The regall apology, or, The declaration of the Commons, Feb. 11, 1647, canvassed wherein every objection and their whole charge against His Majesty is cleared, and for the most part, retorted. Bate, George, 1608-1669. 1648 Approx. 226 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26774 Wing B1090 ESTC R17396 12256268 ocm 12256268 57533 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26774) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 166:5) The regall apology, or, The declaration of the Commons, Feb. 11, 1647, canvassed wherein every objection and their whole charge against His Majesty is cleared, and for the most part, retorted. Bate, George, 1608-1669. [2], 92 p. s.n.], [London : 1648. Written by George Bate. Cf. Halkett & Laing (2nd ed.). Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of original in Newberry Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. -- Parliament. -- House of Commons. -- Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no farther address or application to be made to the King. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REGALL APOLOGY : OR , The DECLARATION of the Commons , Feb. 11. 1647. Canvassed . WHEREIN Every Objection , and their whole Charge against His Majesty is cleared , and for the most part , retorted . Eccles . 10.20 . Curse not the King , no not in thy thought . Hosea 10.3 , 4. For now they shall say , We have no King , because we feared not the Lord , what then should a King do to us ? They have spoken words , swearing falsly , in making a Covenant . Prov. 28.2 . For the iniquity of a land , many are the Princes thereof . Printed in the yeare , 1648. The PREFACE . THis hath been an Accusative age in England ; and the Prince of Darknesse was never more imitated by us in that Epither , notwithstanding our new lights . Yet for the most part , our Accusations have been but like the crackling of thornes under a pot : And our Accusers like the Mountaines , which swelled into that bulke , as it summon'd the expectation of the world , and were delivered of a poore Mouse . You cannot name us many Charges which either have not been quite withdrawn , or sunk into a lower streame . Pray what Delinquent ( as they terme them ) Abate us but the Tragedie of Strafford and Canterbury , with the Hothams , and a very few more who fell in a fit of Justice , and were sacrificed to Revenge and Passion ) hath been brought to a Period commensurate to his Charge ? How did the Impeachment of the Judges eccho through the kingdome ? yet some of the chief were not only permitted to sit on those Chaires , which it was pretended they d●d prostitute , but offer'd Preferment also . What a terrible Mouth was opened upon the twelve Protesting Bishops ? yet the turn being serv'd , and the Votes against their whole Order passed in the House , they were not onely acquitted of their Charge , but also dismiss'd from Custody . How high ran the Tyde once against the Monopolists ? what ease from other Burdens did not the People believe they should have , by the squeezing of those swolne Spunges ? yet who among them hath received the measure of his Desert ? Nay , which of them , that would nimbly dance after the Pipe of his great Accusers , hath not been even hugg'd in their Bosome , protected from the lawfull Attempts of injur'd and oppressed Subjects ? What Haranges have been made against evill Counsellors ? How was the Kingdome born in hand , with hopes of some exemplary Punishment upon , or some severe Admonition at the least unto them ? And yet name but one single Privy-Counsellor ever questioned for ill advice formerly given to the King. Of late , what a Charge was entred against the 11. Members , some of them Persons of eminent Integrity and Merit , the Pillars of their respective Houses ? yet we hope well in their behalf . It will not stand with the Justice of a Parliament , to install one ( the Earle of Pembroke ) again upon the Bench , and make him their Judge , when his hand was to all the Warrants for Leavy's , and bring them to the Bar , condemn them for Traytors , who signed but onely one ; whose fault was in comparison but looking over the Hedge , while the Other Stole the Horse . What hath been said against the late Lord Maior , and the Aldermen , Stars of the first Magnitude in their Orbe , whose influences have strongly contributed unto the prosperity of the Parliament's Cause ? yet we despair not , but that they also may be dismiss'd , if they would but fairly sit downe themselves . For we are not ignorant of the under-hand Offers , which have been made them , and the Devices which have been in Agitation , to come off with them handsomly . And it is a good Omen that Alderman Culham ( whose guilt if it were any , was greater then any of his Brethrens ) is discharged upon his humble submission . These are Instances enough to prove what I proposed ; and Both sufficient to convince any judgement : That it was not Publique Justice , nor Reliefe of the Kingdomes grievances which were the springs of these actions ; but sinister and private designes of their owne : Something like that of Absalom , Oh that I were made Judge ( or rather Tyrant ) in the Land , that every man which hath a suit or a cause might come unto me , and I would doe him justice . But all these former Proceedings are but rude Essays , in comparison of this last Grand accusative Declaration against the KING , which we are asham'd of already , and after-Ages will condemne as the Top of malicious Villany , and an unspeakable Scandall to our Religion . And , that which boils up the Iniquity to the height , the King is debarr'd the Priviledge of His meanest Subject , of the greatest Malefactor , which is , to Plead for Himselfe , and to wipe off these black Aspersions , whereby His Honour is so deeply wounded : Nay to heare , or know His Accusation . Let me therefore be pardon'd the Presumption , if in this case the unworthiest of millions of His people I become an Advocate for my oppressed Soveraigne ; and with a few sparkes which I shall strike ( as neere as is possible ) from the Rock of Truth , afford some Evidence of His Innocencie , untill the Searcher of all Truth shall bring forth his righteousnesse as the light , and his judgement as the noone day . The Method of the Apology . In my discourse upon this Argument , I shall proceed this way . 1. I shall premise somewhat , which may serve for a discovery of the Grounds and Designs of the Declaration . 2. I shall give some generall Answers to the Declaration in grosse . 3. A distinct particular Answer to each Article or part thereof . In which last part I shall speak to the Title first , The Votes after , Then to the Particular Charges , as they are reducible to certain Heads . The first , of what the King is pretended to have committed in relation to this Kingdome of England . The second , to what he did in relation to Forraigne Estates . To the first , I shall reduce all which were done 1. Before his Reigne , untill he wore the Crowne . 2. From His Coronation untill this Rupture between His Majesty and the Parliament , whether they relate more immediately to His owne Person , or to His Officers and Ministers as the Privie-Councel men , His Councel at Law , and Servants : or to His Courts of Justice . 3. All Passages since the Rupture . To the second Head or Classis , I shall reduce whatsoever is objected concerning 1. Scotland , 2. Ireland , 3. the Protestants in Rochel , and all France . In which if any particular relate to more heads then one , we shall ( to avoid repetion treat upon it , under that which it is most proper unto . In the Discourse I shall first repeat the Charge , then give an Answer , and where it is their owne doing , lay the charge before their owne doores . The Ground and Designe of the Declaration , discovered . It is well knowne to all the world , That from the beginning of our War ( to trace the pedigree of them no higher ) there have been two main parties in the Parliament ( to omit their sub-divisions ) commonly distinguished by the names of Presbyterians and Independents ; who , though in the generall they concurr'd in beating down the power of the King , yet had severall and indeed irreconcileable designes therein unto themselves . Nor can it be doubted , that the supream sole Power and Authority was the Apple of contention , as well between them now thus divided , as formerly between the King , and them conjoyned ; what gawdy Colours soever are cast over , and specious Pretences made to stalke before it . Truth is , This is the generall Ground of most Quarrels ; every man inheriting that ambitious Humour of our first common Parents , even from the Disciples in their Poverty ( who were projecting for the Right-hand and for the Left , and in a kingdome too ) unto the greatest States-men . Nay , a wise Gentleman of our Age observ'd it to be the Itch , even of kitchin-boyes , who should be the greatest . Now the Independents ( though inconsiderable at the first , even to Contempt , being not above six among fourscore in the Assembly , nor double that number visible in both Houses ) have plaid their Cards so well , and follow'd their businesse so close , that they have got the Purse of the kingdom at their command , the whole Strength of it at their devotion , and now grasp at the Authority also , and seek to establish their Iniquity by a Law. But by what steps and Degrees they have climb'd thus high , is very difficult to discover exactly ; the foundation being laid deep under ground , and carried up with as much Art , as ever Building of that nature was ; Nor is it much materiall . The greatest and onely unquestionable Authority of this Kingdome is of the King and His two Houses of Parliament ; to this their Ambition did aspire . But having strugled in vain in the Houses for a good while , they found the wind to sit too strong in their faces there , and an impossibility for them to begin that way , as the Temper of the Houses stood . If the King were but in their hands , being stript of all strength , and in some desperate apprehension of Himself , then their Hopes would handsomely smile upon them . In order to this therefore a Quarrell is pickt with the Parliament , the King's Person seized on , and soon after the Parliament is most shamefully despised , abused , disgraced , made to double at pleasure , to eat up their owne Ordinances and Decrees , perfectly over-awed and even trampled on . So farre , that one of their owne Members in the House openly told them , That he could not call them a House of Parliament , but a company of Gentlemen met together to fulfill the Iust of an Army . Yet were they so wise , and commenced their quarrell so cunningly , as that they might keep two strings to their Bow ; and as the Beast , which hath two holes to his den , can stop or open either , as the weather sits : even so were their Proposals and Declarations contrived and sent abroad , that by changing or interpreting one word , they might comply with the King to destroy the Parliament , if they should find themselves unable to mould it after their own Humour ; Or if once it were under their Girdle , then afterward to bring the King to their Bent , or lay him quite aside , and by binding his Hands to establish the whole Power and Authority of the Kingdome in their owne . And either of these Cards they drew , as they had Occasion , and convers'd with men of different Interests . In the meane time , they handle the King with much Civility , and shewes of Indulgence , allowing him the service of his Chaplains , and the free use of the Liturgy , which was denyed him by the Houses , bearing him in hand , that they preferr'd Episcopacy before the Presbyterian way ; and tickling him with ambiguous Promises ; to mollifie his hard Conceits toward them , or at least to harden him the more against the Presbyterians , and make that breach wider . They had likewise the wit for to humour and stroak the Royall party , by a thousand pretty devises and Artifices , entertaining some of them in their bosomes , allowing them Seats , even in their Councels of War , carefully forbearing in their Declarations to stigmatize them with that so familiar brand of Malignancy , and filling them with hopes and expectations of I know not what great favours ; which they meant to perform , when two Sundayes met together . Thus having well divided the Kings party from the Presbyterians , they had then a smooth and easie way to victory . The City opens the Gates ; The Parliament trembles ; The chiefe Leaders of both Houses , either flie for 't , or withdraw for a while , and play least-in-sight . Which was fore-seen when Cromwell stole privately to Newmarket from London , and asking Whether they had the King in their hand ? Being assured of that , told some of the Officers , That then they had the Parliament in their pockets . Those who are of private spirits , and for their owne either safety or designes constantly swamme with the streame and Tyde , began now to tack about , and to do Journy-worke for the stronger side , and Vote with the prevailing party , of which I will give but one Instance by the way , and that is of Colonell Hervy , who three daies before would undertake to beate them three miles into the Ground , but upon their admission into the City , was their first Advocate . When the House was thus brought in a great measure to be at their devotion , the last Rub in their Alley was the King , He persisted in his Obstinacy , and would not yeild up the Bucklers into their hands , nor the power to protect his people . Wherefore to bring His Majesty under the more advantage , by insinuations both of danger to His Person , and of an impossibility in them to save Him from the Agitators , ( whom yet they countenanced for that purpose ) and withall by secret promises of faire complyance , he is juggled into the Isle of Wight . After that Bills are provided , with pretence of condescension , lest they should seeme to invade the Throne per saltum ; but in very deed , such as would have stript him bare of all Soveraignty , and of power to protect His Subjects , and established themselves by a Law , in an absolute domination and Tyranny over us . The King not more for his owne interest and safety , then for the benefit of his Subjects , refusing to comply with their desires herein , is immediately confined ; and that in such a manner , as it is hard to find a Parallel . His Wife , Children , Friends , Servants , all the Comforts of life kept from Him , ( a course formerly pronounced barbarous and inhumane , even in a Subjects case . ) By-and-by , the prodigious Votes , forbidding all intercourse of Letters to Him or from Him , under the penalty of High-Treason , so cutting off all possibility of Accommodation , were carryed in the House . Last of all , to render Him as black as was possible , and so utterly to alienate the affections of his people , this goodly Declaration ( first set on foot in the Army , and allowed the Agitators to please themselves withall , so to divert them from more dangerous designes , as the Chesse at the siege of Troy to keep Souldiers from mutiny ) is thought upon , and taken up by the Grandees , lick'd into a better forme , so expos'd unto publick view ; that besides their aime therein against the King , they might somewhat stroake the Levellers , by taking up their Principles , in a recompence for devesting them of their power : and so pave their way as much as was possible to a perfect soveraignty for themselves . THE REGALL APOLOGY . The generall ANSWER to the DECLARATION in Grosse . 