Creator with the Creature ; Dionysius expresseth them both , in a more qualified manner , bringing a commodious exposition , to mollifie the hardnes of the position . For he sayth , that God is , Omnia quae sunt , & nihil eorum quae sunt : He is , in some sense , all things that be ; and yet , in another sense , none of all the things that be . Now , in what sense it is , that hee calleth God , All things ; hee expoundeth himselfe , in the very same place : because , God is both in mundo , circa mundum , & supra mundum : He is , both in the World , about the World , and aboue the World. And somewhat more fully , in another place : because , in divina vnitate , singillatìm collecta & coniuncta sunt omnia , praestanti modo , & antè , eximiè insunt . Because all things had a being in God , after a speciall , and most excellent manner , before they had any being in themselues . And in this sense it must bee taken , when they say ; God is , Omnia . And so likewise , for his name : hee sayth , that God may bee praysed by vs ; hoth vt nomine vacantem , & vt omni nomine : both as hauing no name , and yet as hauing euery name : Because euery thing that hath a name , is the worke of God. So that , to conclude this point with the sentence of S. Augustine : Vnitas illa , à qua , omnis vniversitas & inchoatur , & perficitur , & continetur , est Vnus Deus . That Vnity , from whence the Vniuersality is both begunne , and prefected , and praeserued , is onely the vnity of the Godhead . Wherein , though there be a Trinity of persons ; yet is there but an vnity of substance : yea and that an indiuisible Vnity too . For the Vnity of the Trinity , is , not onely , Vnitas coniuncta ; but also , plusquàm coniuncta : as Dionysius truely noteth . It is not an vnity conioyned , of things by nature differing : but more then conioyned , of things in nature consenting . 4 Thus , Arithmeticall vnity , being rightly vnderstood , and fitly applied , doth leade vs , by the hand , vnto the knowledge of God. Yea , and as I shewed before , of Punctum in Geometry ; that it hath diuers lines , as monogrammall draughts of the image of God : so may the same be shewed in Arithmeticall vnity . First , it hath a resemblance of Gods omnipotent power : whereby hee both maketh and destroyeth all things , at his pleasure . For , as the Prophet Dauid affirmeth of God , that , When hee sendeth forth his Spirit , all things are created ; and when hee but turnes his face , they are all againe destroyed : so may it bee truely obserued of vnity ; that it hath the like power , among his numbers , that God almighty hath , among his Creatures . For , all numbers haue , not onely their greatnesse and perfection , but also their essence and being , from One. But it , from none . As for example . If you desire to make Two , or a Binary , which is the first number : adde , but One , vnto One , and you make Two. If Three , or a Ternary ; adde but One , vnto Two ; and you make Three . And so , in infini●um . Nay , the very name of all other numbers , implieth no more , but so many Ones . An Hundred , A Thousand , a Million , doth signifie no more , but an Hundred , a Thousand , and a Million of Ones . For , Numerus is defined , by Moderatus Pythagoricus , to be nothing else , but Mon●dum congeries : All numbers are nothing , but a multitude of Ones . So that , the very essence and being of all other numbers whatsoeuer , whether odde , or euen , dependeth but on One. Yea , and so doth likewise their destruction , and dissolution . As we may euidently see , if wee will but walke rerograde , the same way backe againe . For , take but One , from Three ; and you not onely vtterly destroy the odnesse , but also the essence of that number . And so likewise , from any other . From what number soeuer , you shall take but one , you destroy his nature . And to what number soeuer , you shall adde but one , you make it another . Take one from the greatest number , and you make it lesse . Adde one to the least number , and you make it greater . Take one from an odde number , and you make it euen . Adde one to an euen number , and you make it odde . Vnitas , pari addita , imparem ; impari , parem conficit numerum , saith Plutarch . And therefore , in another place hee calleth Vnity , commune principium , & parium , & imparium : the common principle , of euen , and odde . So that , both the creation , and destruction of all numbers , dependeth wholy , vpon One. One is the maker , and One is the marrer of euery number . Vnitates quippè gignunt , atque augent numerum : rursúsque solutae inse numerum retrahunt : saith Trismegistus . Vnities added together , beget and increase numbers : and againe dissolued asunder , reduce euery number into themselues , and make of them vnities . Whereby it appeareth , that , as God doth all , among his Creatures : so likewise doth Vnity , among all numbers : which are , as it were , his Creatures , produced onely out of it selfe , by it's owne foecundity , without borrowing any thing thereto , out of any other : as God , in his Creation , produced all his workes , out of his owne omnipotent power , and did not borrow any thing , from any Creature . For , Mathematicians affirme that , Numerus par est mas ; impar , foemina : The euen number is the male ; and the odde the female : but , that , Monas est , & par , & impar : Vnity is , both euen , and odde ; masculine and feminine : and so that all numbers are begotten of it , tanquàm a mare & a foemina : as of a male and a female . Now this fruitefull Monas , which begetteth all things , is nothing else , but God : as Trismegistus affirmeth ; Deus vtriusque sexus foecunditate plenissimus , semperque voluntate sua praegnans , parit , quicquid voluerit procreare . God who is filled with the fruitefulnesse of both sexes , and alwayes pregnant , according to his will produceth whatsoeuer his will is to haue produced . So that , as in another place he affirmeth , he is Vnus omnia : Such an One as is all things . Thus , in this point also , betweene Deitie , and Vnitie , there is a great affinitie . Secondly , there is in Vnity a representation of Gods abolute perfection . For , as God hath his whole subsisting of himselfe , so that he cannot be made either greater , or lesser , by any of his creatures : so likewise hath Vnity . It hath his owne subsistence , absolutely in it selfe . For tho●g the essence of all other numbers dependeth vpon One ; yet the essence of one dependeth vpon none . You cannot take any thing from one , to make it lesse : and you cannot adde any thing to one , to make that one greater . For , as Aristotle truly teacheth : Vnum , as it is not a Diuisibile : so is it not b Combinabile . Vnity can neither be diuided nor increased . For , when One is added vnto One , there is by their coniunction , produced another number ; but yet neither of these two vnities , is in it selfe , made greater , but abideth firme and stedfast , in his owne stable nature ; as God himselfe doth . And therefore , Iustin Martyr , euen in this respect , compareth Vnitie vnto God. Quemadmodùm vnitati , id nihil confert ad perfectionem , quòd principium sit numeri : ( Nam etiamsi principium numeri non esset , perfecta tamen esset : & cum principium eius facta sit , non aucta tamen est ) sic Deus quoque , ante creationem perfectus erat , & post creationem auctus non est . As it bringeth no perfection vnto an Vnity , that it is the fountaine and beginning of numbers : ( For though it were not the beginning of any number , yet is an vnity perfect in its owne proper nature : and beeing the fountaine and beginning of some number , it is thereby perfected neuer the more ) so God , who was perfect before the creation , yet is not made more perfect by the creation . And this is the second degree of their comparison . Thirdly , there is in Vnitie , a draught and resemblance of Gods Immutabilitie . For , as God is alwayes like vnto himselfe , and not subiect to so much as to a shadow of Change : no more is Vnitie neither . It is not variable , by parity ; or imparitie ; by multiplicity , or paucity ; as all other numbers be : but it still continueth , in its owne nature , immutably . An Vnity is alwayes at vnitie with it selfe , and neuer varieth from it selfe . Est Vnitas ( saith Mirandula ) omninò semper , à se perfecta , non egreditur se , sed indiuidua simplicitate , & solitaria sibi cohaeret . Vnity is simple and perfect in it selfe , neuer going out of it selfe , but sticking vnto it selfe , vnchangeably , only by its owne sole and naturall simplicity . So absolute is the nature of One , in it selfe , that it cannot be changed ; and so omnipotent toward others , that it changeth all numbers . So that Monas ( as Trismegistus obserueth ) tanquam principium , radix , & origo , omnem numerum continet , a nullo contenta ; omnem gignit , a nullo genita . Vnity containeth all numbers , beeing contayned of none ; and it begetteth all , being begotten of none . Fourthly , there is in Vnity , a true resemblance of Gods Eternitie , or Antiquitie : who is named in the Scripture , The Auncient of Dayes . For , as God is before all his creatures ; so likwise is Vnitie before alll numbers . Sine vno , multitudo non erit , sayth Dionysius : Vnum autem erit , sine multitudine : Vt Monas omnem numerum multiplicatum & auctum antecedit . There can be no multitude without one , but one may be without a multitude : for , vnity is before any multiplied number . Which antecedencie of Vnity , in the same place , he applieth vnto the Deitie . Vnum illud , quod est causa omnium , est omni vno , & multitudine , omni toto , & parte , omni termino , & determinationis priuatione , omni fine & infinitate antiquius . That one thing , which is the beginning of all things , is , in Nature before both all Ones , and all , Manyes , all wholes , all parts , all termes , and all indeterminations , all finites and all infinites . It is more ancient , then all these . Yea so ancient , that ( as Macrobius affirmeth ) it is without all beginning . And therefore he hath reduced it directly vnto God , Haec monas , initium , finisque omnium , neque , ipsa principij finisque sciens , ad summum refertur Deum : That one thing , which is , both the beginning , and ende of all things ; and yet hath neither beginning , nor ende , in it selfe ; cannot otherwise be referred , but vnto the most High God. Who ( as Mirandula obserueth out of Dionysius ) ita rerum omnium principium est , sicut omnium numerorum principium Vnitas est . God is so the first beginning of all things , as vnitie is the first beginning of all numbers . And thus , as Philo Iudaeus obserueth , Vnitas , est prime Causae & primi Authoris imago . There is in vnitie , a true image of the Deitie who is the first Cause and first Author of all things . And who , in respect of his owne most inexplicable and incomprehensible Vnitie , may truly be called by vs , both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : both One , and , The only One. CHAP. 11. That the motion of the Heauens , and Starres , is not naturall . 2. Which yet is so orderly , as if it were artificiall . That the order of their motion , hath the resemblance of a Dance . 4. That the Heauens themselues , doe make Musicke , to this Dance . That this orderly Motion of the Starres , hath led diuers men , to seeke for a God , aboue the Starres . 6. Because their orderly Motions , can neither be from Chance , nor from their owne Wills : But onely from Gods Wisdome , who is the Maker of them . THe third of the Mathematicall Arts , is Astronomie : whose Obiect is , the Motion of the Heauenly Orbes , and Starres ; wherein there be many Arguments , which may leade men , by the hand , to vnderstand , There is a God. But because I haue instanced , but onely in Order : I will therefore keepe order and wil onely stand to it . And yet , in this place , I will but lightly touch it : because in the seauenth Booke , there falleth out a more apt , and more ample consideration of it . First therefore , as concerning the Motion of the Heauens , it hath troubled the Heads of the wisest Philosophers : of what Nature this Motion of the Heauens should be ? Tullie greatly approueth of Aristotles diuision , as concerning Motion ; That , Whatsoeuer things are moved , they must needs bee moved , either by their owne natures ; or , by force from others ; or by a will in themselues . Now , for the Heauens , he concludeth , that their motion cannot be natural , because the Motion of all naturall Bodies , whether Simple or , Compound , is either Vpward , or Downward . For , all Bodies are , either Light or , Heauy . If Light , they moue directly vpward , If Heauy , they moue perpendicularly downward . And , there is not any naturall Bodie in the world , which is so aequally compounded of Light , and Heauie , that it can hang in the midst , and propend neither way . And therefore , the Heauens , if they were left vnto the motion of their owne proper natures , they would either moue vpward , or downward , as the Elements doe ; or else they must stand still . For , other Motion , from their matter , they can haue none , as they be naturall Bodies . No , nor yet from their Forme neither , as they bee teret and round Bodies . For , though their Rotundity doth giue them an aptitude and disposition to bee carried about in their circular motion ; yet giueth it not the motion it selfe vnto them . As we may see in a wheele : which ( for all his roundnesse ) stands as still as a stone , if it haue not some other means to helpe it vnto motion . It may bee obiected ; that the weightines of the wheele doth settle it vpon his Axis , as in his proper place , where all things doe stand still . But it may also bee answered ; that the Heauens are in their proper place : and therefore should stand still , yea though they had in them the principle of motion : much more , they hauing none . As indeed they haue not , if they bee of such a temper , as is neither Heauy , nor Light. For , if we could imagine , that nature had made any thing , so equally tempered , and indifferently poised , of Heauy , and Light , that neither were predominant ; it must needes hang in the midst , and not mooue it selfe , either vpward , or downewards . Neither could it moue about , in a circular motion ; vnlesse it were impelled , by some other thing . For , Nature hath made nothing , which hath , in it selfe , the proper principle of circular motion . I meane , not as it is a Body . The rotundity of their forme , that giueth onely , vnto them , an hability to that motion ( as before I noted ) but , the act , it giueth not . Neither can the vacuity of both Heauinesse and Lightnesse , giue vnto them that motion : because , that is rather the principle of station , then of Motion . And ( as Iustine Martyr very well collecteth : ) If the absence , or priuation of both Heauinesse and Lightnes , were a formall cause of circular motion ; then , Materia prima ( which Aristotle maketh , to bee neither light , nor heauy ) should , from all eternity , haue moued circularly : and so there should haue bene a motion , before there was any Heauen . Which hee derideth there , most iustly , as a grosse absurdity . But , if wee should grant : as Palingenius would haue vs : — Coelestia corpora , per se , Atque suis formis ; vt terra , ignisque moueri : That Heauenly bodies , of themselues , by their owne formes do moue , As doth the Earth , that is below ; and Fire , that is aboue . Yet he teacheth vs , in the same place , that , it is onely God , that giueth them their formes . Nempe suis , res , a formis , tales generantur : Quales praecepit , qui formas condidit ipsas . Yet such are things , by their owne formes begotten , As He that made their formes , , doth please t'allot them . And therefore , the Orator proceedeth on further , vnto the other two members , of his forenamed diuision of Motion . That this sphericall motion of the heauens , not proceeding , in them , from any naturall principle , inhaerent in their bodies , it must needes , either be a violent motion , put vpon them by an externall force , from some others ; or else , a voluntary motion , occasioned by an internall will in themselues . For , other principle , can be none , of this circular motion . But , that it cannot be a motion , inforced vpon them , hee assumeth from this ground : That there cannot bee any force , without them , that is strong enough to compell them : there being no force that is greater then their owne . Quae enim vis potest esse maior ? What force can bee greater ? And againe , Quid potest esse mundo valentius , quod impellat , atque moueat ? What power can be greater , then the power of the world , that should bee able to mooue it ? Hee supposeth ( though falsely ) that there can no such power bee . And therefore hee concludeth , That the motion of the Heauens , must be , of necessity , a motion meerly voluntary , proceeding from nothing else , but onely from their owne wills . Whereupon hee there inferreth , that , Haec qui videt , non solùm indoctè , sed etiam impiè faciet , si Deos esse neget : That , this being admitted , he must not onely be vngodly , but also vnlearned too , if hee deny them to be Gods : meaning , The Heauens and Starres . This is the summe of his reason , from the motions of the Starres . Wherein , though hee leade vs neuer so farre about ; yet , at last , hee bringeth vs home vnto our Conclusion : That there needs must be a God : and , that the Heauens , by their motion , do plainely proue the same . An Argument largely handled by the Prophet Dauid in the 19. Psal. And though Tully , in that place , doe bring the whole Argument vnto a false issue , building vpon a false ground ; That the motion of the Heauens is voluntary , and of themselues ; and that therefore , They be Gods : though , I say , it be false , in the particular , That the Heauens and Stars , be Gods ; yet it is true in the generall , that it proueth most certainly , that There needes must be a God ; and , that this motion of the Heauens , cannot possibly be stirred by any other cause , but onely by God himselfe . For , if the motion of the Heauens ( being admitted to be voluntary ) doe conclude them to bee Gods ; then must needes the same motion ( being admitted to be compulsory ) much more conclude , that he , by whose force they be so violently compelled , must needes be God. As , euen Plato himselfe hath plainely confessed : from whom the former Argument of Tullies is borrowed . Cogitemus ( saith hee ) quî fieri possit , vt tanta magnitudo , ab aliqua possit natura , tanto tempore , circumferri ? Ego igitur assero , Deum causam esse , nec aliter posse fieri . Let vs consider ( saith he ) how it can possibly bee , that the Heauens , being of so great and so vast a body , should , by any power of nature , ●e driuen so impetuously . And therefore ( saith he ) I do confidently affirme , that onely God himselfe can bee the mouer of them . This is his determination , as concerning the Heauens motion . And where is now that Soule of theirs ; which , but a little before , he made the mouer of them ? 2 But let vs now proceede further , and come from the nature of their motion to the Order . Which is so great and excellent , that euen Aristotle himselfe ( who subiecteth all other matters , with a kinde of Tyranny , vnto the power of his reasons ) yet here ( leauing reason ) he sodainely breaketh out , into a passionate admiration : Quid vnquàm poterit aequari coelesti ordini , & volubilitati ? Cùm sydera conuertantur exactissima norma , de alio in aliud seculum . What can euer be compared vnto the order of the Heauens , & to the motion of the Stars , in their seuerall reuolutions ? Which mooue most exactly , as it were , by rule and square , from one generation to another . Which rule of their motion , Dauid affirmeth to be Gods law , that he hath set them . God hath made them fast for euer ; he hath giuen them a law , which they cannot passe . And so likewise doth Plato . For he saith , that God , when he had made the Starres , he did , Singulis leges fatales edicere : He gaue vnto them fatall & vnchangeable Lawes . And indeed , the very name of this Art , whereof we now intreat [ the very name of Astronomie ] in exact signification , importeth , that the Starres obserue a law in their motion . Which law is giuen vnto them , by none other , but onely by God himselfe , who is their true Law-giuer . He is both their Maker , and their Law-maker . Yea , and this law of his , they obserue so exactly , that ( as the Orator obserueth ) there is in all their motion , Nihil temerarium , nihil varium , nihil fortuitum : They neither iustle rashly , one vpon another ; nor yet decline casually , one from another ; no , nor vary in the least poynt , from their prescribed order . For ( as Macrobius likewise noteth ) In Coelo , constat , nihil fortuitum , nihil tumultuarium prouenire ; sed vniuersa illìc diuinis legibus , & stata ratione procedere . There is nothing done casually , nothing disorderly , in the heauens : but all things prescribed by most exact reason ; and determined by order of most diuine lawes . So that , hee ascribeth all the order of their motion , vnto that law , which God hath prescribed them . And so likewise doth Seneca : he saith , that the Starres doe , aeternae legis imperio procedere : They moue by the appoyntment of an eternall Law , that is , by the law of an eternall God. Both of them agreeing with the Prophet Dauid , that the onely cause of their orderly motion , is that exact law , which God hath prescribed them . In which poynt , Tullie also consenteth fully with them . For he , rendring a reason , why certaine of the Starres be called Planets : that is to say , Wanderers : yet affirmeth , that it is not , because they wander in their motion , but , because of that variety , which they haue aboue others . As for their owne motions , they keepe so strict an order , and so great a constancie , in obseruing of them , that they swerue not from that law , which God hath prescribed them . Et , si stellarum motus , cursusque vagantes Nosse velis , quae sint signorum in sede locatae . Quae verbo , & falsis Graecorum vocibus , errant ; Reuera , certo lapsu , spacióque feruntur : Omnia iam cernes , diuina mente notata . Marke , Omnia , diuina mente notata . Wouldst thou the motions of the Starres , and various courses know ; Which fixed are , and which are sayd to wander to and fro ? How e're the Graecians name them such ; in very truth , they runne In certaine tracts and distances , not wandring vp and downe : But all directed thou mayst see , by Gods prescription . But , Manilius , in this point , goeth farre beyond them all ; both expresly acknowledging , that the Starres , in their motion , obserue a law prescribed them : and that this Law-giuer , is none other , but onely God , their Creator . Nec quicquam , in tanta magis est mirabile mole , Quàm Ratio , & certis quòd legibus omnia parent . Nusquàm turba nocet , nihil vllis partibus errat . There is not ought ( a wonder t' is ) in such a wondrous masse , More wonderfull or strange then this , that Reason bring 's to passe : That all obey their certaine lawes ; which he doth still preferre ; No tumult hurteth them , nor ought in any part doth erre : From whence , by and by inferring , Ac mihi tam praesens ratio non vlla videtur , Quâ pateat , mundum divino numine verti . To me , no reason stronger seem's to proue , The world , by power diuine , thus still to moue . And a little after , asking the quaestion , At cur , dispositis vicibus , consurgere signa , Et , v●lut imperio , praescriptos reddere cursus , C●rnimus , ac nullis properantibus vlla relinqui ? Whence is it , that wee see , the Starres in turnes to rise , And , at Command to stoope , and keepe their ordered guise ? &c. He giueth this for an Answer of their immutabilitie : that , it is the worke of the immutable God. — Deus est , qui non mutatur in aevo . And indeed , it is a wonder , that these Planets , still running sometime in diuers , and sometime in aduerse courses ; yet should all of them obserue , so vnchangeably , their order , that they neuer should impeach , or hinder one another . But though they doe , Transuersos agere cursus : as the Tragick noteth , in one place : yet doe they , Inoffensos , as hee noteth in another . They runne in crosse courses ; and yet doe not crosse one another , in their courses . Nec errant ( saith Plato ) nec praeter antiqunm ordinem reuoluuntur . Neither doe they runne randon , nor are they rolled , beside their ancient order . Which orderly motion of the Starres , both proueth , There is a God ; yea , and that this is his worke ; by so necessarie a consequence , that whosoeuer seeth it not , him , Tullie affirmeth to be , without all sense . Coelestem admirabilem ordinem , incredibilemque constantiam , qui vacare Mente putat , is ipse mentis expers habendus est . He which thinketh the admirable order and incredible constancie of the Heauens to be without a Spirit , hee may be thought himselfe to be without spirit or vnderstanding . 3 And indeed , the motions of the Starres , are in so great Varietie ; and yet obserued , with such order , and constancie ; that they haue resemblance of a well measured dance : some running directly , and forth-right , in their courses ; some dauncing round about , in their Epicycles . Yea , and that with great varietie , and change of their motions , in Directions , Stations , Retrogradations , and such like : wherein they doe seeme , as it were , to treade the Maze and ( in their kinde ) to daunce their Measures . Of which , Tullie giueth instance , in the Planet Saturnus . Saturni Stella , in suo cursu , multa mirabiliter efficiens , tum antecedendo , tum retardando , tum vespertinis temporibus delitescendo , tum matutinis rursùm se aperiendo ; nihil tamen immutat sempiternis seculorum aetatibus , quìn eadem ijsdem temporibus efficiat . The Planet Saturne , doth make many strange and great wonders , in his motion , sometimes going before , and sometimes comming after , sometimes withdrawing himselfe in the Euening , and sometimes againe shewing himselfe in the morning : And yet changeth nothing , neither in the order of times , nor in the nature of things . And the like may be seene , in the rest of the Planets : as he himselfe sheweth , in that very place . So that , Aristophanes his obseruation of the Clowdes , is much truer in the Starres : that they doe , Arte choream instituere . They make in their motions , an artificiall kind of Daunces . Plato affirmeth , that God hath purposely prouided the Sunne to giue the Starres light , the better to performe their well ordered motions : which he calleth there , Their Daunces : where he also calleth their Courses , Deorum choreas , The daunces of the Gods. For so he indeed esteemed of the Starres : But Philo Iudaeus more truely , Diuinas choreas , Diuine and heauenly daunces . For so , in a sort , they may truely be called : Diuinas reuera choreas agittantes , nec vnquam ordinem deserentes . They daune in Gods presence ( as Dauid did before the Arke ) and yet , neither breake their orders , nor stray from their place . So likewise Palingenius : — Nec se collidunt , concutiuntque , Occurrendo sibi , sed certa lege , modóque , Vna eadémque v●a , leni , vertigine pergunt ; Et choreae in morem , placidè , taciteque feruntur . Nor doe they dash together , nor make shock , By meeting one another . But are lock't Vnto a constant law , and one set way ; From which their smooth sweet windings neuer sway ; But runne , as if they daunc't a Roundelay . Whence , Maximus Tyrius calleth God , Coeli compositorem harmonicum , and Astrorum circulationis , & chorea , supremum moderatorem : ascribing vnto him , the melody of the heauens , and the dauncing of the starres . And therefore Plato againe , in another of his Dialogues , he sayth of the Starres , that they doe Chorea optima vti , omniumque chorearum magnificentissima : that they daunce a most stately and magnificall daunce : harping still vpon their dauncing . From whence , he there concludeth , That therefore they haue within them , Mentem : a certaine spirit , or soule , that directeth them . And it is true , in very deed . But it is not their owne spirit , as he falsely supposed : it is onely Gods Spirit . By the word of the Lord were the heauens made , and all the host of them , by the breath of his mouth : sayth the Prophet Dauid . And so likewise holy Iob : His spirit hath garnished the Heauens , and his hand hath formed the crooked Serpent . So that , the Spirit , which giueth vnto the starres their motion , is onely the Spirit , which giueth them their being . It is onely that diuine Spirit , in which all things both liue , and moue , and haue their being . Yea , and this is also confessed , euen by the very heathen . For , Tullie affirmeth , that Soule of the world , to be nothing els , but god : and that by the Platonists owne doctrine . Animam mande dicunt esse Mentem , perfectamque sapientiam , quem Deum appellant . So Plutarch Mens est Deus : That soule is God. And againe , Democritus ait , Deum in igne globoso , esse mundi animam . Democritus sayth , that God in the fiery globe , is the soule of the world . Yea , and Virgil , speaking of that Mens , or Spirit , which giueth motion vnto the heauens , he giueth such a description of it , as an agree to no Spirit , but to the Spirit of God. Principio Coelum , ae terras , Campo'sque liquentes , Lucentémque globum Luna , Titaniaque astra , Spiritus intùs alit : totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem — He saith , the Heauens , the Earth , the Waters , and the Stars , Receiue their Motions , and whate're they are , From an internall Spirit ; which th' Eternall is , That vnto all of them their Motion giu's . Now , what Spirit can this be , in all those great Creatures , but onely the Spirit of God their Creator ? Of whom , the prophet Ieremie affirmeth , that , hee filleth both Heauen and Earth . And the Wiseman in the Booke of Wisedom : That he not onely filleth them , but also maintayneth them : answering to Virgils-alit . This Spirit , that made those Creatures , doth also guide their motions . And their mouing , in so exact both a number , measure , and order , doth evidently show ; That God himselfe is their Mouer . That God himselfe is their Mouer . Whom euen the Heathen imagined , to be delighted which their dauncing , in such an order , before him . Yea , and that , something too much : as the Tragick seemes to chalenge him ; Cur tibi tanta est cura , perenn●s Agitare vias aetheris alti ? Why art thou so much taken vp , oh why , In those perpetuall motions of the sky ? Yea , and euen among vs Christians , that renowned Poet , Bartas , though hee goe not so farre , yet he affirmes that , — sacred Harmonie , And numbrie law did then accompanie Th' Almighty most : When first his ordinance Appointed Earth to rest , and Heauen to daunce . 