1. THis Declaration imports very little or nothing , but what hath been either by the Parliament in their Remonstrances , Declarations and Messages , or by their Instruments and Emissaries , inculcated ad ravim usque , and so often repeated , that they do even nauseate the Reader . And surely it yeilds a shrewd Suspition of Penury of Matter , when they are faine so often to take up the Old , and to harp thus continually upon the same Strings . 2. Many of the Charges are not of his owne faults , some being of the Courts of Justice , his Judges and other Ministers of State ; for some of which there hath been satisfaction given , either by a totall abolition of the Judicature , as of the Star-chamber , High Commission , &c. or by abridgement of their Jurisdiction , as of the Privy Counsell , or by exposing those Instruments to the rigour of the Law ; nay , to the very will of their mortall Enemies , the Parliament . It would go but hard with his Accusers , if they would take upon themselves all the Mis-carriages , all the Cruelties and Oppressions of their Committes , or of their Soldiers ; and yet have they many Eyes to see , many Eares to hear withall : nay , if they would owne but the personall faults of their own Members , which would fill up many Volumes , if all were set in array against them . If we will not admit of that old Law-maxime , The King can do no wrong , nor be so Court-like , as the Persians , whose fashion it was to beat the Cloaths onely of their young Princes and Noblemen , when they had committed an offence , me-thinks we might at least be so just , as to lay the saddle upon the right Horse , and charge every man but with his owne Crimes . 3. Many of those against himselfe have been abundantly ( for to satisfie the people ) acknowledged , and amended ( offered to be so at least . ) With God Almighty , Confession goes for good Satisfaction . And what Patterne should we rather follow then that of our heavenly Father ? Be ye mercifull , as your heavenly Father also is mercifull , Mat. 5. Even in the Iudgment of a Heathen man , Repentance is above half way to Innocence . And surely , when a King shall please to stoop so low to his own Subjects , as upon their Admonition to recall himself , and cry Peccavi , his high Place sets a higher price upon his Repentance ; and he richly deserves to heare no more of his former Over-sights . 4. The fowlest of these Charges is not backt with any proof , but insinuated ; and that sometimes upon no manner of Ground at all ( as that of the Spanish Fleet ) sometimes upon lamentable weak Surmises , bare Hear-say's , flying Reports , perhaps started on purpose against such a time . But what ? Is this Iustice ? to a King ? to our own King ? By the mouth of two or three witnesses ( saith the word of God ) shall every word be established . Not under two , ( saith the Civil-law ) and those contemporary to the fact , not successive . Indeed , by the Law of this land , One single Witness for the King is enough . But shall his Honour bleed , his Authority be snatch'd away , his very Life struck at , upon Suggestions from one , from none ? upon Surmises and Conjectures ? How miserable then , beyond compare , were the condition of a King ? How true was that saying of Demetrius , That if men knew the Thornes it was beset withall , they would not stoop to take up a Crown , even from the Channell . 5. Notwithstanding all this , There is a strong Presumption , that this is farced with whatsoever Malice could prompt , or the Wit of Men and Devils could contrive . Consider the multitude in both Houses , their severall Relations and Dependences , some of them being of the Bed-chamber to the King. It is impossible , any fault could escape them , their Eyes being more then those of Argus for number , of Lynceus for Perspicacity ; ( nothing so quick-sighted as Malice . ) Againe , do but take a Survey of the Committee , entrusted with this Affaire , Lisle , Martin , Mildmay , Challoner , &c. Some of them covetous and cunning ; such as desired to keep the waters troubled still , that they might fish the better , for another Master-ship of St. Crosse's , or some such like Advantage ; Others of them , broken in their Estates , and crackt in their Credit , could wish the whole Kingdome like themselves ; All of them of an Anti-monarchicall spirit , whose Hearts are brim-full of Gall and venome against the Crowne , and whose Tongues drop continually with the poison of Aspes against the Person of the King. It was the Boast of a French Promoter , That he desired no other advantage to break any mans neck , then that he might be imployed in an Office of State , but for a twelve moneth ; So hard he deemed it for such a one to execute his place free from Exception , fo easie for those that stand on Battlements and Pinacles to catch a fall . And if the faults of Kings ( as Q. Elizabeth was wont to say , who was much delighted in wearing of white ) were like spots in such Garments , easily discovered , and though small in themselves , borrowed greatnesse of their great Authors , Iudge you , how it must fare with the King , when so many slie Promoters , crafty Lawyers , malicious Enemies , doe joyntly set their wits on the Tenter-hooks to find out matter of Accusation , when they go nosing and smelling after faults ( and have done for seven years together ) throughout the Spacious field of his whole Reigne ; nay , of his private life too ; and pry into every nook , every Corner for an Imputation , whereby they may with some Colour bespatter him , and lay his Honour in the dust . 6. These Articles were never presented to him , that he might make his defence ( a Priviledge never yet denied any man , save by the Parliament ) but thrust abroad into the world for to empoison the inconsiderate part of the people ( an everlasting Objection against this sinister way of proceeding . ) Many things at Court appear but on the Dark-side ; It were no wisdome to lay open the Arcana Imperii . The designe might be good , though attended with ill Successe . Things are not alwaies as they appeare ; some are worse , some are better ; and therefore the Iudge of all forbids us to to judge after the appearance , that being no righteous Judgement . How easie is it this way to blast and pervert both words and deeds of a true Saints to make any Speech , Treason ; any Action , Villany ? 7. Divers of their owne Members , such as have gone hand in hand with them , and resigned up their judgments and understandings in a willing Captivity to their Sense , have fail'd them in this Transaction . Many of whom with-drew , during the Debate ; and some doe cry Shame upon 't ever since . We know more then one or two , who were tutoured at their first Accesse unto the House , never to desert their Party for right or wrong . We can tell of another , was woo'd into one side by this Argument , Thou wilt never be able to do thy Country service , thy friend a Courtesie , or stand upon thy own legs , otherwise . Besides it is knowne now , that if the Lord Inchequin would have put his neck into such a Collar , he had not sufferd under such Accusations and Reproaches , nor been exposed to those difficulties in Ireland . 8. Few or none of those Objections and Crimes , they asperse the King withall , but they are in a transcendent measure guilty of themselves . Even among the Jewes , not a man could be found to throw the first Stone at an Adultresse , because his Conscience twitted him with his owne inward guilt . With what Brasse have they fenced their Browes against all shame ? what brawny seard Consciences dwell within their Breast , when they pelt a matchlesse Prince with Stones , being themselves such great Strangers to Innocence ? Blush , ô England ! for these thy Sons , whose Impudence hath forgot all bounds . Me-thinks , they should have swept before their own dores first , before they brought the Beesome unto the Court-gates ; pull'd out the Beames out of their own Eyes , which hindred them to see clearly , before they attempted to take the Moates out of their Soveraigne's Eye . Till this be done , we may not let loose our Belief to their lowd Criminations against our Soveraigne Lord ; nor need we doubt , upon the high warrant of the Lord of Lords , to call them Hypocrites . 9. Adde to all these , That these very men have made many Promises , to render him a Great and glorious King beyond all his Royall Predecessours , after most of these supposed Crimes were committed . If their Charity was then so large a Mantle , as to cover such a multitude of sins , it can be nothing but their Malice , that now proclaimes them upon the House-top . And we will take the Confidence to presume , that if the King had gratify'd them in the matter of their four last modest Bils , only praeambular to a personall Treaty ( which , alas , contained nothing , but provision for their safety and security ) then had he now been Rectus in Curiâ , nor had the World been put to this Astonishment in reading such a Slanderous Chronicle of his life . But now , that they finde him obstinately averse from parting with his Crowne and protection of his people , ( for indeed their four Bils amounted to little lesse ) out shall all come in one heap , and his Nakednesse ( if any ) must be discovered in sight of the sun . But from the generall Answer , let us descend unto an examination of every particular Branch apart , and first a word or two of the Title . The TITLE of the Declaration considered . It is christned a Declaration ; where observe the deviation of this manner of proceeding from the Rule in the Gospel ; which enjoynes in case of Trespasse against a Brother , first a private Admonition ; then , if that worke no good effect , before two or three witnesses ; and if neither will serve the turne ; if the delinquent addes obstinacy to his Trespasse , then , not till then , Dic Ecclesiae , declare it to the Church . Now this rule I take to reach to civill Affaires , and to be a direction for private men in their reciprocall Behaviour . The Scripture holds forth stricter Precepts in reference to the King , Thou shalt not speake evil of the Ruler of thy people , ( no not upon any Provocation ) and Is it fit to say to a King , Thou art wicked ? and again , Curse not the King , no not in thy thought . Eccles . 10. It was onely the ungracious Son , that made sport with his fathers Nakednesse ; for which even his Posterity were pronounced Heires of his Malediction . If they would needs rake in the shame of their Soveraigne , How much better had it been for them to have taken the Counsell given them by one of their own Members , To send it to the King himselfe , because he knowes best , whether these things are true or no , I am sure some of our Proofs are short . This course might have raised in him an opinion of the Tendernesse of his Commons toward his Honour , and in case he were not innocent , wrought some Conviction upon his Spirit . But since they have stopped their Ears to his wholsome Advice , and chosen the way of unrighteousnesse , every good man will looke upon it , as a Defamation , rather then a Declaration . Or if it must be a Declaration , then 't is of themselves , of what lay before in the Closet of their evill Hearts , treasured up against a convenient season ; a Declaration of their deep Distaste against the Crowne , their old Malice against the Kings person , their itching desire of Domination , their low Conceit of this great and wise people , to be fobb'd with Paper , and fool'd with reasons of Straw ; and that too , after the long and frequent Experience of so many forged Plots and Cheates . 2. Consider we the Authors , on whom it is father'd , the Commons of England . So then , 1. It is considered , this was not passed by the Lords . The calling of their Concurrence was decry'd , because they had some Noble blood in their veines , to make them startle and hang off for a while , ( though they must submit at last . ) And perhaps , some of them having lived in a sphear nearer to his Majesty , might be too well acquainted with his Innocence in many things , and so by discovery of truth in the debate , bring less Credit upon the whole Exploit . 2. Not of all the Commons , bate me an Ace there . It is notoriously known , that between 50 and 60 of the ablest men , who for the most part were likely to oppose this violence , were purposely sent out of London , to raise the ninemonethes Assesment from the respective Countries , so to ease them of free-quarter , ( where , we will note by the way , there was a double Aime . 1. To have the advantage of their Absence , in relation to this course against the King. 2. To draw an Odium upon them from their Countries ; whiles that , either the condition , upon which the Money was invited out of their hands ▪ should not be performed ; or another Tax ( as indeed there is one already of six moneths ) made the Requitall of their forward discharge of the first sums . ) It is true , some of them were returned , but few or none present in the House . 3. Not of all those Commons , who were not so sent abroad , for upon the division , there were 50 on the one side , and 80 on the other . 4. It was at eight in the night , a worke of double Darkenesse ▪ not daring to looke the sun in the face . It was huddl'd up ; when divers , that had their lodgings in the remoter parts of the City , or without it , divers that were infirme , or aged , or lazy , or hungry , or tir'd , or fearfull , all that tooke care to avoid the throw of the Dye between the Envy and evileye of a prevailing Faction and their own Consciences had retired : the House so thin , that a Motion was made by a grave Patriot , that it , being a Busines of very great concernment unto the Kingdome , might undergo the fullest debate , be re committed , that a full House might be called , and then all referr'd unto the wisdome thereof . Where by the way , let me put them in mind , that the best-govern'd States in Christendome , even such to which they pretend to modell themselves , Venice , Holland , &c. ( Indeed , where is it not so , abroad ? ) nothing of Consequence is concluded , but wherein two Thirds of the Suffrages do concur . In our Kingdom , how oft hath a Voice , or two , an inconsiderable Overplus , carried a busines , even to our undoing ? Let me mind them of one thing more , That there they have Boxes , by which means their Votes are Secret , and their consciences under no awe of an Imperious faction , under no danger of question for having dissented , of being Poasted , or expos'd to the Rage of Porters , as ours are , and have been . Even among that number , if you deduct such as were Crackt-Courtiers enraged by former dis-respects , or having Judas-like betraied their Master , cannot be secured but by his Ruine ; such as were broken Citizens , Ven , Penington , Hervy , &c. that had in their Eye to heale the wounds of their ruinous Estates ; such as were Low-fortun'd Soldiers , driving at the continuance of their Trade , by laying the grounds of new Contestations ; such as sail'd by the Compasse of their Leaders , following the Herd they were sorted to , by a blind faith , and through pure Simplicity ; Such as were Committee-men , obnoxious , and in danger to be question'd for Accounts , so willing to shut the dore fast against that storme ; & lastly , such as were devoted unto Journy-work , in expectation of a Boone , or to be reciprocally gratified in some other kind ; deduct ( I say ) all these , and you will have a poore Company , perhaps no more , then sometimes have serv'd in the House of Lords to passe matters of high Consequence , the Speaker and one or two more . Let the whole world now judge , whether this deserves to beare that high Stamp and Character , as an Act of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament . Of the VOTES , and how they were passed in the House of Commons . Because the Votes lead the file , and are made the occasions of the Declaration , It is fit they should come to the Test ; and I shall shew you , how they passed . 1. Fifty or sixty ( as I said afore ) of the most active intelligent Members , suspected to be cros-grain'd to that way , were sent abroad under colour of the Publick service . 2. The Head-quarters were appointed to draw towards London ; and the Soldiers from other parts , to startle the securer Members , and affright the weaker and obnoxious . 3. At the Debate , the first Vote was begun withall , which had some shew of Reason in it ; cunningly enough ; that when the Dissenting party had champed upon that awhile , they might perhaps yeild unto it , and then retire ; while the other three Votes were dispatched in their Absence . 4. To evince these Votes , there wanted not Argumenta bacillina , Insinuations of Force and compulsion ( a common practice there in all Debates of Consequence ) made by Crumwell especially , who represented it more then once , how dis-tastfull it might be to the Army , if not consented to . And upon the Division , Crumwell addressed himself to Ceely , whom he had not spoken to in in many moneths before , and gave him thanks ; whose Answer was , that though he was of his mind in that point , yet was it not upon his Argument . And thus the Votes were carried in the House of Commons . The VOTES how passed in the House of Lords . There was never much Difficulty made of the maddest Votes to passe the House of Lords , if the Commons pleased to switch or spur them up : yet here they were not willing to trust their good Natures altogether . First , a Message of Thanks is sent from the Army by a glittering Committee of six Colonels , to the House of Commons , with a promise to live & die with them in defence thereof ( a fure sign , where the Bird was first brooded , and from whence it came to the House of Commons . ) A Message with two faces , one looking to what was already done by the Commons , the other ( which was the chief ) to what was expected from the Lords , and afterward from the rest of the Kingdome , to which it was meant as a Preparation . Secondly , Addresse was made in particular to every one of the Lords , by these Champions of the Votes , the Colonels ; much Courtship shewed ; many promises made ; all of them dealt with , according to their severall Temper and Disposition . The fiery Spirits stoop'd unto and ply'd with gentle Fomentations ; the wel-affected encourag'd ; with some implicit Menaces unto the tame Spirits ; a strong Motive to bring the Lords over to a complyance with the Commons , when they entreat , that can enforce it , if it be denied . Thirdly , A publick printed Engagement , to maintain the Honour of the House of Peers is tendred . For they foreseeing the Inference would unavoidably be made , That if the Crown were trampled on , Peerage could not look for any long Date , did wisely enough by this printed little piece of Rhetorick , apply themselves to invalidate that piece of Logick , and so to satisfie the Scruples of the Lords before hand . Fourthly , While the Lords made some demur , and as yet the Scale stood even , high words passed in the House of Commons , to this effect , That as they had saved the Kingdome without the Lords , so could they settle it without them ; and more to that purpose . Fiftly , To make sure work under pretence of a Guard to the Houses , a Rod is brought over their Heads , of a Regiment of Foot to White-Hall , and another of Horse to the Mewes . This , this struck the businesse dead . The Lords are convinc'd by such Arguments , and so concur . The Iniquity of the VOTES in their Substance . I need not spend much time on this Argument ; it seems , the Kingdome is convinced hereof already : for neither the Example of the Army ( who made haste to present a Gratulatory Acknowledgement unto the House for these Votes ) nor the Policy of the Committee-men , Justices , ( men according to their own tooth , chosen to adjutate for the two Houses , more then for their Country's service ) with other Engineers and Emissary's , Nor yet the Force of their Souldiery , dispersed through the Kingdome , hath been sufficient to awe them or entice them into such a Noose , as to make any demonstration of their Concurrence in Judgement , or of Engagement with them in the defence thereof ; except the poore Towne of Taunton , and an inconsiderable part of inconsiderable men in Buckingham-shire , we heare of none ; and for Those it is no Wonder : for the Taunton-men are so Independent , that they will not acknowledge any Land-lord ; but pretend those Houses which stand in the Towne , were saved by their Sword , and with the hazard of their lives ; and therefore are their owne . The Buckingham-shire men were out-witted ; some being made believe , the Petition was for taking off Free-Quarter ; Others , for the Presbyterian Government . Others were sent for up to meet their Ministers and other Confidents at Paddington , upon pretence of businesse of huge Importance , but knew not what , untill they were come thither , and then went on , like Geese , with the flock . Let the Kingdome but seriously consider the Barbarisme herein toward his Majesty , and the misery wherein they involve this Nation thereby , and I believe there will no more be found to tread in their Steps . Imprisonment is the Buriall of a Man alive , and that which Private persons hardly endure with patience : no Creature will , if it be possible to make any Escape . And it was formerly a high Charge , even in a Subjects case , upon the Star-Chamber , and other Courts . But for a King to be so dealt withall , our owne , an Innocent and Pious Prince , by his owne Subjects , & to be put under the custody of his desperate implacable Adversaries ; further , to be depriv'd of all Accesse or Entercourse with his Wife , Children , friends , sequestred from all the Comforts of life , This is much more , then ever was inflicted upon Lilburne , Pryn , or Bastwick ; whose hard usages have been thunderd by themselves throughout the Kingdome , to be savage , barbarous , inhumane . By the Law of this Land. It is Treason to imprison the King , though at large . 25 Ed. 3. c. 2. What will these men be thought worthy of , when that shall recover its own Channell , and flow downe our Streets like a Stream ? when they shall come to their Accounts ? The Miseries wherein they involve this Nation hereby , are obvious to every understanding . The Parliament touching the Succession , 1 Mariae , cap. 1. acknowledgeth , That the welfare , profit , and speciall benefit of the universall people is continu'd and maintain'd , in the surety and preservation of the Prince . Even in this Parl. in their Declarations , they say , That the very Safety and Being of both his Kingdomes depends upon His Majesties returne to London . Since the King was in their power , The very Army could acknowledge , There can be no Peace in this Kingdome , without a good agreement between the King and his Subjects . Now , is it possible , there should be an Accommodation , where there is no Entercourse , no Addresses made or entertain'd ? Those who have felt the Burden of this War , need no Admonitour to judge , what will be the Burden of another . As much as lies in them , the Houses have laid a lasting foundation to entaile , if not perpetuate the Discord to our Posterity , with all the sad Consequences thereof . A Collection of all the particular Objections against His Majesty before he came to the Crown . Those Objections which are made against His Majesty before his Reign , and belongs to the first Classis of his Charges , are only soure . 1. His Letter to the Pope which he writ in Spaine . 2. The Articles of Marriage made with Spaine . 3. The Articles of Marriage made with France . 4. The Death of King James . But because the three first doe relate to that Charge which are against his Majesty , as being enclined to Popery ; we shall give them their answers under that . The brief of their Calumny concerning K. James his death , is this , That when the Duke was charged by the House of Commons of high Misdemeanour and Presumption , In that he did contrary to the advice of his Physitians , cause a Plaister to be applied , and a Drink to be given to K. Iames , who was sick but of an Ague ; and that conceived to be in the Declination by his Physitians : whereupon , divers distempers and ill symptomes ensued , and the King himself did attribute the cause thereof unto the Plaisters . That his Majesty who now is , took notice of this in the Lords House , told them He could be a Witnesse to cleare the Duke in every particular , and did interrupt them by frequent Messages in their proceeding : afterwards Dissolv'd the Parliament , and did imprison Sir I. Eliot and Sir Dudly Diggs ; and hereupon , they desire every one to judge where the guilt lay . An Answer to that Calumnie concerning K. James . 1. It is known to all , that K. James was an aged man ; and to all the Court , that he kept an ill Diet : particularly , how he was addicted to Excesse of sweet Wines ; by reason whereof , together with ease and want of exercise , as also the forbearance of all Physick , he grew full of humors , corpulent , and of an evill constitution . For the sicknes he died of , it was a kind of Ague , mixt of a quotidian and a tertian , call'd an Hemitritaea ; and so determin'd of by all his Physitians , six or seven at least . Now that Disease , though stiled by the name of an Ague , is known to be mortall in its owne nature , and more to die of it , then to recover : But in such an Age , Constitution , and course of Diet , as King James was of , nothing more certain ; Especially considering he hated Medicines , would conforme to no directions ; nay , was so crosse , that when one of his Doctors , as the mouth of the rest , had told him , that he must bleed , in a great Rage , he ingeminated the Scandal of a Butcher upon him . 2. As they agreed , this was his Disease , so they were convinc'd , that his Death was the naturall and genuine effect thereof , and they testified the same . 3. His Body being opened , was found faire and free from any ground of Suspition , in the judgment both of his Chyrurgeons ( of whom Master Hayes is yet living , and in the Kings-bench ) Apothecary's and Physitians . There are three of those Physitians yet alive , Doctor Hervy , Doctor Lister , and Doctor Craig , all three honest and worthy men , the two last resident in the Parliaments quarters about London , and in this Breach between the King and them of their party ; Doctor Craig under a disgust at Court , and discharg'd from his Attendance long afore , and therefore not likely to be partial to the King ; Who all doe testifie the truth of this Narrative , and ( I believe ) are so noble , that they will readily give satisfaction to any man , that shall but doe his Judgment that right , as to informe it . 2. Touching the Duke , I shall first premise somewhat ; both about that he administred to K. James , and also how far he was accus'd in Parliament , then answer the Charge . The Duke himselfe had been sick of an Ague , and that not long before : in which Disease he was attended by three able Physicians ; but after some wrestling with it by their help , the Countesse of Buckingham his Mother , shutting them out of dores , gives the Duke a Vomit , made with Tobacco ; which wrought violently , but recover'd him from his Disease . After which , finding himself somewhat weak , he retires to the Earle of Warwick's house in Essex , where , either upon change of Aire , or some reliques of the disease , or what cause soever , he suffer'd a relapse : and being perswaded by the E. of Warwick , sent for one Remington , a Physician living thereabout , who by a Plaister , applyed to his Stomack and Wrists , and a Posset-drink taken inwardly , recovered him from that Relapse . After this , K. James being sick , his disease an Ague , the Duke ignorant of the distinction between Agnes , thinking all of the same Nature , that bore the same Name , perceiving the Physicians doubtfull , other directions unsuccessfull , the Kings disposition impatient of many Medicines , declareth to the King his owne Cure , proposeth to the Physicians to Vomit him with Tobacco . But the danger thereof being suggested , by reason of the violence of it , and the speciall Antipathy of the King against it , he forbeares that remedy , yet upon the urgent desire of King James himselfe , procures for him the aforesaid Plaister and Drinke ; the one being onely London-Treacle , the other no more but Posset-drink , boil'd with Harts-horne and Marigold-flowers , then sweetned with syrrup of Gilly-flowers ; which were both discover'd to the Physicians afterwards , and obtain'd before , not without some assistance of the Earle of Warwick . After the application of this , whether by the naturall course of the disease , or some other cause , the King grew worse indeed ; the Physicians take it not well ; these Medicines are laid aside . Yet , the disease not abating upon intermission of the directions , the King , impatient both of his disease , and of his Physicians prescripts , importunes again for that Remedy , which he had rejected . Hereupon , a Bed-chamber-man is presently dispatch'd unto the Apothecary , Monsieur du Plure , Treacle is sent for : no tearm of Specification being added , he thought it fit to send the best unto his Majesty , and by that means sent him Venice-Treacle , which as it was better in it selfe , so was it worse for the Kings disease . This being brought , no body there present could order it , but the Countesse of Buckingham . It was applied again ; but being hotter then the former Plaister , and the Kings hot fit approaching , it might somewhat aggravate his Heate ; whereupon , he cryed out , That these had done him hurt , and were the cause of his Extremity . Upon this , some one in the roome drank up the Posset-drinke ; and the Plaister was applied to another , who took no manner of hurt , but that he was cured of an Ague . This is the whole truth concerning that Application ; and besides others , it will be attested by Master Patrick Maule , then of the Bed-chamber , and in Attendance , a Gentleman , whom the Parliament hath imployed about the King , ever since he hath bin in their hands , and therefore one that in all probability would relate nothing to their disadvantage , on set purpose . For the Duke's Impeachment in Parliament , this was the ground of it . When that Parliament was summon'd , and the Elections were made , Sir John Eliot , who much honoured the Duke , and was reciprocally much esteemed of by him , made an addresse unto the Duke in the name of many Members , offered him many Arguments to bring him unto their Party , made engagements unto him to establish him in all his Places by Parliament , and to adde unto his Grandeur . But the Duke , rejecting these offers , and replying with some Scorne , according to the Height ( and perhaps , vanity ) of his Spirit , That the King should have that now , by no leave of theirs , which formerly he would have thanked them for ; and that the turbulent Spirits were so dasht , that there could be no considerable Opposition in their House to his designes ( and indeed in sight , more of the Members of that Election were at the Dukes devotion . ) Whereupon , Sir John Eliot , like a good Patriot , reply'd , that he was mistaken in the Spirit of that House , the very walls infusing Resolution into them who sate there ; and rather then the Duke should not be dasht , that he himself would break the ice . And hereupon was the E. of Bristol countenanced ( whom in former Parliaments they themselves had cast some frowns upon , and threatned with some danger . ) This Impeachment against the Duke is contrived in such a way , as that the King must either engage against him , or at least stand Neuter , or ( which was worst of all ) beare the reflection of that Dirt , which they would bestow upon the Duke . This was the true ground of that Charge ; and this was the Man , who carried it up , and did chiefly manage it in the House of Commons and in their Committees . 