4 And therefore , diuers of them , as they ascribe a rythmicall motion , vnto the Starres ; so doe they an harmonicall , vnto the Heauens ; ymagining , that their mouing produceth the melodie of an excellent sweete tune . So that , they make the Starres , to be Dauncers ; and the Heauens , to be Musitians . An opinion , which of old , hath hung in the heads , and troubled the braines of many learned men : yea , and that , not onely among the Heathen Philosophers ; but also euen among our Christian Divines . The first Author and inuenter of which conceited imagination , was the Philosopher Pythagoras . Who broched his opinion , with such felicitie & happinesse , that he wonne vnto his part , diuers of the most ancient , and best leaned Philosophers : as Plutarch reporteth . Plato , whose learning Tullie so much admireth , that hee calleth him , The God of all Philosophers : Deum Philosophorum , he affirmeth of the Heauens , that Euery one of them , hath sitting vpon it , a Sweet-singing Syren , carolling-out a most pleasant and melodious song , agreeing with the motion of her owne peculier heauen . Which Syren , though it sing of it selfe , but one single part ; yet all of them together , being eight in number ( for so many Heauens were onely held by the Ancients ) doe make an excellent Song , consisting of eight parts : wherein , they still modulate their Songs , a greeable with the motions of the eight coelestiall Spheres . Which opinion of Platoes , is not only allowed by Macrobius ; but he also affirmeth of this Syrens Song , that , it is a Psalme , composed in the praise of God Yea , and he proueth his assertion out of the very name of a Syren : which signifieth ( as he saith ) as much as , Deo canens , A singer unto God. But Maximus Tyrius , he affirmeth of the Heauens , that ( without any such helpe , of those coelestiall Syrens ) they make a most sweete harmonie , euen by their proper motions : wherein they doe , Omnes symmetriae numeros implere ; contrarióque nisu , diuinum sonum perficere : They , by their contrary mouing , doe fill vp all the parts of a most Divine and heauenly Song . Which , hee affirmeth to be most pleasant vnto the eares of God ; though it cannot be heard by the eares of men . Yea , and the Sages of the Greekes , insinuate also as much , by placing of Orpheus his harpe , in Heauen : implying , in the seauen strings of his well turned harpe , that sweete tune and harmonie , which is made in heauen , by the diuers motions of the seauen planets , as Lucian interprets it . Vnto which his opinion , there may seeme to be a kinde of allusion , in the Booke of Iob , as the Text , in the vulgar translation , is rendered : Concentum Coeli quis dormire fac●et ? Who shall make the Harmony of the Heauens to sleepe ? For so , likewise , the Diuines of Doway translate it . Pliny indeede , as concerning this Harmony , doth write somewhat doubtfully ; whether there be , in truth , any such thing , or no ? suspending his owne opinion , with Non facilè dixerim . So that , as hee doth not defend it , for a veritie ; so doth he not againe deny it , as a falsity ; but leaueth it , as vncertaine . Whose doubting of it ( he being of so acute , and inquiring a wit ) is rather a credit , then a discredit vnto it . But , much more is Aristotles deriding of it : because ( in the end ) hee was forced to retract in . For , though in his Booke , De Coelo , he confute it , and make , in a manner , but a scoffe , and scorne of it ; yet , in his booke , De Mundo , he alloweth of it , and confesseth it to be the proper worke of God. For , there hee sayth expresly , that , God doth , In mundo , rerum omnium concentum continere : That hee keepeth that Harmony , which is to be found , in all the seuerall parts of the world . And so likewise , Tully ; although , in one place , hee doe scoffe at this Harmony , that Mundus should ad harmoniam canere : That the World should sing vnto a tune : yet , in another place , hee not onely subscribeth vnto it , but also , ascribeth vnto the working of it , all those benigne & gracious influences , which , from the Heauens , descend vpon these inferior bodies . Stellarum tantus est concentus , ex dissimilimis motibus , vt cùm summa Saturni refrigeret , media Martis incendat : His interiecta Iouis , illustret & temperet . infraque Martem duae , Soli obediant : Sol ipse mundum omnem sua luce compleat , ab eoque Luna illuminata , grauidates & partus afferat , maturitatemque gignendi . There is so great an Harmony , and concent of the Starres , arising from the diuersity of their motions ; that , as Saturne cooleth , so Mars heateth , and Iupiter ( which is betweene them ) hee tempereth them both . The other two Planets , which are below Mars , are both of them obedient vnto the Sunne ; which filleth the whole world with the cheerefull light of it : Wherewith it illumining the body of the Moone , by it giueth power of increase , and generation . Concluding , with these words , his former obseruation : Quae copulatio rerum , & , quasi consentiens ad mundi incolumitatem , coagmentatio naturae , quem non mo●et ; hunc , horum nihil reputasse , certò scio : This consent and agreement of those naturall things , so greatly aduancing the good of the whole world , if it doe not mooue any man , it is onely from this cause ; That he neuer well considered them . Resoluing , that no man could euer obserue them , but that th●y would make a great impression in him . But Macrobius ( leauing all those Allegoricall allusions ) asserteth this Harmony , vnto a true and reall melody indeede ; occasioned by the various motions , and differing magnitudes of the Heauens . Which , he saith ▪ must needes produce , . sonum dulcem , & musicum ; non ineptum , & asperum : A sweete , and delightfull ; not a harsh , and distastfull sound : as , by inuincible reasons , he saith , may be collected . Which point , hee indeede hath laboured exactly , with much fi●enesse and subtility . Vnto whom I referre them , that desire a more curious discourse vpon this Theame . Neither is this an idle fancy , begotten onely in the heads of conceited P●ilosophers ; but it is also entertained , for a certaine truth , by diuers learned Christians . Bed● alledgeth this opinion , of the Harmony of Heauen , for the credit of Musicke . Which hee would neuer haue done , if he had not allowed of it . Boetius doubteth not , directly to affirme it : yea , and to proue it too : Non potest , ab hac coelesti vertigine , ratus ordo modulationis , absistere . But , aboue all , Anselmus , though otherwise a seuere and a very austere man ; yet is so sweetened , and mollified with the conceite of this Musicke , that hee , not onely asseuereth it ; but also indeauoureth , with great paines and labour , to set out the true musicall proportion of it : as Macrobius before did . Now , it is no lesse vnprobable , that so many learned men , of so many differing bot●●ages and nations , should concurre , with such an harmony , in defending of this Harmony , if it were merely fained ; then it is , that there should bee such an Harmony , indeede . Neg , enìm hunc , tam certum syderum cursum , atque discursum , forturti impetus esse dixerim : saith Seneca . These so certaine both courses , and recourses of the Starres , cannot possibly bee the workes of blinde Fortune , and Chance ; but must needes bee Gods owne ordinance : because they doe not , sine aliquo Custode stare ; but , aeternae legis imperio procedere : as hee noteth in the same place : They neither keepe their stations , without a Keeper ; nor mooue their motions , without a Ruler : whose aeternall law they faithfully obey . And , it was a thing no more hard vnto God , to make the Heauens to moue with a sweete melodious harmony , then to make them moue without it . For , if Queene Cleopatra , when she came vnto Antonius , could instruct the Oare-men , and Rowers of her Barge , to strike all their strokes , in such order and number , that they made a most sweete harmony and concent , vpon the water , as exactly agreeing with her musicall instruments , as the sound of a Taber agreeth with his Pipes ( an Art also in practice sometimes , among the Greekes , as may be collected , out of Maximus Tyrius : ) then much more can God doe so : who ordereth all his workes , both in Number , Weight , and Measure . It is not hard for him , in such sort to moderate , yea and to modulate , the Heauens , as to make them , to send fo●th a sweete harmony , in their motions . Yea , and it is not incredible , that hee hath also done it . For , seeing it is vnpossible , that this so huge and vast a fabricke of the Heauens , being truely materiall and sensible bodies , and whirled about with such incredible swiftnes , should moue without some noyse : as Pythagoras well collecteth : and that noyse ( as Macrobius truely inferreth ) must be of necessity , either sweete and melodious , or harsh and absonous [ aut musicum , aut asperum : ] it is far more probable , that , that sound , which God hath chosen to sound continually in his diuine Eares , should rather be tuned , like the sound of sweete Musicke , then harsh and confused , like the creaking of a Cart. For ( as Macrobius in the same place , obserueth ) Fragor turbidus , & inconditus , offendit auditum . An harsh and rude crashing of things , offendeth the eare . And therefore it is not likely to be found in the Heauen . In which , as there is Nihil fortuitum : so is there , Nihil tumultuarium : As there is nothing done rashly ; so there is nothing done disorderly . And , it cannot , in any probabilitie , be thought , that God , who hath appointed vs , in our singing vpon Earth , To make a pleasant melodie , and to sing vnto him with a grace in our hearts ; would admit into the heauens themselues , any such vntuneable and incomposed noyse , as hath neither any grace nor melodie in it . But this I doe not affirme , as a certainty ; but onely propose as a probabilitie : leauing euery man vnto his owne liberty , to beleeue it , or not to beleeue it , as he findeth himselfe most inclined in his mind : Apologizing for my selfe , as Gregory Nyssen doth in a like case ; That heerein I doe but , Ingenium , ad m●ntem nostram , in propositis exercere , non doctrinam expositricem posteris relinquere : I doe but onely propound it , for the exercise of wit , as a probability ; not commend it , for a sealed and infallible truth , vnto all posteritie . Therefore , be this opinion of the Harmony of the Heauens , as it may ; be it , but Lepidè quidem , & musicè dictum , factu autem impossibile , as Aristotle censureth it : that is : but a pleasant and musicall conceit : Yet this so excellent a concent and agreement in the heauens , to keepe so constantly , their seuerall rankes and orders ( notwithstanding the diuersitie of their courses ) is a work , which by themselues , cannot possibly be done , no more , then any musicall Instrument can put it selfe into tune . It is God the Musitian ( as Plutarch before calleth him ) that keepeth all in tune . His power keepeth them all in obedience : His wisedome guideth them all in their courses : and , his goodnesse maketh them to produce those good effects , which they worke in the earth , and in these inferior Bodies . And therefore , euen Aristotle himselfe , who derideth so much the Harmony of the Heauens , in any real sounds ; yet , in respect of this harmonicall concent in the creatures , he so much admireth it , that he compareth God , in his working of it , vnto a Praecentor in a Quire : who both appointeth and moderateth all the Songs , that be sung there . All which things declare , that God , as he is delighted in order , so is hee likewise delighted in number : Yea and in musicall number too . In which opinion Anselmus is carried so farre , that he , not onely affirmeth , that God hath giuen to the heauens an harmonicall number , in their motions ; but also from thence collecteth , that God hath , in his kind , an harmonicall motion euen in himselfe . Habes haec in te , tuo ineffabili modo , qui ea dedisti rebus , a te creatis , suo sensibili modo : Thou hast this harmony , in thy selfe , after an vnspeakable manner , which thou hast giuen vnto thy creatures , after a sensible manner . Yea , and euen the very Heathen were in the same opinion : who beleeued , all their Gods , to consist of Numbers , and musical proportions . ● But , to leaue this harmonicall motion of Heauens , as a probleme , and not to determine it , as as position : yet , certaine it is , that the Heauens doe moue , in such an exquisite order , that the contemplation thereof , hath led many to beleeue , that none other , but onely God , can be possibly their Mouer . Suidas affirmeth , that , euen Abraham himselfe , was first occasioned , to seeke after God , by considering the motion of the Starres . For , hee being by nation a Ch●ldean , ( who , as Aristole obserueth , are naturally giuen to that kinde of contemplation ) and obseruing , in their motion , a wonderfull order , and varietie , and yet no lesse a constancie , he presently collected , that these strange reuolutions could not possibly be performed , if they were not directed , and guided , by some God. So that , his first motiue , to seeke after God , was , that orderly motion , which he saw the Starres obserued . Yea and Orpheus himselfe insinuateth also as much . Vnus praeterquam , cui derivatur origo Chaldaeûm ex genere , is noscebat sydera Coeli , Illorúmque vias , & quî moueatur in orbem Sphaera , & tellurem circumvertatur in axem , Spiritus & regat hanc , & in aere , & in aequore fuso . One onely Man there was of old , and he from Chaldee sprang , Who knew the Natures of the Stars , and courses that they ranne , And how the Heauen doth wheele and ring all round about the Earth , The Spirit also that rules all these , and Ayre , and Sea beneath . Which description of Orpheus , is referred vnto Abraham , by Clemens Alexandrinus . Yea , and Philo Iudaeus collecteth , that this his sublime and coelestiall disposition , was ominously foretold him , in his very name . For , Abram ( as he interpreteth that name ) doth signifie , as much , as , Pater sublimis , that is , A sublime and high-spirited man : because his spirit did not only mount-vp into heauen , but also vnto God , who is higher then the Heauen : and that cheifly , by the obseruation of the Starres , and their motion . By which hee was led , as it were by the hand , to vnderstand , There was a God. And so was likewise , Nigidius Figulus : of whom Lucane writeth thus . At Figulus , cui cura , deos , secretaque Coeli Nosse , fuit , quem non Stellarum Aegyptia Memphis Aequarel visu , numerisque mouentibus astra . Wise Figulus , whose searching care , was perfectly to know Heauens secrets , & the Gods themselues : Whom no Aegyptian sage Surpassed in his skill , nor could more exquisitely show The motions of the Starres and Orbes , in numbred equipage . He , being a great Astronomer , and obseruer of the Starres , was led , by his curiositie , in obseruing of their motion , to search after God , who was the Mouer of them . Yea , and Lucian interpreteth the fable of Bellerophon , ( wherin he is sayd , to haue mounted vp to Heauen , vpon a winged Horse ) to haue beene nothing else , in truth , but onely the ascending of his minde , in diuine contemplations ▪ occasioned by considering the motion of the Stars . Which carried him vp , in a sorte , into Heauen : but , not Equo , but Animo : not by Horse , but by Heart ; as hee mythologizeth vpon that fiction . And Tullie reporteth , out of Aristotle , that , If there were a subterraneous generation of men , who had neuer once beheld the light of the Sunne ; and had but onely heard , that there was a God ; if these men , vpon the sodaine , should bee brought out of their denne , and but set to behold the wonderfull motions of the Heauens and Stars , they would praesently beleeue , both , that there were a God , as before they had heard ; and , that these so regular and orderly motions , cannot be any others , but onely his works . Haec cùm viderent , profectò , & Deos esse , & haec tanta opera , Deorum ●sse , arbitrarentur . To conclude this point . Seneca alledgeth the orderly motion of the Stars , as a visible Argument , to demonstrate Gods providence . And Cleanthes was not only ledde , by the very same Argument , to beleeue , There is a God : but he also alledgeth it , as a sensible demonstration , to induce all other men to beleeue the same . Where , though hee congest diuers other great reasons vnto the same purpose : yet ascribeth hee the greatest force vnto this : Quartam Causam esse ( eamque vel maximam ) aequabilitatem motus , conversionem coeli , Solis , Lunae , Syderumque &c. And , Plutarch affirmeth , generally of all men , that the very first motiue , which ledde them vnto God , was that orderly motion , whereby the Stars are carried . Homines coeperunt Deum agnoscere , cùm viderent stellas , tantam concinnitatem efficere : ac dies , noctesque , aestate , & ●reme , suos seruare statos ortus , atque obitus . Men began first to acknowledge a God , when they considered the Stars to maintaine such a comelinesse , and both day and night , in Summer and Winter , to obserue their designed risings and settings . By contemplation whereof , a man is not onely led , to know There is a God : but also is sublimed , in some sorte , aboue the nature of a man : as I haue noted formerly , out of Tullie . Erigimur , & latiores fieri videmur , humana despicimus , contemplantésque supera , atque coelestia , haec nostra , vt exigua , & minima , contemnimus . Wee are lif●d vp and enlarged , we despise things below ; in our contemplation of Heauen and things that are aboue , we trample vnder foote these our baser and inferiour fortunes , as being of very little of no esteeme . So that , as Bradwardine obserueth out of Ptolomie : Scientia Astrorum ; assimilat hominem suo Creatori . The knowledge and vnderstanding of the Heauenly Creatures , doth make a Man like vnto his Creator . 6 And , no meruaile . For indeede this motion of the Heauens ( if it duly be considered ) cannot possibly proceed from any other Author , but onely from God. As it appeareth by this reason : That , this motion of the Starres , must needs be , a motion , either proceeding from their owne nature ; or beside their nature . It must needs be amotion , either secundùm Naturam ; or praeter Naturam . But , that their motion , is not of their owne proper nature , I haue already proued , in the first Section of this Chapter : because it hath no begining , neither from their Matter , nor yet from their Forme . And , other Nature haue they none . Now , if it be beside their Nature ; th●n must 〈◊〉 be , either by Chance , or by Prudence . By Chance it cannot be : for then , they would neither moue so orderly , nor so constantly : because nothing is more contrar●● 〈◊〉 Chance and Fortune is , to constancie , and reason . And therefore , th●●r motion , being so constant and orderly , must needs be directed , not by Fortune , but by Wisdome . From whence , it must needs follow , that the opinion of the Epicure , who ascribeth all the motions of the Heauens , vnto Chance ; is an opinion , not onely impious and odious , but also foolish and ridiculous . As the Orator maketh it plaine , by two notable Examples , of two Artificiall Spheres , made to the imitation of the heauenly Orbs : the one of them , by Archimedes ; the other of them , by Possidonius : and both of them , with such singular Art , and cunning , that they did , ( as Varro speaketh ) vias stelligeras aetheris explicare , aere cauo . They shewed , by their hollow brazen wheeles , all the seuerall motions , of the Starry Heauens . Now ( saith the Orator , in that place ) If either of these Spheres were shewed vnto the barbarous Britaines , yea ▪ or vnto the very Scythians ; they would , neither of them , doubt , but these workes were wrought by reason : then , much more , must the Heauens themselues ( for they are much perfecter ) Nisi Archimedem arbitramur plus valuisse , in imitandis Sphaerae conuersionibus , quàm Naturam , in efficiendis . Vnlesse we should im●gine , that Archimedes could shew more Art , in imitating the motions of the Heauens , then nature could do , in making of them . Which were vtterly absurd : as Lactantius collecteth , euen from this very instance . Deus , illa non potuit vera , machinari & effìcere , quae potuit solertia hominis imitatione simulare ? Shall not God be able to doe that , in truth , which a Man is able to counterfeite , by art ? Qûi igitur conuenit ( saith Tully , in the last alledged place ) Signum , aut Tabulam pictam , cûm aspexeris , scire adhibitam esse artem ; cumque procul cursum nauìgij videris , non dubitare , quìn id ratione , & arte moueatur ; aut cùm solarium vel descriptum , vel ex a qua contemplare , intelligere , declarari horas arte , non casu : Mundum autem , qui & has ipses artes , & earum artifices , & cuncta amplectitur , consilij & rationis expertem putare ? What reason is there , that , when we looke vpon , either a Statue , or a Picture , we should know , that it must needes be ruled , by art ; and when we looke vpon a Clocke , or a Diall , wee should know , that that must needes be made , by art : and yet to thinke , that the World , which containeth all those Artes , yea , and their Artificers too , should bee framed without art ? For , as he well inferreth , in another place , Neminem esse opportet , tam stultè arrog●ntem , vt in se rationem & mentem putet inesse , in Coelo Mundo ▪ non putet . There ought no man to bee so foolishly arrogant , as to thinke , that , in himselfe , there is a spirit , and reason ; and yet , that , in the heauens themselues , there is none . Which are so farre from being made without reason , that their making cannot be conceiued without great reason : as the Orator well obserueth . From whence hee truely concludeth , that hee needes must be a mad man , that ascribes them vnto Chance . Haec omnis descriptio sydenum , at ▪ hic tantus Coeli ornatus , ex corporibus , hûc & ill●c casu & temere cursantibus , potuisse effici , cuiquam sano videri potest ? This whole description of the Starres , and this so great beauty of the Heauens , can it possibly seeme to any man , that is well in his wits , to bee an effect of certaine Bodies , moouing vp and downe by chance , and at all aduentures ? So that , with him , it is out of question ; that the Heauens are mooued ; ●●t by Fortune , but by Wisdome . But yet , a greater Question remaines still behind : By whose wisdome it is , that the Heauens and Starres be mooued ? For , if they be mooued by Wisdome ; then either by their owne , or by some others aboue them . As Horace insinuateth , in the part of his diuision : Stellae , sponte sua , iussaenè vagentur , & errent ? The Starres all in their courses , mooue they still , Or by their owne , or their Commanders will ? Yeelding , that , if it be not by the former , then , it must be , by the latter . But , by the former , it is not . It is not by motion , of their owne will , or reason . For they haue none in them . They are so farre from being , either the Authors , or Directors , of their owne proper motions ; as that they vnderstand not , so much , as that they mooue at all : as euen Lucretius himselfe directly affirmeth : Nam certè , neque consilio primordia rerum Ordine se quaeque atque sagaci mente locârunt : Nec , quos quaeque darent motus , pepigêre prosectò . Things , at the first , they did not certainly Themselues dispose , by counsell orderly : Nor did they , by a composition , Appoint themselues their propper motion . It was , a much wiser , and intelligent Author , that disposed all these things , in so exquisite an order : which were in his hand , but meerely passiue , as Clay is in the hand of the Potter ; that neither vnderstandeth , of what forme , it is made ; nor yet , for what vse , it is prouided . And , no more doe the Stars , in what manner they bee mooued . For , though they should make such an excellent Harmony , as before I haue described : yet doe not they themselues vnderstand that they make it , no more then an harpe , or other musicall instrument vnderstandeth the tune that is playd vpon it . And , though they doe produce many notable effects , and benefits , in the earth , by that enterchange of seasons , which they occasion by their motions ; yet do not they themselues vnderstand that they doe it : no more then the wheeles in a mill doe vnderstand , what manner of Corne they grind . So that , the Heauens doe grind for vs ; yea , and find for vs too ▪ and yet they themselues doe not know what they doe : because they doe , volutatione haec , non voluntate facere : as Iustin Martyr well obserueth : They doe this , by their motion ; they doe it not , by their meaning . Dionysius exemplifieth , by instance of the Sunne : that , Sol , non cogitatione , aut voluntate , sed , eo ipso quod est , omnia illustrat , The Sunne imparteth his light vnto all things ; but , not by any will or purpose , but by being a light-some substance ; as a Candle likewise doth : Vnto which there is no man so simple as to ascribe a will. Neither can they to the Sunne . It is not , by his owne will , that it shineth vpon all things : but , it is onely , by the Goodwill of that God , which made it : who hath commanded and appointed it , to shine vpon the bad , as well as on the good : as our Sauiour Christ testifieth . And this was not vnknowne , euen to the very Heathen . Gratuitos habemus Deos ( saith Seneca : ) Nam & sceleratis Sol oritur , & piratis patent maria : The Gods are most gracious , and bestow their blessings freely : For the Sunne doth shine vpon the wickedest persons , and the Seas are open to the cruellest Pirats : Ascribing the shining of the Sun , not to his owne will , but to the gracious will of God , as our Sauiour before did . And as it is in his shining ; so is it likewise in his mouing . His motion is by Gods will ; and not by his owne . And though it be sayd , by the Prophet Dauid , that , The Sunne knoweth his going downe : yet , that must be taken , not to be a proper , but a figuratiue speaking : Implying , that the Sunne obserueth his prescribed motion , ( which here , by Synecdoche , is expressed by his setting ) so precisely to the poynt , that in the least iot , hee neuer erreth from it . And therefore ( by the figure , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he is sayd , to doe the same vpon knowledge and vnderstanding . Non quòd animatus sit , aut ratione vtatur ( sayth S. Basil , vpon this place ) sed quòd , iuxta terminum diuinitùs praescriptum , ingrediens semper eundem cursum seruat , ac mensur as suas custodit . Not that the Sunne h●th any soule , or vse of vnderstanding , but that it keepeth his courses and measures exactly , according to Gods prescription . So that , the Sunnes knowing his going downe ( as Baruch in his Epistle expresseth it ) is nothing else ( in true propriety of speech ) but , his obedience to Gods ordinance , in his going downe . Which he likewise affirmeth , of all the other Starres : who yet haue no more sense or knowledge of their seuerall motions , then an arrow in the ayre knoweth , whither it flyeth ; or , a ship in the water , whither it sayleth ; or , a Chariot on the earth , whither it runneth . And yet , as when we see an arrow , to fly directly to any marke , whereunto it is aymed ; though we see not the Archer , by whom it was shot ; yet must we know , in reason , that it surely was directed by some skilfull person ; because it goeth so directly , hauing yet no skill to direct it selfe : so , when we see the heauens to produce vpon the earth , so many good effects , by yeelding vnto it such fruitfull season . and bringing out of it such plenty and variety of excellent fruites , whereby both men and beasts are nourished : and that they , ayming at this end , doe neuer faile to hit their marke : wee needes must vnderstand ( if wee haue any vnderstanding ) that this course is directed , by some heauenly Sagittarius , indued with excellent skill , and reason . For , as Aquinas well obserueth , insisting vpon this very comparison : Sicut motus Sagittae ad determinatum ●inem , demonstrat apertè , quòd sagitta dirigitur ab aliquo cognoscent : a certus cursus natur alium rerum , cognitione carentium , manifestè declarat , mundum ratione aliqua gubernari . As the flying of a shaft vnto his certaine marke , declareth , that it was shot by one , that well knew , whereunto he had aymed it : so the certaine mouing of all naturall things , which know not themselues any thing of their owne motion , declareth , that they are moued , by on● that hath vnderstand●ng . And so likewise , for the other two comparisons . When we behold a ship , to winde , and to turne , and to fetch about , so diuersly ; and yet to come , at last , into that very hauen , which it intended , at the first : wee must needs know as certainly , that it is guided by the reason of some skilfull Pilot , as we certainly know , that it hath no proper reason of it owne , to guide it : as Theophilus Antiochenns obserueth , insisting vpon this second Comparison . Quemadmodùm enim , si quis cernat navem , suis armamentis instructam , mare sulcare & in portum appellere ; certè credet aliquem , a quo gubernetur , in ea esse gubernatorem : Sic certè ; nemo adeò abiecti est animi , quìn credat , Deum esse gubernatorem omnium , quamuis oculis carnalibus eum non assequamur . As when a man shall see a Ship , rigged out , with all her tacklings , to saile through the Sea , and directly to arriue at her desired hauen ; he must needs know , she hath , within her , some cunning and skilfull gouernour : So , no man can be so abiectly minded , but he must needs know , God to be the Governour of all things , though he doe not behold him , with his bodily eyes . And so likewise it is , in the mouing of a Chariot . It cannot goe whither it is purposely intended , if it haue not some skilfull driuer , to direct it . In like case , the Heauens themselues , they could neuer moue , so orderly , and directly , in their courses , if God himselfe were not the ruler , & director of their motions : quasi Auriga , habenas , & gubernator , clavum tenens ( saith Philo Iudaeus , insisting vpon this third comparison ) holding their raynes , like their Driuer , and their helme , like their Gouernour . So that , though we grant , that the motion of the Heauens ; is performed by excellent arte and wisdome ; yet is it not , by their owne wisdome ; but , by the arte and wisdome of that ruler , that guideth them . As Lactantius plainely sheweth , by the Sphere of Archimedes . Wherein , though there were great arte and wisedome vsed , to make that Sphere moue so artificially , and orderly ; yet was not that wisdome in the Sphere it selfe ; but , in the Maker of it , that so cunningly contriued it . And so is it likewise , with the Heauens . Their turning , and returning , so swiftly , so orderly , so constantly , to so many good effects , as they bring forth in the earth , doth manifestly shew , that their motion must needs be ruled by prouidence and wisdome . But yet , that wisdome , is not in themselues , that haue those motions ; but , in their maker , that gaue them . There is not in themselues , Sensus officij sui , sciens : any sense , or vnderstanding of those offices , which they performe . But they compasse all their motions , Non suo consilio , sed Artificis ingenio : as hee addeth in the same place . From whence he truly concludeth , that , Inest syderibus ratio , ad peragendos motus suos : sed Dei est illa ratio , qui & fecit , & regitomnia ; non ipsorum syderum , quee mouentur . The Stars doe shew great wisdome , in the performing of their motion : but it is none of their owne . It is the wisdome of God , who both made , and ruleth euery thing . So that , it may truely be sayd of the Heauens , as it was of a carued wooden head : that there is in them , Artis multum , sed sensus nihil : There is a great deale of Arte and cunning , in their making ; but yet no sense at all of their owne mouing . And , though Seneca deride it , as a foolish opinion , to thinke , that so constant , and so orderly a motion , can either be done , by Fortune , or by any such Nature , as is ignorant of his owne doing : [ vel temeritate quadam , vel natura n●sciente quid faciat ] yet , to thinke the contrarie , is , indeed , a greater follie : vnlesse , by Nature , he meane , Naturam Naturantem , The God of Nature : and not , Naturam naturatam , The Creature of God. For , Natura naturans , hee both knoweth , and ordereth all their motions , though they themselues know them not , no more then the wheeles doe in a Clock . And therefore Tullie himselfe ( euen from this very comparison ) concludeth , that it needs must be from God , that they receiue all their motion . An cùm machinatione quadam moueri aliquid videmus , vt Sphaeram , vt Horas , vt alia permulta , non dubitamus quìn illa opera sint rationis ; cùm autem impetum Coeli , cum admirabili celeritale mou●ri , vertique , videamus , constantissimè conficientem vicissitudines anniversarias , cum summa salute , & conseruatione rerum omnium ; dubitamus , quìn ea , non solùm ratione fiant , sed etiam excellenti , divináque ratione ? Marke , Divina ratione . When we see anything moued by an artificiall engine , as a Sphere , or a Clocke , or any other such like thing , wee neuer make any doubt , but that those Workes were wrought by reason : And , can wee then doubt , when we see the heauens to mooue , with such incredible celerity , and yet to keepe their yearely courses , with such admirable constancy , procuring vnto all things , both their health , and safety , that this must be the worke , not onely of reason , but also of Diuine , and most excellent Reason ? Ascribing the regularity of their motion , not vnto their owne , but vnto Diuine Wisdome . In which sentence , though it should bee thought , that Tully doth but Platonize , implying [ by Diuine Wisdome ] none other , but their owne , as reckoning the Starres themselues , to be Gods : yet , euen so , it proues the Cause : that the motions of the Heauens being so constant , and orderly , cannot otherwise bee stirred , but by the wisedome of God. And consequently , that it sheweth , that there needes must be a God. Yea , and in another place , hee goeth further , affirming of this so apt and orderly a motion , that it not onely cannot bee performed , in the naturall heauen , without the power and wisedome of a God ; but also , not to bee imitated , by Archimedes , in his Artificiall heauen , without a diuine illumination from God. Quod si in hoc mundo fieri , sine Deo , non potest ; ne in Sphaera quidem , eosdem motus , Archimedes , sine divino ingenio , potuisset imitari . Which sentence of his , cannot bee vnderstood , of the fore-named Star-Gods ; but of that God , which ruleth both the Heauens , and the Starres : which is the true God , as Arrianus truely noteth . He it is , Qui Solem & fecit , & circumducit . He it is , that made the Sun , and he it is that mooueth the Sun : Yea , and the Heauens , wherein they mooue too . As for the fore-named dotage of opinion , that The Stars should haue their soules , and by them bee mooued , in those orderly courses , vpon their owne voluntary wills ; euen Plato himselfe , the strongest defender of that groundlesse fancie , yet speaketh of it , but weakely , and doubtfully . For hee , ( not knowing , what well to determine ) affirmeth of those motions of the Heauens : Impossibile esse , Coelum stellasque omnes , adeó exquisita ratione , annis , mensibus , diebúsque circumvolui , nobisque , omnibus bona omnia facere , nisi anima singulis aut adsit , aut in sit : That it is vnpossible , that the Heauens , and the Starres should mooue , in so excellent an order , distinguishing , by their motions , both yeares , and moneths , and dayes , and so ye●lding vnto vs all good and comfortable things , vnl●sse euery one of them , had either a spirit present with it , or a soule within it : Not determining this latter , but leauing it in suspence , whether it may not bee the former . But , Aristotle derideth it , as a meere fable , that the Heauen should haue a soule ; and that their motion , from that principle , should draw his beginning . Which hee proueth to bee false , by the force of two reasons , The first whereof , is this : That , if they had this perpetuall motion , from their soule ; it would bee wearisome and yrkesome , to be occupied still , in doing one and the same thing : Neque talis animae vita , sine dolore , beataque esse potest . And the life of such a soule , cannot be but full of griefe , and cleane destitute of blisse . For , Natura varietate delectatur , The soule is delighted with variety . It is dulled with identity . Especially , if it haue no intermission , no alternation of rest . It will then bee , Negotium , ab omni voluptate mentis semotum ; si requies non est . Yea , and , Eò magis laboriosum , quò magis perpetuum : as hee addeth , in that place : That worke can haue but a little pleasure , that neuer giueth leasure : but is so much the more painefull , by how much the more perpetuall . Whereupon hee inferreth , That such a perpetuall doing of one and the same worke must needes bee as painfull vnto the soule , as Ixions turning vpon his wheele . For , if the Starres bee gods , and moued by their owne eternall soules ; they can neither haue honour , nor profite , nor pleasure , in running still one course perpetually , without any varietie . For , Qualis honor , vel quale lucrum , vel quanta voluptas , Esse potest Divis , versantibus aethera semper ? Nonne decet potiùs libertas maxima Divos ? Vt quocunque velint , faciles accedere possint , Ne , tanquam dura devincti compede , nusquàm Ire queant , semperque loco teneantur eodem ? Aut tanquàm figuli instantes operí ▪ rotaeque , Nunquam decedant scamno , nunquàm otia captent ? Esine illis adeò dulcis labor ill● rotandi ? And labor ille potest Divis nunq●àm esse molestus ? What good , what gaine , what honour , or what pleasures , Can any gods take in their turning Measures ? Wherein th' are alwayes tyed to moue the Sphere ? The greatest freedome them most fitting were . As that , where're they would , they might apply Themselues , with pleasure and facility . Lest they might s●eme , as chain'd to one set place , And not elsewhere haue l●aue to take their race : But euen as Potters , task't to tedious labour , From stall , and wheele , and worke do ne're giue ouer . What , is that toyle of whirling Spheres so sweete , Or , can that toyle be still for gods so meete ? This must needes be very yrkesome , to continue still in one and the same motion , without any alteration : especially , to any thing , that hath a soule , indued with either sense , or reason . And therefore , Plato affirmeth , that , Seipsum semper convertere , fermè nihil potest ; praeter id , quod cursum , agitatis omnibus , praestat . That nothing can endure , to turne about it selfe euer ; but onely that one thing , which giueth motion to all things . Whereupon , he there concludeth : Mundum seipsum non convertere semper : putting the doubt , out of doubt : That the motion of the Heauens is not voluntary of themselues . His second Reason , is this ; that , Nature hath not giuen a voluntary or animal-motion vnto any thing , but shee hath also giuen it fit meanes and instruments , to exercise the same : as feete , vnto Beasts ; wings , vnto Birds : and sinnes , vnto Fishes ; and such like . But , vnto the Starres shee hath giuen no such instruments , but made them round and teret , like a globe , as if shee had purposely depriued them of all the meanes of voluntarie motion . Vniversa videtur , tanquam de industria , abstulisse , quibus per se procedere ipsa possent . From whence hee collecteth , that Nature neuer intended to bestow vpon them any voluntarie motion . Nequeo enim animalia ipsi curae ●uêre , adeò verò praestabiles res despexit . Vnlesse we should imagine , that Nature , which hath shewed such a care ouer these earthly Creatures , would carelesly praetermit , or despise those Heauenly . This is the whole summe of Aristotles reasons , to proue , that the Starres haue no voluntarie motions . Plato indeed rendereth a reason , why the Heauens haue no neede of any instruments of motion ; as Legges , or Feete . But they be such , as shew plainely , that their motion is not voluntarie . Now , to recollect the summe of this long Chapter : If this regular , and orderly motion of the Starres , be , neither naturally giuen vnto them , either by their Matter , or by their Forme : nor accidentally fallen vpon them , either by Chance , or Fortune : nor voluntarily composed by them , out of their owne election : then must it needs be imposed vpon them , by diuine constitution : as Plutarch truely collecteth : accompting this for a sufficient enumeration . But , the three former branches are largely proued , in three Sections of this Chapter . And therefore , the Author of their motions , must needs be God himselfe . It can be none other . Whom Boetius truly calleth , — Terrarum , Coeli ▪ satorem , — qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernat . Earths planter and Heauens placer , who , Worlds vast circumference Both made , and doth maintaine and rule , by lasting prouidence . So that , for this point , I conclude with Lactantius ; that , Tanta rerum magnitudo , tanta dispositio , tanta in s●ruandis ordinibus temporibusque constantia , non potuit , autolìm , sine prouido Artifice , oriri , aut constare tot seculis , ●ine incola potenti , aut in perpetuum gubernari , sine perito & sciente Rectore . Quod ratio ipsa declarat . Such a greatnes , in the Creature ; such a comelines , in their order , such , a constancie , in obseruing both their courses , and their seasons ; could neuer , either , at first , haue beene framed , without a cunning hand ; or , so long haue beene praeserued , without a powerfull inhabitant ; or , so wisely haue beene gouerned , without a skilfull Regent . As , euen Reason it selfe maketh it plaine and euident . CHAP. 12. That God hath made all his creatures , in Harmonicall proportion , and in a kinde of Musicke . That all creatures are naturally deloghted with it . 