3. These things thus premised , I answer , First by way of Concession , that indeed the Duke was guilty of Imprudence , to meddle in an Art , he was not Master of ; And more yet , to exhibit any thing that way unto a King ; so that he was in some measure liable to the Charge against him . Secondly , by way of Exception , 1. This was no cause of the Kings death ; and so much the very Charge implies , which was but of Mis-demeanors and high Presumptions . Had it been of his Death , it could not have stood on this side High-Treason ; and therefore it was a malicious intimation to the Kingdome , that his Majesty was guilty of what they themselves were ashamed to charge upon the Duke . 2. It was done out of a good affection , and an intent to recover the King. Had he had other Ends , he would never have owned the Action , as he did . He was not so weak a Politician , as to doe such a businesse with his owne hands , or by those of his Mother , or so much above-boord . 3. The Medicines of themselves were innocent , and could not prejudice . I have heard it from learned Physicians , that London-Treacle is of a temperate nature , and propulsive of Venome from the Heart , a Cordial ; the decoction of Harts-horn with Marygold-flowers and Gilly-flowers is no other . Nay , this was attested by some of the Physicians upon their Examinations in that Parliament , that those Medicines did him no hurt . 4. There was a possibility to save the King thereby . Experiment is the best Leg and Base of Physick ; and oftentimes , when a learned Doctor hath strugled in vaine , a Nurse or a Midwife hath wrought the Cure by an approved Receit . How oft hath the Lady of Kent flatter'd her selfe in this kind , and the Lady Brooks too , or they have done Cures by a Medicine or two , which have been blow'd at in vaine by good Physicians ? 5. It was done by K. James his earnest entreaty ; and we know , how far the Importunity of a great Person , a Prince , may transport a man , his servant , even against Reason , much more where there was Reason for it . We can produce an example of a French K. in a Fever , who being prohibited all Wine by his Physicians ; did so importune his Servants for that liquor , as they gave him his fill , and that of the strongest too , whereby he was not only satisfied , but his Fever cured . 6. The chief Witnesses against the Duke were Ramsey and Eglisham , the first to the Parliament , the other to the Kingdome by his pen , both of them of so bad a Reputation , that their testimony was not to be taken against a private man ; the former being expell'd , or enforced to relinquish the Colledge of London for his ill-behavior , who will lie , swear , flatter , do any villany : the latter expell'd from his Vniversity , a Papist , or rather of no Religion , and of as little honesty or learning , a man of a crackt Braine too . 8. For K. James his own Clamour , his word that way was no Slander . How often hath Treason been in his Mouth , when he was but crost or disturb'd in his sports and recreations ? I have heard , the King of Sweden us'd to make himself merry with that Expression of King James , upon an accidentall cut of his finger by his Carver . 9. That the Disease was in the declination , was uncertaine . Sometimes one fit flatters , and the next kills . Physicians love to speak Placentia , especially to Great Patients . We have lately had an Experiment of that in the L. Fairfax who died of a Corn in his Toe , and that presently after his Physician had made his Attendants and Friends secure of his recovery . Nor is it sometimes amisse in reference to the Cure , to feed them with hopes , and to cherish their conceit , which is , though but of small reality , yet of no small Consequence . Besides , at that time it was given out by them so ; One of the ablest told the rest , and divers others , That the Kings disease was mortall , and would surely speed him ; giving this reason , That he had twenty Patients that year , and none of them recover'd , under sixteen fits , but the King had not strength enough to endure twelve . Besides , that was the year , which preceded the great Sicknes ; before which , usually diseases have much Malignancy , and oftentimes put tricks upon the best Physicians . 4. As to his Majesty , that now is , Those who were conversant about him , both Physicians and others give this account , that they are confident , he knew not any of those Passages . In that he brought off the Duke , he might think himself bound by a three-fold Cord , of Honour , Justice , and Friendship : of Honour , because that which was the ground of the Accusation was his owne service , at least , pretended so to be . Of Justice , because he had done King James no hurt , did it in obedience to King James his owne command , intended him all good ; and was prosecuted by his Adversaries upon another Score and Spite . Of Friendship also , it being well known , how deeply the Duke had wound himself into the Kings favour ( I dispute not , how justly ) the very laws of friendship call'd for relief at his hands , when he saw the Duke in danger to be opprest . H. Martin himselfe , the most professed enemy unto the King , thought so meanly of this Accusation , that he onely made sport of it : when in some company it was spoken of , told them , ( if it were true ) It was the onely good action he had ever done in his life , and therefore desired he might not be alwaies twitted with that . And now let all the world judge of the abominable Iniquity of these men , that lay to the charge of their owne Prince things that he knew not , things of that ugly Stamp , that a loyall Subject dares not put them into words . We may adde unto all that hath bin said in defence of his Majesty , 1. The singular observance and dutifulnesse of his owne Children towards himself , a comfort seldome vouchsafed , but as a reward of former obedience . God observes , for the most part , a proportion in all his Retributions ; and punisheth , as it were , in Specie , according to the nature of our Offences , in their own kind . 2. His Majesties composednes and equality of Spirit , in the midst of his dangers and afflictions . When his Chamber hath been beset with Armed men , I cannot learne , that he lost one hours Rest for that , which might have been a cause of Terrour , even to a cleare Conscience . Nor can I understand , that he made scruple at any of those Cates , which were cook'd by a Hand , that had been armed and held up against him in the field . Whatsoever his troubles and distresses were , he was himself still — Mediis tranquillus in undis . But Murder , especially Parricide is a Fury , which keeps the Conscience in a continuall Alarme , and presents unto all the Senses , objects of horrour and approaching vengeance . The History is known of Nero , who never could endure a clap of Thunder , after the murder of his own Mother ; but crept even under his Bed , or into the closest Corner he could possibly find , at the noise of it . And I need not enlarge that story of a Prince , who hearing Swallows singing in his Palace , fancied they sung it clearly , That he was his Fathers murderer , and therefore caused them to be pursued and beaten downe . Many more such Arguments we might insist upon , if we would make use of such Topicks , as passe with the House of Commons for excellent strength of reason , when it may serve their Occasions . I must acknowledge , that I expected with this , His Majesty should have been charged with the Death of his elder Brother Prince Henry also : for I know , That had a place in the first rude draught of the Catalogue of his Crimes , which was compos'd in the Army . But the House remembred , his Majesty was but twelve years of Age , and so that was expung'd . A Collection of the Crimination they make against His Majesty from the time of His comming to the Crown untill the present Rupture . Those Aspersions , which they cast upon the King from his entrance upon the Crown untill this Breach between Him and them , are reducible to 3 Heads : The first to such , as more immediately relate unto his own Person . The second , to such as were done by his Ministers , and did originally flow from them , as the Lords of the Privy Councell , his Councell at Law , and his Servants . The third , to such as were done by his Courts of Justice , either Civill or Ecclesiasticall . Under the first of these , we may marshall , 1. Perjury , and Breach of Trust . 2. Popery , and a Conspiracy with Papists to massacre all the Protestants in England and Ireland . 3. Tyranny . 4. Hate of Parliaments . Their Charge of Perjury , and Breach of Trust . This deserves the first place , as the greatest Crime in a Prince , if true ; and the fowlest Calumny , if false ; which they tax His Majesty withall in these generall words , page 11. He hath broken his Coronation-Oath , severall Vows , Protestations , and Imprecations , through His whole Reign , and so oft renued before God and the world : a little after , They accuse him of a continued Track of Breach of trust , since he wore the Crown . That Charge answered and retorted . 1. These are but barely asserted ; and I appeal to their own Breasts , whether it be fit to take their word in this Case ; I am confident , I may to the Kingdome . 2. This is onely a Generall Accusation ; no particular Instance given . Indeed afterwards there is an Imputation of Breach of Articles with the Scots ; denying of any Commission to have been granted to Cockram , which they took with other Papers ; and some such things there are which amount to no more then Tergiversation , if all were true as they relate ; and shall have a full Satisfaction in their proper places . If they had held forth any proof of any particular , we should have joyn'd Issue , and made no question to vindicate His Majesty . They may remember , Generalities afford a shrewd suspition of jugling fraudulence ; and we have some aime at their Intents , by their audacious Imputations to make something stick upon His Majesty , whether true or false . 3. With what Confidence can they accuse his Majesty ( if he had been guilty ) of that , wherein they themselves lie so grosly open to Exception ? Quis tulerit Gracchos ? &c. Their whole Practise hath been Prevarication , Breach of Oath and Trust , both with God and Man. Have but a little patience , to eye their deportment towards all men they have had to deal with . In relation to the King , Have they not broke the Oath of Allegiance , wherein they have sworne to beare faith and true Allegiance to His Majesties person , and to defend the same against all Conspiracies , & c ? Have they not broke the Oath too of Supremacy , wherein they have professed , testified and declared him the onely supream Head and Governour over all Persons , in all Causes , within these His Dominions ? both which Oaths they must and doe take , before they can legally sit and Vote in that House . Have they kept the Protestation better , which provided for the Kings honour , Power , and Safety , before their Priviledges ? And have they kept their owne solemne Covenant , either in this or any Branch thereof ? Nay , hath it not been resembled to an Almanack out of date , by one of their own Members , Martin in his Answer to the Scots Declaration , and that without a check ? How have they deceived and abused this poor Nation , in reference to the King ; when they conjur'd us up to rescue the Kings Person , ( among other things ) out of the hands of his Evill Counsellours , and to fetch him home gloriously to his Greatest , and most faithfull Counsell , Themselves ? How well have they answer'd that very great Trust the King reposed in them , when ( to please them if possible ) he tied up his owne hands from the dissolving this Session of Parliament , without their Consent ? ( the greatest Breach of Trust that ever the King made , if we may believe John Lilburne . ) How have they acquitted their Engagements to the Scots , as touching the King ? Nay , have they not disclaimed their owne Declarations , as Obligatory , and told the Scots since , That they were framed , published and made use of , as Affaires then stood , and that they may alter them now ? and in another place , that they are alterable at pieasure , although they were Promissory , and that upon the most sacred Invocation possible ; as you may see in the Scots Papers , We professe in the sight of Almighty God. which is the strongest obligation that any Christian , and the most solemne Publick Faith that any State can give , ( Husbands Book of Decl. p. 587. & 663. the like , ) That no trouble nor successe should change their resolutions , ib. And how they have made good these following Expressions of the Army , ( for now I must charge the Parliament with the Doublings of the Army , who rule the roast there ) Whereas there is a scandalous Information , presented to the Houses , importing as if His Majesty were kept a Prisoner amongst us , and barbarously and uncivilly used , We cannot but declare , that the same and all other Suggestions of that nature , are most false , scandalous , and absolutely contrary , not onely to our declared desires , but also to our Principles , &c. and a while after , We clearly professe , we doe not see , how there can be any Peace to the Kingdome firme and lasting , without a due consideration of and provision for the Rights , Quiet , and Immunity of His Majesty , His Royall Family , &c. Remonst . from Ex. and A. Jun. 23. 