3. That they prayse God in their kinds , with their naturall Musicks . 4. That Artificiall musicke is the gift of God to men . 5. That the chiefest end of it , is to prayse God with it . WE are now , at the last , come vnto the last of the Mathematicall Sciences : which is the Arte of Musicke : of which I purpose not to discourse , as a curious Musitian , but as a Diuine . And therefore , I will not , Artem Musicam in trutina examinare , as Aristophanes speaketh . I will not strictly examine euery croch●t and quauer , as it were , vpon the ballance : but ( looking directly vpon mine owne marke , with a stedfast eye ) I will onely vnfold those fiue poynts , vnto you , which I haue summed vp before , in the contents of this Chapter . And that but very lightly ; to auoyd all curiositie . First therefore , for the first of them . It was Pythagoras his position : Vniversi , naturam Musicis fuisse rationibus fabricatam : That the frame of this whole world , is made , in a kind of naturall Musick . And the most of the old Philosophers ( as Plutarch reporteth ) concurred with him , in the very same opinion : A Deo omnia fuisse instituta , secundùm Harmoniam : That God hath made all his workes , exactly , vnto the due proportion of a Musicall Harmonie . And we may see it plainely verified , if we will take a Suruey , of all the Creatures of God ; beginning which the highest , and so , by degrees , descending the lowest . And first , for the Heauens , the highest of Gods workes : I haue partly shewed before , in the former Chapter , what an excellent Harmonie God hath bestowed into them , both actually , in their motions ; and virtually , in their influences , I doe leaue the former of those Harmonies , to the libertie of the Readers , to beleeue , or not beleeue , as it pleaseth themselues . But , this latter of them , is a thing so euident , of their gracious influences vpon these inferior Bodies ; that he must needs be destitute , both of sense , and reason , that denieth it . Neither , doe the Philosophers , only beleeue the body of the Heauens , are made , in musicall proportion ; but also , that their soules and Intelligences , from whence they haue their motion , are also made , by the same composition . Plato , describing the Creation of the Soule of the world , he setteth downe exactly , all the seuerall substances , whereof it is compounded : and nameth there praecisely , both all the particular Ingredients , and all their seuerall doses . In which Argument Macrobius likewise hath taken great pa●nes , to expresse more plainely , that which was deliuered by Plato more obscurely ; as concerning both the Matters , and the Measures , of the Soules composition : which hee reduceth exactly , vnto Musicall proportion : Yea and further ascribeth , all the Musicall Harmonie of the Heauens themselues , onely vnto that musicall composition , which God gaue vnto the soule of the Heauens , in his first Creation . Ergò , Mundi anima , qu ae , ad motum , hoc , quod videmus , Vniversitatis corpus impellit , contexta numeris , musicam dese creantibus concinnentiam , necesse est , vt sonos musicos , de motu , quem proprio impulsu praestat , efficiat . The soule of the World , which stirreth the bodie of the World vnto motion , being it selfe made of such numbers , as beget in it selfe , a musicall Harmonie ; must needs , in all those motions , which it selfe procureth , produce a musicall Harmonie likewise . Yea , and a little after , hee attributeth vnto this musicall Composition of that soule , not onely the Harmonicall motion of the Heauens , but also , all that delight in Musicke , which all liuing Creatures does take , here vpon the earth . Iure igitur , Musicá capitur omne quod viuit ; quia coelestis anima , qua animatur vniversitas , Originem sumpsit ex Musica . By right , must euery thing that hath life , be delighted with Musicke ; because the soule of the world , which giueth them their life , is it selfe compounded of a kind of Musick . This is the conceit , which the ancient Philosophers haue had , of the Musick and Harmonie of the Heauens , not onely in their Bodies , but also in their Soules . All of them proceeding onely , from that diuine and heauenly Harmonie , which Anselmus affirmeth to bee in God himselfe ; as I haue before obserued . I censure not their opinion , but onely note it , to declare , how strongly they were possessed , that all things in the world are compounded , in a kinde of Harmony , by God ; yea , euen the Soule of the world it selfe . Let vs therefore now come downe from the Heauens , vnto the Elements . For , in them also the Philosophers haue obserued diuers Harmonies . Plutarch , in his Booke , De prìmo Frigido , reporteth an old opinion , that God is called , by the name of a Musition . Which appellation hee interpreteth to bee giuen vnto him , for his skilfull proportioning of the Elements , and their qualities , in the mixture and temper of all compound bodies . Aeris mutationes , & effecta , quia temperat Deus , Musicus appellatur . God is called a Musition , for his skilfull tempering of the ayre , and his effects , in these mixed Bodies : Non , quòd gravia acutis , aut alba nigris accommodet , interque ea consonantiam efficiat : sed , quód caloris , & frigoris , in mundo societatem , dissidiumque ita gubernet , vt , & coeant , & diseedant moderatè ; & ( nimia vtrique , vehementia adempta ) in rectum modum componat . God is called a Musition ; not , for his skilfull mingling of either flat , with sharpe ; or white , with blacke ; and so making vp his Musicke : but , because he so guideth the contrary qualities of Heate , and Cold , in the World ; that be maketh them , both to come together , and to depart asunder , in a very wholsome and temperate manner . This calleth he , Gods Musicke : which is , indeede , most pleasant , yea , and no lesse profitable , then it is delightfull . Because God hath so graciously tempered the contrarie Qualities of the Elements together , that , as Manilius truly noteth : Frigida nè calidis desint , aut humida siccis , Spiritus aut solidis ; sitque . haec discordia concors . That neither cold things want their hot , nor moyst things misse their dry , Nor sad things lacke the Spirits power , to quicken them thereby : So making Musicall concent of contrariety . Which Comparison , Ouid likewise vseth , vnto the same purpose , onely changing the termes ; and , for his Discordia concors , concording discord , putting — Concordia discors , discording Concord . And so likewise doth Horace , keeping the same termes . — Rerum concordia discors . Yea , and Seneca expresseth the very same thing , by the very same comparison : Tota huius mundi concordia , ex discordibus constat : The whole concordance of the world consists in discordances : maintaining still the same Musicall conceit , for the aptnesse and proprietie of it : Whereby they insinuate , that , howsoeuer the Elements haue a discord in their nature ; yet haue they a concord in their mixture : Quae nexus habiles , & opus generabile tingit , Atque omnis partus elementa capacia reddit : Which concord knits the Elements , in wholesome linckes together , And makes them able to produce , euen all this whatsoeuer : as Manilius obserueth in the fore-alledged place . And , as he ascribeth the Generation : so Aristotle ascribeth the Conseruation of all things vnto this Harmonicall mixture of the Elements . For hee saith , that , That power which created the World , did , Naturas maximè contrarias , ad mutuam cogere convenientiam , & per hac salutem parere vniverso . It ioyned things together that were contrary in nature : and yet thereby prouided for the s●fety of the whole World. For , as Hippodamus truely noteth , Nisi Harmonia & Prouidentia divina Mundus regeretur , non possent ampliùs in bono statu permanere quae mundo continentur . If the world were not gouerned by the Harmony of Gods prouidence , there could nothing in the world continue in good estate . Yea , and Aristotle , in the former place , hee goeth one steppe further ; ascribing to this Harmonicall mixture , not onely the conseruation , but also the Creation , and exornation of the world . Rerum omnium constitutionem , Coeli , inquam , & Terrae , vniversique mundi concretionem , vno exornavit & instruxit concentu . It adorned the generall Creation of all things , both of Heauen , and Earth , and of the whole world , onely by this sweete mixture , and harmonicall consent . And , Hugo de Victore obserueth the same thing : yet speaketh of it , more diuinely , as being a Christian. Si Vniversitatis huius machinam intuitus fueris ; invenies , quam mirabili ratione , & sapientia , compositio rerum omnium perfecta sit , quàm apta , quàm congru● , quam d cora . In qua , non solùm concordiam servant similia ; s●de tiam quae ( cre●nte potentia ) diversa , & repugnantia , ad esse prodierunt , dictante sapientia , ad vnam quodammodo amicitiam , & foederationem conveniunt . If you well consider of the frame of this world , you shall finde , with how great wisdome , the same hath bene wrought , and how aptly , how fitly , and decently , composed . For therein , not only like things preserue peace and vnity ; but also things contrary do ioyne league and amity . And then hee proceedeth to exemplifie his meaning , by our present instance of the Harmonicall mixture of the Elements . Quid repugnatius esse potest Aqua , & ●gne ? quae tamen , in rerum natura , ita Dei contemperavit prudentia , vt , non solùm ad invicem societatis vinculum non dissipent , verùm etiam , noscentibus cu●ctes , vt subsistere possint , vitale nutrimentum subministrent . What is more contrary in Nature , then Fire , and water ? which yet are so farre from breaking the bond of their common coniunction , that , by a ioynt consent , they minister vnto all things , their vitall food , and nourishment ? This is the Harmony of the Elements , consisting all of Concords . Now , beside this , they haue another , which consisteth all of Discords . And that is , when any one of them doth either exceede their due proportion , which worketh a discord in all those bodies , that are compounded of them , and tendeth directly vnto their dissolution : or , when they digresse from their right and naturall vses , and turne their benefits into punishments . Which oftentimes is done , for the sinne of man. As it was , to the Aegyptians : when the fire descended , and destroyed their fruite : the water putrified , and turned into blood : the aire was poisoned , with noysome flyes : and the earth corrupted , with the stinke of their froggs . Here was a great change , from that sweete and melodious tune , which God intended in their first Creation , into an harsh and vnpleasant one . But yet , euen in this change of their tune , they kept still a good harmony ; and harmony concording with Gods seuerity , though somewhat discording with his mercy . As the Wiseman obserueth , in the booke of Wisedome , where be expresseth that perturbation , by this very comparison . The Elements ( saith he ) greed among themselues , in this change , as when one tune is changed vpon an instrument of Musicke , and yet the melody still preserued . These be the two Harmonies of the Elements . Let vs now descend , as yet one steppe lower , vnto those compounded Bodies , which are made of their mixtures : and we shall see , that God hath giuen the like Harmonies vnto them . First an Harmonie of Concords ; which euidently appeareth in that amicable and louing agreement , that is seene betweene all the parts of their bodies , in seruing , and cherishing , and comforting one another : which they doe , and performe , with that true sympathy & compassion , that , if one member suffer , all the rest do suffer with it : & , if one be had in honour , al the rest reioyce with it . And diuers other notes there be of a singular symphonie and agreement betweene them . Wherein , as Hugo de Victore noteth , Omnium membrorum iuncture tantam invicem seruant concordiam , vt nullum omninò possit inveniri membrum , cuius officum alteri non videatur afferre adminiculum . Al the members of the body , are ioyned together , in so louing an vnitie , that there is not any of them , but that in discharging his own proper office , it bringeth also some helpe vnto his other fellow-members . Whereupon he there concludeth : Sic omnis natura se diligit , & miro quodam modo plurium dissimilium in vnum redactorum concordia , vnam in omnibus Harmoniam facit . Thus euerything , by nature , is louing to it selfe , and by ioyning things vnlike in true concord together , after an admirable manner , it maketh , in the whole body , a most sweete and pleasant Harmonie . This Harmonie of Concords hath God generally disposed , into the parts & members of al cōpounded bodies . Now , he hath also placed among them , another kinde of Harmonie , consisting all of Discords : in mixing of things of contrary natures , throughout all his works . For , there is none of all his Creatures , but God hath created something contrary vnto it ; which contendeth with it , by the contrariety of Nature , as one Enemie fighteth with another . And yet , all of them together , beget in the world , a most sweet & wholesome Concord . I meane , not only of those Sympathies , and Antipathies , which God hath planted in diuers of his Creatures ; wherby some of them amicably embrace one another , as most louing friends ; others of them hatefully decline one another , as most mortal enemies ; ( A secret in nature , whereof the learnedest men were neuer yet able to giue any reason ( as Plutarch truly noteth , Aelianus confirmeth ) but , euen in the other most common & ordinary workes of God , we shal finde none of them so free , but that it hath in nature , in some sort , his contrarie . So that , the frame of the whole world , doth seeme to benothing else , but only a mixture & composition of Contraries : striuing stil together , ( though in more orderly manner ) as they did in the masse of their confused Chaos : wherein , as the Poet describeth it , Frigida pugnabant calidis , humentia siccis , Mollia cum duris , sine pondere habentia pondus . Cold things with hot , moyst things with dry did fight , Soft things with hard , and sad things with the light . And such is still the fight and conflict of contraries , euen in this well ordered and beautifull world , though the same hand , which then distinguished them into their seuerall orders , doth now so moderate and keepe them in order , that their contraries and repugnancies tende , both vnto the safetie , and beauty of the world ; and not , either to the hurte , or to the blemish of it . In which respect , S. Augustine compareth that Naturall order , which God hath taken , in mingling of Contraries , through all the rancks of his Creatures , to that artificiall order , which Musitions ofttimes take , in the making of their Songs . Deus ordinem seculorum , tanquàm pulcherrimum carmen , ex quibusdam quasi Antithetis , honest avit . God hath framed and compounded the order of the vniuerse , in the manner of a curious & elegant verse ; artificially adorned with members , all of Contraries . Like that sentence of S. Paules : By Honour & dishonour by euill report , & good report ; as deceiuers , & yet true ; as vnknown , & yet known as dying , & yet behold we liue ; as chastened , & yet not killed ; as sorrowing , & yet alwayes reioycing ; as poore , & yet making many rich ; as hauing nothing , and yet possessing all things . Not vnlike that of Terence : Omnia habeo , neque quicquam habeo , nihil cùm est , nihil deest tamen . Whereupon S. Augustine , in the same place , concludeth , that , Sicut contraria contrarijs opposita sermonibus pluchritudinem reddunt ; ita , quadam , non verborum , sed rerum , eloquentia , contrariorum appositione , seculi pulchritudo componitur . As contraries , opposed vnto contraries , do yeeld a kind of grace & beautie to the speech , so God , by placing contraries against their contraries , in a kinde , not of verbal , but of real eloquence , hath giuen a great grace and beautie to his worke . Which conceit of S. Augustine , deliuered by him , but in generall termes , is illustrated by Tertullian ; by the apposition . of many very notable particular instances , and those very fit and apposite . Tota operatio Dei , ex diversitatibus constat ; ex Corporalibus , & incorporalibus ; ex animalibus , & inanimalibus ; ex vocalibus & mutis ; ex mobilibus & stativis ; ex genitalibus & sterilibus ; ex aridis , & humidis : ex calidis & frigidis ; &c. The whole workemanship of God is compounded all of Contraries , of things corporeal , and incorporeall ; of things liuing , and without life ; of things loquent , and silent ; of things moueable , and vnmoueable ; of things fertile , and sterile ; of things dry , and moyst ; of things hot , and cold ; &c. And the same that hee hath shewed , by those instances , in the great world , he proceedeth to declare , in Man also , the little world . Sic , & Hominem ipsum diversitas temperavit , tam in corpore , quàm insensu . Alia membra fortia , alia infirma ; alia honesta , alia inhonesta ; alia gemina , alia vnica ; alia comparia , alia disparia . Perindè , & in sensu : nunc laetitia , nunc anxietas ; nunc amor , nunc odium ; nunc ira , nunc lenitas . In like case , Man himselfe is made by God of meerely Contraries : and that not only in his body , but also in his soule too . Some parts of Man be strong , & some againe be weake ; some comely , some homely ; some double , some single ; some aequall , some vnaequall . And so likewise in his mind there is sometimes mirth , and sometimes greife ; sometimes loue , and sometimes hate ; sometimes feircenes , and sometimes mildnesse . So that , the whole world is , in effect , nothing else but only a massie Coagmentation of Contraries . As Ecclesiasticus also directly obserueth . Euill is against good , & death against life ; the Godly against the sinner , & the vniust against the faithfull . And so , in all the workes of the most High , thou mayst see , that there be euer Two : and the one of them , is against the other . Neither is this , the onely Obseruation of religious Christians ; but also , of the irreligious Heathen . Wherein , many of the most learned haue exactly concurred , affirming , that God ( like a skilfull Painter to shew the grace of his worke the better , hath composed the whole world of opposite parts ; as it were , of Lights and shadowes . Which as Trismegistus noteth , is a matter , of so pure and absolute necessity , that , without it , the world could haue had no beautie . For , if Contraries had not bene thus mingled together , the curious workes of Nature could not haue beene distinguished one of them from another . And therefore he pronounceth , that , Ex oppositione & contrarietate constare omnia , necesse est : neque alitor se habere , possibile est . For , as in a Picture , if all were blacke , or all white , there could be no grace or beauty in the worke : so in all the workes of Nature , if all were good , or all bad , there could be no grace or sweetnesse in any of them , because no distinction . And therefore Pythagoras ( as Varro obserueth ) maintained this opinion : Omnium rerum initia esse bina : vt , sinitum , & infinitum ; bonum , & malum ; vitam , & mortem ; diem , & noctem . That the first Principles of all things in all kindes , are two contraries : as Finite , and Infinite ; Good , and Euill ; Life , and Death ; Day , and Night ; and such like . Whose opinion , is by Aristotle expressed more fully : who setteth downe distinctly , ten seuerall combinations of Contraries , which the Pythagoreans defended , to be the first Principles and Originals of all things : As namely these following . Finitum , & infinitum ; Par , & Impar ; Vnum , & Plura ; Dextrum , & Sinistrum ; Masculinum , & Foemininum ; Quiescens , & Motum ; Rectum , & Curvum ; Lumen , & Tenebras ; Bonum , & Malum ; Quadratum , & Longum ; that is , Finite , and Infinite Euen , and Odde ; One , and Moe ; Right hand , and Left ; Male , and Female ; Resting , and Mouing ; Straight , and Crooked ; Light , and Darkenesse ; Good , and Euill ; Square , and Long. These Contraries , they not onely held to be in the world ; but also , to bee the working Principles of all things in the world . And therefore their Effects must needes be contrary , as well as their Causes . In which opinion , Al●meon conspired so fully with them ; that Aristotle doubteth , whether hee borrowed his opinion from them , or they theirs from him . Yea , and in another place hee confesseth , that it is the common opinion of all the Philosophers : That the first Principles of all thing must needes be meere Contraries . Omnes , Contraria Principia faciunt . But hee himselfe handleth this point more exactly , then any , & brings it home more properly vnto our present purpose . That , in this mixing of Contraries , in all sorts of Creatures , Nature delighteth her selfe pleasantly , as with a most sweete Harmony : Natura , ad contraria , miro fertur desiderio ; atque concentum ex his facit . Nature is strangely carried with a strong desire , of ioyning contrary things together ; and yet maketh of them a delightfull and most melodious tune . And this hee illustrates in that place , by very pregnant instances , both in Ciuill , and Artificiall , and Naturall things . For Ciuill things ; he giueth these instances : That euery City , though neuer so well composed , and in neuer so great concord ; yet consisteth of persons of contrary conditions ; some poore , some rich ; some yong , some old ; some weake , some strong , some good , some bad . All which , though they be many , yet make they but one City : and though , in nature , they bee vnlike ; yet make they a sweete concord , in the Ciuill State. In Artificiall things hee obserueth , that , Ars , adimitationem Naturae , se componens , idem praestat . That Art , as it imitateth Nature , in many other things ; so doth it also in this , that it maketh all her workes of a mixture of contraries . Whereof hee giueth these instances : The Art of Painting mixeth contrary colours in her Pictures : as blacke , with white ; and red , with yellow . The Art of Musicke mixeth contrary sounds in her Songes : as Sharps , with flats ; and briefes , with Longs . And the Art of Grammar mixeth contrary letters in her words : as vowells with mutes : and such like . In Naturall things , hee giueth these instances , that , Vis quaedam , per omnia dimanans , & transiens , siccitatem humori , calorem frigori , leue gravi commistum , & rotundo rectum ; Terram omnem , Mare , Aethera , Solem , Lunam , & Vniversum exornavit Coelum cum Mundum frabricata esset , ex diversis , & nullo modo immistilibus , aere , terra , igne , aqua , & imagine vna , quae globos comprehendit . There is a certaine power , which pierceth , and disperseth it selfe , through the whole world , ioyning dry things , with moyst , and hot things , with cold ; light things , with heauy ; and crooked , with straite : and yet , by this contrary composition , very excellently beautifying , both the earth , and sea , and skie , and Sun , and Moone , and generally all the heauen : making the frame of this world , of things of far vnlike nature , and such as refuse to be mingled together ; ayre , and earth , and fire , and water ; and Heauen , which comprehendeth all these Spheres , in his figure . Now all this commixtion of things , so contrary , do not tend to the defacing , but adorning of the world ; as Concords , and Discords doe , vnto the better tempering of the Harmony in Singing . For , by that very Comparison , doth Aristotle expresse them . Natura & Coelt , & terrae , vniversique mundi concretionem , principiorum maximè contrariorum , vno exornavit , & instruxit concentu . Nature hath compounded , both heauen , and earth , and all the whole World , of contrary Principles , to adorne it more beautifully , with a concent-full Harmony . Thus ( as Seneca obserueth , ioyning instances of all the fore-named heads together ) Nu●ilo , serena succedunt ; turbantur maria , cùm quieverunt ; noctem , Dies sequitur ; pars coeli consurgit , pars mergitur . Contrarijs , rerum aeternitas constat . After a storme , there comes a calme ; the Seas bee troubled , after they haue rested ; after the night , there appeareth day ; One part of the Heauen riseth vp , another goeth downe : The whole frame of the Vniuerse , is compounded of Contraries . And thus ( as Trismegistus obserueth ) Rerum singularum ordo , concentum quendam , melo divino dulcisonum , conficit . The very naturall order of things , produceth a pleasant Harmony , composed in a kind of diuine and Heauenly melody . Aud therefore hee affirmeth , that , Musicam nosse , nihil aliud est , quàm cunctarum rerum ordinem scire : To know Musicke , is nothing else , but to know the naturall order of things . For , as Maximus Tyrius affirmeth , Natura , est perfectissima Harmonia . There is no Harmony better , then the order of Nature . Thus God hath made an Harmony , in all his Creatures : by the ioynt obseruation , both of Christians , and Heathens . 2 But , the testimonie of neither of them , no , nor of them both together , doth so euidence the matter , as the things themselues doe ; by that incredible delight , which all of them doe naturally take , in the sweetnesse of Musick . For , there is nothing whatsoeuer , indued with a liuing and a sensible spirit , but it is rauished , in a sorte , and caried out of itself , with the bewitching sounds of Musicke . I omitt the fabulous narration of Amphion : as a Poëtical fiction : that the power of his Musick was so great , that he could , Saxa movere sono testudinis ; & , prece blanda , Ducere quò vellet . — With Lutes alluring sound , and his sweet tunes , he could Moue the hard Stones , and make them stirre where 're he would . Which , though it be but an Hyperbole , and Excesse of speech ; yet the Poet made choise of it , of set purpose , thereby to expresse , with a greater Emphasis , the incredible power of Musick , vnto vs. Which , indeed , is very great yea , and not onely with vs men ; but also with euery other liuing thing : both with Birds , and with Beasts , and with Fishes ; yea , and euen with very Wormes . As wee may see , in all of them , if wee will but looke vpon them . First , for Birds : there is no man , but may obserue , by his daily experience , with what a singular delight , they vse to solace , and entertaine themselues , with their naturall Musick ; chaunting-out their sweete melodie , vpon the pleasant branches of euery greene tree . A thing expresly noted by the holy Prophet Dauid : and by him there ascribed , to be the worke of God. Neither are they onely delighted with their owne naturall Musick ; but also with Mans artificiall Musick . As we may euidently see , in Thrushes Linnets , and Blackbirds , and such like , with what attention they will listen , vnto the pleasant sounds of Musicall Instruments : yea , and how perfectly they will learne the tunes of those Songs , that be whistled vnto them . Which artificiall notes , they could neuer possibly either learne so quickly , or render so exactly , but that the seeds of true Harmonie , be sowne in their soules , as well as in mens . Yea , and their delight in Musick is so great , that they often-times forget their very safetie it selfe , in comparison of it . As it is noted , by the Poet : Pistula dulce canit , volucrem dùm decipit auceps . The Sweetnesse of the Fowlers pipe , Deceives the Fowle , with his delight . Yea , euen Bees , when they swarme , and are vpon the wing , ready to take their flight , whither either the winde driueth them , or their Captaine leadeth them : yet , by the sounds of tinckling brasse , are setled againe , and retarded from their course : held onely , by that delight , which they naturally take in it ; as Plinie obserueth . Gaudent plausu , atque tinnitu aeris , eóque convocantur : Because they are delighted with that tune and tinckling , they are therewith called together . Yea and Aelianus likewise saith , Crepitaculis sonoris , tanquàm Syrenibus , retrahuntur : They are recalled , and as it were charmed , with those shrill sounds . Now likewise for Beasts : though their spirits be more dull , and their senses not so subtile , as is the sense of Byrds ; yet haue they no lesse a sense of Musick . For tame Beasts : Aelian giueth instance in the Arabian Sheepe ; that they grow fat , much more by their Musick , then they doe by their Meat . And againe in Elephants ; that they are allayed from their greatest rage , by the alluring sounds of Musick . And , of a contrarie effect , doth Iob giue instance , in the Horse ; who being enraged with the warlicke sounds of Musick , despiseth both wounds and death : and hearing the Trumpet , hee reioyceth at it , smelling the battle afarre off , and saying in a iollitie , Ha , Ha : as in that place hee expresseth it . And Aelianus in another description fitly paralleleth it . Yea , & yet againe , of another contrarie passion , in the Libian Mares ; that by the sounds of a certaine Hymenaean song , they are accended vnto Venerie : Which otherwise they decline . And , for Wilde-Beasts : Horace giueth an instance , in Orpheus ; that , by the power of his inchanting Musick , hee did — Lenire Tygrides , rapidosque Leones . Tame and make gentle Tygres feirce , And soften Lyons furious . Which , though the Poet there apply to an allegoricall interpretation : yet doth Aelian confirme it , by an Historicall narration . For he maketh report of diuers sorts of VVildBeasts , that be so farre mollified , with the inticing sounds of Musick , that they be made by it , forgetfull , both of their young ones , and themselues . As he proueth , in that place , by the practise of the Tyr●heans : who vse to draw Wilde Boores , and Harts , into their Nets , by the onely sweetnesse of certaine Musicall instruments . And Macrobius confirmes the same , by the like obseruation : who reporteth , that , Nonnullae , vel aues , vel terrenae , & aquatiles belluae , invitatae cantu , inretia sponte decurrunt . He saith That there be many , not onely Byrds , and Beasts ( which were our two former instances ) but also Fishes too , ( which is our third instance ) that being inticed with the pleasing sounds of Musick , doe voluntarily rush into the very nets . As Aelian giueth instance , in those kinde of Crab-fishes , which are called Paguri : which will follow the sound of Musick , euen out of the waters : and so are taken when they come to the land : And againe , in another kinde of Fishes , called Pastinacae . And Plinie also proueth , by experience , in the Dolphins : of whom he writeth , that Et cantu mulcentur , & capiuntur , attoniti sono . That they are allured by Songs , and taken , whilst they be astonished with their sounds . Which delight of theirs in Musick , Plutarch affirmeth , to be a thing delightfull vnto God. And he alledgeth to that purpose , certaine verses of ●●indarus : who compareth his owne desire of writing , vnto the vehement incitation of a Dolphin : Quem , placido è Mari , Suauis excivit Tibiae sonus . Whom , out a peacefull Sea , the pleasant sound Of well-tuned Pipe , did force to come aground . Yea , and how greatly those Fishes be delighted with Musick , we may see by Herodotus his narration of Arion , whom a Dolphin ( being allured , by the seewtenesse of his Musick ) receiued vpon his backe , and permitted to bestride him , as it were his horse , bearing him safely to Land , out of the midst of the Seas . The credit of which report if any man suspect , hee confirmeth the truth of it , by the assertiue testimonie , both of the Corinthians , and the Lesbians ; who searched the truth of it : beside the monument of Arion himselfe , which he offered vnto the Gods , for his wonderfull deliuerance : a monument of brasse , in the forme of a man , riding vpon a Dolphin . Yea , and Pliny , in his History , yeeldeth his assent to this narration of Arion ; being thereunto induced by many other instances of Dolphins , more stupendious . Which he receiued , by report of persons , of great & vnsuspected credit : as Maecenas , and Flavianus , and Flavius Alfius : men , as , of great nobility ; so likewise of great grauity , and of vndoubted testimony . Whose wonderfull narrations , of the great familiarity betweene men and Dolphins , and of the singular delight which they take in Musicke , ( affirmed also by Plutarch ) would exceede all credibility ; but that they bee reported , by men of such authoritie . But to come vnto our fourth instance of Wormes , and creeping things : though they bee , but of an vnperfect generation , and of an heauy sense ; yet wee see diuers of them , that practise a naturall kind of Musicke , with no little delight . The Cricket , by the fire ; the * Grashopper , in the field ; and the Frog , in the water , doe all recreate themselues , with their naturall Songs : though they bee no better , then meere creakings , and croakings . And thus Musicall harmony ( in all kindes of Creatures ) doth , Animum abstrahere , & quodam modo rapere , as Aristotle testifieth : It euen rapteth the soule , and abstracteth it from it selfe . So that ( as Macrobius truely noteth ) Nullum est tam immite , tam asperum pectus , quod non oblectamentorum talium teneatur affectu : There is not any so vntractable or vngentle a brest , but it receiueth some delight , by the alluring sounds of Musicke . Which , aboue all other Creatures , is most euident , in man : who is so naturally delighted with the Harmonies of Musicke , that it transporteth his soule , into any affection , whatsoeuer it will. It comforteth him , in paine . It tempereth him , in pleasure . It solaceth him , in trouble : and , it qualifieth him , in Anger . As Athen●us obserueth , in Clineas Pythagoricus : who euer , when hee was angry , would goe play vpon his Harpe : and being demanded , for what cause hee did it ? hee sayd , that hee found , that it allayed the raging fiercenesse of his minde . And the like effect it had also , with King Saul : in whom , the raging of his furious spirit , was calmed , and allayed , by the inticing sounds of Musick . And a contrary effect it had , with Elizeus ; in whom , the drouping of the propheticall spirit was excited and stirred vp , by the melodious tunes of Musicke . The contemplation of which strange effect , so rapt the Poet Bartas , into admiration of it , that it made him to breake out into this passionate exclamation , of the might power of Musicke : O what is it , that Musicke cannot do ? Sith th' all inspiring Spirit , it conquer's too : And mak's the same , downe from th' Imperiall pole , Descend to Earth , into a Prophets soule : With diuine accents , tuning rarely right , Vnto the rapting Spirit , the rapted spright . So that , the sweetnesse of Musicke , as Ouid noteth of it , can — trahere superis sedibus arte Iovem . And so is it likewise , in all other affections . Musicke hath a dominion ouer euery one of them . So that , as Macrobius truely obserueth , Omnis animi habitus cantibus gubernatur : All the seuerall habits and dispositions of the minde , are disposed and ouer-ruled by the Imperiall power of Musicke . For Musicke , as Aristotle affirmeth of it , hath , Naturalem quandam voluptatem ; per quam , illius vsus , cunctis aetatibus , cunctisque moribus est acceptus . It hath in it a naturall kind of pleasure ; whereby the vse of it is made acceptable , vnto all sorts of persons , of whatsoeuer either ages , or manners . As wee may see by plaine experience ; how Countrymen doe vse to lighten their toyling ; oldwiues , their spinning ; Mariners , their labours ; Soldiers , their dangers ; by their seuerall musicall harmonies : and all other sorts of men , their griefes ; as Ovid truely noteth : Hoc est , cur cantet vinctus quoque compede fossor , Indocili numero cùm grave mollit opus . Cantat & innitens limosae pronus arenae , Adverso tardam qui trahit amne ratem . Quíque ferens pariter lentos ad pectora remos , In numerum pulsa brachia versat aqua . Fessus vt incubuit baculo , saxoque resedit Pastor , arundineo carmine mulcet oves . Cantantis pariter , pariter data pensa trahentis , Fallitur ancillae , decipit●rque labor . &c. Hence 't is , the Delver bound and clogd in clowted buskin , sings , By vntaught tunes his heavier taske to easier passe he brings . So he , that groveling streynes , and dragg's on muddy shore his boate , That comes aslugg against the streame , help't-on with singing note . And he , that bending slowly brings his tarrying Oare to breast , His winding Armes keepe stroke with songs , while he the water beates . The wearied Shepheard , as on staffe he leanes , or sitt's on Stone , Doth sweetely charme his flocke with pipe , which doth himselfe bemone . And thus the maid that sings and spinnes , and plies her distaffe fast , By songs deceiues the tediousnes of her praescribed taske . Yea , euen sucking Infants , who haue not almost any sense of their life , yet haue a sense of Musicke . For , when they are in their strongest passion , and most fiercely crying ; yet are they presently stilled with their Nurses singing , and so charmed with it , as if they were inchanted with some Circes cup. Whence Maximus Tyrius collecteth , Animum esse Musicae alumnum : That the soule is , as it were , the very Nurse-Child of Musicke . So that , as Plato truely noteth : Rithmus & Harmonia , animi interiora , & penetrant , & pulsant : The Harmony of Musicke doth pierce , and affect , the very bowells of the minde . VVhereby it doth , Animum plurimùm allicere , vt ea meritò gaudeant , qui audiunt : It delighteth the minde , with so strong an allurement , that all , which come to heare it , doe reioyce , and cheere at it . From whence , Aristotle collecteth , that there is , Quaedam cognatio nobis cum Harmonijs : There is a kinde of Affinity , betweene the Soule and Harmony . Insomuch that diuers of the ancient Philosophers , held strongly this opinion : Animam , aut esse Harmoniam , aut habere Harmoniam : That , either the Soule is nothing else , but an Harmony it selfe ; or else , at the least , hath an Harmony in it . From whence , Ficinus collecteth , that , Harmonia qui non est delectatus , non est harmonicè compositus : That he , which is not delighted with Harmony , he surely , is not made according to harmony . Yea , and Balthasar , in his Courtier , passeth an harder Censure : For he saith , that , hee is either Insensatus ; or , that hee hath Spiritus discordes , & invicem repugnantes . Hee is either a senselesse , and a simple Foole ; or , a man compounded of repugnant Spirits . Yea , and Musicke hath not onely a kindred with the Soule ; but also , a kind of affinitie with the Body . For , there be diuers diseases in it , which are healed and cured , by the pleasant sounds of Musick . As Macrobius obserueth in the fore-alledged place . Corporum quoque morbis medetur . Beda instanceth , in the paine of the Head , and the Heart . Athenaeus , in the Sciatica and paine of the Hippes : and Aulus Gellius , in the biting of vipers . So that , Musicke hath in it , a Sanatiue vertue , not only against the perturbations of the Soule ; but also against the diseases of the Body . And therefore , no meruaile , if euery liuing thing doe naturally take a delight , and pleasure , in it . 3 And , as God hath created all things in a naturall Harmonie ; and giuen vnto all of them , a naturall propertie , to bee delighted with Harmonie : so haue all of them also , a naturall instinct , to praise the same God , with their naturall Musick ; and to spend that his good gift , in the honour of him that gaue it . Proclus affirmeth of all Gods Creatures , that , Omnia precantur , Hymnósque concinunt , ad ordinis sui ducem : alia , intellectuali modo ; alia , rationali ; alia , sensitivo ; alia , naturali . All creatures make their prayers , and sings prayses , to their Ruler : some of them , in a manner , which is meerely intellectual ; some of them , in a reasonable ; some of them , in a sensible ; and some , only in a natural . By Intellectuall Singers , he vnderstanding Angels ; by Reasonable , Men ; by Sensible , Birds , and Beasts ; and by Naturall , Trees , and Plants , and such insensible Creatures . As it euidently appeareth , euen by his owne instances . Where , for Byrds , hee giueth an example of the Cock ; whose crowing , hee interpreteth , to be his saluting of the rising Sun , and his hymne vnto Apollo . For plants , he giueth instance in the Heliotropium : whose turning continually towards the Sunne , hee interprets , to be his seruice vnto him : setting downe , in the same place , a notable hymne , wherein he imagineth it to invocate and praise him . As , our noble Poet Bartas , doth the like of the Larke , in a notable fiction : whose singing so constantly , in the morning , and euening , he construeth to be , her Morning and Euening Song , and her dayly sacrifice in her Creators praise . And , for Beasts , Plinie giueth instance , in the Elephants ; that they haue not onely a sense of Religion , but also vse a kinde of Ceremonie in their practise of the same . Yea , and Aelian affirmeth of them ( as Proclus before did , of the Cock ) that they doe , Exorientem Solem venerari ; proboscidem , tanqu●m minum , adversùs Solis radios alleu●ntes : They worship the rising Sunne , aud they lift vp their Trunck , in honour vnto him . Concluding there his Chapter , with this notable increpation of Atheists , and such like vngodly men : Ergonè Deum Elephanti venerantur ? Homines autem , rationis participes , Sitne Deus , necne sit , dubitant ? tum , si sit , Humanasnè res , curatione & administratione dign●tur ? Shall an Elephant , a Beast , adore and worship God ? and shall a Man , a Creature indued with reason , doubt , whether there be a God , or whether he regardeth the doings of Men ? The like Religion , he affirmeth , Elephants to practise towards the Moone . Thus , euen in the opinion of the very Heathen , all the Creatures of God , in their seuerall kindes , doe praise him . And , that in their opinion they be not mistaken , it may euidently be seene , in the 148. Psalme . Where , euen the Psalmist exciteth all the fore-named sorts of Creatures , to offer vnto God , their prayers and invocations . Praise him , all ye Angels : his Intellectuall Creatures . Praise him , all ye People : his Reasonable Creatures . Praise him , Beasts and Cattle , Creeping things , and flying fowles : his Sensible Creatures : Praise him , Heauens , and Starres , Mountaynes , and Hills , Fruitfull Trees , and Cedars : his Natural and insensible Creatures . All these he calleth vpon , to praise the name of the Lord. Which , he would not haue done , but that all these Creatures , in their seuerall kindes , doe , in their seuerall manners , sing-out his due prayses . Yea , euen the very Wormes : as Dragons , and Creeping things ; whom he also calleth-vpon , in the very same Psalme : as he there doth aso , vpon both Fire , Haile , and Snow , meere insensible things , Neither speaketh hee this , only in a Rhetorical Prosopopoia , as in the 98. Psalme where he calleth vpon the Earth , to make a noyse ; the Sea , to roare ; the Floods , to clap their hands : & the Mountaines to reioyce ; and all these together , to sing a song , in Gods praise . He vseth not , in the former , any such Poetical Figure : but simply and plainly , in the feruor of his spirit , hee calleth vpon all the Creatures fore-named , to sing vnto the Lord , with those seuerall Harmonies , which he hath giuen vnto their seuerall kinds . And thus ( as Tertullian truly obserueth ) Deo , etiam inanimalia , & incorporalia , laudes canunt . Not onely Angels , who haue no Bodies ; but also other Creatures , which haue no soules ; yet doe , in their kindes , sing-out Gods due praises . 4 Now , for Man : hee hath not onely a naturall delight in Musicke , as other Creatures haue ; and a naturall abilitie , to expresse all the parts of it , more then other Creatures haue , by the sweetenesse of his tuneable and melodious voice , farre excelling the sweetenesse of all musicall instruments : But he hath also inlarged his naturall Musick , with all the seuerall kindes of Artificiall Musick , both Vocal , and Organicall . In which worke , although he hath laboured , and taken great paines , from the very beginning : yet could he neuer haue brought it vnto any perfection , if God himselfe had not been a Scholemaister vnto him . And this is acknowledged , euen of the very Heathen : who haue expresly affirmed , that Musick is not the Inuention of Man , but the very gift of God. Plutarch affirmeth directly : Non Hominem aliquem repertorem fuisse Musicae , sed omnibus virtutibus ornatum Deum Apollinem : That no man was the first inventer of Musick , but Apollo their great and honourable God. Yea , and , in the same place , hee addeth , that Musick ought to be honoured ; because it is the invention of a God. Veneranda prorsus est Musica ; Deorum inventum cùm sit . In which his opinion , he was not alone , but had diuers others , of the chiefest Philosophers concurring with him . Aristotle saith of Harmonie : that it is , Res Coelestis ; eiusque natura , & divina , & pulchra : That Musicke is an heauenly thing , and of a nature , not onely pleasing , but also diuine . Theophrastus setteth downe , three originall Causes : whereby Musicke was first begotten in the mind of a Man ; Dolorem , voluptatem , & instinctum divinum : The allaying of his griefe , the procuring of his pleasure , and the inspiration of a divine and heauenly motion . But he acknowledgeth this instinct to be the chiefest of the rest . Yea and Plato affirmeth , without all circuition , Musicam esse Hominibus , a Deo , datam : That musick was first giuen vnto men , by God. But Macrobius handleth this point , a great deale more prolixely , then any of the rest doe : prouing , by many Arguments , that Musicke , was not first inuented vpon earth , but descended downe from Heauen . Yea , and that , in the opinion of the very Heathen , deliuered expresly in their mystical Theology . His Reasons bee these following . First , that Hesiodus ; who writeth the generation of their Gods , recording exactly , from whence they first sprang , calleth one of their Muses , Vrania ; which signifieth , Heauenly . Insinuating thereby , that there is Musicke in Heauen : and , that from heauen it first was brought , by the Muses , vnto men . In whom also wee may obserue , that hee maketh Harmonia , to haue bene the Daughter of Mars , and Venus , two of the Heathen Gods : thereby againe implying , that Harmony was first begotten in Heauen . Another of his Reasons is , that Hesiodus calleth another of the Muses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : her name being giuen , for the sweetensse of her voice ; as Vrania's was , from the highnesse of the place . Thereby againe implying ; that The sweetenesse of voice , hath the highest place in Heauen . Another : that the Heathen called Apollo , who was one of their greatest gods , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : quasi Ducem , & Principem Musarum : The Prince , and Ruler of the Muses . Another : that , euen their very Rusticks , called the Muses , Camoenas , quasi Canenas ; Acanendo dictas , that is , Singing Damosels . Now , the Muses ( as they all confesse ) descended first from Heauen . Another : that , in all their funerall pompes , and solemne exequies , they still carried-out their dead , with musicall instruments : which was likewise in practice , euen among the Iewes . And this , he saith , they did , to signifie that their soules were now departed , vnto the originall house of Musicke : Ad originem dulcedinis Musicae , idest , ad Coelum : in their owne interpretation . And this , againe hee saith , is the true Cause , why euery mans soule is so much delighted with Musicke vpon earth : Quia in Corpus defert memoriam Musicae , ciuius in Coelo fuit conscia : Because it bringeth downe with it , into the Body , a remembrance of that Musicke , whereof , in Heauen , it had a full fruition . These , and diuers such like Arguments hee congesteth , in that place , to proue , that Musicke descended first from Heauen . Of which , though some bee not greatly strong ; yet they strongly shew , that , euen the Heathen held this , as a sacred opinion , that Musicke is Gods gift , and not mans inuention . Yea , and that which the Heathen haue so ingenuously acknowledged , of the whole body of Musicke ; they likewise acknowledge , of both the kindes of it ; both of Vocal , and Organical . For Vocal Musicke . Homer expresly affirmeth of the Singer Demodocus , ( the most excellent in those times ) that the Sweetnesse of his voyce , whereby hee so greatly delighted all men , was a speciall gift , which God had giuen vnto him : — divinum Cantorem Demodocum : huic quidem Deus excellenter dedit cantilenam Ad oblectandum , quocunque animus ipsum impulerit canere . A most diuine , and heauenly Songster , Demodocus was : Who did , in most delightfull layes , all other men surpasse . What ere his mind did leade him to , he did excell in singing : And all this excellency of his , was giuen by God vnto him . And , that , which hee affirmeth particularly of him , doth Seneca affirme , in generall , of all men . Ille , Deus est , qui non calamo tantùm cantare , atque agreste & inconditum carmen , ad aliquam tantùm oblectationem , modulari docuit : sed tot Artes , tot vocum varietates , tot sonos , alios , spiritu nostro ; alios , externo , cantus edituros , commentus est . It is God that hath taught men , not onely to play , vpon rude and homely pipes , fit for rude and Country song's ; but that first hath invented all those Arts , all those varieties of voices , and all those sounds , whereby , either with our owne breath , or with others , we expresse all those songs . And therefore the Psalmist concludeth the booke of Psalmes , with this Epiphonema : Let euery thing that hath breath , praise the Lord. That so God , who gaue those instruments vnto men , might , with his owne gift , be praised by them . For so is Organicall Musicke , as well as Vocal : it also is Gods gift . Yea , and that also by the Confession , euen of the very Heathen . For so , Homer affirmeth in expresse and plaine words : Alij , tribuit Deus , bellicaopera ; Alij , autem saltationem : alij cytharam , & cantum . God giu's to one , the feates of Armes ; t' another , art of dansing ; He giu's another , skill to harpe ; another , voice for singing . So that , both playing and Singing he acknowledgeth , to be the gifts of God , vnto men . Yea , and Maeximus Tyrius reproueth the Musition Demodocus , whom before I named ; because he ascribed not vnto God , his gift in playng , as well as in singing : Neque fide dignus Demodocus , cùm de seipso dicit : Ipse mihi Doctor : tribuerunt Numina vocem . Demodocus is not to be beleeued , when he vaunteth of himselfe ; That the Gods indeede had giuen him his voice : but , as for all his cunning , hee learned that , onely of himselfe . This arrogancy he reproueth , as vnto God iniurious ; from whom he receiued the gift of them both . He was , indeed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and therefore not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he boasted of himselfe . Neither did the Heathen , onely ascribe vnto God , to bee the giuer of the skill of playing vpon all sorts of Musicall instruments ; but also , to haue bene the first inuentor of making the very instruments themselues . Heraclides affirmeth of Amp●ion ( who was Iupiters sonne ) that hee was the first in the world , that euer taught men the vse of the Harpe . But hee addeth there further , that he himselfe had learned that skill of his Father : Patre nimirùm docente . But Plutarch himselfe reduceth it higher ; not allowing of any mortall man to bee the first inuentor , so much as of the Pipe ; but ascribing , euen it ( as well as the Harpe ) to be the inuention of the learned god Apollo . But Bion more distinctly referreth those instruments , vnto those seuerall gods , that we●● their seuerall inuenters ; not heaping the glorie of all vpon one ; but reseruing vnto euery god , the glorie of his owne inuention . — ●●stulam obliquam , Pan invenit : Minerva , tibiam : Tes●ud●●em , Mercurius . Et Cytharam , dulcis Apollo . The crooked Pipe , was Pans deuice : Minerua's was the Flute . The Harpe Apollo did inuent : and Mercury the Lute . Thus , not onely Musicke it selfe , of all kindes ; but also all Musicall instruments , of all sorts , are ( euen in the iudgment of the very Heathen ) confessed to bee the gifts of God vnto Men. Which , though they bee made by the hand of man ; yet were they directed by the wisdome of God. And therefore the Heathen haue iustly ascribed them , not vnto him that wrought them , but vnto him that taught them . 5 Now , as God hath giuen vnto man , a natural kind of Musick , wherewith his soule is delighted ; so hath hee also giuen him a naturall sense , and instinct to worship God with it , as a tribute , due to him , from whom it was first giuen . As may be euidently seene , by the generall practice both of Christians , & Heathens . Who , as they doe agree by the light of Nature , in worshipping of God ; so doe they likewise agree , by the same light of Nature , to vse Musicke in his worship . For the practice of Christians : the whole Booke of Psalmes is an euidence of it . Which , as it was dayly sung in the old Church of the Iewes ; so is it still dayly sung in all the Churches of Christians , through the whole world of Christianitie . In which Booke ( being penned by the Holy Ghost ) we may obserue , three remarkeable things . First , that , as God hath appointed vnto man , a Sabbath day , wherein to praise and serue him : so hath hee also appointed them to serue him , with hymnes , and psalmes , and spirituall songs . Yea , and , among them , hath selected certaine speciall Psalmes , from among all the rest , as specially appropriated vnto those Sabbath Dayes : As may be euidently seene , by the title and inscription , of the 92. Psalme ; A Psalme , or Song , for the Sabbath Day . Secondly , that hee hath further had a speciall care , not onely of the Dittie , but also of the Tune too . As it likewise appeareth by the Titles and inscriptions of diuers other Psalmes . Magistro Symphoniae ad pneumatica instrumenta . Magistro Symphoniae fidium ad grauem symphoniam . Magistro Symphoniae acutae ad medianam : and diuers others such like . Thirdly , that , not contented with the Musick of mens naturall voices , he hath further added to them ( for the quickning of deuotion ) the helpe of all sorts of Musicall instruments . Praise him , in the sound of the Trumpet . Praise him , vpon the Lute , and Harpe . Praise him , with Timbrels , and Flute , with Virginals , and Organs , and with high sounding Cymbals . Thus , God himselfe hath required , to haue his Seruice furnished , with all the seuerall sorts of Musick , both Harmonical , Rithmicall , and Organicall . And therefore Boetius ascribeth vnto the Art of Musick , a principa●l honor , aboue all the other . Inter septem Artes Liberales , principatum oblinet Musica . And Beda , who reporteth his opinion , alledgeth for it a good Reason : Because it , of all other Arts , hath onely the honour to enter into the Church ; and there to be vsed , in Gods owne immeditate seruice . For , this is an Arte so Heauenly and diuine , that it seemeth to haue beene giuen by God , vnto men , to this speciall ende ; that by it Men might set out the glorie of God. And therefore Plutarch affirmeth , that , Primum , & pulcherrimum Musicae officium , est , grata aduers●m Deos remuneratio : The first , and the fayrest office of Musick , is the returne of our thankfulnesse vnto God , for his goodnesse . VVhich office the Prophet Dauid accordingly put in practice . What can I returne vnto the Lord for all his benefits ? I will take vnto me , the Cup of saluation , and will call vpon the Name of the Lord. Here is the best returne , that by man can be made to sacrifice the true thankfulnesse of his soule vnto God ; as for all his other inestimable Benefits , so for this among the rest , for giuing vs so Musicall and tuneable a voice , whereby wee haue a meane to praise him for all the rest . Pium est enim , & praecipuum hominum hoc studium ( saith Plutarch againe ) Laudes canere Deorum , qui soli ipsis articulatam vocem sunt largiti . It is a pious and a principall duty of man , to sing prayses vnto God ; who onely hath giuen him that articulate voyce , whereby he is able to sing vnto him . Thus this learned Philosopher , both deriueth the Arte of Musick from God , as from his originall beginning ; and referreth it vnto God , as to his principall ende . And this was not his opinion alone , but the very Religion , of all the rest of the Heathen . As may be euidently seene , not onely in Hesiodus , but also in Trismegistus : two of their cheife Divines . For the first of them : Hesiodus , he maketh the Muses ( who were the Authors of Musick ) the Daughters of Iupiter : and therefore , to drawe their originall from God. And he maketh them againe , to sing alwayes before him : and therefore to referre all their Musick vnto God. And Trismegistus likewise , expresly deliuereth , both the very same points . For the first of them : he saith that , Musarum chorus , est a summa Divinitate demissus , ne terrenus mundus videretur incultior , si modulorum dulcedine caruisset : That the Quire of the Muses , was sent downe from heauen , from the highest of the Gods ; lest this terrene and inferiour world should be barbarous and rude , if it lacked the delight and sweetenesse of Musick . And , for the second of them , he addeth : Sed potiùs , vt modulatis hominum cantilenis concelebretur laudibus , qui solus dat omnia ; vt Pater est omnium . But yet the higher ende of musick was , that , by mens delightfull musicke , hee might be onely praysed , who is the Giuer of all ; as being indeed the very Father of all . So then Musick was first giuen by God to Men ; that Men might , by it , giue due praises vnto God. For the true vse of Musicke ( as Athenaeus obserueth ) is principally this , Deorum laudes Musicis Canticis personare : To chante out Gods prayses with musical Songs . And therefore the ancient Musick ( as Plutarch recordeth ) was only vsed in the Temples , for the worship of God ; and not in Theaters , for the vaine delight of men . For the Custome of the Heathens ( as Macrobius reporteth , and Plutarch by many speciall instances confirmeth ) was , to vse Musick and Songs , in all their publicke prayers . Yea , and Plato well approueth it : Rectissimum erit , vt Hymni laudésque Deorum , precibus mixtae , canantur . Hee would alwayes haue Hymnes , intermixed with prayers , and especially , with their solmne sacrifices . Whence , Maximus Tyrius , calleth Musicke , Optimum in Sacrificijs comitem : A sweete companion , in all their sacrificing . Yea , and there addeth further , that it doth , Mysteria sanctificare : That it addeth a further Holinesse , vnto their holy mysteries . Which opinion of his , Aristotle also confirmeth ; who affirmeth of Musick , that it hath a power in it , both purgatiue , and sanatiue : whereby a mans minde is made both pure , and humble , and deuout . And therefore we may obserue , in the practice of Heathens , as well a●of Christians ; that they haue not thought it sufficient , to worship God onely with prayers & invocations , but also with Hymnes , and Odes . Aelian recordeth an Hymne of thankesgiuing which Arion made to Neptune , for his deliuerance by the Dolphin . Galen vpon the contemplation of the admirable workmanship in the body of man , breaketh out into an Hymne , in the prayse of him that made him . Hìc compono Canticum , in Creatoris nostri laudem . And Trismegistus vpon the like contemplations , setteth downe diuers Hymnes , which he made in Gods praise . Yea , and Homer hath made a set Booke of Hymnes , wherein he setteth out the prayses of all their Gods. Which kinde of Hymnes , ( as Macrobius recordeth ) were vsually sung , in the Temples of the Heathen , per Stroph●m , & Antistropham ; for the stronger eleuation of their mindes toward Heauen . As our holy Hymnes are , in the Churches of Christians , by Verses , and Antiphonies , answering one another : And the like wee may obserue , to haue beene also in vse , in the Church of the Iewes . As appeareth in all the Psalmes ; from the 146. vnto the end of the Psalme-Booke . Where , as euery Psalme beginneth with an Allelu-iah , or , Praise the Lord , by Stropha : so doth it likewise end , with an Allelu-iah , or , Praise the Lord , by Antistropha . And the same order of singing is obserued , euen in Heauen . Where Saints , and Angells , be the Choristers ; and God himselfe , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; who beareth also his part , in this Diuine and Heauenly Harmonie . As euidently appeareth , in the Booke of the Apocalyps . Where , a Multitude of Saints , singing vnto Gods praise , and beginning their Allelu-iah , by way of S●ropha , they were answered againe , by the Elders , and foure Beasts , with another Allelu-iah , by the way of Antistropha . And againe , they both were answered , with a voic● from the Throne , with another Allelu-iah , rebounding , and ecchoing from another place of Heauen . And , when they all had thus sung , their seuerall Allelu-iah , by themselues , asunder ; then they ioyned in one , and sung it altogether . Here is an adumbration of the Quire of Heauen : and the forme of the singing of Saints , and Angells therein . Whereby it appeareth , that God hath not onely appointed , that Men should heere praise him , with holy Harmonies , in this present life ; but also , with Heauenly Harmonies , in the life to come . And this also was both knowne , and acknowledged , by the very Heathen : As it euidently appeareth , by the testimony of Pindarus . Animae piorum Coelos colentes , Cantu , beatum & magnum in Hymmis cannut . The Soules of godly blessed Saints inhabiting the Heau'ns , Do chaunt and sound their blessednes , in holy Songs and Hymn's . Yea , and Porphiry reciteth a certaine Oracle of Apollo : wherein he affirmeth , that God hath created a certaine order of Angells , which do nothing but praise him , and sing continually before him . Praetereà , tertium quoddam genus Regum creâsti ; Quite semper canunt , carminibúsque laudant , Volentem Te ipsi cupidi , praedicantque & nunc , & semper . Thou God created hast a kinde of glorious Angel-Kings , Whose spirit , in celestiall Quire , thy prayses euer sings . By all which fore-named Reasons , it euidently appeareth , that this Heauenly Art of Musicke is the gift of God , to men . And therefore , must necessarily inferre , that , There is One. CHAP. 13. The other Liberall Arts , doe , all of them , shew , That there is a God : they being , all of them , acknowledged , to be the gifts of God. 1. Grammer . 2. Logicke . 3. Rhetoricke . 