1647. in another place , That untill the settlement , His Majesty may find all personall Civility and Respects , with all reasonable Freedome , in the Letter from Sir Tho : Fairfax , besides many more ; which applied to their present practice , doe lowdly proclaime their odious Prevarication toward His Majesty . In relation to the Kingdome , How strangely have they falne short of their Trust ? Can their Consciences flatter them , that they were entrusted by us , with the least thought , that they should enthrone themselves , during life , in those Chairs , and entaile their Places on their Posterity ? yet many of them being put to it , have intimated thus much ; nay , in the House it hath often dropt from them , That it was dangerous to pitch upon a time of Dissolution , though within these ten or twenty yeares . Some of them have been so ingenuous , as to say , If they give way . Another Parliament must be call ' within these three years ; and the Kingdome is so totally corrupted , that it is Ten to one , but That would attaint the Members of This. Many of them , who are Fathers , have by their Power and Interest already brought in , not onely their eldest Children ( some in their Nonage , and Children indeed ) but two or three , as the Lord Say , who hath three of his owne Sons in the House of Commons . They were entrusted by the people ( I trow ) to ease them of their Grievances , establish the liberty of their Persons , settle the propriety in their Estates : yet let me bespeak them in the words of one , that hath lost his bloud in their service , Mr. Lilburne by name , I challenge them to shew one Act , they have done for the benefit of the people . We feel their little finger heavier then the Loynes of the King with all his Predecessours . They have brought us from the Government of one King , who was bound up by law , to the Tyranny of 5 or 600 of themselves , nay every petty Committe-man , every insolent Officer , whose Will and Lust is their Law ; so into an Aegyptian Vassalage , a condition worse then that of the Peasants of France , of the Boores in Flanders , of the Slaves in Turkie , ( to use a mans word , of their owne side . ) What can we call our owne , if one of the Grandees , or his Friends mouth waters after it ? If they Vote to pocket up our Estates , to take away our Wives , our liberties , our very lives , who can stand before their Omnipotency ? Let their Officers and Army's be heard , what measure hath bin meted out to them . They were promised Golden Mountains , The Parliament would stand and fall , live and die with them . Yet when the first Army had set them up , and broke the ice for them , how dis-honourably was the Lord Generall , how unthankfully were the rest laid aside , even without their wages , which they could never obtaine to this day ? This last Army had the same doome ; but they tooke better Courage , and knew their owne strength . The Scots ( however stroakt with the name of Brethren to this day ) were serv'd with the self-same sauce , and put to retreat ( faster then was for their Ease ) from Newarke toward their own Confines , with a great Body of Horse at their heels . The City ( unto whose bloud and treasure they owe their beeing , and whatever they have ) rings again of their breach of Trust and faith with them . Instead of Signall marks of the Enlargement of their Priviledges , Recompences for all their offices of love . Their Works are demolished . The Tower is wrested from their hands . Themselves besieged in a manner . A Garrison threatned to be put upon them , their armes to be taken away , ( if they durst ) Their Trades decayed , threatned to be quite ruined . Their late Lord Major and Aldermen ( some of which were their fastest friends and Zelots ) impeached for their lives upon no ground . Their whole Common Councell menaced . Divers of their Ablest Members marked out already for destruction . Nay , the whole City kept in continuall feares of fire or sword , or other violence by them . The Assembly-men and Ministry give no better accompt of their faith toward them neither . How did they tickle them at the beginning of these troubles with Engagements and Covenants for a Church-Government to their content , making them a glorious Clergy , establishing a free and full maintenance for Preaching Ministers ? Yet their Persons are now more vilified then ever . Their Function exposed to contempt and scorn . Their maintenance abridged , and that by the connivance of the Houses , nay the example , private encouragement , if not the project of their Members . We will not twit them with their deceitfull Ordinances , of self-deniall , ( which onely broke the ice to ingrossement of all Places and Offices of profit into Members hands or their Confidents to Distribution of at least 300000l . of our Estates amongst themselves ) Of Accompts of the Kingdom , ( by which they have encreased their expences many thousands without mention to perfect , or call any man to refund ) Of hearing complaints against bribery and injustice of their Members ( whereby they may take notice of the Person that dares question any of their Houses , and after they have worried him there , by a fruitlesse and chargeable attendance , find some advantage to break his back ) nor many such like . Nor yet stop they there , in falsifications of their owne ; but they compell others to break their Oaths and Promises . ( I say nothing now of those Oaths they force upon the Consciences of such men , as had rather trust God with their Soules , then them with their Bodies and Estates ) They have compelled their owne side to break those Articles and Engagements , which they had struck up ; witnesse the Cessations in York-shire , made by the late Lord Fairfax , and that in Cheshire . Nay , themselves entertain'd , and by their Ministers perswaded some Hundreds of Men taken Prisoners at Brainceford , and dismiss'd by the King , upon their Oath to beare no more Armes against him , within very few daies to vomit those up again , as unlawfull Obligations . Last of all , Is it not a great part of their Quarrell against the King , that they cannot enforce him to forget his Oath , whereby he stands obliged to defend the Church in her Rights and Priviledges ? that he will not yeild up the Laws of the Land , to be new-modell'd according to their Lusts , and the Power to protect his Subjects ( which he is bound by Oath to do ) into their hands , that they may oppress them at their pleasure ? how infinite is this Argument ? I pray God , they have not halted even with him also . We are strongly tempted to believe , that their Fastings , their Prayings , their zealous and solemne Executions of Pictures and Crosses , were but Pageantry to deceive the People , rather then true Devotions to make an Atonement with the Almighty ; and perhaps we could prove it upon many . But God is the only Searcher of Hearts , and to him we refer them for that matter . The Charge of Popery upon the King. This Charge hath two Branches ; the One of his Inclination to Popery , and favour of that Religion ; the Other of a Concurrence with the Papists to destroy all the Protestants in England and Ireland . For the former they offer these proofs , 1. His Letter to the Pope , when he was in Spaine . 2. The Articles of Marriage , both with the Spanish and French. 3. That he had an Agent in Rome . 4. That by the Queen and the Earl of Ormond he offered a Toleration unto the Irish Papists , though he had formerly vowed against it , as also to take off the Penall Laws . 5. His entertaining of a Nuncio here . 6. His leaving of Blanks with Secretary Windebank , a notorious favourer of Papists , when he went to Scotland , when he denied a Commission to the Parliament as they desired . Letters of the said Secretary ; whereupon he durst not endure the Examination , but fled . The latter is confirmed many ways , as 1. By a pious Designe the Queen had in hand , helped forward by a Fast . 2. An Information given upon Oath to the Arch-bishop . 3. An Attestation of a Servant of the Queen-Mother . 4. Speeches of the Rebels in Ireland . 5. Vnusuall Preparations of Armes and Ammunition , Mounting Guns on the Tower. Nay , 6. Found in Papists houses . 7. Commissions given them to rise , &c. The King clear'd from the Aspersion of Popery . Indeed , it was necessary to rake together so many Circumstances , whereby to pin this vizard on again , which was even fallen off ; when the Kings owne strict and plous Life , continuall defence of the true Protestant Religion against all Opposition , and his highest and publick solemn Protestations , even upon the receiving of the Holy Sacrament , being added to divers strong Presumptions doe assoile him . It is not unknown to us now , that his Father , of blessed Memory , sending some Ministers into Spaine after him , charged them to have a care of Buckingham ; as for his Son Charles , he durst trust him for perseverance in his Religion . What a sleight advantage did the King take to rid his hands of the Queen's Priests ? What strict Commands did he give , that none should be permitted to enter into her Chappell , who was not her Meniall Servant ? We know , that nor the Queen 's owne power with him , nor the Mediation of her friends about him , could extend to dis-place a poore Porter at Saint James's ; who for keeping out a Citizen , that under pretence of being her Servant would have pressed in , for to go to the Chappell , and for such other strict performances of His Majesties commands , had much incens'd her . We remember also his severe Edicts and Proclamations against those of that Religion in generall , his Instructions to his Ministers for their prosecution , his Banishment of Doctor Smith Bishop of Calcedon . If his under . Officers failed of their duties , it is but justice to set the Saddle upon the right horse . What Law did he ever refuse , ( nay , hath he not called on them to offer ) for the Education of Popish Children in the Protestant Religion , for their better Conviction , or further Punishment , and that even at times of his dis-advantage and danger to dis-oblige any of his Subjects ? I have heard many of the Papists revile him , under that notion , that he would give them all up as a sacrifice for to compasse a peace with his Parliament , though they have remained loyall to him in his extremity . They themselves have published such Letters of his ( never intended for their view , written in private to his Queen , with whom , if with any one alive , he would be free sure in that point ) wherein he declares himself to be different in judgement from her . What need we say more ? Though at the first , when the war was commenc'd , Master Hampden being asked by a Minister , why Religion was made a cause of it ? gave this account , that the people would not stir else ; yet Master Martin hath in the House , and divers other places bin so ingenuous , as to tel them , They need not lie for a good Cause , It was not Religion they fought for , but Liberty . 1. The Charge from the Letter to the Pope answer'd . 1. For the Letter to the Pope , It is so fully answered in a Book called Vindiciae Caroli ; and in another Treatise called , The Pre-eminence and Priviledge of Parliament , that I need not insist thereon . The Prince being upon a Match with Spaine , it could not be passed , in regard of the difference of his Religion , but by a Dispensation from the Pope . Yet although he had left all that Transaction to the Spaniard , to avoid entercourse with him , yet the Pope taking his advantage , writes a Letter to the Prince . Being at this ward , I see not , how even in Civility ( especially considering the Precisenes & Punctuality of that Nation in all Courtship and Complement ) as also in safety ( as being in the hands of Strangers ) and to the securing of the Match ( the maine Businesse he came for ) he could forbeare to answer it . Yet was it done by him with that Wisdome and Care , as it might give no offence ; and by the severest Censure of an un-byassed Reader , that understands the Language , not smell at all of any Complyance in Religion . Moreover , that it might beare no ill sense , as of a clandestine Correspondence , he was pleased to publish it to the world . It is no strange thing to write even to the Turke , ( which the two Houses have offered our Merchants to doe for them ) or to the King of Morosco , that are Mahumetans , to Princes of what Nation or Religion soever . But if you doe observe it , this their owne Weapon wounds themselves and makes for the King : for what needed a Dispensation , if the King had been of that Religion ? 2. The Charge from the Articles of Mariage with Spaine and France , Answered . The Articles of Marriage with Spain and France are fully satisfied in that fore-mentioned Book , Vindiciae Caroli ; yet if any have not seen or perused that Book , Let him take this short account here : 1. That a particular Toleration had a former president , even in Q. Elizabeth , ( whom they never durst accuse for a favourer of Papists ) in those Articles of Marriage , which were consented to , with the Duke of Anjou . Where , by the way , you may take notice , that in her time , Master Stubs , a Lawyer , but a great Professour , and one Master Page had their hands cut off , for writing a Tract against that Match , which they had entituled , The Mariage of a Child of God with the Son of Antichrist . Camb. Elizab. An. 3 , 4 , 5 , & 6. 2. That if the Intelligence were true ( which these Accusers take from an ordinary News-monger or Mercury ) of an universal Toleration agreed upon , it was Intuitu majoris Boni . The Palatinate was to be restored again , and the Protestants of Germany to be re-enstated in their Possessions upon that Condition . 3. That this was King James his Act , not King Charles his , who was onely passive therein , and to whose hand these Articles were beaten before his comming into Spaine . 4. That they were never any Prejudice to this Kingdome , because the Match with Spaine was broken , and therefore should be no Objection . The Articles of the Mariage with France ( which went forward ) had the same reasons , and so are answered . 3. That of the Agent at Rome , Answered . 1. The Agent in Rome , if any , was from the Queen , and not the King. 2. Grant it to have been from the King ( which is not true ) he may surely claime as much liberty that way , as Q. Elizabeth , who had an Embassadour , or Agent , namely , Sir Edward Carne , with the Pope in Rome , Camb. Eliz. 1559. at the beginning of her Reigne ; yet was never under any Suspition for it . Kings have , or ought to have their Espyals and Intelligencers in all places , from which there is possibility of danger to their Dominions . I have heard , Q. Elizabeth had , even in the Popes owne Family , and in the Colledges of the Jesuits . Their Projects against us could not better be dis-appointed , then by thus picking the Locks of their very Bosomes . 