4. Which three Arts haue apparently , an adumbration of the Trinity . THIS second Booke prouing , That there is a God , from the grounds of Arts , hath now growne very great and prolixe , vnder mine hand : yea , and that , farre beyond both mine expectation , and intention . Wherein , I am not ignorant , that the vulgar Reader can take but small delight : the nature of this Argument is so farre out of his Element . Neither yet can any other , but only a professe● Scholer , vnto whom these grounds of Arts are common , and familiar . And therefore , all the rest , which are as yet behind , I will but onely touch , and that with a light finger , to make the way shorter , vnto other more plausible and popular matter . Now the residue of the liberal Arts , be these three in number Grammer , Logicke , and Rhetorick . Which , all of them , are acknowledged , euen by the very Heathen , to bee Gods speciall Gifts and Blessings vnto men . And first , as concerning Grammer . That is defined , to bee , Arts rectè Loquendi , atque scribendi ; An Art of rightly Speaking , and Writing . So that , the naturall , and , as it were , the homogeneall parts of Grammer , be two , Orthology , and Orthography . In both which parts of it , God hath had a speciall hand ; as , euen by the Heathen themselues , is acknowledged : in the first of them , Orthology ; in teaching men the right imposition of names : in the second of them , Orthography ; in teaching them the rare inuention of letters . Two workes of so diuine and heauenly an inuention , that , without them , humane life were nothing but confusion . For the better , and more cleere demonstration whereof , wee are to know thus much . That the facultie of speaking is not naturall vnto a man , no more then to a Beast . A man hath no more giuen speech vnto himselfe , then hee hath giuen himselfe the Tongue , wherewith hee speaketh . But God is the giuer of them both . And the tongue of a man , would be altogether as dumbe , as the tongue of a Beast ; if God himselfe , at the first , had not taught it how to speake . Therefore , this gift of speaking , as it was at the first habitually infused into Adam , so hath it euer since bene propagated from him , by onely imitation . I know , it is an old receiued opinion , that ( notwithstanding this great varietie of seuerall languages , which wee see entertained in diuers nations ) yet that man hath a naturall speech of his owne , as hee is a man : which language hee would speake by nature , if hee were not taught some other . But this is but a dreame : and hath beene twice refuted , by a double experiment . The first was , by Psammeticus , a King of Egypt : who desiring to vnderstand , which was mans most ancient and naturall language , hee caused two Children to bee sequestred from all society of men , and to bee nourished onely by sucking two shee-goates , forbidding all speech vnto them . VVhich Children , continuing for a long time dumbe , at last vttered , Bec , Bec. The King being informed , that , in the Phrygian Language , Bec , signified Bread , imagined that the Children called then for Bread : and from thence collected , that , because they spake that language which no man had taught them , that therefore the Phrygian language was the naturall speech of man. A silly proofe , God knoweth . His conceit of Bec , Bec , well deseruing to be numbered with those Becceselenae , those doting old tales , which haue euer beene contemned of those that are wise . For the Childrens Bec , Bec , ( as is probably collected ) was onely that language which they learned of their Goat-nurses , when they came to suck their teates . Who , receiuing of them some ease by their sucking , saluted them with Bec , the best language which they had . From whom the children learned it . And so much as they heard , iust so much againe they vttered , & no more . And if they had not heard it , they could neuer haue pronounced it . As we may euidently see , by an other experiment tried vpon other Infants , ( which is our second instance ) by Melabdim Echebar , whom they call The great Mogor . He likewise ( vpon the fore-named error ) that Man hath a certaine proper language by Nature , caused thirty Children to be brought vp in dumbe silence , to finde out , by experience , whether all of them would speake one and the same language ? hauing inwardly a purpose , to frame his religion , conformable to that nation , whose language should be spoken : as being that Religion , which is purely naturall vnto man. But the Children proued all dumbe : though there were so many of them . And therefore they could not speake because they were not taught . Whereby it appeareth , that Speaking , which is the first part of Grammer , is not in man by Nature . But the first man had it , by onely diuine infusion ; and all his posteritie , onely by imitation . Now the first element and originall of all speech , is the Imposition of Names . Without which , there can be no distinction of things . I meane , not , quoad nos ; though , quoad naturam , they be sufficiently distinguished , by those substantiall properties which are their essentiall and specificall differences . But yet , they could haue no distinction in speech , if they were not diuided by their seuerall names . No , nor in vse neither . For , if things were not separated by their proper names , then if a man should aske for Bread , they might giue him a Stone ; if for a Fish , a Serpent ; if for an Egg , a Scorpion . And so in all other things , there would follow like confusion . As we may see , in the building of the Tower of Babilon : how when the Labourers vnderstood not the names of those things , for which the Builders called , the worke was brought vnto a stand , and could not goe forward . So that , the right ordering of all humane affaires dependeth chiefely vpon the distinction of names , without which , there can be no knowledg of things . For , Nomen est a noscendo dictum : as S. Augustin giueth the notation of that name : and , Nomina be but Notaererum : as the Orator noteth of them : Names be the notes & marks , whereby wee doe know things ; which cannot bee knowne , if they haue no 〈◊〉 . Whereupon , euen God himselfe , as soone as euer he had made a man he brought all things before him , that hee might put names vpon them . Full well foreseeing , in his diuine wisedome , that it was a thing most necessarie for the vse of man. Els would hee neuer haue appointed it so timely to be done . And therefore , euen the Heathen haue reckoned this nomenclature , and imposition of names , for one of Gods owne works : holding it , for an invention , aboue humane vnderstanding . Euriphanus , though he ascribe the worke it selfe vnto Man , yet he holdeth it to be done , by divine illumination : agreeing therein with the truth of the Scripture it selfe . And Tullie , reckoning vp certaine admirable inventions , farre transcending the highest pitch of the capacitie of man , he numbereth this for one , The imposing of names so aptly vpon things . Which ( as Plato acknowledgeth ) Rerum istarum inuentio , acutius ingenium quàm nostrum , exigit . The inuention of these things , exacteth a more peircing wit , then is ours . VVhich , all the Heathen in generall , ascribed directly vnto their God Mercurie . So that , for Orthologie , the first part of Grammer , you see , that euen the Heathen haue two wayes auerred it , for a diuine inuention . VVhich doth necessarily conclude That therefore there is a God. Now for Orthographie , the second part of Grammer , teaching the Arte of writing . That hath also in it another strange inuention : which , euen by the very Heathen , is reputed to be Diuine . And that is , the inuention and diuising of Letters . A thing so essentiall and proper vnto Grammer , that the whole Arte hath his name and appellation from it . For , Grammatica ( as S. Augustin obserueth out of Varro ) doth signifie Literatio : or , ( as he refineth it ) Litertura , that is , The cunning and skill of Letters . Ipso se nomine profiteri literas clamans : Proclayming , euen in his very name , that it professeth the knowledge of Letters . So Tullie . Studium Literarum profitentur ij , qui Gramm●tici vocantur . They which are called Grammarians , professe the Studie and knowledge of Letters . Now the first deuising and finding out of Letters , is one of the rarest and most heauenly inventions of all that are in vse in humane societie . Yea , and that , whether we respect the notable subtilitie , or Vtilitie of it . For the first of which two points . It is almost a miracle , that a meane could be invented , whereby words and sounds , which naturally bee the Obiects of the Eare , should be made the Obiects of the Eye . As we see the one is , by Letters , in writing ; the other , by notes , in singing . This is indeed an admirable invention , that sounds and voices should , by the power of certaine Characters ( as it were by Charmes ) bee stolne away from their owne proper sense , and conueyed vnto another , by Leger●du Maìn , and so made an Obiect of the same . This ( I say ) is a very wonder : and , among all the senses , not to be found , in any other . No invention euer yet could make the Obiect of Seeing , the Obiect of Hearing ; nor the Obiect of Hearing the Obiect of Smelling ; nor the Obiect of Smelling , the Obiect of Feeling . Onely the Obiect of Hearing , by this inuention of Letters , is made ( in some sort ) the Obiect of Seeing . And this , by the goodnesse of God vnto man , for the increase of his knowledge and vnderstanding . Which is the second point , that I obserued in it . For , by this rare invention of writing , it cannot be numbered , how many great Benefits be vnto men conueyed . By writing , we may giue direction for ourforaine Businesses , though we stay at home : and for our domestical , though we be abroad . By writing , we may conferre with our absent Friend , as freely , as with our present Neighbor ; communicating all our counsells as secretly and closly , as if we should whisper one in anothers eare : yea though we be diuided many miles asunder . Ita vt absens vltra Maris aequora , Res , quae illìc gerantur in aedibus , omnes rectè intelligant : as Euripides noteth , euen in this very case . But writing , we may recorde those things that are past , as freshly , as when we remembred them present . By writing ▪ we haue the monuments of ancient times communicated with vs , and all good Arts and Learning deriued vnto vs. Yea ( and that which farre surmounteth all that hitherto hath beene sayd ) by writing , wee haue the comfort of the holy word of God : which , from writing , receiueth his denomination , in being called Scripture : which is , nothing else but , Writing . Finally ( to come home vnto this our owne purpose , with Theodorets instance ) by writing wee are furnished with inuincible Arguments , to fight against the Atheist , who armeth himselfe to fight against God. These , and infinite like blessings , are conueied vnto men , by the benefit of writing . Beside which , this inuention of writing , and the conueying of the voice vnto the eye from the eare , which I mentioned before , beguiling one sense of his Obiect , to furnish another with it , doth ( by intermingling the Offices of those two diuers senses ) minister no lesse delight in expressing their vses , by way of Questions and Riddles , then are vsually made vpon incestuous mariages . As for example . If it should be demanded : How a voyce may bee seene ? It may be answered : By writing . How a man may speake , after hee is dead ? By writing . Et moriens liberis aliquot literas Scribendo animum aperiet . Saith Euripides : Of dying man , his liuing minde , By Written deedes , his Children finde . How two may talke together , without any word spoken ? By writing . How two may speake together , that are many miles a sunder ? By writing . — peragunt Linguae Charta manusque vices . Where distance setteth on tongue a tie , There hand and paper make supply . How a man may teach his hand to speake ? By writing . How a man may heare another speake , though he should stoppe his eares ? By writing . How a man may remember that which he hath forgotten ? By writing . Whence Euripides calleth it , Remedium oblivionis : The remedy of obliuion . And Aeschilus , An helpe of memory : Literarum autem compositio memoriam produxit . And many such like may the wit of man find out , many other wayes expressing the great vses of writing . All which haue their dependence , vpon the first inuention of letters . And therefore the Romane Orator , as he ascribed before , the imposition of names : so againe he ascribeth the inuention of letters , onely vnto God : as being an inuention aboue the reach of man. And so likewise doth Euriphanus , whom I cited before , ioyning both inuentions together . Yea , and Plato expresseth of which of the gods : affirming of the Egyptians , that they challenge the inuention of letters , vnto one of their owne gods , namely to their god , The●th : whom they held for the author of all good Arts among them : as letters are the beginning of all good learning . Others ascribed this inuention to the Muses . But Pacianus directly asserteth it to God : to whom it is due , indeede . Dic , or● , Frater , Musae literas repererunt ? Nonne per Dominm omnia , & a Deo omnia ? Thus Grammer , not onely , by the imposition of names ; but also , by the inuention of letters , doth leade vs , by the hand , to beleeue , There is a God. 2 Yea , and so doth Logicke too . By the helpe and meanes whereof , both names were first imposed , and letters first inuented . For both these are done , according to reason . And Logicke ( which is the Art of reasoning ) is indeed nothing else , but the practice of reason : Disputare is nothing else , but Ratione vti . It is nothing else , but Oratio ratione conclusa : as Tully speaketh : A speech concluded with Reason . Therefore not onely Grammer ; and Rhetoricke ( which is nothing else but a dilated kinde of Logicke , Dialectica dilatata , as Tully calleth ; it : and as Zeno exemplified it by his fist and his hand : Quòd latiùs loquerentur Rhetores , Dialectiei autem compressiùs ) but also all other Arts , were both at the first inuented , and after perfected , and euer practised ; yea , and now , both taught , and learned , by the helpe of Logicke . As S. Augustine expresly affirmeth of it . Haec docet docere : Haec docet discere : Haec sola scientes potest facere : This is the Art , which onely teacheth men how to teach : and which onely learneth men , how to learne : and which onely is able to make a man vnderstand . And therefore hee calleth Logicke , Disciplinam Disciplinarum : The Art of all Arts : The Art , whereby all Arts are both taught and learned . For , as Tully also noteth , Haec vna continet omnem , & perspiciend quid in quavis re sit , scientiam ; & iudicandi quale quidque sit , ac ratione & via disputandi . Insomuch that , as Iamblicus hath truely obserued : Nulla Philosophiae pars , absque Dialectica ratione , comparatur : There can no part of Philosophy , bee perfectly attained ; without the helpe and assistance of Logicke . As Aristotle sheweth in his Topickes : where hee reckoneth vp the principall vses of it . Yea , and it hath also as great an vse in Diuinity , as it hath in Philosophie . Logicke teacheth the Preacher to Analize and diuide his Text. It teacheth to collect true and proper Doctrines from it . And it teacheth him to discouer those false , or idle Doctrines , which are wrongly built vpon it . Nam hanc de finiendo , distribuendo , ●olligendo , non solùm digerit , atque ordinat , sed etiam ab omni falsitatis irreptione defendit : saith S. Augustine , comprehending in one sentence , all those three forenamed vses . The Art of Logick , by D●finitions , Divisions , and Collections , doth not onely digest things , and bring , them into Order , but also defendeth them from those captious falsities , which otherwise would oftentimes creepe into them . For , as the Orator also obserueth : Habet Dialectica rationem , nè cui falso assentiamur , neuè vnquàm captios ● probabilitate falla●nur . For it is , Ars , vera & falsa iudicandi : as hee againe noteth , in another place : It is an Art of discerning truth from falsehoold . Againe ( another vse ) it assisteth the Preacher , both in confuting of Haeresies , and in resoluing of all doubts and questions : as S. Augustine againe , in another place , obserueth . Disput ati●nis disciplina , ad omnia genera quaestionum , quae in liter●● 〈…〉 & dissoluenda plurimum valet . The Art of Disputing 〈◊〉 of a spe●●●● 〈◊〉 , for discerning and deciding of all manner of Qu●stion● , which any where wise , through the whole Scriptures . For , it doth 〈…〉 intelligention : as the Orator noteth : It yeeldeth a certaine knowledge of things doubtfull . Yea , and the vse of it is so generall , in all the parts of Diuinity , that Iamblicus affirmeth of it very resolutely , that , Omnia , quae considerantur de D●●s , Dialectica ratione astruuntur : That euery thing , which any way belongeth to God or Religion , is grounded vpon , and confirmed by some Logical Reason . Whence Plato himselfe ( as Ficinus obserueth ) vseth the word Dialectica , promiscuously , for Theologia , in many places of his writings ; as being aequivalent , and all one , in sense . And therefore , Iamblicus affirmeth of Logick , that it is Deorum munus : A gift and token of God vnto Men. Yea , and so it is indeed : and that a very great one . Yea , and in the same place affirmeth expresly : Reuerà , Deus quispiam fuit , qui Hominibus Dialecticam monstravit , & coelitùs demisit . Certainly , it was some God , which shewed Logick vnto men , and sent it downe from Heauen . Which some ascribe , to Mercurie ; some to Calliope ; and some to Apollo : who ( as there he reporteth ) did purposely deliuer all his Oracles , in obscure and aenygmatical termes , to excite men thereby vnto the study of Logicke ; which is the only Arte whereby they can be opened . Cuius opera quicquid ambiguum , & aequivocum est , dijudicatur : By the helpe of which Arte of Logick , whatsoeuer is ambiguous and doubtfull , is cleared and distinguished . 3 And that , which the Heathen haue confessed both of Grammer and Logick , they confesse likewise of Rhetoricks : That it is also a speciall gift of God , For if Grammer , which is but the Arte of speaking , be so , then must Rhetorick , which is the Arte of Pleading , much more be so . It is a farre higher gift , to pleade then to speake . To speake , is euery mans gift ; but to plead , the gift of few . And therefore ; as Plato collecteth in another like Case ; If God be the Giuer of the lesser blessings , then much more of the greater . Ipsum bonorum omnium Authorem , cur non maximi etiam boni causam arbitramur ? And therefore Dionysius Areopagita expresly affirmeth , That both these Arts of Speaking , are Gods speciall gifts . Deus , & dicendi , & benè dicendi munus , concessit . It is God , that hath giuen , hoth the Arte of Speaking , and the Arte of Well speaking . Tullie , that great Orator ; speaking of the Arte Oratorie , affirmeth it , not to be a gift of Nature , but to descend from God , as from the first Author : Primus eius Artis Antistes esse , Deus putatur . The first Author of that Arte is beleeued to be God. And though , in the same place , hee be driuen to confesse , that the benignitie of Nature hath no little sway in it ; yet there he further addeth , that euen , Idipsum , quod est hominis proprium , non sit partum per nos ; sed divinitùs ad nos delatum : That , euen that naturall habilitie , which any man hath vnto it , is not gotten by himselfe , but is giuen him by God. It is God that giueth the Tongue of the learned : as the Prophet Isay testifieth . And therefore the same Orator , in another place , affirmeth ; not following any other mans opinion , but deliuering his owne ; That it is onely God , that is indeed the Maker of euery good Oration , by his diuine infusion . Mihi quidem nè haec notiora , atque illustriora , carere vi divina videntur : vt Ego , aut Poetam , grave plenúmque carmen , sine coelesti aliquo mentis instinctu , putem fudere : aut eloquentiam , sinc maiori aliqua vi fluere , abundantem sonantibus verbis vberibúsque sententijs . He professeth , that he is perswaded , that neither any Poet can make a good Poëm , nor yet any Orator a good Oration , if he be not infused with a divine inspiration . For , as Pindarus also confesseth , vnto the same purpose : Et sapientes , & eloquentes , Dei benignitate , fiunt . It is onely Gods blessing , that giueth vnto men , both eloquence and wisedome . So Origen . Quòd verba quis fecerit , quae persuadendi vim habeant , id Dei munere fit ; quod verò suadeaetur , non semper ex Deo procedit . The power of perswading is alwayes the gift of God ; though the thing perswaded sometimes be not . Yea , and God himselfe expresly chalengeth the same to be his gift . Yea the whole Trinitie chalengeth it , who haue all a true right in it . God the Father , he chalengeth it , vnto the Prophet Moses : who when hee detrected his returne into Egypt , vpon pretence of his stammering , God himselfe demanded of him : Who it was that had giuen the mouth vnto man ? Is it not I the Lord ? God the Sonne , hee chalengeth it , vnto his Disciples : forbidding them to be carefull , when they came before Magistrates what answer they should make them ; and assuredly promising , that , in that very howre , it should be giuen to them . And the Holy Ghost , he chalengeth it , assuming vnto himselfe , that gift of strang speaking , wherwith the Apostles amazed all their hearers : They beganne to speake with other tongues , as the Spirit gaue them vtterance . By all which specialties , this Conclusion is proued , 4 Thus , all those three Arts , Grammer , Logick , and Rhetorick , are all of them giuen vnto men , by God. Yea , and that by God the Word : who is the wisedome of his Father : and who is the true light , that lighteneth euery man that commeth into the world . And this also , by the Confession euen of the very Heathen . For it is Epicharmus his Tenet : that , Divinum Verbum omnes Artes hominibus suggerit : It is onely God the Word , which giueth men the knowledge of all Arts and sciences . Which if it be generally true , in all Arts ; then is it most specially true , in those Arts. For , all those three Arts , doe carie vpon them , the very name of that God , who is the Giuer of them . For , as God the son is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so likewise is euery one of those forenamed Arts. There is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Verbum : and that is Grammer . There is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ratio , and that is Logick . And there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Oratio : and that is Rhetorick . So that , as God the Son doth carrie vpon him , the Character of his Father : so doe those threearts the Character of their Author . Euery one of them is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as God the Sonne is . So that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in generall , is like the nature of the Deitie , which is common vnto all the three persons of the Trinitie : and so is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnto all those three arts . So that as in the Trinitie it may truely be sayd ; That the Father , is God ; the Sonne is God ; and the Holy Ghost , is God : So may it be sayd , in the Trinitie of those arts ; That Grammer , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Logick , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & Rhetorick , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Here they are al conioyned together as in one common nature . And , as in the Trinity it may againe be sayd ; That the Father , is not the Sonne ; nor the Sonne , the Holy Ghost , nor the Holy Ghost , the Father : so may it be sayd likewise , in those three arts , and sciences : That Grammer , is not Logick ; nor Logick , Rhetorick ; nor Rhetorick , Grammer . Here againe disioyned . And yet , in another respect againe conioyned . For , as in the Trinitie , the Father doth beget the Sonne , and they two produce the Holy Ghost : so , in this other Trinitie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ratio , doth beget 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Verbum ; and they two produce out of them , an other third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is Oratio . So that those three arts are not onely affirmed to be the gifts of God , by the testmonie of the Heathen , but they also declare it , by their very name . CHAP. 14. Philosophie leadeth a Man vnto God. 2. It hath in it a kinde of resemblance of God. 3. It is acknowledged to be the Gift of God. 4. And so likewise is Poetrie . 5. And so all other Arts in generall . 6. Yea euen the Mechanicall . HAVING now dispatched the liberall Arts and Sciences ; and shewed , how all of them doe lesson vs to God ; it resteth , that we should ascend by them ( as by certaine streames ) vnto Philosophie it selfe : which is the Fountaine , and Springhead , from whence they all do flow . Tullie calleth Philosophy , The Mother of all good Arts : Omnium laudandarum Artium procreatricem quandam , & quasi parentem . And Damascene calleth it , The Inuenter of them . Per quam , Ars omnis & Scientia inventa est : By which all Arts and Sciences were first found and inuented . So that , what good soeuer we haue receiued , from all , or any of them , in teaching and instructing vs , to know , There is a God ; all that we owe onely vnto Philosophy : which is the first Fountaine from whence it was deriued : though by them , as by Channells , it were brought and conueied . Nay , that which they taught vs but obscurely , and indirectly , as occupied properly in another subiect , that doth Philosophy teach plainly and directly , as hauing God himselfe for his naturall Obiect . As wee may euidently see , not onely by the notation of the Name , but also by the definition of the Thing . Both of them implying , that Philosophy , in truth , is a kind of Diuinity : whose Obiect is onely God. And therefore , Theaetetus , in Plato , calleth Philosophers , by the name of Divines . Omnes Philosophos , Divinos appello . And Socrates well approueth his calling of them so . Yea , and the very name of Philosophy , being rightly expounded , implyeth , that his principall Obiect is God. For , by interpretation , Philosophy signifieth , The loue of Wisedome : as the Orator giue th the accompt of that name . Now , The beginning of Wisdome , is the feare of God : as , is plainly affirmed , by the Prophet Dauid . Nay , true wisedome it selfe is nothing else , but , Cognitio Numinis , rerúmque . Divinarum : The knowledge of God , and of those things that belong to him : as Architas Tarentinus expresly defineth . Nay , God himselfe is indeed the truest and highest wisedome . So Aristotle : God is an Essentia de Sapientia perfectissima . And this is further yet confessed , by the learned est of the Heathen : as Pansa reporteth and proueth . Aristotle againe , speaking of wisedome , saith , that it is not an humane possession , but an honour which is proper vnto God. And he citeth Simonides , for confirmation of it . So that , if Philosophie be truely the loue of Wisdome ; then is it the loue of God , who is the truest wisedome . As diuers of the Fathers haue , from this ground , collected . So Clemens Alexandrinus . Philosophi apud nos dicuntur , qui amant Sapientìam , quae est omnium opifex , & magistra , hoc est , Filij Dei cognitionem . They bee called Philosophers with vs , that are louers of that Wisdome , which is the Creator and Ruler of all things : that is , in very deede , that are louers of the knowledge of the Sonne of God. So Damascen . Vera Philosophia , est Sapientiae amor : vera autem Sapientiae , Deus est : Ex quo conficitur , Amorem erga Deum , veram esse Philosophiam . True Philosophy is nothing else but onely God himselfe : From whence it must needs follow , that True Philosophy , is nothing else but the true loue of God. In which point S. Augustine consenteth fully with Damascene : Id est Philosophari , amare Deum . And Theodoret , he fully consents with them both . Quiestre vera Philosophus , iure vocari poterit pius , & Dei amans . Hee that indeed is a Philosopher , may iustly be called by the name of Gods Louer . As the Patriarch Abraham , was called , Gods Friend . Yea , and some of the Heathen haue confessed also the same . Trismegistus defineth True Philosophy , to be nothing but Religion , and diuine contemplation . And therefore Plato affirmeth of euill men , That they doe not philosophize : Mali non philosophantur : because , euen in their being euill men , they put on a contrary nature vpon them . For the Nature of Philosophy is , by louing of God , to make men become good . And , in this nature , euery man ought to bee a Philosopher : Deum scilicet amando : yea euen the simplest man that is , as Iustin Martyr teacheth . For this is the chiefest worke of man , euen as he is a man. This is that Opus Hominis , quatenus Homo : Whereby he is made blessed : His truely louing God. And therefore , this , euery man ought to make his first and chiefest worke : and all the rest , but seconds , and thirds : as Iustine Martyr noteth , in the fore-alledged place . So that , Philosophie teacheth a man to loue God , euen by his very name . And therefore it must needs assume , That there is one . Againe , Aristotle calleth true Philosophie , Scientiam veritatis : The knowledge of the Truth : and affirmeth , that The end of it , is onely Veritas , that is , to attaine vnto the truth . Now , God is , prima veritas , God is the first Truth , as Trismegistus affirmeth . Primam veritatem , aio , Vnum , & solum illum , qui non est ex m●teria , corpore non continetur , sine colore , sine figura , mutationi & alterationi nulli obnoxium semper existentem . I call the first truth , that one and onely thing , which hath neither body , nor matter , colour , nor figure , neuer subiect to alteration , and yet euer in perfect being . All which attributes , can agree vnto nothing else , but onely vnto God himselfe . Whom the Scriptures likewise call , by the name of the Truth : I am the Way , the Truth , and the Life . And this is that Truth , which we first ought to seeke for ; as being the Way , which leadeth vs vnto Life . This is euerlasting life , to know thee to bee the onely true God , and whom thou hast sent Iesus Christ. And the knowledge of Truth , is the very end , for which man was created : as euen Aristotle himselfe hath expresly affirmed . Homines ad veritatem nati sunt . Men are borne for nothing else , but to seeke for the Truth . So that , whether Philosophy bee the loue of Wisdome ; as Pythagoras intended : or , the knowledge of the Truth ; as Aristotle intended : yet both wayes it leadeth a man vnto God , who is both the highest wisdome , and the chiefest Truth : Yea , and that , by vertue of the very name . Now come wee from the notation of the name , vnto the definition of the Thing : and wee shall see it there againe . For Philosophy , is defined to bee , Omnium rerum , divinarum , atque humanarum scientia : The knowledge of all things , both diuine , and humane . Whence Seneca affirmeth , that , Nomen Philosophiae , est non solùm venerabile , sed etiam sacrum . The very name of Philosophie , is both honourable , and holy : Honorable , in things humane ; and Holy , in things Diuine . Now , if Philosophie teach vs the knowledge of the things of God ; then must it needes leade vs , to the knowledge of God himselfe . And so indeede , true Philosophy doth . For , there is none other way to come vnto God , but by eschewing of Euill , and doing of Good. And both these lessons doth Philosophy teach vs. For it is , both Expultrix vitiorum ; and Indagatrix virtutum : The Expeller of vices ; and Searcher-out of vertues . First , it expelleth vices , as skilfull Phisitions doe peccant and vicious humors . And therefore , in another place , he calleth Philosophie , Medicinam Animi● The Phisick of the Soule : and in another , Culturam Animi : The Husbandrie and manuring of the Soule : which rooteth out all vices , as noysome and hurtfull weeds . So that , for the first part of the way vnto God ; which is Flying of euill ; Philosophie , not onely pointes it out vnto vs , but also , in a sort , doth leade vs in it by the hand . Whereupon , in the fore-alledged place , hee calleth Philosophie , The Guide of our life : Ducem vitae . And , for the second part of the way ; which is Doing of Good ; he calleth Philosophie , Artem vitae : The Arte of mans life . Which Arte contayneth in it ( as in another place he noteth ) Et virtutis , & officij , & benè vivendi disciplinam : A full and perfect instruction both in all vertues , and in all manner of well liuing . Neither doth it onely teach the knowledge thereof vnto men ; but it also exacteth the practise of them . For , as it is obserued by the Romane Orator : Omnis optimarum rerum cognitio , atque in ijs exercitatio , Philosophia nominatur : Not onely the knowledge of euery good thing , but also a working and exercise therein , is that , which can worthily be named Philosophie . Finally , whatsoeuer godly Lesson is taught vs , either in the Metaphysicks , or Physicks , or Phisick , or Ethicks , or Politicks , or Mathematicks , or Grammer , or Logick , or Rhetoricke , or any other Arte ; all that is taught vs by Philosophie . For , all these are nothing else but the parts of Philosophie . And therefore , when the Apostle exhorteth vs , to take heed , that no Man deceiue vs through Philosophy ; he speaketh not against true Philosophie : for that deceiueth no man : as is truely obserued by the Heathen Poet. Nam neque decipitur Ratio , neque decipit vnquàm . For true Philosophie , praeserueth men From all deceit , and not deceiueth them . For , in true Philosophie , there is , Nihil commentitijs fabellis loci : There is no place for Fables . And true Philosophers be not , fabularum , but , rerum authores : as the Orator teacheth vs. Therefore , it is not true Philosophie , which the Apostle there reproueth : but certaine false , and sophisticall Doctrines , which many Impostors obtruded to their hearers , vnder the false name of Philosophy . He speaketh but of that Philosophie , which is falsely so called . For , true Philosophie is the gracious gift of God. 2 Yea , and I finde it obserued , by some of the learned , that ; as Philosophie hath in it , an image of Gods goodnesse , in bringing so many , and so great good things vnto vs : so hath it in it also ( in diuers other respects ) an image and resemblance , not onely of the Deitie , but also of the Trinitie . As I see the lines drawne in Zeegedinus his common places . Which though it be but , as it were , a monogrammal description , and a kind of rude draught , as it were with a Cole : yet , because a man so learned , hath thought it worthy to be published , I will not thinke it vnworthy to be here represented . His conceite thereof , is this : That Whereas Philosophie hath three generall parts ; Naturall , Rationall , and Morall ; Naturall Philosophie , which handleth the causes of all things , representeth God the Father , who is the Creator , and the generall Cause of all things . Rationall Philosophie , which teache●h of reason and vnderstanding , representeth God the Sonne , who is the wisdome of his Father , and the sweet disposer of all things . And Morall Philosophie , which is the rule of well liuing , representeth the Holy Ghost ; who is the preseruer , and the guide of all men into truth , and vertuous life . Yea , and the same resemblances may also bee seene , in all the minor parts of the fore-named Philosophies , as well as in their totals . For first , as concerning Naturall Philosophy : the parts thereof bee three , The Metaphysickes , the Mathematickes , and the Physickes . The Metaphysickes , considering the pure essence of things , doth therein resemble God the Father ; who is nothing else but a pure and simple essence , and the very first principle of all other things . The Mathmetickes , considering of formes and figures , doe therein resemble God the Sonne ; who is the character and ingrauen image of God the Father The Physickes , considering the motions and operations of all naturall bodies , doe therein resemble God the Holy Ghost ; who is that diuine spirit , by which all things both liue , and moue , and haue their being . Now secondly , for Rationall Philosophy : that hath three parts too : Grammer , Logicke , and Rhetoricke . Grammer , which teacheth the forming and expressing of words , resembleth God the Father ; who formeth ( like a minde ) and expresseth , ( like a mouth ) the eternall Word , his Sonne . Logicke , which teacheth the power of reasoning , resembleth God the Sonne ; who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The high Reason , and Wisedome of his Father . And Rhetoricke , which teacheth the faculty of perswading , resembleth the Holy Ghost ; who both giueth vnto men the power of perswasion , and the motion also to be perswaded by speaking . And thirdly , for Morall Philosophie ; that likewise hath three parts : Ecclesiastickes , Oeconomickes , and Politickes . The Ecclesiastickes , treating of the knowledge of God the Creator , represent God the Father , in the authority of his Creation . The Oeconomickes , treating of priuate life , and of those prouisions which belong vnto it , represent God the Sonne , in the charity of his Sustentation . And the Politickes , treating of Regiment , and well gouerning , represent God the Holy Ghost , in the goodnesse of his Preseruing . This is Zeegedin's comparison , as concerning that resemblance of the Holy Trinity , which shineth in euery part of Philosophy . 3 Now the Heathen , though they could not goe thus farre , as to see in Philosophie an image of the Trinity ( because that is a Mysterie , farre aboue their Capacity ) yet they could goe so farre , as to see , that Philosophy is the gift of God , and not the inuention of any mortall man. Tully calleth it expresly , both Inventum Deorum , and , Donum Deorum , that is , both a sparke of Gods owne diuine Wisdome ; and also his gracious gift vnto men . Which when hee sent vnto them , hee sent together with it , all other Arts and Sciences , to attend vpon it . As Clemens Alexandrinus hath truely obserued . Apparet , ill as liberales Graecorum disciplinas , vnà cum ipsa Philosophia , venire devinitùs ad Hominem . It appeareth , that euen the liberall Arts of the Greekes , were sent downe out of Heauen , together wi●h Philosophie it selfe , vnto men . So that , as the Orator very truely affirmeth : Hoc bono , nullum optabilius , nullum praestantius , neque datum est mortalium generi , Deorum concessu atque , munere neque dabitur . Then which the●e was neuer any greater good , nor more to bee desired , either giuen , or can be giuen by God vnto Men. Yea , and Seneca proueth it , by this excellent reason ▪ That , if Philosophie were not giuen vnto men by God , they should be more beholding vnto Philosophie then to God. For they receiue so many good things , by the meanes of Philosophy , as they doe from nothing else , but onely from God himselfe . This is that high opinion , which hath bene held of Philosophy , euen by the very Heathen . 4 And , as they haue thought of Philosophy : so haue they likewise of Poetry : That it is also the gift of God , and not a skill by any man inuented . And this is , not onely by the Romane Orator confirmed : but also , euen by the Poets themselues acknowledged . Democritus affirmeth directly : Neminem , sine furore , Poetam magnum esse posse . That no man can attaine , to bee a great Poet , vnlesse hee first bee rapt with some divine and heauenly spirit . And Plato , hee saith , That Poets vse to make all their excellent Poems ; non arte , sed divino affl●tu capti ; not by their owne Art , but by the inspiration of some divine spirit . And Maximus Tyrius , speaking of Homer , and of his excellent gift in Poetry , hee saith : That he was , surely , taught , by some of the Muses , if not by god Apollo himselfe , Illum docuit vel Musa Iovis , vel pulcher Apollo . And againe , a little after : Et Homeri & Hesiodi carmina , vniversaque illa antiqua , Musa , divinitùs erat afflata . And that which these Philosophers affirme , the Romane Orator confirmeth . Poeta , quasi divino quodam spiritu afflatur . Euery Poet is inspired , with a kind of heauenly spirt . Yea , and Apollo , the Poets speciall god , assumeth it vnto him : That Poesie is his gift . — Per me concordant carmina nervis . The Poets strings , And what he sings , That all agree , It is by mee . Yea , and euen the very Poets themselues ( stripping themselues of all the glory of that diuine inuention ) doe industriously maintaine the very same opinion : partly , by indirect insinuation : and partly , by direct confession . By insinuation , in their inuocations to Apollo , and the Muses in the beginning of their Poems . So Homer , in his Iliads . Iram cane , Dea , Pelidae Achillis . O Goddesse , doe thou streyne , Achilles angry veyne . So againe in his Odysses . Virum dic mihi , Musa , versutum . Helpe me , ô Muse , to sing of such a man , As was so wise a Poli●ian . Insinuating , that he could not tell what to say , if the Muse should not teach him . So Virgil , his Ape : Dic mihi , Musa , virum . Prompt me the Man , my Muse. So Nonius , in his Dionysiaca : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Tell , Goddesse , tell . So Ovid. Ad mea perpetuum deducite tempora carmen . Yea gods draw on , perpetuate my rime , From Worlds first being , to my present time . And , as in the beginning of their poems , they vse to insinuate , that they cannot goe forward , without the helpe of God : so , in the end of their poems , oftentimes , they ascribe their felicity , in going so well forward , vnto his helpe . Euripides , in many of his Tragoedies , prayeth for victory : thereby insinuating , that victorie and excellency in Poetrie , is onely of God. Which , Agatho the Poet , in a very religious manner , expressed . For hee , hauing , in the Olympiacke , obtained the victory , by his Tragoedie ; he out of his thankfulnesse , the next day , sacrìficed vnto the Muses . Neither doe the Poets , by these Insinuations onely , acknowledge , that their faculty is giuen to them by God : but also by their direct , and apert Confessions . So Virgil : — Ille Ludere quae vellem calamo permisit agresti . That God of mine is he , That granteth this to me , To sing , and pipe , and play , My pleasing country lay . So Horace . Deus , Deus nam me vetat . God , God doth me forbid . So Ovid. Est Deus in nobis , agitante calescimus illo , Imp●tus hic sacrae semina mentis habet . There is a God in vs , and by his power we liue , This power of his the seed● of sacred minde doe giue . So Ovid againe , in another place : Est Deus in nobis , sunt & commercia Coeli . Sedibus aethereis spiritus ille venit . A God there is in vs , and with vs Heauens commerce , And thence that Spirit comes , that helpeth out our verse . Otherwise , as Theocritus ingenuously confesseth : Arduae sunt Poetarum viae , absque Musis , Et lovis consilio . The paths that Poets trace , full vncouth proue , Without I●ues aide , and Muses , from aboue . Thus , euen the Heathen confessed , not onely Philosophy , but also Poetry , to be a Diuine gift ; and to be sent vnto men out of Heauen , by God. But this point I now passe ouer ; because I haue touched vpon it , before . 5 And the like they acknowledge of all other arts too . Yea , and that ( as in the for●●er ) both indirectly , by Implication ; and directly , by Confession . The ●reekes insinuate , that all Arts come from God ; in making 〈◊〉 , Daughter of Iupiter : and to haue had her generation , in his Diu●eb●●●● . For , thereby they imply , that all Arts were first bred in Iupiters owne head . For Minerva was the Mistresse of all good Arts : as Salust , in his inuectiue against Tully , insinuateth : where , in derision , hee affirmeth him to bee a man , Quem Minerva omnes Artes edocuit : Whom Minerua had adorned with all her Arts and Sciences . Yea , and the Romanes doe also insinuate the same : in consecrating Mens , among their other Gods. Whereby againe they imply● , that all vnderstanding is giuen to men by God. Neither doe they onely by Insinuation imply it ; but also directly , in expresse words confesse it . So Orpheus — Iovis omnia munus . All goods are Gods : His gifts they are . So likewise Pythagoras . — sacrum genus est hominibus Quibus sacra natura p●ofere●do in lucem omnia monstra● . He saith , the holy God doth bring to light , Whatsoeuer M●n doth vnderstand aright . So likewise Aratus . — nos , ille benignus Fausta docet — It 's he alone , euen he , the God beningne , That vs instructs , in euery blessed thing . Yea , and as Philo Iudaeus obserueth ; when he begins to teach men , he teacheth them to purpose . Quandò Fons Sapientìae , Deus , Scientias tradit humano generi , sine mora hoc facit . Whenas God , who is the fountaine of all wisdome , deliuereth any Art or Science vnto men , he quickly doth dispatch them . H● doth it , not , instillando ; but , infundendo . He doth it , not by instillation , but by infusion . He droppeth it not in ; but hee powreth it in . As wee may see in the Apostles , when hee gaue them the gift of toungs . And therefore it is a very false position , which is maintained by Xenophon : That all Arts haue beene found out , rather by the wit of man ( vsing the benefit of long time ) then by Gods speciall blessing . Non Dij mortalibus principio oftendêre omnia : sed melius quaerentes tempore longo invenêre . It is true indeede , that God doth not alwayes , vpon a sodaine , powre knowledge into men ( as hee did into the Disciples ) but teacheth them by degrees , in distance of times : but yet , men were not able , to get knowledge of themselues , though they should labour for it , with neuer so great paine , and neuer so long time ; if they were not assisted , with his speciall blessing . And therfore Orpheus , in the fore-alledged place , he ascribeth vnto God , not onely the beginning ; but also the proceeding , in all kind of learning . Iupiter est Caput , & Medium : Iovis omnia munus . God is the Beginning , and God is the proceeding : and All is of Gods giuing . For Euery good giuing commeth downe vnto vs from the Father of Lights . And , It is onely in his Light , that we see Light. It is he ( saith the Prophet Dauid ) that teacheth a man knowledge . It is he ( saith the Prophet Daniel ) that giueth wisdome , vnto all that be wise ; and vnderstanding , vnto all that vnderstand . He gaue to Ananias , and his fellowes , their knowledge and vnderstanding in all manner of learning . He gaue vnto King Salomon , all his excellent wisedome , which reached vnto all the parts of Philosophy . And no man hath any thing , which hee hath not of his teaching : no nor can haue neither . For he giueth , not onely the possession of all Arts ; but also all possibility of attayning vnto them . He both teacheth men ; and he giueth them the capacitie to learne . Hee giueth docilitie , together with his doctrine . It is hee ( saith the Prophet ) that giueth an eare to heare , as the learned . Yea , and this also , euen by the Heathen themselues , is acknowledged . Strepsiades , when hee entred into the Schoole of Socrates , to learne his abstruse Arts ; hee prayed vnto the gods , to lend him their assistance . So that , though Docility may seeme to bee a gift of Nature ; yet , euen that nature is , the gift of God. Nature may giue the gift of docility to vs : but God giueth the gift of docility to it . So that , all our capability of receiuing any Art , is taught , euen by the Heathen , to be giuen of God. And we must flye aboue nature , if wee will rightly reduce it , to his true Originall Author . God both giueth all knowledge , vnto them that haue it ; and all capacity to receiue it , vnto them that haue it not . And thus ( as Eusebius hath truely obserued ) it is , Divinum verbum , quod omnes Artes hominibus suggerit ; ●is onely the Diuine word , which giues vnto all men , all manner of Arts and knowledge . But this point hath also beene touched by me , heretofore . And therefore I will not presse it , in this place , any more . 6 Let vs therefore now come downe , to the lowest degree of Arts : that is , Manuary and Mechanicall : and we shall see , that euen they , as well as the liberall , are , by the Heathen , confessed to bee the gifts of God. Trismegistus saith of all kindes of knowledge in generall : that , Scientia est Dei donum : That all manner of knowledge , is the gift of God ; And Seneca , of all humane Arts in particular : Neque enim nostra , haec , quae invenimus , dixeris ; non magis quàm quòd crescimus . Insita sunt nobis omnium Artium semina . Sed Magister , ex occulto , Deus producit ingenia . Doe not call those things our workes , which we seeme to haue inuented : no more then it is our worke , that we grow vp . The seedes indeed of all good Arts , are sowne in our mindes . But yet there is a secret Master , within vs , which giueth vs our wits . And that is God himselfe . So Clemens Alexandrinus vnto the same purpose . Artes omnes divina Ratio docet . Non enìm homo Artem aliquam invenit : sed Deus affert . Hominis enìm ratio , orta est a divina ratione . It is onely Gods wisdome , that teacheth all Arts and Sciences vnto men . For man cannot finde out any Art of himselfe : it is God that brings it to him . But be it that man inuented them ; why yet all humane reason doth draw his Originall from Gods diuine wisdome . So that all is due to God. For , as Iob , in his Booke , teacheth vs : Though there bee a Spirit in a man ; yet it is the inspiration of the Almighty , that giueth vnderstanding . Though a man haue , by nature , a spirit in him ; yet hath not that spirit the light of vnderstanding , vnlesse the Father of Lights inspire the same into him . And this , euen Aristotle himselfe also teacheth : who expresly affirmeth ; That , though God haue giuen docility into mens soules , by nature ; yet hath he not giuen them doctrine it selfe , by nature : but giueth that of himselfe , out of his owne speciall grace . A Natura non inest homini nisi docilitas ; non autem doctrina : eiusque animus creatus est , non eruditus , sed erudibilis . Man hath onely , by Nature , the power of docilitie , he hath not , by nature , the habit of doctrine . His soule is created to be capable of learning : it is not actually created learned . And therefore , as he noteth in another place : In all a mans learning , Intellectus operatur , vt agens secundum ; ac ; per primum efficit , quicquid efficit : His vnderstanding worketh , but as a second Agent ; and doth all it doth , by the vertue of an higher vnderstanding , which is aboue it . And this , euen the Heathen acknowledge to be true , as well in all inferior and Mechanicall Arts , as in the liberall and ingenuous . And therefore they haue ascribed the inuention of all the seuerall manuarie Arts , vnto their seuerall gods : As namely , to Hercules , the first inuention of the purple dye : Agriculture , to Ceres : Prima Ceres Ferro mortales vertere terram Instituit : — Navigation to Neptune : as Diodorus Siculus writeth : whence his name is etymologized by Tully : Neptunus à nando : He is named Neptune from nauigation . Whereby it appeareth , that , euen they themselues thought , the inuention of the meanest Mechanicall Art , to proceed from a more diuine vnderstanding then dwelleth in the heart , or in the head , of any man. And thus farre they went right . But now , heere againe , they erre ; that they ascribed those Arts , vnto their false gods , which of right do belong vnto the true God. For , all those Arts , are onely his gifts . He is their true Author , and Inuentor . So that , without sacriledge , they cannot be ascribed , vnto any other . And therefore God himselfe , Who will not giue his honour vnto any other , calleth home all those Arts , and chalengeth them by name , to be his owne inuentions . He taught the first Shipwright , how to make his Ship. Hee teacheth the Carpenter , how to build his house . He teacheth the Husbandman , how to plow his land . Ille colit terras : He tilleth the Earth . The Earth Man tilleth , As God him teacheth . Hee teacheth the Arte of Graving , in all kinde of mettals ; and of Carving , in either Wood , or Stone . Hee teacheth the Arts , both of Weauing , and Imbroydering ; and of curious working , in all kinde of Needle worke : and of all such like other cunning inuentions ; as hee addeth in that place : shutting-vp his owne enumeration , with that generall Conclusion , that no other particular should bee left out of it . All these seuerall Artificers , hee professeth , that he filleth with the spirit of knowledge , and vnderstanding ; in all their seuerall Arts. Yea , and that which is very worthy the noting , hee assumeth to himselfe , to giue the Art to teach them , as well as to practise them . Yea , and though hee bee , The most High : yet hee chalengeth the inuention , euen of that simple Art , which among the rest may seeme the most low : I haue created the Smith , that bloweth the Coales in the fire , and him that bringeth forth an Instrument , for his worke . But this point is largely handled , both by Theodoret , and by Zanchius . And therefore I will prosecute it no farther . Thus now we see , who is the true Author , of all those Arts and Sciences , which the Heathens haue ascribed vnto their false gods . And withall , that there is none of them so meane , which hee hath thought vnworthy to bee his owne inuention . So that now it appeareth , that there is not any Arte , neither Liberal , nor illiberall , from the Metaphysickes , to the Mechanicks , from the highest , to the lowest , but that some way or other , it leadeth a man to God. Which is the maine scope , and intent of this second Booke . Heere wee should proceede to the third probation of our first generall head , argued , and vrged , from The Structure of Mans body , &c. But the Hand of Almighty GOD , at this present , on mine owne Body , heere stayeth my Hand . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A01093-e430 ●aling . in Scor. pag. 217. Is●crat . ●rat . ad Philip. p. 267. Plut ▪ lib. de Fato Tom. 2. p , 670. Galen lib. 10 de Vsu partium , p , 313. 1. Cor. 12. 4. 5. &c. 2. Pet ▪ 1. 20 ▪ 21. 1. Cor. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11. 12. 1 , Cor. 3. 9. 1 Cor. 3. 9. Th●odoret . S●r. 6. de Prouide● , To. 2. p , 600. 1. Cor. 12. 19. 21. 1. Cor. 7. 7. 1. Pet. 4. 10. Lapides magos ●ine paruis , benè struinegant Architecti . Plat. li. 10. de Leg. p. 877 Can● . 2. 15. 1. Cor. 3. 10. Cic. Orat. 3. in Verrem . p. 79. Prou. 25. 11. Phil. 2. 13. Plato in Ionc , p. 171. Tibul. leb . 4. p. 150. Aug. lib. 2. de Trin. in proaem . 〈◊〉 . 3 p. 260. Lucret. l. 1. P. 34. 〈◊〉 . 1. Tuse . p. 110. Tertul. lib. de Testim . 〈◊〉 c. 1. p. 84. 〈◊〉 3. de . 〈◊〉 . pag. 214 Psa. 8. 1. Rom. 1. 20. Horat ▪ lib. de Arte Poet p 170 Ath●naeus . l. 15. p. 500. ●urip . in Medea p. 185. Quicunque canunt pro foribus etiamsi quid Doctum cecinerint , non reputati sapientes , opinionem sub●unt stultitiae . Clem. Alex. lib. Strom p. 136. Galen . l. 12. de vsu partium . p. 358. Lucret. lib. 1. p. 2. 3. Rom. 1. 20. Psal. 14. 1. & Psal. 53. 1. Mar. 9. 24. Plau● . in Mercat . Act. 5. S●c . 4. p. 547. Ovid. l. 3. Amorrum . Eleg. 8. p. 209. Alas sometimes I cannot shun , But some p●ophane thoughts in my minde will runue , 〈◊〉 . 7. day , p. 235. Iust. Mart. Dial. cum Try●hon . p. 153. Ps. 14. 1. Theodoret. Serm 1. De Prouiden ●ia . Tom. 2. p. 576 Isai 29. 13. Ro● . 10. 10. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 237. Prouidentiam repr●●ende●d● , quae ration ●n dederit 〈…〉 & i●probe vsuros . Rom. 1. 21. 22. Verse 20. Lucret. lib. 5. pag. 227. Titus 1. 16. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p 192. Tubulus . Qu●stio de Natura Dcorum , & ad 〈…〉 & ad moderandam Religio●em necessaria . 〈◊〉 . l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 184. Item , vide Senecam 〈◊〉 6●● p. 107. 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 Cic. lib. 4. Acad. p. 38. Greg. Epist ▪ ad L●andrum in 〈…〉 Quintil. lib. 10. c. 1. p. 575. Athenaeus . lib. 3. p. 55. Fraz , Poet. pag. 141. Versorum pro versuum . Senec. Epist. 101. p. 251. Aul. G●l . lib. 9. c. 9 p. 124. Horat. lib. de Art. Poet. p. 169. Cie . lib 3. De Fin p. 68. Cic. in . 〈◊〉 . p. ●43 . 〈◊〉 . Orat ▪ ad 〈◊〉 p. 35. Mat. 5. 46. 47. Ca●● . ad Corn. Nepo● . p. 7. I●enaeus l. 3. c , 6. p. 176. Notes for div A01093-e6470 Paulu● Venetus . Lodouicus Viues ▪ Notes for div A01093-e10200 To beleeue there is a God the foundation of all Religion . Heb. 11. 6. Lactant ▪ lib. De vero cultu . c. 9. p 333 336 Palingen . in Sagit . p. 268. Theoph. Alex. Epist. 2. Paschal . Bib ▪ Pat. Tom. 1. p. 391. Phil. Iud. lib. De decalogo p. 1018. Aben Ezra apud Iosippu● p. 297. Senec. Epist. 96. p. 237. Plato in Epinom . p. 918. Plut. lib. De Stoic . R● pub . To. ● . Mor. p. 8. Phocyl . p. 100. Pythag. p. 12● . Where God is not beleeued all wickednes is planted . Plut. lib. De Supersti● . Tom ▪ 1. Mor. p. 380. Sil. Italic . lib. 4. p. 56. ● . Gen. 20. 11. Senec. Epist. 96. p. 23● . To beleeue there is a God is the summe of all Religion . Cic. lib. 1. De Orat. p. 147. Iupiter à maio●ibus nostris Optimus Maximus appellatur . Cic. lib. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 210 Io. 5. 36. Prayer must helpe vs vnto vnderstanding . Plato in Epin●m p. 918. Theodoret. Serm 9. de Prouid . To ▪ 2. p. 615. Epiph. lib. 1. cont . Haeres . p. 1. Nazian . Orat. 21 Apol. f●g . p. 398. The very Heathens v●ed Prayer in the beginning of their works . Cap. 5. Sect ▪ 1. Clem. Alex. lib. 5. Strom. p. 277. Cic. li. 2. De. leg . p. 320. Virg. Eclog. 3. p. 8. AElian . lib. 4. de var ▪ Hist. c. 10. p. 423. Demost ▪ To. 2. p. 3. Plin. in . Pa●egir ▪ p. 360. Laert. in vitae Protagorae . p. 321. Plato in Tim●o p. 704. 713. Cic. lib. 2. De Leg. p. 320. Xenoph. in Oe. conom . p. 239. S●obaeus lib. 1. Eclog. phys . cap. 3. p. 3. Prayer must helpe vs to beleeue , That God is . Plato . lib. 10. De leg ▪ p. 873. Phi. Iud. lib. De Monarchia . p. 1102. Plutarch lib. de lside , Tom. 2. p , 611. Arist. lib. 1. Ethic. c. 9. To. 2. p. 611. Plato in Epinom p. 913. Hieron . Epist. ad . Laetam . To. 1. p. 57. 〈◊〉 . li. 1 De Trinit . p. 1127. That God is , cannot be proue●● Priorj . Plato . lib. 10. De Leg. p. ●70 . Senec. li● . De Prouid . c. 1. p. 1. Epieurus , cùm Pr●uidentiam su , ●ulit ▪ D●u●● ne●av●t esse , cum autem Deum esse professus est , et prouidec●iam esse contess●t ▪ Alterun enim c●●m sine altern necesse pro●●as , nec in●ellig● potest . Lact in . lib. De ●ra D● . ● . 9. P. 455. Tri●●eq . Sto●● . Serm. 〈…〉 ●ohan ●u . Mirand . lib De ●nte . p. 204. Arist. lib 1. ●oster . c. 2. To. 1. p. 175. 〈…〉 1. Tim. 1. 15. Clem. ●lex . lib. 5. Strom. p. 273. Cic. lib. 3. De Offic. p. 380. Heb. 11. 6. Cic. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 leg . p. 313. That God is , may be shewed A Posteriori . Arist. l● b. 1. ●oster . c. 10. To. 1. p. 188. Aquinas 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 2. Arist. lib. 1. Poster . c. 2. To. 1. p. 175. Scaliger . lib de Subtil . Exerci● 218 p. 697. Nemini comp●rt●●unt in igne caloris principia Arist. lib. 2. Metaphys . c. 3. To. 2. p. 1388. Arist. Ethic. lib. 1. c. 3. ●o . 2. p. 604. Clem. Alex. lib. 5. Strom. p. 273. Cic. lib. De Vniuersitate p. 428. Plato , in Timaeo p. Iod. Viues . lib. 1. De Veritat . Christ. Relig. c. 4. p. 14. The best Testimonies , to proue , that There is a God , are the Testimonies of the Sc●●ptures . Io : 8. 13. 14. Iohn 14. 6. Iohn 17. 17. Salvian : lib 3. De Prouiden . Bib. Pat. To : 3. p. 270. C●em . Alex. li. 5. Strom. p. 273. Philo Iud. lib. de leg . allegor . p. 139. Xenoph. lib. 1. De●act . Socrat. p. 157. Clem. Alex. vbi . supra . Hilar. lib. 7. De Trin , p. 95. Orosius lib. 6. Hist. c. 1. p. 213. ● Atheists reiect the testimonies of the Scriptures . Lactant. lib. De falsa Relig. c. 4. p. 3. Looke Sect 5. following . Macrob. lib. 1. De Som : Scip. c. 2. p. 3. Salui●n . vbi supra . The Testimonies of the Heathens , are more regarded with Atheists , then the Scriptures Sect. 4. and 5. Lactan. lib. De Iustitia . cap. 4. p. 268. Hieron . Epist. ad Mag. Orat●rem . To. 2. p. 327. Iustin. Mart. Orat. ad Gent. To. 1. p. 48. Lactan. lib. De falsa Relig. c. 5. p. 10. Lact. lib. De Diuino praemio . c. 13. p. 414. 1. Cor. 3. ● ▪ Prosper lib. De Prouident . p. 180 The Testimonies of Scripture why vsed in this worke . A●g . lib. 22. De Ciu. Dei. c. 8. To. ● . p. 13 39. Psal. 94. 9. Illorum authoritas est omni rationabili facultate validior . Nazian . Orat . 47. p. 770. Salu●a● . l. 3. De Prouid . Rib. Pat. To. 3. p. 270. The most proper authorities in respect of the Aduersaries . Sect. 2. Claud. Vict. lib. 1. in Gen. ●ib . Pat. To. 7. p. 345. Euseb. l. 6. De Praepar . c. 6. p. 125. Act. 17. 28. 1. Cor. 15. 33. Tit. 1. 12. The Testimonies of the Heathens , why here so much vsed . Qui sermonem invicem communicaturi sunt , oportet vt aliquatenus invicem intellig●nt . Arist. l. 11. Me●aph●s . c. 4. To. 2. p. 1486. Sect. 2. before . Tertul. lib. De Cor●na . Cap. 7. p. 181. Nouatian . lib. De Tri●it . cap. 18. Apud Tertul . p. 631. Lactan. l. 1. c. 6. p. 17. Chrysost. Hom. 3. in Tit. Tom. 4. p. 1614. ●●ctant . lib. De vera Sapientia . c. 12. p. 211. Cic. Orat. Pro. P. Quint. p. 12. Tertul. li. De Anima cap. 2. p. 262. 1. Sam. 17. 51. Mat 7. 6. Muscas , & Ranas illis immisit ; vt rebus vilissimis , superbia domeretur . Aug. Tract . 1. in Iohan . Tom. 9. p. 12. Senec. in prae●at Nat. Quaest. p. 3. God hath plāted in all men a certaine perswasion , That there is a God. Cognitio diuino ru● suit semper in 〈…〉 p. 7. Senec. lib. 4. De Benfi● . c. 6. p. 50. Laert. vita Zenonis p. 248. Testimonies of Heathens , that all men beleeue There is a God. Cap. 6. Sect. 1. Plato lib. 10. de . leg . p. 878. Xenophon lib. 1. De fact . Socrat. p. 166. Thismegist . in Asclep . c. 3. p. 483. Cic. lib. 1. De leg . p. 313. Iu●enal . S●t . 15. p. 69. b. Arist. lib. De Mundo . To. 2. p. 1566. Rom. 11. 36. Iamblic . lib. De Myster . c. 1. p. 5. Cap. 9. Sect. 2. AElian . lib. 2. De var. Hist. c. 31. p. 395. Arnob. lib. 8. cont . gent. p 747 Senec : Epist. 118 p. 295. Testimonies of Christians That all men beleeue There is a God. Clem. Alex. lib. 5. s●●om . p. 274 Arnob. lib. 1. cont . Gent. p 47● Macarius ●om . 12. p. 153. Beda . in cap. 17. Ioh. To. 5. p. 792. Prosper . lib. De Prou●d . p. 180. Theodoret. lib. de Angelis . Tom. 2. p. 498. Testimonies of Tullie , that all men beleeue , There is a God. Cic. li. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 190. Cic. lib. 1. Tusc. p. 112. All Nations haue their Gods , by the Testimonies of Histories . Diodor. Sicul. l. 13. p. 317. Strabo . lib. 3. p. 328. Cap. 8. Sect. 3. Arnob. l. 8. cont . gent. p. 748. C●●lius Rhodigin lib. 18. cap. 28. p. 862. Herodot . l. 4. p. 278. 279. Lucian . lib. De Sacrifici●s , p. 57. b. Herod . vbi . supra . Herodot . l. 1. p. 100. All Nations haue there Gods , by the testimoni● of new Histories . Tres sunt in Mundo Religiones ; Iudaeorum , Paganorum , Christianorum . Athanas. in D●●put . cont . Arium p. 517. But time since his time hafh brought forth a fourth . Trauellers find , that euery nation hath a God. Eng. Voyag . vol. 3. p. 737. 738. Ibid. p. 819. Max. Tyr. Ser. 1. p. 6. Cap. 6. Sect. 1. Cic. lib. 1. De Nat. D●o . p 187. Plut. Cont. Colot . Tim. 3. Mor. p. 532. * Nisi Diuina sin● , vbique tollitur Sacrificij virtus , lambli . c. 6. P. 15. lib. De Mysterijs . Cic. lib. 1. Offic. p. 358. * Pet. Martyr . Decad. 1. lib. 5. p. 30. b. Aug. lib. de Haeres . To. 6. p. 18 Gen. 2. 25. Paul. Venet. lib. 3. c. 14. p. 390. Eng. Voyages . vol. 1. p. 281. Alex. ab . Alex. Geneth . Lib. 6. c. 26. p. 321. b. The ridiculous Gods or diuers Nations . Cap. 7. Sect. 1. Clem. Alex. Protrept . p. 11. Athenaeus . lib. 1. p. 21. Lact. lib. 2. c. 16. p. 120. Munster . lib. 5. Cosmogr . p. 1087 Masseus , lib. 6. Hist. Indic . p. 118. Mat. 4. 9. Deut. 32. 17. 2. King. 1. 2. Luke 11. 15. AElian . l. 12. De Animal . c. 5. p. 250. Iuuenal . Satyr . 15. p. 60. a. Aristop. ia Nub. Act. 5. sec. ● . p. 228. Plin. l. 2. c. 7. p. ● . Lucian . In Ioue Tragaedo , p. 210. a. Linschot . c. 36. p. ●0 . P●t . Mar. Dec. p. 284. Masseus l. 1. p. 24. Linschot c. 44. p. 81. Ort●l . Chart. Cosmogr . 104. 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Deut. 29. 17. 〈…〉 Aug. lib 4 de 〈◊〉 . De● . c. 8. p. 231 The peculiar Gods of diuers Countries and Cities . Cap. 5. Sect. 4. Cap. 7. Sect 1. Cic. l. 3. de . Nat. Deor. p. 231. Lucian . lib. De● Sacri●ic . P. 57. ● . p. 110 Tertul. in . Apo. log c. 24. p 54. Lactant. l. 1. c. 15 p. 39. Item Isidor . l. 8. orig . c. 11. p. 1023. 2. Kin. 18. 34. ●er . 2. 28. Deut. 4. 1. Psal. 121. 4. 5 Psal. 127. 1. * Ex. 32. 1. 1. Sam. 8. 20. 1. King 11. 5. 7. 1. King. 17. Vers. 33. Vers. 29. 30. The particular Gods of Families . Cap. 5. Sect. 4. Cic. l. 2. de . Nat. Deor. p. 210. Plaut . Prolog . in Aulular . p. 103. Gen. 31. 30. 33. Iud. 18. 24. Plin. l. 2. ● . 7. p. 2. Max. Tyr. Ser. 1. p. 6. Seneca Epist. 116. P. 292. 〈…〉 Arislot . lib. 12. de Theelogia . cap. 8. 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Cap. 1. Sect 3. All Poets beleeue , There is is a God. 〈…〉 P●ato . In Ione . p. 170. 171. Cic. lib. 2. Epist : ad ● Fra● . Ep. 12. p. 211. Isa. 6. 6. 7. Isidor . lib. 8. Orig . c. 7. p. 1018. Theodoret. l. de Principijs . Tom. 2. p. 491. Cic. Ora. pro. Archia Po●ta . p. 365 Plato . l. 2. De Repub. p. 548. ●it . 1. 12. Max ▪ Tyr. Serm. 22. p. 264. 〈◊〉 Argument . ●n plat Ion. p. 168. Iust. Martyr . Orat. ad Gent. To. 1. p. 78. Ouid. l. 1. Met●m . p. 2. Virgil. Eclog. 3. p. 8. Pla●●an Io●e . p. 170. Flori●eris vt apes in saltibus omnia limant . Omnia nos itidem depas●imur aur●a dicta . Lucre. l. 3. p. As Bees their hony seeke and sucke from euery flowery spring : So Poets doe their golden sawes from other Authors bring . Plat● , vbi supra . Manil. lib. 1. As●ronom . p. 4. Martia . 2. Epigr. 89. in Gaurum . p. 68. All Lawgiuers doe beleeue , That there is a God. Max. Tyr. Serm. 1. p. 5. Plut. contr . Col●t To. 3. Mor. p. 532 Ex. 20. 3. 32. 15. 16. Deut. 10. 4. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. de Leg. p. 322. Ros●●us l 8. De Antiquit. Rom. c. 6. p. 330. Idem . l. 8. ● , 5. p. 323. * Siue putantes rem diuinam esse Leges , siue vt citius Populi Deûm timore legibus obtemperent . Diodor. l. 1. c. 2. p. 43. Gen. 47. 22. Arist. l. 2. Pol. c. 6. To. 2. p. 773. Diod. Sicul. l. 1. c. 5. p. 42. Iust. Mart. To. 1. p. 50. Psal. 68. 4. Ex. 20. 1. Ficinus Argum. in Plat. Mino. p. 49. Plut. in vita Numae , To. 1. p. 138. Plut. l. de laude sui To. 2. p. 262. Homer . l. 1. Iliad . p. 7. a. b. Stobaeus Serm. 41. p. 261. Stobaeus . Serm. 39. p. 229. Plato lib 1. De Leg. p. 746. Pro. 8. 15. Iob. 36. 22. in . vulgata . Ia. 4. 12 Isa● . 33. 22. Ioseph l. 2 ▪ cont . Apion . p. 914. All Philosophers beleeue that There is a God. Plus diuersitatis inu●nias inter Philosophos , quàm societatis . Tertul. l. de Anima cap. 2. p. 262. Senec. in Ludo , p. 247. Cic. l. 1. De. Nat. Deor. p. 192 ▪ Arnob. l. 8. cont . Gent. p. 748. Cap. 8. in sin . Cic. Tusc. p. 111 Plato lib. 10. De Leg. p. 870. Euseb. l. 11. De pr●parat . c. 6. p. 229. Ex. 33. 11. Iust. Mart. Orat. ad Gent. To. 1. p. 45. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p. 1566. Aristotles Booke De Mundo . Lod. Viues in l. 4. Aug. De. Ciuit. Dei. c. 2. 10. 5. p. 222. Lucius Apul. l. de Mundo . p. 2. Aug Eugu● . l. 4. De peremi Philosoph . c. 4. p. 176. 177. Arist. lib. 1. Metaphys . c. 2. To. 2. p. 1372. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. D●or . p. 229. Laert. in vita Zenonis P. 253. 256 : Mornaeus lib. De verit . Relig. c. 1. p. 15. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. D●or . p. 190. Iosephus l. 2. cont . Ap●on . p. 907. Max Tyr. Orat. 29● . 358. Tertul● . ● . 2. cont . Marc●on c. 27. p. 382. Nonius in voce Canum p. 532. Tertul. l. 1. cont . Marcion . ● . 21. p. 360. Vnus est verus Deus in quem omnis set siex diuersis opinienibus ) secta concurrit . Oros. 16. Iust. 1● . 213. Ouid Metam . l. 3. p. 100. Iaert . in Pro●● . p. 3. All Arts doe hold , That there is a God. Max. Tyr. Serm. 1. p. 5. ●eren , in Pho●m Act. 2. 〈◊〉 . 4. p. 218. b. Aug. Eugub . lib. 4 De pe●en . Phi. los. c. 4. p. 177. Plut. lib. de virtute Mora● . To. 2. p. 496. Cap. 13. Mat. 23. 6. 7. The Tutela● gods of seuerall Arts. Cap. 4. Sect. 5. Chp. 4. Sect. 5. Plut. in vit . Romuli . p. 54. Mercurius praeest Sapientiae et eloquio . I●mblic . l. De Myster . c. 1. p. 1. Arnob. l. 3. co●t . Gent. p. 581. Lactant. l. 1. ● . 20 p. 51. 54. Varro . l 6. p. 52. Horat. l. 1. Epist. 16. p. 114. ● . * Festus in voce Ancilla . p. 251. Aug. lib. 4. c. 8. De Civit. Dei. Item c. 11. & ● . Arnol. l. 3. cont . Gent ▪ ● . 581. & ● Tertul ▪ Apolog. c. 46. p. 76. 2 King. 10. 25. Act. 19. 24. 25. 26. 27. Lactant ▪ L. De Ira Dei. c. 8 p. 453. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 184. Ficinus Argum. l. 4. Plat. de Legib. p. 782. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 190. Aug. l. de v●ra Relig. c. 14. To. 1. p. 686. All seuerall men do beleeue There is a God. Cap. 3. Sect. 2. Arist. l. de Mu● . do To. 2. p. 1566. Cic. l. 1. Tus● . p. 212. Clem. Alex. l. 5. Str●● . p. ●74 . Ar●●b . l. 1. cont . Ge●t . p. 476 Beda . In Psal. 58. To. 8. p. 741. Prosper . l. de . Prouiden . p. 180. Clem. Alex. l. 5. Strom. p. 280. P. 277. Cap. 4. Sect. 3. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. D●or . p. 201. L●c●an . in Iou● Trag● ▪ d● . p. 210. All Swearers doe beleeue There is a God. Plut. cont . Colo● . To. 3. Mor. p. 532. Arist. Rheto. ad ●lex . c. 17. To. 2. p. 1038. Heb. 6. 16. Rom. 1. 9. Gal. 1. 20. Plaut . Menech . Act. 5. Sce. 2. p. 446. Plaut . in Cap● . Act. 2. Sce. 3. p. 159. Cic. l. 3. Off 15. p. 390. Cic. vbi supra● Exod. 22. 11. Gen. 31 53. 4 Cic. Orat. 〈…〉 Flacco . p. 346. Plaut . in Rudent . Act. 5. Sec. 2. p. 692. Mat. 23. 18. 5 ●●nophon l. 2. D● Cyri expedit . p. 293. 1. Ioh. 1. 10. Ioseph . l. 2. cont . Apion . p. 914. Plaut . Menech . Act. 5. Sc● 7 p. 455. Ibid. Act. 4. S●e . 2. p. 439. Plato in Hippia maiore . p. 115. Stob●us . serm . 27. p. 194. Plaut . Men●ch . Act. 4. S●e . 2. p. 439. Heb. 6. 16. Stobaeus vbi s●pra . Plut. Quest. Rom. 44. Tom. 1. Mor. p. 575. 1. Sa. 14. 14. 1. Sa. 25. 22. Plaut . in Aulular . Act. 4. Sce. 10. p. 138. Co●l . Rhodigin . l. 21. c. 15. p. 981. 1. Sā● . 25. 29. Eurip. 〈…〉 154. Aristoph . in Nubibus . Act. 1. S●e . 3. p. 168. Lucian in Toxari . p. 192. All Blasphemers doe beleeue There is a God. A●g . l. 2. De moribus Manichaeo rum . ● . 11. To. 1. p. 75● . Isay : 5. 20. Ex. 22. 28. Leuit. 24 15. 16. Leuit. ●4 ▪ 10. Iosh. 2. 10. 11. Aquin. 2. 2. quaest . 13. Art. 1. p. 29. ● Homer . l. 9. Odyss . p. 66. Nazianz. Orat. 47. p. 770. Plin. l. 2. c. 7. P. 3. Lactant. l. 2. c. 9. p. 103. Tertul. Apologet c. 24. p. 54. All Idolaters doe beleeue , That there is a God. Plato in Cratil● . p. 313. Plato in Ciuili . p. 205. Vniuersum hoc Deus ipse regit alque rotat . Item Aristoteles . Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 215. Haec tanta opera Deorum sun● . Wis. 13. 2 , 3 , 4 , 6 , 7. 8 , 9 , 10. Strabo . l. 15. p. 525. Cic. ● . 1. de Nat. D●or . p. 200. Plutarch l. de Iside , To. 2. Mor. p. 209. 210. Plutarch l. 1. de Placitis Philosoph . c. 6. To. 2. Mor. p. 13. A. Gellius l. 5. c. 12. p. 82. ● . I●em Plinius l. 2. c. 7. p. 2. Itaque nomina &c. Wise. 13. 13. Isay 44 19 16 10. Aug. Serm. 2. In Psal. 113. To. 8. p. 1305. 1307. Luctant . lib. 1. c. 20 p. 55. 〈◊〉 1. de Nat. 〈◊〉 p. 194. Ci● . l. 1. de Nat. Deor p. 200. Iudith 3. 8. Sueton●● vita Cal●g . c. 22. p. 61. Aurel. 〈◊〉 vita D●mi● . p. 387. Clem. Alex. Stro. l. 5. p. 277. Plutarch . l. De Iside To. 2. Mor. p. 174. Eccles. 4. 12. Plut. l. 1. De ●lacitis Philosoph . c. 6. To. 2. Mor. p. 13. Iamblic . l. De Myster . c. 1. p. 5. Cap. 5. Sect. 1. Great disse●tion what God i● . Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 184. 177. Coe●iu● Rh●di● l. 23. c. 3. p. ●●27 . Teren. Phor. Act 2. S●c . 4 p. 218. Te●tul . i● Apol ▪ c. 47. p. 77. Cap. 4. Sect. 4. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 187. &c. Plu● . l. 1. de Placit . Ph● . c. 7. p. 14. Lucian in loue Trag. p. 210. Cap. 4. Sect. 5. The dissension of men about God doth not conclude That there is no God. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 112. Plutarch l● A●at●rio T● . 3. Mor. p. 416. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 203. Cic. l. ● . 〈◊〉 . p. 313. Iust. Mart. lib. Christ. Qu●est . To. 1. p. 3● ▪ ● . Non quia assirmatio , 〈◊〉 est aut negatio , ideo res e●it , aut non erit . Arist. l. 1. de Interpret . c. 8. To 1. p. 63. Pal●●gen . in Scorp . p. 211. 〈◊〉 l. 1. de Anima . c. 2. To. 1. p. 785. &c. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 1●1 * Plut. l. 2. de Placit . c. 13. To. 2. p. 27. Ecclu● . 23. 19. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 201. Plut. de ●ide To. 2. p. 189. The dissension of men about God sheweth There is one . Chrysos● . Ho● . 1. in Mat. To. 2. p. 11. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 112. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 190. Plut. l. de Iside . To. 2. p. 190. Plut. ibid. p. 205. Max. Tyr. Serm. 23. p. 285 1. Cor. 8. 5. 6. Lactan. l. 1. c. 2. p. 5. Senec. Epist. 81. p. 260. Cap. 3. & 4. Cap. 5. Clem. Alex. ● . 5. Strom. p. 274. Plut. l. 1. de Pl●cit . c. 7. To. 2. Mor. p. 14. The Atheists Reasons that al men beleeue not There is a God. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 190. Ibid. p. 192. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 192. The At●eists Reasons against the generall consent in Religion , answered : Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 112. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p. 22. Cap. 4. Cap. 4. Sect. 1. Plin. l. 2. c. 7. p. 2. Cap. 4. Sect. 1. Cic. l. 3. De Nat. Deor. p. 227. Arist. l. 4. Metaphys . c. 5. To. 2. p. 1406. Cap. 14. Sect. 1. 〈…〉 Morn●●● Cap. 1. De verit . Relig. p. 16. Clem. Alex. in Protrept . p. 10. Laert. in vita Aristip. p. 73. 77 Plutarch . l. De Tranquid . To. 2. p. 312. Arnob. l. 8. cont . Gent. p. 748. Cap. 5. Sect. 3. Malachi . 3. 8. The Iews spo●led then God , and yet denied him not . The Atheist's second Obiection . That Religion is but an humaine inuention . Plut. l. 1. de . Placit . Cap. 7. To. 2. Mor. p. 14. Plutar. lib. De Herodoto To. 3. Mor. p. 630. Lucian In loue 〈◊〉 p. ●02 . Item ●n lo●e Tragoedo , p. 109. Cic. l. 2. De Diuinat . p. 285. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 192. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. D●or . p. 200. Senec. l. 2. Nat. Quaest. c. 42 p. 35. The Antiquity of Religion . Cap. 5. Sect. 1. Cap. 3. Sect. 1. & 2. Arnob. l. 1. Cont. Gent. p. 476. Iamblic . l. de Myster . c. 1. p. 5. Cap. 3. Sect. 2. Arist. l. 1. Ethic. c. 3. To. ● . p. 605. Plutarch . 〈◊〉 . Stoic . To. 3. p. 564. Gen. 4. 3. 4. Gen. 1. 27. Eph. 4. 24. lames 1. 27. Exod. 28. 36. Iob 38. 7. Tert. l. de Testimon . 〈◊〉 . c. 5. p. 86. Tertul. l. de Virgin . veland . c. 1. p. 188. Tertul. l. 2. cont . Marcion c. 2. p. 368. Tertul. l. cont . P●axeam c. 2. p. 494. Plutarch l. 1 de Placit . c. 7. To. 2. Mo● . p. 15. Iust. Mart. l. Quest. & R●spons . Quaest. 73. 74. 70. 3. p. 104. 105. Fet. Mart. Decad. 1. l. 5. p. 30. b. Lactan. l. 3. c. 10. p. 143. Item l. 2. c. 3. p. 75. Alex. ab Alex. l. 6. Genial . Dier . c. 26. p. 384. b. Gen. 3. 