4. That of Toleration answer'd . That he offer'd a Toleration to the Papists in Ireland , contrary to his former Resolutions , was but upon great and pressing Necessity ( which hath no Law ; ) and to that degree of Necessity the two Houses had driven him , so the consequences were to be set upon their Score , not his owne : yet even then , in his Letters about that Affaire ( published by themselves ) he doth insist on it , That the Bargain may be made as good , as can be , for him . But I have seen other Letters from one of his Secretaries to the Irish , which I am ensur'd were true ; wherein were these Expressions , after Expostulation of their delaies in his Assistance , He is inform'd that taking advantage of his low condition , you insist on something in Religion , more then formerly you were contented with . He hath therefore commanded me to let you know , that were his Condition much lower , you shall never force him to any further Concessions to the prejudice of his Conscience , and of the true Protestant Religion , in which he is resolved to live , and for which he is ready to die ; and that he will joyne with any Protestant Prince , nay with these Rebels themselves , how odious soever ( meaning his two Houses ) rather then yeild the least to you in this particular . The same retorted . Besides , herein the Parliament doth somewhat justifie him ; For if the Papists themselves may be believ'd , they have been solicited formerly to serve the Parliament , and were promised by some of their Agents an universall Toleration , and a Repeale of the Penall Statutes , which is the more credible , because Henry Martin told them in the House , ( not long since ) That he had a Petition from all the Papists in England for one , and was their Advocate for it , though unseasonably . Nay , many of the Independent Writers , ( who never received check for it from the House ) doe in their Books not onely allow , but give reasons for it . And in the Compositions for Delinquency , ( though the two Houses pretended them to be without Capacity thereof ) They were admitted , nay and at lower Rates and with more favour , then many zealous Protestants , who had been lesse active in this warre . 5. That of the Nuncio , Answered . 1. The Nuncio's businesse was meerly to the Queen , and he a Lay-man . 2. It is no Courtship , to forbid an ordinary mans Wife all entercourse with those of her own Religion , though different from that of her Husband ; nor is it the way to convert her . I am perswaded divers of both Houses have been guilty of that Allowance . Yet the Right of a Queen is greater , and it was an Article of Mariage . 3. It might have been afforded with lesse Regret for to smooth Her Majesty , and to take off the Remembrance of the banishment of her Priests . 4. The Man was of so weak Parts , and of so loose a life , that his Company might have been borne withall the better , to serve as a Disswasive from his Religion , as the Lacedemonians used by the apish and uncouth behaviour of Drunkards to possesse their young Children with a perfect hatred of that vice . 5. Assoon as it was discovered distastfull , or of danger , he had his Mittimus . 6. That of the Blanks left with Windehank , and of his Letters and Flight , Answered . 1. Whosoever knows the Custome of the Court , knows it to be no strange matter of Trust with a Secretary of State , to be imployed in any sudden emergency , when there cannot be recourse unto the King ; especially when there are generall Instructions left , and sometimes the very matter made ready , the forme only referred to his discretion . Nay further , there are some of the House of Commons can testifie , how familiar it is for a Secretary of State to entrust the same with his owne Secretaries ; and how impossible it is to dispatch businesses of haste and necessity without some such remedy . I have heard , the like is not unusuall with his Excellency the Lord Fairfax , and other Great Commanders , to give their Servants of Trust , leave to subscribe their names for them , in matters of common concernment , I am sure Col. Mainwayring the Passe-maker , ( which was the best Trade he ever drove ) in time of greatest danger to the City and affrightment also , left his Hand and Seale with many of his Servants , to fill up with the names of such Persons , as they should think fit . Nay , but doe not the Houses themselves daily so , or more in matters of high concernment , by their Power delegated unto the Keepers of the Great Seale , Privy-Seale , and their ordinary Courts of Justice , their Secretary of State , and persons officiating in Trust under them ? 2. If he were a notorious favourer of Papists , His Majesty might likely not know so much of him ; Servants being generally studious to conceale their faults from their Masters . 3. If His Majesty did know it , yet Places of Trust have been often delegated by Princes to such as have been of a Perswasion contrary to theirs , whom they have found Persons capable thereof . Even Q. Elizabeth her selfe did send the Viscount Montacute upon an Embassy to Spaine , in behalf of the Scots , and to justifie the Protestant Religion , though he were a Papist , as Camden hath it in her Life . Now whereas it is added , the King would not leave any such with his Parliament : 1. The Case is different , if it be meant , with them for passing of Acts , which were not repealable by himself , whereas the Secretary was accomptable for his Transactions ; and his deeds , They if not answerable to His Majesties desires , capable of reversion by His Majesty . 2. There was no need in so short an absence of His Majesty , whilest Bills are so long in debate , before they come to their Perfection . For His Letters we can give no accompt , unlesse we knew their purport . He might run away justly , and in providence which every man oweth to himself . He saw the House of Commons begin to ramp upon him , and he knew how easie it was for them to find a staffe to beat a dog withall , and make a just quarrell when they had an edge against any man. That of the Plot to destroy all the Protestants in England , Answered . But the Plot to cut all the Protestants throats is so brim-full of Malice , that it confutes it self . 1. It is well known , there are not in all above 24000 Papists convicted , in all England and Wales ; allow as many more without that capacity ( for sure , when you shall have deducted the old decrepit Men and all the Women their number will not be much above . ) Now how these Papists should procure Armes , embody ( and no discovery be made of it ) so as to become considerable , and if all in a Body , accomplish the Ruine of above a Thousand for One , is incomprehensible ; yea though each one had the hands of Gerion and Briareus , and in each hand the Club of Hercules . The Protestants had need first be tamer Creatures , then these late Broyles have shewed them to be . In Ireland , where the Papists and Natives are five hundred to one , what a tough piece of work have they found it , to root them out ? and now we hope they may drink of the same Cup they provided for Others . 2. The King in that case must be look'd on , as void of common understanding , who would devest himself of the Monarchy over so many Millions of men , that he might have it , only over 24000 to inhabit this spacious Territory ; nay , and some of them like to come short home . 1. That of the Queens pious Designe , Answered . The Queens pious Designe was knowne to be nothing more then a Contribution , by way of Assistance to her Husband against the Scots , whom he then look'd upon , as his Enemies . And to that Expedition divers of themselves , divers of the Vpper House afforded their helping hand under the same notion , Essex , Holland , Northumberland , Salisbury , &c. And why was the fault greater in a Wife to assist her Husband , then in Subjects , their King ? 2. That of the Qu. Mothers Servant , Answered . The Q.M. servant , for ought we know , may lie as wel as swear , If it be the Man we guesse at , he is of little credit , even among his own Nation . Nay , the Ministers and Protestants of their Churches here ( though the man pretend to be under the notion of a Convert , and a Protestant now , though formerly a Papist ) give him but a base report . And we cannot think , it is for nothing , that he hath been bolsterd up , in the murther of his own Wife , under the pretence of Physick , in the oppression of her Children , which she had by a former Husband , and in the prosecution of a worthy Gentleman , her Brother . 3. That of the suggestion to the Arch-bishop , Answered . The suggestion to the Arch-Bishop , was by one Habernfield , a Bohemian , from a Priest in Rome , first given to Sir William Boswell in Holland , and so sent over ; in which the principall persons to be made away , were the King and the Arch-Bishop , for their being so much against the Romish Religion and purposes . But this Circumstance is ( wisely enough ) conceald by these Accusers . Can any reasonable man let his belief so run riot , as to be perswaded , the King should drive on a Plot , apparently to his own destruction ? How blind will malice make ? whither will it not transport ? Of the Irish Rebels words we shal speak in a more proper place . 4. That , of the Armes in Papists houses , Answered . The Armes and Ammunition in Papists houses , were a Bow and Arrows with one brown Bill . This cals to our mind the Training under ground , the blowing up of the Thames , &c. Is it not Impudence even to a Prodigie , to think ( now the Scales are fallen from our eyes ) thus to mock and befool us still ? 5. That of the Ammunition , and Preparations about White-Hall and the Tower , Answered . Vnusuall Provision of Ammunition , fire-workes , &c. about the Tower and White-Hall , mounting Ordinance upon the White-Tower , &c. was made indeed , but only in Order to security , at that seditious and tumultuous time . Would these good men think it a just Challenge against them , Now that they have mann'd White-Hall with ten times the number , and the Mewes to boote , Now that they have raised Batteries in the Tower , mounted Canon , cleansed the ditches , brought in a Garrison of strangers , and laid aside or over-sized the ordinary Guard , That therefore they intend to destroy the Presbyterians , or the rest of the Kingdome ? 6. That of Commissions to Papists , Answered . Commissions were indeed given to the Papists , but since the war was begun , and I would faine learne , what Priviledge the Papists have , from being imployed in defence of their King ; and whether it had been wisdome in us to hazard our selves , and that the Protestants should spend their Mettle one upon another , while they sate still and looked on . Yet I cannot compute upon the most severe survey , that the hundredth Commission was issued unto Papists . What danger could there be in that disproportion ? 7. The Charge against His Majesty of Tyranny . The third Charge against His Person is of Tyranny , and an Endeavour to enslave us , which is proved , 1. By His Principles , in regard he holds forth to us in his Declarations , That he is liable to Account , for nothing he doth , to any man ; and that nor one nor both Houses of Parliament can make , or declare a Law. 2. By his Practises , as 1. In attempting to enslave us by the German-Horse . 2. By the Spanish fleet . That Charge Answered . To the first , The Principle which the King holds out , was ever taken for Truth heretofore . 1. All his Predecessors in this , all Soveraigne Princes in other States have made claime hereto , ( and for ought I have heard , were never questioned before for it . ) To passe by King James and all others which might admit exception , Hear what Queen Elizabeth saith , Although Kings and Princes Soveraigne , owing their Homage and service only unto Almighty God , the King of all Kings , and in that respect not bound to yeild account or render a reason of their Actions to any other but God their Soveraigne , yet ( though among the most ancient and Christian Monarchs , the same Lord God hath committed unto us the Soveraignty of this Kingdome of England , and other Dominions , which we hold immediately of the same Almighty God , and so thereby accompt only to his Divine Majesty , ) We are , notwithstanding this our Prerogative , moved to declare , &c. In a Declaration of the causes moving her to give assistance to the Netherlands , printed by her own Printer , 1585. 2. The Lawyers of the Kingdome have constantly taught us the same , who call the King Caput & Principium Parliamenti , Pater Patriae , the Head and beginning of his Parliament , the father of his Country ; who also tell us expressely , Omnis sub Rege , Ipse sub nullo , nisi Deo. Non est inferior sibi subjectis , and Rex non habet superiorem , nisi Deum , satis habet ad panam , quòd Deum expectat ultorem . The King hath no Peere in this Land , and he cannot be judged . The Regality of the Crown of England is immediately subject to God , and to none other . 3. This very Parliament hath made a tacite acknowledgment hereof , as well as all others , by taking the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , by making their Addresses to the King under the notion of his leige men , and most humble subjects , and by their very Petitions . 4. It hath been the practise of all Ages , and was of this present Parliament , to decline the King , even in those things which had been acted by his Commands , and to fall upon the Ministers ; according to the sense of that Law Maxime , The King can do no wrong . It were strange now , that the Children might call the Father to an account , The Hee le lift it self against , or the Members question the Head , The Subject over-top the Soveraigne . The Fable hath a good Morall , and I doubt is verified in our times . The Taile of the Dragon once made that pretence of Governing against the Head ; but having obtained the liberty to Lead , after a great deale of toyle led all the Body into a ditch . But this being granted and proved , how will the consequence ensue ? It is not the exemption from Accompt , which makes a Tyrant , but owning no Law , making his Will and Pleasure to be the standard of all his Actions . There is no State , wherein there is not an ultimate Judicature , which is not to be Accomptable . By this rule all Government should be Tyrannous . 2. That both Houses can make no Law , they themselves confesse , I am sure the Lord Cooke in his fourth booke , Printed by their own speciall Command , doth often . That they can declare a Law is against reason . If the King be necessary to the making , doubtlesse he is also to concur in the Interpretation , otherwise to what purpose doth his Councell serve ? But to arrogate a Power to declare a Law , contrary to the evident sense or interpretation received ever since it was made , even though a hundred or a thousand years , is a monstrous usurpation , and the greatest evidence of a Tyrannicall spirit , that is possible . If they have a power to interpret only according to the evidence of the letter , or former acceptation , where then is the Priviledge ? and what need there be a quarrell ? That of the German Horse , Answered . 1. The Horse out of Germany was but in Proposall , never resolved on , much lesse put in execution . Now an Embrio is no perfect man , nor a Designe to be esteemed a Fact , much lesse is a bare Proposall . 2. It appears to be rather the Duke's doing , who at that time took upon him the managery of most affaires in this Kingdome . And why should they make the King black with the Dukes faults , if that were one ? But 3. the true designe of those Horse , was onely to discipline our English , and make them more expert for forraigne Imployments ( as it may be remembred , we had divers old Foot-soldiers and Officers out of Holland for a while to that purpose ) and how unskilfull our Nation was therein , as also of what Consequence it was , Our Army in the Isle of Ree was a fatall evidence ; and since that , their owne Armies have felt at Worcester , Edge-hill , and other Fights ; untill by frequent Experience , and the great pains of some Dutch and Scotch Officers they were made formidable . 