3. The Vniforme Consent in Religion . Cap. 5. S. 10. Mandeuile part 2. c. 24. Eng. V●yag . p. 45. Tertul. l. de Praescrip . c. 28. p. 209. Plaut . Mil. Glor. Act. 2. Sce. 1. p. 467. Lact. l. de Ir● Dei , c. 10. p. 462. Senec. l. 4. de Benefic . c. 4. p. 49. The Perpetuity of Religion . Mat. 15. 13. Ps. 129. 6. Cic. l. 2. Offic. p. ●69 . Cic. l. 2. De Nat. D●or . p. 201. Senec. Epis. 121 p. 307. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 227. Plut. l. 2. de Placit . c. 7. To. 2. Mor. p. 14. Cic. l. 3. offic . p. 387. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. deor . p. 200. Cic. l. 1. de . diuin . p. 241. 2. Pet. 1. 16. The Atheists third Obiection : oppugning the vniuersalitie of consent in Religion , by their owne dissenting . Lactan. l. 2. c. 19. p. 124. Cic. l. 1. D● Diuinat . p. 274. Cic. l. 8. ad A●●ic . ● p. 3. p. 309. The number of Atheists very small . Cic. l. 3. De fin . p. 73. Cic. l. 1. de fin . p. 58. Aug. in Ps. 52. To. 8. p. 509. Bedai● Cap. 17. Iob. To. 5. p. 792. Lact. l. de Ira. c. 10. p. 461. Max. Tyr. Serm. 1. p. 6. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 112. This Chap. Sect 4. in fin . Aelian . l. 2. var. Hist. c. 31. p. 395. The learning of Atheists not very great . Psal. 14. 1. L●ert . in ●roem . p. 2. Virg. Eclog. 1. p. ● . Lact. l. De Ira Dei. c. 10. p. 461. Lactan. l. De Ira c. 9. p. 455. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 211. Lactan. l. 3. c. 17. p. 164. The noted Atheists were no true Atheists . Cap. 8. Sect. 3. Psal. 14. 1. Ille propri● est Atheos qui nullum Diuinitatis sensum habet , & omne 〈◊〉 qualecunque 〈◊〉 , ridet . Calu. in Ephes . 2. 12. Theod●ret , l. 2. De Prouid . To. 2. p. 523. Suidas in voce Diagoras . p. 231. Theodorusdixit , eos impi●tatis teneri ; qui Mysteria nondū initiatis aperirent . La●rt . in Aristip. p 78. Ioseph . l. 2. cont . Apion . p. 914. 1. Kin. 18. 27. 28. Arnob. con . Gent l. 8. p. 749. Lact. l. 1. c. 20 p. 51. Plut. l. De Superstit . Tom. 1. Mor. p. 391. Lact. l. 2. c. 3. p. 75. Mornae . l. de Verit Relig. c. 1. p. 16. Laert. in vita Protagorae p. 320. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 192. Laert. vbi supra p. 321. Cap. 1. Sect. 3. Ibid. page 322. Plato in Apologia . p. ●13 . 〈…〉 verit . c. 1. p. 18. Iob 24. 1. Psal. 73. 13. Theod. l. de Principijs , To. 2. p. 498. Aug. Epist. 44. To● . 2. p. 154. Plut. l. de Iside To. 2. p. 174. Str● . l. 7. p. ●68 . Lactan. lib. de falsa relig cap. 11. p. Aug l. 8. de Ciuit. D●i . c. 5. To. 5. p. 442. Athenag . legat . pro Christ. To. 8. Bib. Pat. p. 21. Herod . l. 2. p. 165. Cic. l. 1. Tus. p. 112. Xenoph. l. de Aequivocis in Antiquit . Author . p. 64. Theophil . Antioch . l. 3. ad Autolic . Bib. Pat. To. 5. p. 156. Theop. Antioch . l. 3. ad Autolic . Bib. Pat. To. 5. p. 156. Laert. in vil . Arisstip . p. 77. Laert. in vita Bion●s . p. 144. Clem. Alex. in Protr●pt . p. 10. Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 191. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 207. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. D●or ▪ p. 199. Aelian . l. 4. de var. Hist. c. 28. p. 428. Hist. of Bel. v. 4. 5. D●n . 3. 18. Laert. in vit . Pherecidis p. Act● 17. 29. Senec. Epist. 31. p. 50. Laert. ibid. p. 43. Ficin . Argumen . in l. ● . Platon . de Repub. p. 616. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 238. 1. Kin. 18. 27. Tertul. Apog . c. 13. p. 36. Act 17. 23 ▪ ●lato in Apog . p. 472. Laert. i● vit . ●picuri . p. 370. Lucian in Ioue Trag●●●lo . p. 210. a. Tertul. Apolo . get . c. 15. p. 39. Cle● . Alex. in Pro●rept . p. 10. Cap. 13. Why they were condemned 〈◊〉 Atheists . Xenophen l. 1. de factis Socrat. p. 157. Item Plato in Apologia p. 471. Idem in Euthyphrone p. 54. P●ato ibid. p. 473 Act. 17. 18. Athenag . Orat. pro. Christian. apud Iust. Mart. To. 1. p. 234. Ouid l. ● . Amor. Eleg. 8. p. 209. Claudia● l. 1. in Ruffin . p. 51. Aug. in Psal. 52. To. 8. p. 509. Note . Cap. 10. Sect. 2. Cap. 15. Sect. 5. Nec assiduè repetendum est quod superiùs iam dixi : sed hoc recolendum , vbicunquè isla locutio in meis literis inuenitur Aug. l. 1. Retract . c. 4. To. 1. p. N●uatian l. de Trim. c. 8. Apud Tertul. p. 626. Psal. 14. 1. Atheists hold but weakely their opinion of Atheisme . Laert. in vit . Bionis p. 145. Ar●st . l. 3. de Anima c. 3. To. 1. P. 828. Plato l. 10. de Legibus p. 871. Plut. in vita Numae . p. 156. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p. 1569. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 203. Ier. 17. 1. 〈…〉 To. 1. p. 195. Ibid. p. 204. Cic. l. 4. de 〈◊〉 . p. 83. Philo. Iud. l. ●e Giga●●ibus p. 401. Max. Tyr. Serm. 1. p. 7. Clem. Alex. l. 5. Strom. p. 274. 〈◊〉 in voc● Poesis p. 725. Tertuli de carne Christi . c. 23. p. 311. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p. 19. Tertul. Apol●● . ● . 17. p. 42. 〈◊〉 ● . 6. Hist. c. 1. P. 212. ● . 〈◊〉 . 1. de . 〈◊〉 . D●or . p. 186. Ps. 14. 1. 〈◊〉 . l. 3. de Nat. Deor. P 238. 〈◊〉 . l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p 186. &c. Ibid. p. 199. Suidas in voce Diagoras . p. 231. ●ic . l. 2. de Fin. p. 61. Cap. 10. Sect. 4. &c. lam . ● . 19. Ci● . l. 5. Tus● . p. 170. Aug. Epist. 20. To. 2. p. 588. Aug. in Psal. 52. To. 8. p. 509. Anselm . in Prosolog . c. 2. 3. To. 3. p. 29. Cic. l. 2. De sin . p. 60. Anselm . in Prosologi● . c. 3. ●om . 3. p. 29. 2. Cor. 5. 12. Tertul l. 2. cont . Marcion c ▪ 2. p. 368. Oros. l. 6. Hist. c. 1. p. 212. B. Euripid. In Ione p. 819. 1. Tim. 6. 4. Persius Satyr . 5. p. 11. The two Ends of Atheisme . Aug. de v●ra 〈◊〉 . c. 36. To. 1. p. 702. 〈◊〉 l. de 〈◊〉 . To. 1. Mor. p. 381. 〈◊〉 . l. 4. Acad. Quaest. p. 13. Ioh. 3. 25. The Atheist serueth many maisters . Aelian . l. 4. var. 〈◊〉 . c. 28. p. 428. D●o parere libertas est . Sen●● . l. De vita beat . c. 15. p. 115. Hoc ipsum , Philosophiae serulre , libertas est . Senec . Epist. 8. p. 10 ▪ 2. Cor. 3. 17. 2. Pet. 2. 19. Cic. Paradox . 5. E●od . 5. 10. 11. &c. Aug. l. de V●●a 〈◊〉 . c. 38. To. 1. p. 702. Rom. 1 ▪ 24 25. 26. 27. 2● . 29. The Atheists base seruing of his owne Ambition . Cic. l. 1. Tus● . p. 113. 〈…〉 . 1. p. 26● . In 〈◊〉 . c. 4● . p. 72. Hier. Epis● . ad Iulianum To. 1. p. 2●7 . 〈◊〉 . in vita ●ionis . p. 142. Lact. l. de Ira Dei. c. 9. p. 455. Lae●t , in vita Ari●tip . p. 77. Laert. in vita Aristippi . p. 73. Bernard in Psal. 90. Serm. 6. p. 291. The Atheists base seruice of his Belly . 〈…〉 . To. 2. P. 106. 〈…〉 . To. 1. p 103. 〈◊〉 . Epist. 111 p. 2●0 〈…〉 A●t . 1. Sec. 1. P. 4●9 . 〈…〉 Sen●c . ● 3 nat . Qu●est . c. 18. P. 51. * Pro. 23. 31. Sen●● . ●p●st . 93. p. 217. Epist. 14 p 21. Aug. l. de vera 〈◊〉 . c. 38. To. 1. c. 38 To. 1. p. 702. Hugo . de . Scto . Vict. l. 2. ● Claustro Anim● . c. 19. To. 2. p. 37. Tertul. l. cont . 〈◊〉 c. 16. p. 598. Cap 17. Nonius in voce Culina , p. 514. Phil. 3. 19. Greg. l. 31. Mor. c. 26. T● . 1. p. 195. 4. King● 25. 10. Non potest D●minum Deum suum dice●e is , cui ve●ter est Deus . Orig. in c. 1. Rom. To. 2. p. 463. Pl● . de ora . defect . To. 1. p. 674. Cic. l. 2. de Diuinat . p. 268. C c. l. 5. Tu●c . p. 171. Aristoph . in R●nis . Act. 1. Sce. 7. p. 250. Terent. E●nuch . Act. 4. Sce. 5. p. 82. ● . Hieron . Epist. Am●ndo . To. 3. p. 135. Tertul. l. cont . 〈◊〉 . c. 1. p. 590. The Atheist is a base slaue vnto himselfe . Cic. Paradox . 5. p. 424. 〈◊〉 . Sa●yr . 5. p. 10. b. Pro. 16. 32. Arist. l. 3. de A●ma . c. 9. 10. 1. p. 839. Est voluntas intellectus exte●sus . Scaliger . Ex. 307. 3. p. 923. Aris● . 1. R●etoric . ad Theodec . c. 10. To. 2. p. 1210. Cic. vbi . supra . Rom ▪ 7. 19. 20. Se●ec . in Hippol. Act. 1. Sec. 2. p. 176. Ouid. l. 7. Metam . p. 249. Plaut . in 〈◊〉 . Act. 3. S●e . 2. p. 736. Rom. 7. 23. 〈◊〉 Parado● . 5. p. 425. Senec. Epist. 47 p. 73. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Ex. 21. 5. 6. 〈◊〉 . in Persa . Act. 3. s●e . 3. 4. 640. 640. Rom. 6. 16. Orig. Hom 2. in Iud. To , 1. p. 341 Ma●●● . H●m . ●3 p. 474. 〈◊〉 in cap. 1. Rom p. 3. a. Item Origen ▪ in c. 1. Rom. To. 2. p. 463. Leo Serm in fest . St● Laurent p. 176. Cic. l. 3. Tusc p. 147. The Atheist de●● 〈…〉 feare Plut. l. De supers●it . To. 〈◊〉 p. 281. Cic. Pa●●d . 5. p. 425. L●e●t . in vita 〈◊〉 . p 201. Cic. l 3. Tus. p. 143. Cic. l. 5. de . 〈◊〉 . p. 106. 〈…〉 Cic. l. 2. 〈…〉 . p. 98. & 84. l ▪ ●●ret . l. 1. p. 3. 〈…〉 Deo● . p. 195. Ibid. p. 191. Cic. l. 2. de Diuinat . p. 278. 〈◊〉 p. 36. God hath planted a feare of himselfe in all men . 〈◊〉 . l. 5. p. 226. Aug. l. de vera Relig. c. 17. To. 1. p. 688. Psal. 111. 10. ●actan . l. de Ira Dei , ● . 11. p. 465. Isidor . l. 7. Orig. c. 1. p. 977. Fes●us , in voce , Deus . p. 279. Gen. 31. 42 , 53. Ter. l. de Testim . Ani. c. 2. p. 85. ler. 32. 40. S●atius l. 3. Thebaid . p. 243. Dares Phrygius l. 1. 〈◊〉 Bello Ir●iano . p. 6. The Atheist feareth God more then any other man. Iob. 15 ▪ 20. 21. 22. Cic. l. 5. Tusc. p. 175. Ps. 53. 5. Pro. 28. 1. I wil also laugh at your calamity : I will mocke when your fear commeth . Pro. 1. 26. Lucret. l. 5. p. 228. Ps. 2. 2. 4. 〈◊〉 Sat. 1● . p. 68. ● . Arnob. l. 8. Cont. Gen● . p 752. The feare of Atheists in thei● dreames . Plut. l. de Supers●it . To. 1. Mor. p. 382. Iob. 7. 13. 14 15 Aug. l. 22 De●iu●t . D●● . ● . 22. To. 5. p. 1374. Plut. l. de . virtut . & vit . Tom. 1. Mor. p. 226. Wis. 17. 13 &c. Plut. l. de his qui ●erò 〈◊〉 . To. 2. p. 229. Plato . l. 1. De Repub. p. 532. Cic. 1. De Leg. p. 317. Iob. 33. 14 15. Gen. 20. 3. Cic. l. 1. De Diuinat . p. 251. Iob. 4. 12. 13. &c Iamblic . l. De Mysteriis . c. 22. p. 52. Lucret. l. 5. p. 226. Cic. l. ● . de Diuinat . p. 281. Dan. 4 10. 11. 14 ● . ●●●enal . Satyr . 13. p. 60. B. Deorum apparentium magnitudo totum ●●●lum occupare v●detur . Iamblic . l. De Myster . c. 19. p. 36. Plut. l. de Supersti● . To. 1. p. 382. Plut. ibid. p. 381. The feare of Atheists , in ● lightning and thunder . Iuuenal . Satyr . l 13. p. 60. b. Lucret. lib. 5. p. 228. The Atheists Creed . Heb. 11. 6. Iam. 2. 19. Exod. 9. 27. Su●ton . in vit . ●ib●r● . c. 69. ● . 55. Su●eon . in vit . Caligu●ae , c. 22. p. 161. Senec. l. 1. de Ira. c. 16 p. 34. Hom●r . ● . 3. Il●ad . p. 122. Gracolat . Sueton. vbi . sup● . ● c. 51. p. 68. The ●●are of A●heists in their sicknesse , & after death . L. 2. c. 5. Sect. 4. Iuvenal . Saty● . 13. p. 60. b. Iob. 6. ● . Psal. ●8 . 2. 3. Psal. 73. 9. 11. Lucr●t . l. 3. p. 92. Solen in Ele●●s p. 232. S●obaeus Serm. 42. p. 279. Plato l. 1. de Repub . p. 532. C●c . l. 1. de diuin . p. 251. Laërt . in Vita Bion. p. 145. Arist. l. 3. Eth. c. 6. To. 2. p. 634. Ecclus. 41. 1. 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . ●he fea●e of the Atheist , she●●●h , that he thinkes , Th●re is a God. 〈…〉 118. p. 295. 〈…〉 . Max. Tyr. Se● . 1. p. 7. Nazian . Tract . 51. de Fide. p. 832. Palinge● in Sagit . p. 262. Three sorts of confessions of God from the Atheist . Vnwitting confessions of Atheists . Psal. 139. 4. P●o. 16. 1. Psal. 12. 4. Num. 24. 17. 5. Ve●s . 13. I●b . 21. 15. 22. 17. Psa. 73. 11. Iob. 22. 13. 14. Psal. 113. ● . 6. Ecclus. 24. 3. Lucian . Dial. Vulcani & ●ouis . p. 22. Plaut . Menech . Act. 5. Sec. 2. p. 446. Wisd. 2. 2. 6. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 196. Cic. l. 5. 〈◊〉 . p. 170. Laert. in vit . Aristip . p. 78. Lact. l. 6. c. 8. p. 333. Io. 11. 50. 51. Vnwillingconfes●●io●s of Athei●s . Ex. 5. 2. Ex. 9. 27. 8. 28. Iosep. l 19. Antiquit . p. 565. Act : 12. 21. 22. 23. Act. 12. 21. &c. Ioseph : vbi supra . 1. Mac. 1. 46. 1. Mac. 9. 10. 11. 12. &c. 1. Mac. 1. 50. 〈◊〉 8 Eccl● . Hist. c. 16 p. 108 1. Mac. 1 13. ●1 . Euseb. l. 9. Hist. c. 2. p 110. 1. Ma. ● 45. Euseb. l 8. Hist. c. 18. p. 109. 1. Mac. 1. 63. ●4 . Euseb l. 8. Hist. c. 16. p. 108. Euseb. l. 1. De vit . Constantini c. 51. p. 139. Gen. 49. 5. Cic Philip. 2. p. 553. Eurip. in Oresic . p. 53. Tertu● . l. 2. cont . Marcion . c. 14. p. 375. 2. Mac. 9 5. Euseb. l 8. Hist. c. 17 p. 1 8. 2. Mac. 9. 5. 1. Mac. 9. 5. Euseb. ibid. Ibid. 2. Mac. 9 9. Euseb ▪ ibid. 2. Mac. 9. 9. Euseb. ibid. p. 109. 2. Mac 9. 28. Ecclus. 5. 4. Heb. 11. 6. Pro. 27. 19. 2. Mac. 9. 11. E●seb . l 8. Hist. c. 18. p. 109. 1. Mac. 6. 12. 13. Euseb. l. 9 Hist. c. 10. p. 116. 2. Mac. 9. 14. 15. Iuseb. l. 8. Hist. c. 18. p. 109. 2. Mac. 9. 13. Euseb. ibid. E●s●b . ibid. 2. Mac. 9. 17. I●useb . l. 1. d 〈◊〉 Consta● fini c. 5● . p. 140. Ibid. 〈◊〉 l. 6. c 2 p 511. Theod. l. 3 hist. Eccl●s . c. 20. Ta. ● . p. 256. H●er . l. b. ● ia Habae . c. 3. ●06 p. 243. Ho●a● . Serm. 1. p. 129. a. Plut. in 〈◊〉 Numae . p. 156. Liuie l. 1. p. 12. Eutrop. l. 1. p. 401. Laert. in vita Bion. p. 144. &c. Lucret. l. 3. p. 92. Mat. 8. 29. Pindarus in Pythijs Ode 2. p. 181. Virgil 6. Aeneid . p. 264. Luk. 16. 27. 28. Willing confessions of the Atheists . Ex. 18. 1. 11. Act. 9. 1. 3 4. Gal. 1. 22. Theod. l. 3. Eccle. Hist. c. 2 p. 247. Sect. 3. hu●us Cap. Morn●us . l. De verit . Relig. c. 1. p. 16. La●rt . in vita 〈◊〉 . p. 77. Plut. l. 1. de Placit . c. 7. To. 2. p. 14 Cap. 10. Sect. 4. The●phil . A●●●och . l. 3. ad ●utolic . 〈◊〉 . Pat. To 5 p. 156. Plato in Ph●do● c. p. 520. 〈◊〉 . ●polo . c. 46. p. 75. Coel. Rhodigin . l. 17. c. 34. p. 814. Plinius , l. 13. ● 13. p. 195. Ilem Plut in vit . Numae . p. 155. Lact. l. 1. c. 2● . p. 62. Iohan. Francis● . Pic. 4. Epist. Scto . Lu●ensi . To. 2. p. 882. Clem. Alex. in Prot●●pt . p. 26. Iust. Mart. O at . a● Ge●t . To. 1. p. 55. Idem ▪ lib. de Monarchia p. 106. Plat● . l. 10. de Legibus . p. 871. Psal. 39. 1. 2. 3. Ier. 20. 9. 2. Cor. 4. 13. ●il . in ps . 52. p. 368. Cap. 10. Sect. 5. 〈…〉 〈…〉 Psal. 14. 1. 74. 18. Ps. 53. 1. An●el . in Prosolog . c. 3. Tom 3. p. 24. Hilar. in Ps. 52 p. 368. Basil. in Ps l. 2● To. 1. p. 239. Arist. l. 1. E●● . c. 4. ●o . ● . p. 606. He●iod . opera & D●es p. 16. Cic. l. 4 Tus● . p. 164. Clem. Alex. in Protrept . p. 11. Plut. l. de Superstit . To. 1. p. 325. Plut. in Gryllo . p. 102. Max. Ty● . Serm. ● p. 6. Arnob. l. 8 Con● . Gent. p. 757. Hilar. in Ps. 52. p. 368. Mornaeu● . l. De verit . relig . c. 1. p. 3. Plut. in Gryllo . To. 2. p. 102. Pro. 26. 12. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p. 11. Laer● . in vita Xenoph. p. 310. Pro. 10. 23. Isai. 57. 4. Plut. l. De 〈…〉 To 2. p. 2 ● 5. Gal. 6. 7. Psal. ● . 4. Cap 12. sect . 2. 〈◊〉 . Satyr . 15. p 68. C●c . l. 2. Epist. ●am . Ep. 15 p. 20 Prou. 26. 3. Atheists be mad-men . Tere●t . 〈◊〉 . Act. 2. S●● . 2. p. 61. C●c . l arad . 4. p. 423. I●b . 12. 2. Act. 26. 11. Iohn . 16. 2. Plnt. l. de Hols . ●o . To. ● . p. 106. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. D●or . p. 207. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. 〈◊〉 p. 207. Cic. Orat. 3. in 〈◊〉 . p. 3●9 . Xenoph. l. 1. De ●at . Soerat . p. 157 Eur●p . in Heracl●d●s . p. 729. 〈…〉 To. 3. p. 50. Philo. Iudaeus . l. Quòd mundus incorrupt . p. 1274. 1. Sam. 21. 14. 15. Atheists ●e Monsters of men . Lactant. l 7. c. 9. p. 404. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 215. Cic. l. de som. Scip p. 307. Scalig. Exercit. 9. p. 49. Te tul . l. de corona . c. 5. p. 181. Paling . in Pisc. p. 358. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 113. Theodoret Ser. 1. de Prouid . To. 2. p. 577. Aug. l. 2. de C●u●t . Dei. c. 8. To. 5. p. 1339. A. Gel. l. 17. c. 1. p. 236. Cic. l. 2. de Leg. p. 322. Ps. 58. 10. 11. Iob. 5. 6. Ex. 9. 16. Pro. 16. 4. Atheists punishments recorded in Scriptures . 2. Pet. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 . 9. 16. Ex. 7. 20. 21. Ex. 7 , 20 , 21 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 14 , 28. Ex. 15. 5. Ex. 8. 19. Deut. 28. 15. 2. Mac. 1. 2. &c. 1. Mac. 1. 22. S●●das in voc● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 18. Cic. Orat. 6. in Ver. p. 166. 2. Mac. 9 3 , 4. 7 , 5 , 9 , 10. 8 , 28. Ez. 26. 2. 6. V. 8. Ez. 28 9. Er●s . C●●l . p. 966. Ezech. 27. 32. Mat. ● . 13. Macrob. l. 2. Satur . c. 4. p. 237. Iosep. l. 17. Antiquit . p. 503. Act. 12. 21. 22. 23. Cic. l. 3. Offic. p. 386. Iosep. l. 19. Antiquit , c. 7. p. 566. Isai. 42. 8. Atheists pnnishments recorded in Ecclesiasticall Histories . Ioseph . l. 18. Antiquit . c. 9. p. 535. Sueton. in vit . Caligula c. 22. p. 61. 1. Kin. 11. 14. 23. 26. Sueton. in vit . Calig . c. 58. p. 69. Ioseph . l. 19. An●tiquit . c. 1. p. 551. Euseb. l. 3. Hist. Eccles. c. 15 p. 34 Aurel. Vict. in Domitian . p. 387 Suet●n . in vita D●●●tian c. 17. p. 120. Cap. 13. Sect. 3. Euseb. l. 1. de vit . Constant. c. 51. 52. p. 1. 40. S●zomen . l. 6. Hist Eccles. c. 2. p. 511. 1. King 22. 34. 1. Sam. 26. 8. Cap. 13. Sect. 3. Atheists punishment recorded in secular writers . Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 190. 〈◊〉 in vit . Protag . p. 322. Suidas in voce Diagor . p. 231. Athenaeus l. 13. p. 455. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 239. Ionah 1. 6. 7. Xenop . l. 8. de Pedia Cyri. p. 110. Act. ●7 . 24. 43. 44. Athenaeus vb● supra . Item Laert. in vit . Aristip. p. 77. Psal. 60. 3. Cic. l. 5. Tusc. p. 168. Deut. 1. 17. Psal. 82. 1. Leuit. 24. 14. Laert. in vit . Epicuri . p. 346. ●aert . in vit . Bion p. 144. Aelian . l. 4. var. Hist. c. 28. p. 428 ▪ Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 238. Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 2. p. 19. Aelian . l. 9. var. H●st . c. 8. p. 453. Arist. l. 1. Eth. c. 10. 11. To. 2. p. 612. 613. Psal. 55. 23. Numb . 16. 29. 30. Plut. in vi● . Num. p. 156. An Obiection answered concerning those Atheists . Cap. 10. Sect 4 Cap. 10. Sect. 2. Item Cap. 10. Sect. 4. Plat. l. 10. De Leg. p. 871. Lib. 8. Eph. 2. 12. Hos. 4. 6. Psal. 14. 1. Leuit. 24. 14. 1. Kin. 21. 29. 22. 38. ● . Mac 9. 13. Ex. 9. 27. 34. Athen ●g . Legat. pro. c●r bib . Pat. ●o . 8. p. 6. Lactant. l. De ●ra c. 11. p. 464. Ex. 32. 4 28. Plato . in Theag. p. 12. X●noph . l. 1. de fact . Socrat. p. 157. Plut. in vit . Num ▪ ● . p. 156. Plato . in Phae. done . p. 520. 〈…〉 Cap ▪ 4. Cap ▪ 5. Cap ▪ 6. Cap. 11. 12. 13 ▪ 2. Tim. 2. 13. Cap. 3. The Consent of all men in beleeuing a God is alledged by Authors as an Argument of the truth of it . To beleeue a God is of the Law of Nature . Cap. 3. Cic. 1. Tusc. p. 113. 11● . Cic. l. 2. de Inuent . p. 84. Xenoph. l. 4. de 〈◊〉 Socrat. p. 207. Xe●oph . Tertul. l. De corona . c. 6. p. 181. Nazian . Orat. 2. De Theolog. p. 24 Lactan. l. 6. c. 9. p. 333. Iob 12. 7. 8. Isal. 43. 20. Cem. Alex. l. 5. Strom. p. 274. Iustin. l. Institut . Tit. 2. p. 16. Proclus l. de . Sacrisicio . p. 275. a 59 , b 82 ▪ c 81 , 79 , ●58 , ● 6● , f 6●● 78 , h 7● . S●ng of the 3. 〈…〉 . 148. 1. 2. 3. &c. Iam 2. 19. Mat. 8. ●9 . Ma● . 1. 24. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 189. Ps. 148. v. 6. 2. 7. Apoc. 12. 3. A generall Consent is an Argument of truth in all things . Arist. l. 1. De Coelo . c. 4. To. 1. p. 556. Plut. lib. de EI. 1. To. 1. Mor. p. 685. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 113. Arist. l. 10. Eth. c. 2. To. 2. p. 730. Arist. To. 1. p. 907 Lib. de pr●●sen●●one per somnum . Arist. l. 7. Etbic . c. 13. p. 699. Hesiod . Opera ▪ & dies p. 42. Martial . l. 7. Epigr. 5. p. 1●2 . Arist. l. de . Mundo . To. 2. p. 1566. Arist. l. 1. Topic. c. 1. To. 1. p. 235. Senec. ●pist . 118. p. 295. Cic. l. De. Nat. D●o● . p. 190. Chrys●st . Hom. 1. in Mat. To. 2. p. 11. Hieron . Dial. cont Lucifer . To. 2. p. 139. Ari●t . l. 10. 〈◊〉 c 2. To ▪ 2. p. 730 Cic. l. 1. De Nat. Deor. p. 185. Arnob. l. 8. cont . Ge●t . p. 747. Clem. Alex. l. 5. Strom. p. 274. Zach. Mytile● . l. De Mundi creat . Bib. Pat. To. 5. p. 751. Consent in the strongest Argument to proue , There is a God. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 112. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 190. Cic. ibid. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 190. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 192. Plato . l. 10. de Leg. p. 870. Cap. 3. Sect ●3 . Consensus omnium , est v●x Natura● . Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 113. Notes for div A01093-e68040 All Arts leade to God. Arist. l. 4. Meta p●ys . ● . 2. To. 2. p. 1399. The Metap●ysicks arguments for God. The bounding of naturall bodyes is the worke of God Arist. l. 1 de Coelo c. 7. To. 1. p. 559. Ar●st . Ibid. p. 564. Arist. l. 4. Phys● . c. 5. To. 1. p. 462. Prosper . l. de Prouid . p. 181. ● . Hilar. in Ps. 118. p. 516. Scalig. Exercit. 9. p. 52. Ps 104 9. 6. Ps 104 9. 6. 2. Esdr. 4. 13. &c. S●●l . Exercit. 6. Se● . 3. p. 27. Claudian in 4. Con●alat . Hono●● . p. 186. a Psal. 24. 2. b Psal. 33. 7. c Psal. 104. 2. 9. Isay 40. 12. ●oet . l. 3. de consolat . M●tro . 9. p. 1042. Ovid. l. 1. Me●am p. 4. 5. Pausa ▪ l. de . Oscul● . ● . 63. p. 364. Idem . ibid. c. 20. p. 101. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 187. Laërt in vit . Anaxagor● p. 47. Arist. l. 1. De Anima . c. 2. T● . 1. p. 786. & 787. Arist. l. 3. Phys. c. 4. To. 1. p. 447. Ibid p. 446. Ari●t ibid p. 447. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2 p. 1569. Suidas in●●oce Aristoteles . p. 138 Ex. 8. 19. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p. 157● . ●theuag . legat . pro Christ. B. b. ●at . 10. 8. p. 4. Homer in Hym●is . p. 827. Gaecolat . 〈…〉 The bounding 〈◊〉 natural faculties , ● the worke of God. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. De●● p. 205. Theodoret. l. De Prouident . To. 2. p. 530. Aug. in Ps. 144. To. 8. p. 1673. Gr●g Hom. 8. in ●zech . To. 2. p 71. b. Raymundus de Sabunde in Theolog naturali Tit. 3. Arist. l. 3. de generat . Ani●al . c. 11. To. 2. p. 354. Arist. l. 5. de Hist. Animal● . 15. To. 2. p. 90. Mar. 8. 24. Tertul. Apol. c. ●1 . p. 33. Mat. 25. 14. 15. Gen. 1. 1. 9. ●0 21. 2. 5. Gen. 1. 27. Act. 17. 28. Act. 17. 25. Philo. Iud. l. de lingu . confus p. 479. Arist. l. De Mundo . To. 2. p. 15●9 . Psal. 95. 4. Arist. ibid. vbì supra . 〈…〉 . p. 267. Pro●lus l. de d●●ua p 19● . 〈…〉 The Sunne is not the 〈◊〉 of naturall facalties . Arist. l. 2. d : Gen●rat c. 9. l ● . 1. p. 674. Diodor. Si●ul . l. 3 p 69. 〈◊〉 in Arc. p. 322. 〈◊〉 ibid. Act. 3. 12. 13. 16. La●t . l. 2. c. 5. p. 84. Trismeg . in As●lep . c. 10. p. 523. The Sunne is limited in his working . Gen. 1. 1. 2. Euseb. l. 4. De Praepar . c. 8. p. 155. Gen. 29 24. Ex. 14. 22. Ioh 9. 6. Num. 2 ● . 28. Mat. 3. 9. 〈…〉 Supartium . p. 339. 〈◊〉 l. 1 Metam . p. 29. 〈…〉 The Sunne is limited in his 〈…〉 . Iob 38. 11. Num. 24. 13. Iohan. de sacro Bosco . c. 2. p. 23. Act 17. 26. Iosh. 10. 13. 2. Kin. 20. 11. Eccle. 48. 24. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 224. Prudent . c. nt . Symmachum . p. 235. b. Lact. l. 2. ● . 5. p. 83 Zach. Mitylen . l. De Mundi Creat . Bib. Pat. To. 5. p. 739. Ps. 19. 4. 5. Hugo de S. Victore l. 7. Erudit . Didasc . c. 8 To. 3. p. 19. Zach. Mitylen . vbi supra . Act. 17. 25. Bo●l . l. 5. de Consol . metro 2. p. 1100. All Arts are limited . Hom. l. 4. Iliad . p. 441. No man hath the perfect knowledge of all Arts. Propert. l. 2. Eleg 1. p. 193. Plato . l. 2. De Repub. p. 550. Max Tyr. Serm. 22. p. 270. Cic. l. 3. De Orat. p. 195. Quintil. l. 1. c. 10. p. 59. Homer . l. 8. Odys p. 53. Diodor Sicul. l. 17. p. 572. Max. Tyr. S●rm . l p. 83. Faling . in Libra p. 199. Cato l. 2. Distich . p. 22. Palingen . vbi sup●a . Senec. l 3. Controuc●san pro●●m . p. 74. Homer l. ● . Odyss . p. 53. Homer . l. 1. Iliad . p. 6. Psal. 28. 7. Psal. 59. 17. Senec. vbi sup●a . Iob. 39. 22. Senec Suasor . 2. p. 227. Homer l. 13 Ibid p. 49● in Grae●ola . God hath taugh the●● hand to war● and them singers to fight . Psalme 144. ● . Tertul l. 1. cont 〈◊〉 . c. 24. p. 862. Cic l 3. de Orat. p. 208. Cic. ibid. Cic. l. 1 de ●● 137. Cic l. & de 〈◊〉 p. 2● . 〈…〉 〈◊〉 . in vit . Democriti . p. 316. Cic. l. 3. de Orat. p. 204. Terent. Andrea Act 1. Sce. 1. p. 4. 〈◊〉 . l. De Orat. 〈◊〉 . 208. 〈…〉 H●st . c. 23. P. 377. Aurel. Vict. 〈◊〉 vit . Hadr. p. 389 〈◊〉 . ●part . vbi suprà . 1. Kin. 3. 12. Eccles. 1. 13. 17. 18. Eccles. 2. 12. Arist l 2. de Coelo . c. 5. Tom. 1. p. 583. No man can haue the perfect knowledge of many Arts. X●noph . l. 8. De Paedia Cyri. p. 112. 〈…〉 Cic. l. 2. De Orat. p. 1148. Ci● . l. 1. De Orat. p. 133. Cic. l. 3. de Orat. p. 197. Catul. ad M. T. Cic. p. 33. Iuuenal . Satyr . 10. p. 46. Senec. l. 3. contro . in Proam ▪ p. 74 No man can haue the p●●fect knowledge of any one Art Hi●p●crat . Aphorism . ●art . 1. ● . 9. Cic. l. 3. De Orat. p. 20● . Cic. l. 3. Tus● . p. 150. Xenoph. l. 8. De Paedia Cyri. p. 112. 〈◊〉 . l. 3. De Orat. p. 197. Cic. ibid. Cic. l 1. De Orat. p. 132. Senec. l. 3. Contro in pro●● . p. 74. 〈…〉 〈…〉 God is the only 〈…〉 3. 8 〈…〉 50. 4. ● . x. 4. 10. &c. Act. 2. 4. 1. Cor. 14. 18. Coloss. 4. 3. Homer l. 8. Odys . p. 53. B. Pindar . in l●yth . Od. 1. p. 167. 〈…〉 Lib. 1 Cap. 1. Sect. 3. H●siod Op●● a & Dies p. 1. ● 〈…〉 p 130. 〈…〉 2. Bib Pa● . 10. 1. p. 308. Io● 32. 8. 1. Ioh. 2. 27. Iohn 16. 13. Plato . in Epinom p 918. V●tur 〈◊〉 Deus , ca●sis 〈◊〉 . Quod autem bene s● habet , ipse in si●gulis agit . Plato in Timao p 723. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 225. Plato in Ione . p. 172. Iust. Mar● . l. Cont Dog●ata Arill . To. 1. p. 280. 〈…〉 1 Co● . 12. 8. 9. &c. Wisd. 11. 20. 1. Co● . 12. 4. 5. 6. Russ●● . in Psal. 73. To. 2. p. 175. ● . Tertul. l. 5. c●nt . Marc. c. 8. P. 463 Isa● . 11. 2. 1. Kin ▪ 9. 1● . Ma● . 15. 28. 16. 8. ●ct . 19. 12. Act. 5. 15. 2. King 13. 21. 〈◊〉 48. 14. Num. 12. 6. 7. 8. Act. 2. 4. 1. Co● . 14. 18. Viz. lib. 4. Habak . 2. 5. Pro 30. 15. Aqui● . 1. Qu●●st . 78. Art. 1. 3. p. 168. Arist. lib 1. Eth. c. 1. To. 2. p. 604. Arist. Prob. Sect. 8. 〈◊〉 . 9. To. 2. p. 461. 〈◊〉 . l. 1. De Coel●● . 4. 10. ● . p. 556. Aquin ▪ 1. Quest. ● . Art. 2. p. 14. Natural Appetites are vnsatiable . 〈…〉 p. 127. 〈◊〉 Quaest. 60. Art● . ● . ● . 129. Arist. l. 3. Eth. c. 11. To. 2. p. 640. Eccles. 6. 7. Deut. 29. 19. Isai. 5. 11. Plaut● in Menech . act . 1. S●e . 2. p. 421. Ouid. l. 7. M●● tam. p. 28. Arist. l. 3 Ethi● . c. 11. To. 2. p. 640 Arist. ibid. c. 10. Haggai . 1. 6. Pro. 13. 25. P●o. 6. 9. 10. 11. Sensible appetites be ins●tiable . Eccles. 1. 8. Musaeus de Herone , p. 342. Pro. 27. 20. Xenophon , l. 1. de sact . Socrat. p. 166. Cic. l. 5. Tusc. p 170. All intellectuall appetites are insatiable . Arist. l. 1. Mag. Moral . c. 13. To ▪ 2. p. 931. 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 of a mans desire . 〈…〉 〈…〉 Aelian l 4. var. Hist. c. 2. 9. p. 429. Senec. in Herc. Oe●●o . Act. 2. S●e . 2. p. 77. Petron. Arbit . 〈…〉 . vet . Poet. p. 393. H●bakuc 2. 5. Li●ie decad● . l. 1. p. 71. Isocrates Orat. de Pace . p. 391. 〈…〉 10. p. 45 b. 10. 19. 1● . Gen. 31. 29. Am●ition o● Honour 1. vnsatiable . Cic. l. 1. 〈◊〉 p. 113. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 l. 2. p. 124. Plut in vita Mary To. 2. p. 94. 〈…〉 387. 〈…〉 . 4. Sce. 4. P. 286. Hom. l. 9. Iliad . p. 101. B. Dion Nic●us , in Ncron● . p. 147. Laert ▪ in vi●d Empedoclis p. 295. 〈…〉 〈…〉 p 379. The desire of 〈…〉 Iuuen. Saratyr . 14. p. 67. b. 〈…〉 p. 734. 1. Tim. 6. 17. Cic. 1. Parad. p. 421. ●●rat . l. 2. 〈◊〉 . Od. 2. p. 28. a. Arist. l. 2. Po●t . c. 5. To. 2. p. 773. Aristoph . in Plut. Act. 1. Sce. 2. p. 32. Iuuenal . Satyr . 14. p. 63. b. Senec. in He●c . Oetao . Act 2. Sce 2. p. 77. Eccle. 5. 10. 1. Kin , 10. 21. 1. Kin , 10. 27. 1. Kin , 10. 22. Iuuenal . Satyr . 14. p. 67. a. Senec. l. 4. Nat. Quaest. c. 18. p. 84. Virgil. l. 3. Aeneid . p. 166. The desire of Pleasure 〈◊〉 vnsatiable . 〈…〉 p. 51. 〈…〉 c. 27. p. 134. Horat. l. 1. carm . Od 19. p. 17. a. Iuuenal . Satyr . 6. p. 22. Cic. l. 5. Tusc. p. 170. Plato in Philebo p. 90. The desire of Reuenge , is insatiable . Seneca in Prouerbijs p. 278. Iudith ● . 1 , 2 , 3. 〈…〉 3. p. 17. Seneca in Herc. 〈◊〉 . Act. 2. S●c . 1. p. 65. Ci● . Philip. 11. p. 605. Herodotus in Thalia p , 190. Platina in vita Sergy terij . p. 149. The appetites of a mans will are vnsatiable . Arist. l. 1. Mag. moral . c. 18. To. 2. p. 933. Ouid. l. 10. Metam . p. 399. Arist. l. 7. Eth. c. 3. To. 2. p. 690. 1. Sam. 2. 29. Arist. vbi suprà . Ecclus. 24. 21. Theognis . p. 7●0 . Philo Iudaeus l. De sacrificio Abel . p. 198. Cic. l. 3. De Fin. p. 67. Plutar. lib. Non posse suauiter viui secundum Epicurum . To. 2. p. 155. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 216. Eccl. 2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Eccles. 2 ▪ 7. 8. 12 Pro. 30. 15. Gen. 41. 20. 21. Bernard . lib. De diligendo Deo , p. 1096. God is able to fill all our appetites . Iob. 40. 10. 15. 1. Io. 3. 20. Psal. 23. 5. Psal. 145. 16. Psal. 127. 2. Psal. 81. 10. Psal. 17. 14. 1. Cor. 2. 9. 1. Pet. 5. 4. 1. Pet. 5. 4. Ps. 16. 11. Ps. 36. 7. 8. Ps 10 2. 5. Psal 73. 34. 71. 4. Psal. 17 15. Aug. in Manua●● c 3 To. 9 p. 793. Aug. in . Psal. 26. To. 8. p. 141. Aug. l. 1. Confess . cap. 1. To. 1. p. 61. Bernard . Serm. De bonis de serendis . p. 1146. B●llars . l. De 〈◊〉 grad 3. c. 1. p. 76. Psal. 4. 8. Psal. 17. 8. 57. 1. 61. 4. 63 ▪ 7. Greg. Nyssen . in 〈◊〉 Orat. 11. p 407. P●il . 1. 23. Nazian . Orat. 31. De Athanasio . p. 524. Aug. l. de Spiritu & Anima , cap. 55. To. 3. p. 895. 1. Cor. 15. 28. Bed. in 1. Cor. 15. To. 6. p. 571. Hugo . de Victor . l. 7. Erudit D●das c. 8. To. 3. p. 19. X. Gen. 17. 1. Irenaeus . l. 2. c. 1. p. 95. Aug. l. De Spir. & Anima . cap. 59 To. 3. p. 898. Laurentius Pisanus in Enchirid . Orthodoxograph p. 915. 2. Cor. 3. 5. Nothing is without a Cause . Plato in Timae● . p. 704. Cic. 2. de Diuinat . P. 27● . 〈…〉 c. 5. p. 1487. Item Trismegis . Pimand . Dial. 2. p. 385. Auselm . in Monologio . c. 3. To. 3. p. 3. 〈…〉 To. 1. p. 685. Cic. de vniuersitate p 427. Cic. l. 2 de Diuinat . p 271. Cic. l. 1. de finibus p. 39. Ramus l. 1. Dialecticae , c. 3. Plato . in Ciuil● . p. 210. Nothing can be the Cause of it selfe . Vallesius l. de sacra Philosophia c. 1. p. 31. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 3. p. 5. Trisinegist . in Pimand . Dial. 14. p. 470. Greg. Nyllen . De Infantib . praematurè abroptis p. 133. P●ling ▪ in Scorp . p. 206. Arist. l. 2. mag . Moral . c. 8. To. 2. p 962. Paling ▪ vbi supra p. 205. Plato in Hippia maiore . p. 115. Trismeg . in Pimand . Dial. 14. p 470. Zach. Mytilen l. de Mundi Creat . Rib. Pat. To. 5. p. 746. Paling . in libra . 167. Arist. l. De communi Animalium motu . To. 1. p. 916. Aqu●n . 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 3. p. 5. Arist. l 10. De. Theo●eg . ● . 17. Hilar. l. 6. De Trinit . p. 64. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 4 p. 7. 2. Art. 4 p. 7. Eusel . 7. De Praeparat . c. 8. p. 115. Senec. La● . l. 1. c. 7. p. 19 Lact. ibid. Iust. Martyr . in Confut. Graecar . Respons . To. 1. p. 336. Anselm . Monologo . 5. To. 3. p. 3 Id. ibid. c. 17. p. 9 〈…〉 Lac●● . in vit● Th●le●● p. 12. Philo. Iudaeus l. de Sacri●i . Abel . p. 199. Iohn 5 26. Anselm . 〈◊〉 monologio . c. 5. To. 3. p. 4. There is among the Causes but one first cause . Cic. Orat. Pro. Q. Ros●●o . 〈…〉 p. 137. Anselm in Monologio . c. 4. 〈◊〉 . 3. ● 3. 〈◊〉 . in Sco● p. p. 206. Arist. l 2. Metaphys . c 2. To 2. p 1385. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 3. p. 5. Arist. l. 2. Metaphys . ● . 2. To. 2. p. 1386 Paling . in Libr. p. 168. Trismeg . in Pimand . dial . 1. p. 437. Cyprian in Praefat . ad Cornelium . p. 482. Anselm . in Monologio , c. 3. To. 3. p. 2. V●●e drist . de l●eis ins●cabilibus . To. 2 p. 1595. Paling . in Scorpio . p. 206. Arist. l. 3. Metaphys . c. 4. To. 2. p. 1393. Trismeg . Pimand . dial . 20. p. 426. Nyssen . Arist. l 2. Phys. c. 3. To. 1. p. 433. Greg. l. 16. Mor. c. 18. To. 1. p. 95. S●o●aeu● l. 〈…〉 Phys. c. 9 p. 13. That first and supreme Cause , is nothing else , but God. Damasc. l. 1. de Orthod fid . c. 12. p. 184. Paling . in Scorp . p. 206. Damasc. l. 1. Orthodox . fid . c. 12 ▪ p. 184. Arist. l. 11. Metaphys . c. 6. To. 2. p. 1409. Exo. 3. 14. Dan. 7. 9. Isay 41 4. Arist. l. 7. Metaphys . c. 1. To. 2. p. 2433. Arist. l. 4. Metaphys c. 1. To. 2. p. 1397. Orig. Hom. in lib. Reg. To. 1. p. 362. Trismeg . Asclep . c. 11. p. 525. Plato . in Sophis●a p. 188. Ioh. 5 26. Act. 17. 28 Act. 17. 25. Paling . in . Libra , p. 169. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 10. p. 426. Asclep . c. 8. p. 505. Anselm . in Monologio . c. 4. To. 3. p. 3. Arist. l. 7. Metaphys . ● . 1. To 2. p 1433. O●●● . Hom. in l●b . Reg. To. 1. p. 362. Dionys. Areop . l. De Diuin . Nom. c. 1. p. 194. Senec l. 2. Nat. Quaest. c. 45. p. 36. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 10. p. 426. Psal. 65. 11. Psal. 68. 9. Heb. 6. 7. Psal. 127. 3. Eurip. ●n lone . p. 814. Bra●●a●d . l. 1. c. 3. p. 1●1 . Damasc. l. 1. Orthod . Fid. c.. 3. p. 166. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 14. p. 468. Senec. Epist. 66. p. 106. Senec. l 4. de Benefic . c. 7. p. 50. Senec. Epist. 66 p. 1●7 . Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 14. p. 470. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 2. p. 386. Iob , 32. 8. Heb. 12. 9. Iames 1. 17. Trismeg Pimand . Dial. 5. p. 403. Arist. l. 1. Metaphys . c. 2. To. 2. p. 1372. 〈◊〉 . l. de Mun●o . To. p. 1506. 〈◊〉 . l. de Pla●●● . ● 3. To. 2 p. 7. 〈…〉 Macrob. l. 1. in Som. c. 14. p. 47. Pind. in Pyth. Od. 5. p. 263. There is a first motion . Plato l. 10. de Leg. p. 874. Arist. l. 8. Physic. c. 5. To. 1. p. 528. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 116. Hilar. l. 3. De Trin. p. 31. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 2. Art. 3. p. 5. Laërt . in vita Melissi , p. 312. Ioseph . l. 2. Cont. Apion p. 902. Arist. l. 2 Metaphys . c. 2. To. 2. p. 1386. Arist. ibid. Arist. l 3 Meta. c. 4. To. 2 p. 1393. Manilius . l 4. Astron. p. There is a first Mouer . Iohan. Pic. Mirand in Conclusi inibus su●s , To. To. 1. p. 58. Arist. l. ● . Phys. c. 4. To. 1. p. 526. Philo Iud. l. De O●i●ic . Mundi . p. 7. Arist. l. de comm●ni An●malium motu . To. 1. p 916. Cic. l 2 de . Nat. Deor. p. 215. Arist. l. 2. de Generat . c. 10. To. 1. p. 676. Nazian . Orat. 2. de T●eol . p. 28. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 5. To. 1. p. 529. Cic. l. 2. De. Nat. Deor. p. 215. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 5. To. 1 p. 528. The first Mouer is the first Cause of all Motion . Plato l. 10. de Legib p. 874. Arist. l. 2. de Anima . c. 1. To. 1. p. 799. Act. 17. 28. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 116. Arist. l. d● communi Animal . 〈◊〉 . To. 1. p. 912. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 5. To. 1. p. 528. Arist. l. Metaphys . c. 2. To. 2. p. 1386. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p. 1567. Plut. l. de Pythiae Or●●ulis . To. 3. Mo● . p. 493. Arist 2. Metaphys c. 2. To. 2. p. 1386. Arist. l. 7. Phys. c. 1. To. 1. p. 511. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 1. To. 1. p. 530. The first Mouer is God. Cic. l. 1. Tusc p. 116. Arist. l. 12 Metaphys . c. 8. To. 2. p 15 ▪ 5. Arist. l. 12. Metaphys . c. 10. To. 2. p. 1508. Cic. l. de Vniuers . p. 431. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p. 1567. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 5. To. 1. p. 529. Trismeg . pimand . Dial. 1. p. 369. Laert , in vita Zenonis p. 253. Arist. l. 1. De Anima . c. 2. To. 1. p. 787. Col. 2. 3. Act. 17. 28. Arist. l. 8. Phys. c. 1. p. 519. Ouid , l. 1. Metam . p. 1. Plut. l. 1. de Placitis c. 7. To. 2. Mor. p. 15. Pro. 8. 27. &c. Virgil. l. 6. Aen●●d . p. 267. Virgil. l. 4. Georg. p. 94. Plato , l. 10. de Leg. p. 875. Laert , in vita Parmenidis , p. 311. Theophra●●i , in Metaph. c. 1. Apud Aristot. To. 2. p. 1539. Cic. l. 1. Tosc . p. 116. Gen. 21. 33. Paling . in . Libr. p. 169. Plato . in Ph●dro p. 450. Prosper . Epigr. 58. p. 169. Bradwardin . l. 1. c. 4. p. 172. 174. Chrysost. Serm. 10 in Rom. To. 4. p. 100. Basil ▪ Asceticis . To. 2. p. 292. Cic. l. 3. Tasc . p. 142. Sinne is the first cause of Sicknesse . Plut. l. 5. de Placitis . c. 30. To. 2. Mor. p. 65. Hi●ron . in c. 3. Naum. To. 6. p. 209. Item Sto●aeus Serm. 98. p. 542. Et Serm. 99. p. 545. Psal. 39. 11. Rom. 5. 12. 1. Co● . 11. 30. Ioh. 5. 14. Ex ▪ 9. 10. Num. 12. 8. 10. Num. 25. 