4. The Instruments , whose Counsels were used in this great pretended Crime , who made the first offer to raise and conduct those Horse , have been harbour'd in the bosome of the Houses , and imployed in Places of signall trust , as Sir William Balfours , Dalbiere , &c. That of the Spanish Fleet , Answered . Rather then they will want a Charge , the Spanish fleet shall furnish them with one , though brought into our Havens by meer necessity , being pursued by the Hollanders , and having spent their Powder . Poor King Charles ! How is he burdened and even pressed downe , upon whom not his own Actions onely are charged , but those of his Servants , those of his Courts , those of Strangers ; nay , and those of meer fortune and Contingency ? If this expedition of the Spaniard were by the Kings contrivance or privity , why did he sit still , permitting them to be assaulted within his own Harbours ? why did he suffer his owne Ships to be idle Spectators of their Ruine ? How comes it , that there never followed thereupon the least expostulation for so great a losse , from the King of Spaine ? It is well knowne , the Spaniards were wasted in Flanders , the Natives began to know their owne strength , and were in hand with a Machination to shake off the Spanish yoake from their necks , in emulation of their Brethren of the Vnited Provinces . There was but need then of a recruit , which could not be compassed without sending a strong Fleet to convey men into Flanders ; And this was the Fleet , which we quietly beheld beaten and scatterd . Mean time , what miserable shifts are these men at home put unto , when they are glad to catch after such shadows , thereby to bring an envy and hate upon their King ? The whole Charge of Tyrannicall Government made good upon Themselves . 1. If it be exemption from Accompt , which constitutes a Tyrannicall Government , the two Houses cannot wash their hands of it , by their owne Rules ; no men pretending to higher Priviledge therein ; no men seeking to fortifie themselves more , against all possibility of being reckoned withall . 2. If the Characters , which Aristotle in the 4. of his Politicks , chap. 10. assigneth , and most other States-men unto Tyrannicall Rule , be true , the Parliament have out-done all Tyrants in all Ages . The Badges are these , First , To acknowledge no Boundary of Law to their Actions , besides their own will. 2. To rule by violence over their Equals and Superiors . 3. To regard mainly their owne private Vtility , not the Publick . Examine their Proceedings by these Marks , and you shall find them sutable to a hairs breadth . Is not much of this quarrell for the repeal of Lawes formerly established ? Doth not the King continually invite , provoke them to this Touch-stone ? Nay what law , that stood in their way , have they not suspended , or annulled ? Their whole Ecclesiasticall Government is besides , nay against clear law . Their Secular hath been altogether Arbitrary ; for what law warrants their Militia , their dealing thus with His Majesty , their Imprisonments , Oppressions , Extortions ? And what law had they for alienating the Bishops lands , not only from the Bishops , but from the whole Clergy for ever ? Lastly , ( that I be not infinite ) what Law to cut off Canterbury's Head , to murther Tomkins , Challoner ? &c. 2. How could they possibly maintaine their Power without an Army ? do they not trample and revel it over their Lords and Masters ( we will say nothing now of His Majesty , their Soveraigne , whom they insult upon . ) Have not they set their feet upon the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdome ? ruin'd and undone them ? whereas themselves for a great part are of the basest among the people ; Among whom ( except what they can reckon their Places at ) a hundred cannot make one thousand pounds by the yeare . 3. What have they done for the Publick ? Though it be a bold , I feare it is a true Challenge , John Lilburne makes , ( which I am tempted once more to observe ) I here challenge them to shew me one deed , they have done from the beginning of their Convention for the benefit of the people . We are sure they have not been wanting to themselves . All Places of profit are distributed among their Members . Our monies , to the summe of 3 or 400000l . are put up in their bags . Our Persons are at their devotion . Their Priviledges are what they list . The truth is , All the evidences of tyranny against all the Kings of England , untill this present age , could not amount unto so much , as the two Houses have bin guilty of , within these very few years . Nay , it was impossible , for all the Kings of England ever to attaine unto it ; so true a Prophet was even Master Hampden , who , when some expressed much Impatience at the want of a Parliament , wished them to pray for a good one ; for nothing could undoe England , but a Parliament . The fourth Personall Charge , That he hated Parliaments . That he was a Hater of Parliaments , they do back with these Proofs : 1. That he never called any in twelve years . 2. Prohibited all speech of any . 3. Dissolved them at his pleasure . 4. Searched the Closets and Pockets of the Members after Dissolution . 5. Imprisoned others , which prov'd the occasion of their death . 6. Even in Parliament , charged 5 of their Members . 7. Offered them violence in his owne Person , attended by a Train of Papists and others . 8. Endevoured to over-awe them , by bringing the Northern Army to London , and that when he had declared against it . 9. Called a Mock-Parliament at Oxford . 10. Raised War against this Parliament , which never King did against any , but He. 11. Vpbraided his owne at Oxford with the Name of a Mungrell-Parliament . The Improbability of this Charge . 1. This cannot be easily admitted for a truth , That the King should hate a Parliament : if you consider , 1. That he was an Advocate for them in his Fathers time , and by his Endevour procured many good Laws for them in his days , which was confessed in the Parliament , as you may find in the Journall thereof . 2. That to give them satisfaction , he pressed his Father against his Resolution and Reason to begin a War with the House of Austria , and obtained it : though King James like a Prophet told him , That it was not their Hate toward the House of Austria , nor their Zeale to the Protestant Cause , which moved them to put him upon that suit , But a designe to bring him into a Noose ; that being in distresse by reason of it , they might desert him , and then make their Markets of the Crowne ; And he did particularly acquaint him with the steps and Gradations , which they would proceed in ; first question and strip him of his Tonnage and Poundage , then bind his hands from making other Provision for himself ; afterwards bring him upon his knees to them . 3. Since his Reigne , never any King called more Parliaments then He , for so short a space , notwithstanding those twelve years Intermission . 4. All the Kings of England never offered more compliance , or performed more Acts of Grace , then He did . 5. Lastly , few Kings have testified a greater desire of correspondence with , or of condescention to a Parliament , then His Majesty hath done by this : 1. In resigning up his faithfull Servants , to be disposed of according to their will , even against his Conscience . 2. In offering them ( as it were ) a Blanke , Jan. 20. 1640. which is to be seen in their own Book of Declarations . 3. In giving up so many Bishops ( whose Votes for the most part were at his devotion ) to be expelled the House of Lords . 4. Lastly , In the establishment of this Parliament by a Law , during their owne Arbitrement . 1. The Charge from the dis-use of Parliament for twelve years , Answered . To the first particular , I answer : 1. By way of Concession ; that Parliaments were under long dis-use . But 2. that it might be out of some fore-sight and sense of this tumultuous Spirit in its secret workings , of which the King might think by abstinence and diet to correct their Luxuriancy . It argues no hate to a Parliament , to desire it might contain it self in the bounds of its ancient moderation ; and so a fair correspondence be maintained between the Crowne and the People . And this Judge Hutton in his Argument could not chuse but touch upon , if you please to peruse him . 3. Notwithstanding this reason for it , His Majesty had made an acknowledgement hereof as of an Errour , engaging himself to redresse it for the future . Nay , 4. did apply himself to that particular way , which themselves proposed , a Trienniall Parliament . 5. Further yet , when that gave not satisfaction , by a law confirmed this present Parliament to the length of their own desires . 2.3 . That for Breaking up of Parliaments , and forbidding all Speech thereof , Answered . 1. Herein His Majesty did no more then all his Predecessors . Look upward , and you will find it practised . If it were against the words of a law , yet usage makes the law of the Kingdome , and supersedes the Letter . Suppose it an Errour , why should it be a Charge upon the King , and never objected unto His Father , Qu. Elizabeth , Qu. Mary , K. Edward , K. Henry 8. and so upward ? 2. The King did never Dissolve any , but upon their own distempers and for mutinous deportment ; and then it was providence to cure an evill in the beginning , and crush a serpent in the shell . 3. This very House of Commons doth at this time entertaine within their walls , one Instrument of the dissolution of the last before this , I mean Sir Henry Vane , whose false suggestions were the occasion of the Kings Breaking it up . If you have not heard the story , then take here the plain truth of it : The Parliament was willing to give the King a summe , in consideration of Ship-money ; and an offer was made , so the King would relinquish his title thereunto of six Subsidies . His Majesty was willing to comply , and in order thereunto gave Sir Hen. Vane and others a command to signifie so much unto the House . But Sir Henry , contrary to the directions , demands and insists on Twelve . Whereupon , the House is put into some distemper ; which Sir Henry represents unto His Majesty with the utmost Aggravation , and some Addition too , whereupon His Majesty Dissolves it . Searching of Pockets , and afterwards Imprisoning , Answered . To this we give this accompt , 1. That it was no Breach of Priviledge , when the Parliament was dissolv'd . The Elements are but of ordinary use , extra rationem Sacramenti : by that time they were reduced to their proper sphear ; and why may not the King upon reasons of State , send to search the Pockets and Closets of any private man ? when he found the correspondence between his Kingdom and himself to be shaken , who could blame him to search the cause of it to the bottome , that he might prevent it for the future ? Though the King did imprison them , it was in an Honourable way ; he made them such an Allowance , that Master Long hath professed , he spent the King 1500l . there ; after which rate perhaps it might be of a Surfet , that those died , who are objected . 3. Themselves never made dainty of it to imprison their own Members , during their Session , without any cause exprest in their Warrants , and without any Allowance for their subsistance . What was Commissary General Coply imprison'd for , these six months ? Some say , for nothing but telling what a clock it was , at a Committee . Others have been for as long a time , and for as little reason . The Kings charging of the 5 Members , answered , and retorted . 1. This is true indeed , that the King did charge or impeach so many of the House : but then , 2. His Majesty had some reason sure . Whosoever reads the Articles , and compares the Consequences , will find them high enough , and be convinced of their truth . 3. If you consider the Kings proceedings thereupon , his Retractation of his own way and error in the processe , if it justled with any unknown Priviledge , his desire of their direction , and ( when nothing else would give Content ) his utter with-drawing of the Charge , and if you reflect withall upon what other Princes have done , what the Law gives out , to wit , There is no Protection for Treason , you cannot chuse , but admire his lenity . 4. This is no more , then they have suffered , if not encouraged the Army , ( their own Servants ) to doe , unto double that number of their Houses , and some of the same Members , that had been charged by the King ; and this too upon lesse ground , if any at all , 5. I could tell them of Doct. Parry , a Member of that House in Q. Elizab. time ▪ who was not onely charged but taken thence , condemned at the Kings-bench for Treason against the Queens Person , drawn and hanged before Westminster-Hall-gate , at the very time the Members repaired to the House . I could tell them of more then this , but I passe it over . The Kings going to the House , answered , and retorted . 1. Though His Majesty went unto the House , there was no assault made or intended by him , as far as can appear , without their Comment . It had been a desperate attempt , with so few to set upon so many , and those backt by so great a power , and had seru'd themselves so far into the affections of the City . If any wild expression fell from the mouth of one or two of his retinue , why were they not seized on and questioned ? 2. This hath been so often acknowledged for an Errour by him , yet still objected by them , that me-thinks they might blush at this mention of it . 3. What did he doe therein , which themselves had not been guilty of before it , and much out-done since ? We remember the robustious Petition of the Porters , and we know at what rates some of them were hired , by what devices others were cheated thereinto , it being told them , it was a Petition , that Water-men should be prohibited to carry Burdens . The Poasting of Names , exposing the Members of different judgment to the fury of the madding Multitude , was a kind of Force sure . So were the Shoals of Citizens , who came upon their Invitation and encouragement to cry for Justice . If those were not , we are certaine the Reformado's were ( for many of them smelt ill then , and Horrour was seen in the faces of most ) which the Army taxeth some Members withall . And the Petitions , Remonstrances , Declarations , Advance of this Army , with their Interposition since , are a violence beyond dispute . Bringing the Army to London , answered , and retorted . 1. None of those Examinations ( which we have read over , all of them ) doe hold out clearly , that the King did intend to bring them up to London , onely to put them in a posture for his Service . 2. This was limited , according to the Fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome , and the Liberty of the Subject . 