1. 2. 9. 1. Sam. 5. 6 9. A. Gellius . l. 20. c. 1. p. 280. b. Deut 28. 27. Herod . l. 1. p. 51. Pausan. in Achaicis , p. 279. Idem , in Arcadicij , p. 313. Idem in Beot●cis p. 353. Herod . l. 1. p. 66. Plut. in vit . Romuli . p. 67. Liuie l. 6. p. 112. Psal. 38. 3. God threatneth sicknesse for mens sins . Leuit. 26. 16. 15. Deut. 7. 15. Deut. 28. 15. &c. Deu. 28. 21. 22. 27. 28. 35. 59. Cic. l. 2. De ●in . p. 62. 2. Chro. ●1 . 13. 14. &c. Acts 12. 23. 2. Mac. 9. 9. God sendeth all kinds of sicknesses vnto men . Aug. in Psal. 94. To. 8. p. 1070. Num. 16. 41 , 46. 2. Chro. 21. 19. in Vulgata . Psal. 39. 10. Isay. 24 6. Psalme 38. 7. Exod. 9. 10. Isay , 1. 6. 1. Sam. 5. 9. 12. Iob. 2. 7. 8. Isai. 19. 14. Gen. 19. 11. 2. Kin. 6. 18. 1. Mac. 6. 8 9. 1● Homer , l. 1. Iliad p. 3. Thucid. l. 2. p. 130. Ouid , l. 7. Metam . p. 278. Max. Tyrius Scr● . ●9 . p. 485. 〈…〉 p. 390. Quint. Curt. l. 10. p. 415. Dan. 5. 2. 3. &c. Sabel . Aeneid . 4. l. 6. p. 807. Sueton. in vit . ●iti . c. 10. p. 115. Ouid. l. 7. Metam . p. 279. Cic. l. 4. ●cad . p. 25. Aurel. Vict. in vita Gallery p. 395. Pompon . Laetus p. 445. Euseb. l. 1. de vita Constan. 〈◊〉 . c. 50. p. 139. Cael. Rhodigin . l. 6. c. 1. p. 228. Volateran . l. 23. p. 547. Bap. Egnat . l. 2. Ror● . 〈…〉 . p. 703. Pausan. in Ac●aicu p. 281. Homer , l. 1. Iliad p. 3. Cic l. 4. T●sc . p. 1●4 . Herod , l. 2. p. 1●6 . Aelian . l. 12. var. Hist. c. 23. p 481. Plut. de ijs qui se●o puniun●ur , To. 2. p. 233. 1. Samuel , 6. 9. Iob , 5. 6. Deut. 28. 22. 2. Kings , 19. 35. Hieronym , in c. 3. Naum. To. 6. p. 209. c. Stobaeus Serm. 98 p. 539. Senec● . 〈…〉 Act 5. See. 2. p. 257. 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 p. 17. 〈◊〉 . in Psal. 118. Serm. 10. To. 4. p. 66● . Sicknes is nothing else but the Sroke of God. Lib 1. Cap. 12 Sect. 5. Basil in As●●ticis . To. 2. p. 292. Solonin Elegijs , p. 134. Ovid. l. 1. De Ponto Eleg. 4. p 160. b. Ovid. l. 7. Metam . p. 278. Deut. 28. 27. 35. Ecclus. 21. 3. Hippocrates . l. 1. Praenotionum , c. 2. p. 366. Cic. l. 16. ad Attic. epist. 339. p. 408. Plutarch in A●●atorio . To. 3. p. 403. Io. 11. 4. Deut. 28 , 22. Deut. 28 27. Deut. 28 28. Ex. 4. 14. Deut. 24. 8. Psal. 39. 10. Mar. 5. 29. Mar. 3. 10. Luke , 7 21. Basil , in As●eticis To. 2. p. 292. Hieron . in Cap. 3. Naum. To. 6. p. 209. Iob , 2. 7. Luke , 13. 16. 1. Sam. 6. 9. Psal. 39. 10. Iuueual , Satyr . 13. p. 60. b. Homer , l. 1. Iliad . p. 18. in Graecolat . Psal. 91. 5. 6. Psal. 38. 2 , 3. Plut. l. De Iside . To. 2. p. 190. Plato , l. 2 De Repub . p 554. Deut. ● . 15. Iob. 5. 18. 1. Sam. 2. 6. Psal. 90. 3. Hos. 6. 1. Ouid. l. 1. De Remed . Amor. p. 292. Tertul. l. 3. cont . Marcion . c. 24. p. 400. God is the Giuer of health . Psalm . 28. 7. Psalm . 27. 1. Psalm . 94. 5. Philo Iud. l. 2. de leg . allegor . p. 131 Greg. Nyssen , l. de Infantibus praematurè abreptis p. 138. Aug. in Psal. 35. To. 8. p. 270. Aug. l. 5. de Ciuit. Dei c. 11. To. 5. p. p. 303. Athenae● , l. 10. p. 323. ●iuie , l. 10. p. 170. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cicer. Orat. 4. in Ver. p. 105. Pausan. in Corinthiacis , p. 97. Basil. Isay , 43. 11. Aelian , l. 12. de var. Hist. c. 51. p. 489. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 210. Cic. Orat. Pro Quinto Ligario , p 541. Mat. 11. 5. Mat. 10. 1. 8. Luk 2. 11. Ioh. 4. 42. Act 3. 7. and 5. 15. & . 19. 12. Act 3. 2. 6. 2. 7. 12. 16. Mat. 1 21. Act. 19. 13 &c. Mat. 10. 1. Hegesip . l. 2. de excidio vrbis . c. 12. p. 261. Ps 3. 8. Wi●d . 16. 7. God is the Preseruer of health . Cic. l. 2. Oss●c . p. 376. Cic. l. 16. Epist. sam . Epist. 18. p. 180. Iob. 30. 15. Psa 4● Psal. 91. 4. 7. Iob. 7. 20. Hier. in Cap. 26. Isai. To. 5. p. 110 Pausa . in Arcadi cis , p. 300. Athenaeus Lib. 14. p. 491. Terent. Eunuch . Act. 5. See. 9. p. 96. Cic. l. 3. de . Fin. p. 76. ●useb . l. 9. Hist. c. 7. p. 112. God is the Restorer of Health . Deut. 7. 15. Psal. 103. 3. 2. Kin. 5. 7. 2. Kin. 5. 15. Ecclus. 38. 2. Coel. Rhodigin . l. 19. c. 11. p. 1354. Plut. l. 4. Sympos . Quaest. 1. To. 3. Mor. p. 239. Cic. l. 14. Epist. Fam. Ep. 7. 162. Num. 11. 1 , 2. Num. 16. 47 , 48 2. Sam , 24. 25. Homer , l. 1. Iliad p. 5. B. Ouid. l. 7. Metam . p. 280. La●r & . in vit . Epimen . p. 39. Liuie , l. 1. p. 12. Liuie , l. 5. p. 91. 2. Kin. 23. Livi. Psal. 41. 4. Cic. Epist. Octaviano , p. 223. Psal. 141. 2. Iuuenal . Satyr . 13. p. 60. B. This Chap. this Sect. prec●d . Nonius in voce , preca●tur . 1. Kings , 8. 37. &c. Cic. Orat , 5 , in Ver. p. 137. 1 , Kings , 20. 2. &c. Ecclu . 3● . 9. Ecclu . 3● . 14. Iames , 5. 14. 15. Mathew , 9. 2. Cic. l. 2. Te Diuin . p. 263. 2. Kings , 20. 5. 7. 1. Kings , 18. 36. &c. Suidas in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 278. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 236. God is the Giuer of all Medi●in●● vnto Man. Gen 2. 5. Gen. 1. 12. 13. 14. Plut. l. 1. de Placit . c. 1. To. 2. p. 4. Bachiar . Epist. de lapsis , 〈◊〉 . Pat. To. 1. p. 419 Ier. 9 22. Plin. l. 24. c. 1. p. 350. Gal. l. 3. de vsu partium . Basil , in Asceticis . To. 2. p. 291. Theodoret. Serm 4. De Prouident . To. 2. p. 592. Ecclus. 38. 4. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 221. Plin l. 24. Cap. 1. p. 350. Trismeg . As●lep . Cap. 13. p. 537. God is the Giuer of all skill in Physick . Cic. lib. 1. Dediu●●a . p. 242. Plin. lib. 27. cap. 1. p. 387. St●ba● l. Eclog. Phys. c. 3. p. 3. Coel. Rhodig . l. 29. c. 11. p. 1353. Cic. l. 1. de Diuin . p. 142. Plin. l 29. c. 1. p. 416. Plut. l. de Homero . To. 11 p. 145. Ou●d , l. 1. Metam . p. 39. Strab● , l. 14. p. 347. Plut. l. contra St●icos , To. 3. p. 566. Ecclus 38. 6. Ecclus 38. 1. Aug. l. 1. de Moribus Eccles. c. 28. To. 1. p. 738. Basil. in As●●ti●●● , To. 2. p. 291. Theodoret. Ser. 4. de Prouiden . To. 2. p. 592. Ephraem Syrus , Serm. de Fide , p. 81. Gods blessing is it , that healeth , more then the Medicine . 2. Ch●on . 16. 12. Mar. 5. 25 , 26. Dion Cassius in Hadriano . p. 135. A. Gel. lib. 18. cap. 9. p. 263. Ecclus 38. 8. 12. 13. 14. Hier. in . cap. 26. Isai. To. 5. p. 110. Hier. in cap. 7. Am●s To. 6. 124. Hier. in vita Hilar . To. 1. p. 144. Basil. in Ascetici● To. 2. p. 291. p. 292. Wis. 16. 12. Wise. 16. 7. Aug in . Psal. 34. To. 8. p. 250. 2. Kin 20 ● 5. Ia. 5 14. 15. Aug. l. 4. 〈◊〉 D●●● 〈◊〉 . 16 〈◊〉 . 3. p. 79. 〈…〉 p. 281. Psal 107 2● . 〈◊〉 16 12. 〈…〉 291. Mat. 8. 3. Psal. 3. 8. Psal. 113. 7 8. Psal. 78. 70. &c Cic. l. 1. Offic. p. 346. Virgil. l. 1. Ae●●id . p. 123. Plut. in Vit. Remuli . p. 49. Sil. Ital. l. 15. p. 186. Will. Thomas , p. 86. Great Cities fall to be little . Obadiah , v , 4. Isay. 47. 1. Isay. 47. 5. Psal. 1378. A●ias Monta●us . Isay , 15. 1. Stob●ns Serm. 103. p. 564. Pausan. in A●cadicis , p. 325. Ouid , l. 15. Me●amo●p . p. ●19 . Obadiah , v. 16. Strabo , l. 16. p. 572. Philo Iudaeus , l. Quod Deus sit immutabilis , in fine , p. 445. Lucret. l , 2. p. The rising and falling of Citties is neither by Fa●e nor Fortune . Plut. in Vita Romuli . p. 52. Psal. 75. 6. Isai. 24. 1. Plut. in Vita Romuli . p. 52. Manil. l. 1. p. 16. Senec. Oedip. Act. 1. p. 220. Pausanias in Arcadieis . p. 325 Dan. 2. 31. &c. Dan. 73 &c. Dan. 8. 3 , &c. Dan. 8 20. 21. Deut. 18. 21. 22. 2. Tim. 1. 12. Ionah . 3. 4. Num. 24. 24. Demost , Orat. de falsa legat . To. 24 p. 63. Cic. in . Fragment p. 298. Pausan. vbi suprà . Luke , 4. 6. The Rising and Falling of Cities is onely of God. Pro. 8. 15 , 16. Tertul. Apolog. c. 30. p. 59. Act● , 17. 25. Daniel , 4. 32. X●noph . l. 3. de Cyriminor . exped . l p. 301. Sabellicus Ae●eid 8. l. 1. To. 2. p. 425. Daniel , 5. 18. Ezr. 1. 2. Plut. in vita Themistoclis p. 265. Daniel , 7. 6. Apotheg . Hebrae●o●um . l. 2. p. 39. Plutarch . in 〈◊〉 Camilli . p. 282. Plutarch l. de Fortuna Romanorum , To. 2. p. 409. 411. Cic. Orat. de Arusp. Respons . p. 405. Arnob. l. 8. cont . Gent. p. 746. Liv. l. 5. p. 103. Ecclus. 10. 22. Atheneus . l. 12. p. 407. Iob. 36. 17. P●o. 16 12. Ecclus. 10. 8. Pro. 14. 34. Ier. 25. 12. Au. Gell. l. 20. c. 1 p. 281. Cic. in Fragmentis . To. 4. p. 298. 297. Senec. in Thyes●e Act. 2. Sce. 1. p 296. Plut. 〈…〉 . 4. p. 644. Iosh 6. 20. Athenaeus . l. 2. p. 31. Demost. Orat. de fal●a Legat. To. 2 p. 63. Theognis . p. 8. 1. Kings , 12. 16 , 17. Isay. 47 , 1. Daniel , 4. 22. Plutach , in vita Bruti . p. 863. Iob , 12. 18. Iob. 12. 2. Daniel , 2. 21. Tertul. A●ol●ge . c. 26. p. 57. Plut. in vita 〈◊〉 p. 562. Mathew , 10. 29. Aug. l. 5. de Ciuit. Dei c. 11. T● . 5. p. 303. God limiteth the power of all Kings and Kingdomes . 1. Samuel , 26. 20. 21. Gen. 32. 6 7. Gen. 33. 4. Senec. ● Thy●st . Act. 3. Sce. 3. p. 3. p. 309. Pro. 21. 1. Psal. 105. 15. Iudith 2. 1. 3 , 7. Iudith 3. 8. Horat. l 1 Carm O● . 3. p. 7. Iud. 14. 18. Iud. 15. 2. &c. Dan. 4. ●0 . Aeliand . 13. var. Hist. c. 30. p. 504. Dan. 4. 31. &c. 2. King. 18. 17. 33. 34. 35. 29. 2. King 19. 28. 35. 36. 37. 1. Pet 55. Mat. 6. 27. Rom. 13. 1. Iust. M●rt l. de Monarchia Dei To. 1. p. 205. Mat 6 13. Wi●d . 6. 2. 3. 4. God circumscribeth all Kingdome● within Bounds Psal. 95. 4. Cicero . Orat. pro P. Seslio . p. 442. Cicero . Orat. 4. in Catilin . p. 315 A●no●●ius . ● . ● . cont . Gentes . p. 746. Ovid. l 1. ●astor . p. 3. b. Egesip . l. 2. de Excid . o Hieros . p. 244. Daniel , 3. 31. 2. 38. Ezra . 1. 2. Cic. l. 15. Epist. ad Attic. Epist. 326. p. 394. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 10. p. 111. Macrob. ibid. Iob , 38. 11. Seneca , l. 1. Nat Quaest. ●a Praesat , p. 2. Cap. 1. Deut. 32. 8. Ecclus. 17. 15. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial , 13. p. 464. Demost. Orat. de Halonesa , p. 26. 〈…〉 . God giueth the times of continuance vnto Kingdomes Act. 17. 26. Iob. 14. 5. Daniel , 7. 22. 12. 7. Cloutian . l. 3. in laudes Stilicon . p. 273. Bartus in his Colonies . p 442. Gen. 15. 16. Isa. 10. 5. Jer. 51. 20. Eccles. 3. 1. 2. Ier. 27. 6. 7. Dan. 5. 28 30. 26. Ier. 25. 11 , 12. 2. Chro. 36. 22. Ezra . 1. 1. Isay. 44 28 Isay. 45. 1. Isay , 7. 8. Ezech. 29. 12. 13. Acts , 1. 7. Daniel . 2. 21. Xenoph. l. 6. Rerum Gracarum p. 462. Hesiod , Opera & Dies , p. 1. Homer , Odyss . l. 16. Smonides cum H●siodo , p. 164. Tertul. Apologet. Cap. 26. p. 57. Arist. l. 2. Phys. c. 3. To. 1. p. 433. Arist. l. 1. Ethic. c. 1. To. 2. p. 604. Paling . in l. conc . p. 103. Lib. 2. Cap. 3 Sect. 4. Rom. 11. 36. Pro. 16. 4. Palingenius ▪ in Le●ne . p. 103. Psal 73. 24. Arist. l. 1. Eth. c. 1. To. 2. p. 604. Vertue is the way vnto Felicitie . 〈…〉 . p. 113. Senec. in Herc. 〈…〉 . 4. Sce. 4. p. 126. Sen●● . in Herc. Oclaeo . Act. 5. Sce. 5 p. 128. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p 112. Cic. 1. Parad. p. 421. Arist. l. 1. Eth. c. 7. To. 7. p. 609. Vertue is not of Nature , Art or Industrie 〈…〉 . p. 70. Ibid. p. 69. Cic. l. 1. Acad. p. 5 Cic. l. 1. de leg . p. 313. Cic. l. 1. de . leg . p. 314. p. 326. in Lambini Edit . Arist. Prob. Sect. 10. prob . 44. To. 2 ▪ p , 473. Arist. l. 2. Eth. c. 8. To. 2. p. 625. Arist , l ▪ 2. Eth. c. 1. To. 2. p. 616. Plut. To. 2. Mor. p. 252. Arist. l. 3 , Eth. c. 1. To. 2. p. 615. Plato , in Protagora , p. 231. Max. Tyr. Serm. 22. p. 263. Ambros. l. 2. de Iacob . c. 4. To. 4. p. 298. Stob●us Serm. 1. p. 27. Arist. l. 3. Eth. c. 1. To. 2. p. 616. Pindarus in Nemeis Od. 6. p. 405. P●thagor cum 〈◊〉 , p 124. Bern : Serm. 22. in Cant. ● . p , 55● . 〈…〉 . Serm. 22. p , 271. 〈◊〉 , Fidyl . 17. p , 120. 1 , Cor. 3. 7. Homer , l. 20. Iliad . p , 742. God is the Giuer of vertue vnto men . Theophil , Antioch . l , 2. ad A●to lic . Bib. Pa● . To. 5. p , 134. Pindar . Olimp. Od 9 p , 109. Theognis cum 〈◊〉 . p , 14. Prouerb , 16. 4. Aquin , 1. 2. Quaest. 79. Art. 3. p , 160. Aug. l , 4. de Ciuit . Dei , c. 20. To. 5. p. 252. Arist. l. 1. de Anim . ● . c. 2 To. 1. p. 786. Proclus l. de Anim ● . p. 193. Plut. l. de ira cohibenda . To. 2. p. 292. L. 2. c. 8. Sect. 3. Iamblic . c. 31. p , 100. Gen. 20. 6. 1. Sam. 25. 26. 3● . Stob. Serm. 61. p. 390. Homer . l. 1. Ilid . p. 7. Luk. 18. 11. 12. 1. Cor. 15. 10. Cic. l. 3. de . Nat. Deor. p. 238. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p. 212. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 225. God is the Giuer of all good motions and affections . Sunt ingenijs nostris semina 〈◊〉 virtutum quae si adolescere liceret , ipsa nos ad beatam vitam Natura perduceret . Cic. l. 3. Tusc. Deut 30. 6. Phil. 2. 13. 2. Cor. 3. 5. Isai. 26. 12. Lucan . l. 9. p. 127. b. ●●mblic . c. 26. p. 1● . Homer , lib. 18. Odys . p. 528. Plut. lib. de Homero , To. 1. p. 129. Stob. Serm. 9. p , 100. Trismeg . in Pimand . Dial. 1. p. 376. Trismeg . in Asclep . c. 9. p. 515. Aug. 〈◊〉 lib. 〈…〉 Philoso ▪ ● . c. 33. p , 474. ●usib . l. 4. de 〈…〉 . 11. l , 98. Sto●●ns ▪ Serm. 101. p , 554. ●ib . 2. Cap. 8. Sect. 2. Trismeg . Pim●●d . Dial. 1. p. 375. 367. Eph : 6. 16. Nazian . Orat. 40 〈◊〉 sanctum Baptisma . p , 621. Luke , 11. 21 , 22. Iamblic . c. 30. p. 97. God is the Giuer of felicitie vnto men . 2. Pet. 1. 3. Arist. l. 1. Eth. c. 9. To. 2. p. 611. Iam. 1. 17. Plato . in Euthryp●one . p. 59. Hesiod . in Theogonia . p. 82. Homer . l. 8. Odys . p. 218. Plut. l. de Homero To. 1. Mor. p. 119. Lamblic . c. 47. p. 176. Plaut . Bacchid . Act. 4. 〈◊〉 . 4. 343. Psal. 104. 28. Plaut . Prolog . in Menech . p. 416. Tertul. l. 1. cont . Marc. c. 24 p. 362 Tertul. lib. 2. cont . Marcion . c. 5. p. 370. Plat● . in 〈…〉 p 913. Arist. l 1. 〈…〉 9. To. 2. p. ●11 . 〈…〉 Plato in 〈◊〉 . p. 256. Homer . l. 6. Odys . p. 168. Solon . in Eleg. p. 130. cum He●iodo . Sio● . l. Eclog. Phys. cap 9. p. 11. Aug l. u. de Ciuit De● . c. 18. To. 5. p. 249. Max. Ty● . Serm. 23. p. 363. God is the true Felicitie of Man. S●ohaeus , Serm. 101. p. 453. A●g . ●ugub . l 10. de pere● . Philos. c. 18 p. 590. Senec. Epist. 31. p. 53. Arist. l. 1. Eth. ● . ● . To. 2. p. 685. Aug. ●ib . 4. de 〈◊〉 . Dei c. 11. p. 303. 2. Peter , 1. 4 , 5. Euseb. l. 4. de praepar . cap. 11. p 97. Aug. Eugub . vbi supra . Senec. vbi supra . 1. Cor. 6. 17. Boet. l. 3. de Consolat . prosa 10. p. 10. 49. Paling . in Le● . p. 107. Nazian . Orat. 6. de Sp. Set. p. 174 ▪ 175. Dionys. Areopag . lib. de Eccles. Hierar . c. 1. p. 90. 1. Peter , 1. 4 , 5. Trism●g . As●p . c. 2. p. 479. 1. Pet. 1. 4. 5. &c Col. 3. 14. Pythag. 〈◊〉 Hesiodo . p. 129. Deut. 30. 20. Cic. l. de . Amicit. p. 396. 2. Cor. 5. 1. Stobae . Serm. 38. p. 234. Apoc. 21. 2. 3. Cic. l. de Vniuersitate . p. 432. Act. 17. 28. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 119. Trismeg in Pimand . Dial. 10. p. 426. Iohn , 1 ● . 3. Ber. Ser. 2. super Salu● Regina , p. 1355. 2 Pet. 1. 5. Hieron . Epist. Fab●ol●e : To. 3. p. 42. Apoc. 2. 7. Stob. Se●m ▪ 101. p. 552. Senec. in Herc. Oetaeo . Act. 4. Sce. 4. p. 112. Lib. ● , c. 8. Sect. 2 Senec. Herc. Oetaeo . Act. 5. Sce. vlt. p. 128. 1. Cor. 2. 9. Psalme , 16. 11. Mathew , 5. 8. Chrys. Hom. 24. in Ma● . To. 2. p. 233. Psalme , 8. 3. 7. 19. Nyssen , lib de Infa●●ib● premature abreptis , p. 134. Ouid , l. 2. de ●●onto . Eleg. 8. p , 182. 1 Cor. 13. 12. Aquinas , ● Quaest. 12. Art. 2. Arist. l. 10. Eth. c. 8. To. 2. 739 , 740. Aug. Epist. 222. To. 2. p , 860. Aug. Epist 56. To. 2. p , 260. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 1. p , 377. Aug. l. 8. de Ciuit. 〈◊〉 ▪ 8. To. 5. p , 449. Boeti●s , l. 3. de Consolat . metro . 12. p , 1●62 . Psalme , 36. 9. Aug. in Sententijs , To. 3. p , 1488. Beda , in 1. Cor. c. 15. To : 6. p , 571. Gensis , 15. 1. Mathematicus circa Abstracta speculatur , tollendo omnia sensibil●a . Arist. l. 11. Metaphyl . c. 3. To. 2. p , 1485. Arist. l. 11. Meta. c. 4. p , 1486. & Seminar . Philos. p 797. Ficin . Argument in . l. 7. Platonis de repub . p. 616. Ficin . Argument . in Platonis Theaete● . p. 134. Alcin. c. 2. Seminar . philos . To. 2. p. 580. Plato in Epinome . p. 918. Arist. l. 1. Mete●r c. 3. To. 1. p. 691. Arist. 1. 2. Metap . c. 3. To. 2 p. 1388 Vide Coel. Rhodigin . l. c. 2. p. 6. Wisd. 11. 17. Coel. Rhodigin . l. 1. Ant , lect . c. ● . p. 6. P●●t . l 8. Sympos . Quaest. 2. To. 3. p. 336. 337. Mathematica certitudo non est in omnibus quae●enda . Arist. l. 2. Metaphys . c. 3. To. 2. p. 1383. Geometrie leadeth a man to God. ●l●t . l. 7. de Repub . p. 623. Col. 3. 1. Plut. l. 8. Simposia● . Quaest. 2. To. 3. p. 336. Ibid p 337. Ma● T●r. Serm. 21. p. 260. Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p. 239. Arist. l. 13. Meta c. 3 ▪ . 2. p. 1513. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p. 30. Punctum in Geometrie leadeth men to God. Arist. l. 1. Metaphys . c. 7. To. 2. p. 1383. Proclus in Euclid . l. 2. c. 11. Serm. Philos. To. 2. p. 765. Eph. 3. 18. Punctum in Geometry resembleth in some sort the nature of God. Dionys. l. de coelesti Hierarch . c. 4. p. 29. Arist. l. Metaphys . c. 5. To. 2. p , 1375. Virgil. l. 6. Aeneid . p , 267. Arist. l. 11. Metaphys . c. 2. To. 2. p , 1484. Arist. l. de Mundo . To. 2. p , 1572. Rom. 11. 36. Orig. l. 6. Cont. Celsum p , 766. Vinity in Arithmeticke leadeth a man to God. Arist. l. 1. Metap . c. 7. To. 2 p , 1383. Arist ▪ l. 13. Meta. c. 8. To. 2. p , 1522. Arist. ibid. Plut. lib. de Aninac procreat , To. 3. Mor ▪ p , 93. ●oet . lib. de Vnitate . p , 1276. Bradwardin . l. 1. de causa Dei c. 1. Correllar . 40. p , 135. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p , 30. Arist. l. 1. Meta. c. 5. p , 1375. Plut. l. 1. de ●lacit . c. 3. To. 2. p , 7. Plut. l. de Homero . To. 1. p , 123. Vnity is the Au●hor and originall of all things . Stobaeus , lib. Ecl●g . Phys c. 9. p , 13. Idem ibidem , c. 13. p , 27. Trismeg . Pimand●Dial . 10. p , 426. Anselm . Monolog , c. 3. To. 3. p , 2. Lib. 2. Cap. 3. Sect. 3. Hugo de Sct. Victore , lib. 7. Erudit . didasc . c. 19. To. 3. p , 21. X. Arist. l. 13. Metaph . c. 8. To. 2. p , 1521. 1520. Arist-ibid . Romane● , 11. 36. Boet. l. de Vnitate , p , 1274. Dionys. 〈…〉 lib. de Diuin . Nom , c. 13. p , 328. Dionys. Areopag . lib. de Diuin . nom ▪ c. 1. p. 192. Ibid. p , 195 ▪ Epip● . l. 3. Haeres . 80. To. 2. p. 519. Boet. l. de vnitate , p , 1274. Dionysius vbi suprà p , 330. Palingen . in Libra . p , 168 : Plut. l. de Homer To. 1. p. 123. Iohn , 1. 3. Iames , 1. 17. Plut. vbi suprà . The first vnity is nothing else but God. Trismeg . Asclep . c. 8. p. 505. Item Pimand . Dial. 11. p , 438. Eph. 4. 6. Plut. l. 1. de Placit . c. 7. To. 2 , p , 16. Mornaeus , lib. de ve●i● . Relig. c. 3. p , 44. Plut lib. de E , I , To. 1. Mor. p , 695. Iamblic . lib. de Mysterijs p , 29. Hugo de Vict l. 7. Erud . didas . c. 19. To. 3. p , 21 X. Iamblic . vbi suprà p , 152. Arist. l. 1. Metap . c. 5. To. 2. p. 1376 Pic. Mirand . Obiect . 3. p , 181. Epiphan . l. 3. To. 2. p , 519. Athenag . Orat. pro Christ apud Iust. Martyr , To. 1. p. 223. How God is not one . Bernard . l. 5. De Considerat . p , 1408. Suidas in v●ce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 297 Boet. l. de vnitale p , 1276. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 11. Art. 4. ● . p , 21. Hugo , de Sct. Vict. l. 7. Erudit . Didascal . c. 19. To. 3. p , 21. X. Senec. Epist. 59. p , 95. Iames , 1. 17. Plut. l. de E , l. To. 1. p , 695. ●uxdorfius in Synagoga Iudaica . c. 11. p , 3 Dionysius Arcopag . lib. de diuin Nom. c. 1. p , 192 Dionys. ibid. c. 13 p. 330. Io. Pic. lib. de Ente & Vno , To. 1. p , 272 How God is One. Plut. lib. de E , I. To. 2 , p , 695. Dionys. Arcopag . lib de diuin . Nom. c. 1 , p , 192 Plut. lib. de Placit . c. 7. To. 2. p , 16. Cic. lib. 1. Tusc. p. 118. B●et . l. 1. de Trim. p. 1122. Plat. l. de E , l , p , 695 , Trismeg . Piman . Dial. 12 , p , 452. Boet. lib. 1. De Trinit . p. 1122. Deut. 6. 4. Isai. 43. 10. Bernard , l. 5. de Consid. p , 1047. Plut. l. 1. de plac . c. 7. To. 1. p , 16. Cic. l. 1. de Nat. Deor. p , 188 Plut. l. de E. I. To. 1. mor. p. 695 Macrob. l. 1. Saturnal . c. 23. p. 224. Luin. moral . poet . p , 1223. Macrob. l. 1. Satur. c. 7. p , 200 Varro . lib. 4 de Lingua Latina , p. 13. Item Cic. l. 3. de Nat. Deor. p , 233. Boet. l. 5. de Con. Metro . 2. p , 1100 Ruf. Comment . in Symbol . To. 1. p , 172. 1. Cor. 15. 28 Act , 17. 28 Io. Pic. Mirand . l. de Ente & ●no , p , 172 ●aert . in vita Xenoph. p , 310. Trismeg . Asclep . c. 1. p , 475. Trismeg . Asclep . c. 8. p , 506. Stob. l. Eclog. Phys c. 1. p , 2. Dionys. l. de Diuin . Nom. cap , 1. p , 201. Ibid. c. 13. p , 130. Ibid. c. 1. p , 200. Aug. lib. de vera Relig. c. 1. To. 1. p , 675. Dionys. l. de Diuin . Nom. cap. 2. p , 204. Vnity hath in it a resemblance of God. Psalme , 104. 198. Stob. l. Eclog. Phys. cap. 2 p , 3. Si quis a numero vnitatem abstulerit , alius relinquetur nume●us . Arist. l. 1. de Anima , c , 4. To. 1. p , 792. Plut. l. de E. I. To. 1. p. 686. Plut. l. de Animae , procreat , To. 3. p , 102. Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 12. p , 452. Macrob. l. 2. de Som : Scip. cap , 2. p , 88. Trismeg . Asclep . c , 8. p , 506. c , 1. p , 475. Arist. l. 13. Met. c. 8 To. 2. a p , 1522. b p , 1520. Iust. Mart. lib. Quaest. & R●sp . Quaest. 113. To. 3. p , 137 , Ia. 1. 17. Io. Pic. Mirand . in Heptaplo . l. 3. c. 1. p , 17. Trismeg Piman . Dial. 41. p , 396 Dan. 7. 9. Dionys. l. de Nom. Diuin . c. 13. p , ● . 9. 330. Macrob. l. 1. in Som. Scip. c. 6. p. 16. Io. ●ic . Mir. l. de Ente & Vno . p. 172. Phil. Iud. l. De special . Leg. p. 1987. Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Sect. 1. Cic. l. 2 , de Nat. Deor. p. ●07 . Arist. l. 2. Phys. c. 9. To. 2. p. 440. Iust. Mart. in Con●utat . dogmat . Aristot. To. 1. p , 303. Palingen . in Aquario . p , 329. Cic. vbi suprà . Psalme 19. Plato , in Epinome p , 915. The motion of the Starres is very orderly . Arist. l. de Mund . To. 2. p , 1565. Psalme 1486. Plato , in Timaeo . p. 710. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 207. Macrob. l. 2 , de Som. S●p . c. 1 p. 83. Senec. l. de prou . c. 1. p. 1 ▪ ● Cic. l. ● . de diu●● . p. 243. Manil. l. 1. p , 15. p , 16. Senec. Herc. Fur. Act. 5. p. 52. Act. 4. p. 37. Plato in Epinome . p. 915. Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 209. The motion of the Starres hath the resemblance of a Daunce . Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 208. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 208. 215 Aristop. in Nub. Act. 1. Sce. 3 p , 169. Plato in Timaeo , p , 709. Philo Iud. l. de Cherub . p , 157. 1. Sam. 6. 14 Palin . in Aquar . p , 323. Max. Tyr. S●r. 25. p , 303. Plat , in Epinome p. 915 Psal. 33. 6 Iob 26. 13. Act. 17. 28 Cic. l. 1. Acad. p , 7. Plut. l. 1. de plac . c. 7. To. ● . p , 16 Vir. l. 6 Aeneid ▪ p , 267 ▪ Ier. 23. 24. Wis. 1. 7. Max. Tyr. Serm. 21 ▪ p. 256. Senec. Hippolyt . Act. 3. Sce. 4. p. 206. Bartas in his Columnes . p. 493. The motion of the Heauens produceth an Harmonie . Cap. 12. Sect. 1. Arist. l. 2 , de Coelo . c. 9. 〈◊〉 . 1. p 588. Cic. l. 3. De Nat. Deor. p. 229. Plut. l. de Musica . To. 2. p. 707. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 205. Plato . l 10 De. Rep. p. 670. Macr● . b. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 3. p. 90. Max. Tyr. Serm. 21. p , 256. Lucian . , lib. de Astrologi● ▪ p , 166. B. Iob. 38. 37. Pliny lib 2. cap , 3. p , 1. Arist. l. 2. de Coelo , c. 9. To. 1. p , 587. Arist. l. de Mundo , To. 2. p. 1569. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 229. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 218. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 1. p. 83. &c. Ibid. c , 1. 2 , 3 , 4. Beda , lib. de Musica practica , To. 1. p , 417. Boetius , l de Musica . c. 2. p , 1374. Anselm l. de Imagine Mundi . cap. 24. To. 3. p , 300. Senec. l. de Prouidentia , c , 1. p , 1. Plut. in vita Anton. To. 3. p , 148. Max. Tyr. Serm ●3 . p. 280. Wis. 11. 17. Arist. l. 1. de Coelo , c. 9. To. 1. p , 567. Arist. l. 2. de Coelo , c. 9. To. 2. p , 587. Macr●b . l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 1. p. 83. Ibid. Eph. 4. 19. Col. 3. 16. Greg. Nys●in ●●exam . p , 222. Arist. lib. 2. de 〈◊〉 . c. 9. To. 1. p. 587. Plut. lib. de primo frigido . To. 2. p. 615. Arist. l. de mundo . To. 2. p , 1570. Anselm . in prosolog . cap. 17. To. 3. p , 32. Com. ●atal . l. 9. Mythol . c. 7. p. 982 The motions of the Stars haue led many vnto God. Suidas in voce Abraham p. 6. Arist. l. 2. De Coelo . c. 12. To. 1. p. 590. Clem. Alex. l. 5. Strom. p. 282. Ibid. Philo Iudaeus . lib De Gigant . p. 408. Lucian . l. 1. p. 13. Lucian . l. De Astronom . p. 167 Cic. l. 2. De Nat. Deor. p. 214. Seneca . lib. De Prouodent . c. 1. p. 1. Cic. l. l. de . Nat. Deor. p. 203. Plut. l. 1. de Placitis . c. 6 ▪ T. 2. p 13. Cic. l. 4. Acad. p. 38. Bradward . l. 1. c. 1. p. 137. The motion of the Heauens , is not by Chance . Arist. ● . 2. Phys. c. 8. To. 1. p. 439. Natura duplex . Al●era quidetm , 〈◊〉 Ma●eria ▪ altera , vt . F●rma● Nihil est tam contrarium ra●●● ▪ & constantiae , quàm Fortuna . Cic. l. 2. De Divinat . p. 265. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 218. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p , 117. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 213. Non●●● in voce Explica●e . p , 1654. Lactan. l. 2. c. 5. p , 84. Cic. vbi suprà . Cic. l. 2. de Leg. p , 322. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 218. The motion of the Starres , is not by their owne will , but by Gods. Horat. l. 1. Epist. Ep. 12. ad Icci●m , p , 111. Lucret. l. 5. p , 199. Iay , 45. 9. Ieren●y , 18. 6. Romanes , 9. 21. Lyr● egregiè resonantes non sentiunt . Diogenes . Stob. Serm. 23. p , 190. Iust. Mart. lib. cont . D●gmata Aristot. T● . 1. p , 304. Dionys. Arepag . l. de Diuin . Nom. c. 4. p , 227. Mat. 5. 45. Senec. l. 4. de Benefic . c. 25. p , 60. Lib. 2. Cap. 1. Sect. 6. Psal. 104. 19. Genebrard . in locum Psalmi . Basil. in Psal. 103. To. 2. p. 253. Baruch , 6. 59. Gen. 8. 22. Aquin. 1. Quaest. 105. Arct. 1. p. 218. Theoph. Antioch . l. 1. ad Autolic . Bib. Pat. To. 5. p. 125. Philo Iud. 〈◊〉 . de Mundi opific. p. 13. Lact. l. 2. c. 5. p. 8. 4. Ibid. p. 83. Ibid. p. 84. Aesop. fab . Senec. l. 1. Nat. Quaest ▪ in praesa● p 3. Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p , 2 15. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p , 117. Sto●eus , lib. Eclog. ● hys●e , 5. p , 7. Pla●● . in Epin●me , p , 915. Arist. l. 2. de 〈◊〉 , c. 1. To. 1. p , 578. Max. Tyr. Serm. 32. p. 392. Ibid. p. 577. Paling . in Aquar . p , 328. Plato in Ciuili . p●duobus a principio folijs . Arist. l. de Coelo c. 8. To. 1. p. 587. Plato . in Timaeo . Plut. l. 1. de placit . Philosoph . c. 1. p. 4. Boet. l. 3. De Consolat . Metr . 3. p. 1042. Aristoph in Ranis . Act. 3. Sce. 1. p. 271. Athenaeus . lib. 14. p , 471. Plut. lib. de Musita . To. 2. p , 708. The Harmony of the ●eauens lib. 2 , c. 11. Sect. 4. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Sc●p . c 3. p , 9● 92. Plato in Timaeo , p , 707. Macrob. vbi suprà , c. 2. p , 87. 89. Ibid. c. 3. p. 91. A●selm . ●rosol . c. 17. To. 3. p , 32. Lib. 2. c. 11. Sect. 4. The Harmony of the Elements . Plut. l. de primo Frigido , To. 2. p , 615. Vt Artifex erga ar●em , sic D●us se habet erga Harmoni●m , Arist●us . Sto● . lib. Eclo● . Phys. cap , 24. p , 45. Manil ▪ l. 1. Astro●● . p , 5. Ouid l. 1. Me●am . p , 35. Hora● . Li. Epist. ad I●cium , p , 111. a. Seneca l. 7. Nat. Quaest. c. 27. p , 117. Manil. vbi suprà . Arist. l. de Mundo , To. 2. p , 1565. Stobae● . Serm. 101. p. Arist. vbi suprá . Hugo de Victore . l. 7. didasc . Erudit . c. 4. To. 3. p , 18. N. Exod. 9. 31. & 7. 19. 20. 21. & 8. 24. 13. 14. Wisd. 19. 17. 1. Cor. 12. 26. Hugo . de vict . l. 7. Erudit . didasc c. 4. To. 3. p. 18. N The Harmony of compounded Bodyes . Phrygius . l. 8. Physic. p. 165. &c Plut. Symposiac . l. 2. Quaest. 7. To. 3 Mor. p. 200. Aelian . l. 8. De Animal . c. 27. Ovid. l. 1. Metam . p. 2. Aug. l. 11. de Civit. Dei. c. 18. To. 5. p. 630. 2. Cor. 6. 8. &c. Terent. E. unuch Act. 2. Sce. 2. p. 61. a. Tertul. l. 1. cont . Marcion . c. 16. p. 357. Ecclus. 33. 3. Ecclus. 33. 14 Trismeg . Pimand . Dial. 10. p , 424. Varro l. 4. de lingua . Lat. p , 5. Arist , l. 1. Metaphys . cap. 5. To. 2. p , 1376. Arist. ibid. Arist. l. 1. Phys. c. 5. To. 1. p , 419. Arist. l. 1. de Mundo . To. 2. p , 1564. Ibid. p , 1564. Ibid. p , 1565. Ibid. p , 1565. Senec. Epist. 108. p , 269. Trismeg . Asclep . c. 6. p , 495. Max. Tyr. Serm. 27. p , 319. All Creatures are naturally delighted with Musicke . Horat. l. de Ar●e Pocl . p. 174. B. Psal. 104. 12. 24. Cato . l. 1. p. Plin. l. 11. c. 20. Aelian . l. 5. de . Animalae . 13. Aelian l. 7. De Animal . c. 23. Idaem . l. 12. c. 41. Iob. 39. 28. 〈◊〉 . l. 6. De. An●●al . c. 10. 〈◊〉 . l. 2. c. 41. 〈…〉 . Aelian . l. 18. de Animal . c. 46. p , 269. Macrob. l. ● . de Som. 〈…〉 . p. 91. Aelian . l. 6. de . Animal . c. 30. Idem . l. 17. c. 16. Plin. l. 11. c. 37. Plut. l. de Sol●rtia Animal . To. 3 p. 90. Herodot . l. 1. Item Plut. In Conviv●o . To. 1 p. 373. Plini . l. 9. c. 8. Plut. in Conuiuio , 7. Sap. To. 1. p , 377. Item lib : de Solert . Animal . To. 3. p , 90 , &c. * Stobaeus Serm. 29. p , 209. Arist. l. 8. Pol. c , 5. To. 2. p , 902. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 3. p , 91. Athenaꝰ , l. 14. ● , 465. I. Samuel , 16. 23. 2. Kings , 3. 15. Bartas in his Colum. p , 495. Ouid l. 3. Fast. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 3. p , 91. Arist. l. 8. Pol. c. 5. To. 2. p , 902. Ouid. l. 4. Trist. ●leg . 1. Max. Tyr. Serm. 21. p , 252. Plato . l. 3. de Repub , p , 564. Athenaeus l. 14. p , 471. Arist. vbi supra . p , 903. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. Seminar . Philosoph . To. 2. p , 415. Balthasar de Aulico . l. 1. p. Macrob. vblsupr● . Beda . l. De Musica Practic . To. 1. p. 418. Athenaeus . l. 14. p. 465. A. Gel. l. 4. c. 13. p. 71. All Creatures praise God with their Naturall Musicks . Lib. 1. Cap. 16. Sect. 3. Proclus l. de . Sacrific . p. 275. Bartas . Day . 5. p. 175. Plin. l. 8. c. 1. Aelian . l. 7. de Animal . c. 39. Aelian . l. 4. De Animal . c. 9. Psal. 148. 2. Psal. 148. 11. Psal. 148. 10. Psal. 148. 4. Psal. 148. 3. Psal. 148. 9. Psal. 174. 7. Psal. 174. 8. Psal. 98 4. Psal. 98 7. Psal. 98 8. Psal. 98 1. Te●tul . l. co●t . Hermo● . c. 44. p. 243. Ecclus. 40. 21. Gen. 4. 21. Plut. l. de . Musica . To. p. 688. Plut. ibid. p. 694. Plut. in Sympos . l. 1 Quaest. 5. To. 3. p. 168. Plut. l. de Supersl●t . To. 1. p. 384. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 3. p. 90. Hesiod . in Theogon . p , 80. Ibid , p , 128. Mat. 9. 23. Homer , l. 8 Odys . p , 202. Senec. l. 4. de Benefic . c. 6. p , 50. Psal. 1506. Homer , l 13. Iliad . p : 494. In Graecolat . Max. Tyr. Serm. 22. p. 264. Plut. l. de . Music● . To. 2. p. 682. p. 689. Bion Eidyl . 3. p. 318. The chiefest ▪ end of Musick is to praise God with it . Eph. 5. 19. Col. 3. 16. Psal 92. Psal. 4. 5. 6. 9. Psal. 150. 3. 4. 5. Aug. l. 2. de Doct. Christ. To. 3. c. 17 Isidor . l. 2. Orig. c. 18. Beda , lib. de Musica Practia . Tom 1. p. 417. Plut. lib. de Musica To. 2. p. 707. Psal. 116 , 12 , 13 Plut. vbì suprà . p. 681. Hesiod in Theogon . p 78. Trismeg . in Asclap . c. 5. p. 490. Athenaeus . l. 14. p. 471. Plut. vbi . sup . p. 697. Macrob. l. 2. de Som. Scip. c. 3. p. 90. Plut. vbi . sup . p. 689. Max. Tyr. Serm. 21. p. 257. Arist. l. 8. Pol. c. 7 To. 2. p. 905. Aelian . l. 12. De Animal . c. 42. p. 268. Galen . l. de vsu part . Trismeg . Macrob. vbi suprà . Apoc. 19. 1. 4. 5. 6 : 7. Theod●r●t lib. de Martyr . To. 2. p. 541. Porp●yr . lib. 10. Respons . apud Pausam . lib. de Osculo . cap. 40. p. 202. Lilly Grammatica . Grammer sheweth There is a God. Herod . l. 2. p. Plut. l. 1. de Placitis , c. 17. To. 2. p. 15. Purchas , Pilgrim ▪ lib. 1. c. 8. p , 40. Luke , 11. 11. 12. Aug. l. de Magistro . c. 5. To. 1. Cicero de Fini●us p. 142. b● Gen. 2. 19. Stobaus Serm. 101. p. 556. Cic. lib. 1. Tusc. Plato , in Cratylo . Aug. l. 2. de Do●● Christ. c. 18. To. 3. Aug. l. 2. De Ordine c. 12. To. 1. Haec Literarum ●lementa● invenit . Theod. Serm. 4. de prouid . pro pesinem . Cic. l. de . Orat. 85. B. Nizol . Stob. Serm. 79. p. 469. Theod. Serm. 4. de Provident . Stobaeu● Serm. 79. p , 469. Ovid , l. 5. de Trist. Stob. Serm. 79. p , 496. Ibid. p , 468. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. Stobaens Serm. 101. p , 556. Plato . in Philebo . p , 85. Item in Phaedro . p , 463. Pacian . Epist. 2. ●ib . Pat. To. 1. p , 30● . Logicke proueth , There is a God. Roding●● in Dialecticam Ra●i . Cic. Aca. p. 45. a. Cic. de Clar Orat . 194. a. Nizol . Cic. l. de Fin. p. 68. a. Nizol . Aug. l. 2. de Ordine c. 13. To. 1. p. 489. Cic. l. de Fin. p. 68 ▪ a. Stobaeꝰ . Serm. 81. prope finem . Arist. l. 1. Topic. cap. 2. Ang. lib. 2. de Ordi●● . c. 13. To. 1. Cic. lib. de Fin. p. 105. ● . Nizol . Cic. lib. de Orat. p. 123 ▪ a. Aug. l. 2. de Doct. Christ. c. 32. To. 3. Stobae . Serm. 79. p. 47● . Ficin . Argum. in Euthyd●mo . Stobaeus Serm. 7a . p , 471. Rhetorick is the Gift of God. Lib. 2. c. 1. Sect. 8. fin . Plato in Epinom 913. p. Dionys. l. de . Diuin . Nom. c. 13. p. 332. Cic. l. 1. de . Orat. p. 146. Isai. 50. 4. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 117. Pindar . Pythi●rum Od. 1. p. 187. Orig. contra Celsum . l. 6. 4. fol. aet . finem . Ex. 4. 10. 11. Mat. 10. 19. 20. Act. 2. 4. 1. Cor. 1. 24. lo. 1. 9. Euseb. l. 13. de Praeparat . c. 7. p. 278. Heb. 1. 3. Cic. l. 1. de Orat. p. 127. Damasc. l. de Logica , c. 3. p. 419. Plato , in Sophist . princip . Psal. 111. Stobaeꝰ . Serm 1. p. 15. Arist. l. 3. de Theolog. c. 4. Pansa . c. 45. Arist. l. 1. Metaph . c. 1. Clem. Alex. l. 6. Strom. p. 298. Damascen . l. de Logica , c. 3. p. 419. I. Aug. l. 8. de Civil . Dei , c. 9. To. 5. p. 450. Theodoret in Hist. Sanctorum Patrum To. 2. fin . Trismeg . Asclep . c. 6. p. 494. Plato in Lyside . sin . Iust. Mart. Dial. cum Tryphon . To. 2 p. 30. Arist. l. 1. Ethic. c. 7. Arist. l 2. Metaph . c : 2. Stobaeꝰ , Serm. 11. p. 134. Iohn 14. Iohn 17. Arist. l. 1. Rhetor. ad Theodect . c. 1. m. Cic. de Orat. p. 103. a. Item in lib. de Vniuerso . Senec. Epist. 14. Psalme 37. 27. Cic. Tusc. 228. b. 191. a. 177 a. Cic. Tusc. 228. b. Cic. de Fin. 90. b. Cic. in Pison . 95. a. Cic. de Orat. 148 a. Manil. l. 2. Cic. l. de Divin . p. 125. a. Cic. de Nat. Deor. p. 75. b. Zeeged . loc . com . p. 10. Acts 17. 25. 1. Cor. 1. 24. Iohn 16. 13. Hebrewes 1. 3. Acts 17. 28. Cic. l. 1. Tusc. p. 117. Clem. Alex. l. 1. Strom. p. 136. Cic. l. de Vnivers . p. 204. a. Senec. Epist. 14. Poetry is the Gift of God. Cic. de Divin p. 97. b. Plato in Io●e . pr. Max. Tyr. Serm. 16. p. 194. p. 195. Cic. Orat. pro Archia Poeta . p. 189. a. Ovid l. 1. Metam . p. 39. Hom. l. 1. Iliad . Odys . l. 1. Plato , in Convivio . p. 417. Virg. Eclog. 1. p. 1. Horat. p. 18. Ovid l. 6. Fast. Ovid. l. 3. de Arte Amandi . Theocrit cidyl . 10. p. 110. All A●t● acknowledged to be the gifts of God. Salust , in Ciceron . Cic. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. p. 212. L. Apuleus , l. de Munde . Pansa , p. 97. Pansa . c. 3. p. 10. Stobaus Eclog. Phys. c. 3. p. 3. Phil● Iud. p. 198. Stob Eclog. Phys. c. 11. p. 17. Orpheus in Pansa c. 19. p. 79. Iames 1. 17. Psalme 36. 9. 94. 10. Daniel 2. 21. Daniel 1. 17. 1. Kings 3. 12. 4 30. 31. 32. 33. Isay 50. 4. Aristoph in Nub. Act. 1. Sce. 2. p. 163. Aelian p. 423. Euseb l. 13. de Prapar . c. 7. p. 278. Lib. 2. c. 1. Sect. 8. Mechanicall Arts are the gifts of God. Trisineg . Pimand . Dial. 10. p. 424. Senec. l. 4. de Benesic . c. 6. p. 50. Cl●m . Alex. l. 5. Strom. p , 281. Iob 32. 8. Arist. l. 12. de Theol. cap 15. Arist. l. 8. de Theol. cap. 8. Plato . in Convivio . p. 428. Pol. Virg de . Invent . l. 3. c. 6. p. 227. Virg. l. 1. Georg. p. 36. Diod. Sic. l. 6. Gen. 6. 14. Psal. 127. 1. Virg. Eclog. 3. p. 8. Ex. 35. 32 , 33. 35. Ex. 35. 31. 34. Isay 54. 16. Theodoret. Ser. 4. de Provident . To. 2. p. 591. Zanch , l , de Operibus Dei p. 61●●