3. It amounted but to a Petition , which is printed , and may be read in the first Vol. of the Decl 4. This came from the Officers unto the King and those Members of Parliament . Now in that conjuncture of Affaires , wherein was the King too blame ? when the Soldiers were discontented , the Parliament grew high , there were visible Symptomes of an intention to model the State anew , to cast out the Government of the Church . If the King did so far comply with them , as to allow ; nay , to countenance them , by an humble Petition to represent their sense of the Innovations they feared , and of a Breach of the Laws of the Land , How happy had it been for us , if it had proceeded and taken place ? Is it not the same , which this Army hath accomplished to the destruction of the Law , and dissolution of all legall Authority ? The Raising of War against them , Answered . The raising of the War will be Answered in another place . As for the Aggravation ( a thing never done but by King Charls ) it is no wonder ; since never King needed before to deale with a Parliament by Armes : One Breath of his mouth was enough to dissolve them . The Mock-Parl . at Oxford , Answerd , and retorted . The Mock-Parliament was not to be so slightly thought of . Themselves and their owne men , the Army , appeale to the equitable construction of the Law. And if so , pray what equity would justifie this Parliament about That ? The King is confessedly one Estate , The Lords with him were two for one , twenty or more Earles , as many Barous , when two Lords made up a House here often , and Ten were thought a goodly number . Nay the House of Commons there were neer upon the number with those that staied here . Did the wals at Westminster make a Parliament ? surely , in the equitable construction , those Gentlemen made it much rather , who were called together by the Kings Writ , and sent by their respective Counties and Burroughs . But why do we dispute that ? Did not many of these men , that talke thus , flee themselves ? Did they not eat up an Engagement with the Army ? Was there not an intention at least of another Mock-Parliament ? If their Returne to Westminster had not been so quick and easie , we cannot forbear to thinke , they would actually have done the selfe-same thing themselves , which they thus condemn in others . The Mungrell Parliament , Answered . The King hath sufficiently explained himself for that matter , that he used that Expression in reference to the Earle of Sussex and his faction , who had made a breach in that fair Correspondence , that was maintained between them formerly . The Charge of Crimes done by his Ministers . We proceed from the pretended faults , which relate immediately to the Kings owne person before this Rupture with the Parliament , unto those done by his Ministers , and those especially under this Classis , concerne Oppression of us in our Estates . Of which sort are the Enforced leaues , Privy-Seales , Coat-and-Conduct-money , Enlarging Forests , Enclosing Commons , Ingrossing Patents , Monopolies , &c. The Answer to these in generall . To these in generall , 1. That they were put in execution in times of great necessity . The King was engaged in a bloody war , and by the incitement , encouragement , and promise of this faction of men , and deserted as soone as he was well entered ; the best Revenue of the Crown questioned , if not with-held . The King of Denmarke beaten for want of supply , Germany over-run , the Protestant cause all over Christendome in a precipice , great Preparations made round about , Hanibal ad portas . What Irregularities might not be excused in such exigencies , by that Supreame Law of Necessity , which bears out all transgressions ? 2. None of these were contrived by Himself , many of them were by his Counsell at Law , many were suggested by Mr. Noy in particular , his Attorney , a man well versed in the Laws and ancient Records of the Kingdome , one who could have given a good accompt of his Actions , and was once thought a great Champion of the Laws against Arbitrary Incroachments . 3. There was a Redresse offered upon the first Complaint , and the Subject fenced by wholsome Laws against any such future Attempts . 4. The Instruments who first contrived , or abetted , and put then in execution , are many of them in both Houses , more of them in Places of eminent trust : None of them all ever punished upon this score , but for some other fault . In Particular , The Privy-Seales , Answered . His Majesty was so carefull to satisfie his Subjects for what they had lent him this way , that he sold unto the City of London , Land at 12000. l. rent of Assise , and out of the money due thereupon left and secured in the Chamberlain of Londons hand the summe of 216000. l. 15. s. 4. d. to the end that out of this such might be paid , as had formerly lent unto the King , either by Privy-Seale , or otherwise , which the City made this advantage of ( not contented with such a bargain , though they paid for the purchase , by the very Wood and Timber upon the ground , as the King was informed ; ) They sent their Emissaries into all Countries , where they knew there were any of the Kings Creditors , who were ignorant of this Assignment , and agreed with them at under-rates , nay for little or nothing , for the debt they accounted as desperate , and by that meanes at once deceived the people of their repayment , and the King of the reputation of his Justice . Forrests , Answered . 1. The King herein used and followed the advice of his Counsell at Law , and of the Lord of Holland ; yet was his Lordship their Confident , untill this quarrell divided them . 2. What was done herein , was upon Oath , and by due process at Law. 3. His Majesty remitted his clear Right , where the people were troubled , for instance , a great part of the County of Essex . 4. He allowed them to be bounded by the Countries themselves . Enclosing of Commons , Answered , and retorted . 1. It was done by vertue of Law , which investeth him with that power . 2. It might have been for the benefit , not of the Kingdome onely , but of the very particular Inhabitants of those respective places , if Instruments had done their duty . 3. The Parliament keeps those in their possessions still , without refunding any Compensation to those they pretend were injured . 4. Nay at this time , they set upon a worke of Enclosure of more then all the Commons in England , which have been enclosed these 100. years ; I mean the Draining of the Fennes in Lincoln-shire , whereby thousands of poor people are bereft of their subsistence , The adjacent parts are endammaged by the Torrent of the waters turned upon them to their vast prejudice . Engrossing of Patents , and Monopolies , Answered . That I may Answer these , I shall lay for a Ground , That all Graunts and Letters-Patents of the King of England are not Monopolies ; though concerning Trade , or Manufacture , or the labour of the Subject , or be appropriated to one man or more , as Charters , Priviledges , to Cities , to Townes Corporate , to Corporations , Companies of Trade , Custome-house-officers , the Registers-office in Chancery ( now enjoyed by Mr. Miles Corbet and Goodwin , two Members ) the Clerks of the Parliament , and many such like ; which were unquestionably used to be granted by the Kings of this Land , in order to the governing and well-being thereof . But those onely , which are notoriously evil before , or discovered to be so after , and are not for the manner of granting them , but for the matter accounted invalid . And therefore many great things of high Concernment to the Common-wealth have justly merited , and to this day do enjoy the warrant of Law and Authority , which were never confirmed by Act of Parliament , whilst others of lesse moment have troubled all the three Estates for an Act of Parliamnet , as Hunting the Hare , Paving of certaine Streets in London , &c. Now we Answer . 1. That these were suggested by Citizens or men skilfull in those wayes and Advantages , which might accrew to the respective Trades or Manufactures , and so redound to the benefit of the Kingdome . 2. That His Majesty did alwayes make reference of these to his Counsell , and to others learned in the Law , as his Attorney , Sollicitor general , and Masters of Requests ( as divers yet alive can testifie , and Judge Jenkins hath testified to the view of all the world ) that they might examine the justice of them , and their proportion to the established Laws , and that His Majesty hath often given strict charge of great Caution even unto them in their determinations ; by which meanes multitudes of Monopolies which were by Citizens and others daily represented and pressed on , were rejected , and the Authors received a Check . 3. That even those Grants , wherein there was no discoverable Inconvenience , but much benefit pretended to the Kingdome , were for the most part made but Probationers by him ; whereas either in the Patent it self there was limitation expressed , and a Proviso for their revocation , if they appeared contrary to Law , or of damage to the Kingdome ; or there was a Bond entred into by the Parties entrusted unto that purpose . 4. That upon any complaint made against them he caused it to be heard ( sometimes did it Personally ) at the Councell-Table , where the Lord Keeper and the rest of the Judges of his Privy Councell assisted him ; and about the beginning of the year 1640. when he found the Complaints to multiply against them , instead of hearing the Patentees , he disanulled their Patents by Proclamation . 5. That divers of them are continued untill this day , as the Post-office upon Mr. Prideaux of the House . The Lord of Warwick . The Merchant Adventurers . The Greenland trade , and many more . 6. That this was done in all Kings Reignes , and Errours of this nature have been committed , from Ed. 4 Hen. 6. to Queen Elizabeths time ( when they multiplied to a great excesse ) and King James ; and they may be pardoned a Prince , as well as the Inconveniencies of sundry Acts of Parliament , ( which have been afterward found a Grievance , and so repealed ) the three Estates . 7. That many of those , who either sit in the Houses , or are in great Offices of trust about them , and are their Favourites , were the Contrivers , and Instruments hereof , yet were never under question ; as Sir John Evelin , who had the first Monopoly of Powder ; Sir H. Vane sen . who wip'd him of it , and settled it upon his own servant , when it was the greatest grievance ; Sir John Trevor , who perswaded the King to the Imposition upon Coales ; Mr. Saint Johns and Cromwell , who represented and drove on the Draining of the Fennes ; the Earle of Holland , Mildmay , Alderman Woollaston , who managed the Monopoly of Gold-and-Silver thread ; Smith , once Secretary to the Earle of Northumberland , now in a great Office. I must omit Mr. Whitaker , Alderman Gibbs , Mr. Ralph Farmer , Sollicitour for Sequestrations in London , Mr. Reading the Lord Majors Passe-maker , Mr. Jackson Solliciter for Sequestrations in Westminster ; and multitudes of others , to whom they have offered signall favours since that time , never questioning any of them for their Patents or Monopolies . Ship-money , Answered . 1. This was first suggested by Mr. Noy for Law , who had few equals in the knowledge thereof . 2. Examined and approved by the Lord Keeper Coventry , a man of great learning . 3. Subscribed by all the Judges of England . 4. When it was questioned by Mr. Hamden , a free debate was allowed before all the Judges ( who give Judgement upon Oath ) and the Businesse disputed Seriatim for many dayes together , and at last determined for the King. In which debate ( by the way ) His Majesty suffered the great Arcanum of Government , His High-Prerogative , to be banded by their Lawyers at a Bar , which these men would never permit to be done by their Priviledges , though they do Petition for them in the beginning of every Parliament . What fairer course could have been taken ? What better confirmation could the best Right any man hath to his land of Inheritance have then this ? 5. If themselves had not been convinced of the justice of the sentence , why did they once offer six Subsidies to purchase the abolishment of it ? Why did they not punish those Judges , which we find they have been ready to advance ; as particularly Trevor , who hath nor Law , nor Learning , whom they have sent at this time upon the Circuit ; Judge Bramstone , whom they proposed unto His Majesty for Chiefe Justice , nay and Bankes , who was a great Instrument therein , yet one they pitched upon for a place of Eminent employment in their first Propositions , &c. 6. Lastly , the King condescended to abolish this Ship-money by an Act of Parliament , and why should this be conjur'd up against him ? This Charge of Oppression upon our Estates , by His Ministers and Officers , retorted . If these were Oppressions , O what have we suffered since , by those who would make us beleeve , they are our Saviours ! I dare confidently aver , and can fully prove it , That neither Daneguelt , Taxes , Loanes , Privy-Seals , Ship-money , &c. Nor all the Impositions , and grievous Burdens laid upon the Subjects by all the Kings since the Conquest , and equalize that Masse of Treasure , which themselves have either in their own persons and to their use , or by their Instruments under pretence of the publike service , squeez'd out of the Subjects of this Kingdome , within these five or six years ; and that , for to make good their bound lesse Priviledges , to establish them eternally in their Tyrannous usurpation , and to make our selves with our Posterity vassals for ever unto their vaine and shuttle Humours . In particular ( to take the blame upon our selves of what we willingly parted withall , and what by their Cheates were smoothly invited out of our Purses ) Have they not constrained us under the notion of Loanes and voluntary Contributions to give the twentieth and fift parts of our Estates unto them ; at other times 60000. l. 100000. l. 50. Subsidies , &c. which we should much rather have kept , but that the rest had been too little to expiate our deniall ? Have they not ravished our Children and Servants out of our Armes and Houses , and compelled us not only to afford so poore an Allowance as of Coat-and Conduct-money , but of Horses , Armes , and divers Moneths pay unto them , nay slaine some of them that have refused , Women that have interceded for their Husbands , and Children ? Do not they keep all the Forrests in the Kingdome at their disposall , placing Members of their owne therein ? If they do not enlarge them , do they not destroy them by cutting down the fairest Timber-trees , &c. to the Kingdomes dammage , though to their proper advantage ? do they not project how to improve them by Enclosures and sales , through which hundreds , thousands of Families must needs foresee their Ruine at hand , who had their subsistance thereby ? Are they not now in a hot pursuit of draining the Fenns ( to gratifie two Members especially ) which are a Common ? doe they not detaine in their hands , what Commons were enclosed ? doe they not keep on foot divers Monopolies and Imposts ? Have they not erected some Monopolies and Offices , which were never before ? I will name only the Projectors Office , of registring Judgments and Recognizances , which in twenty or thirty years neither King James , nor King Charles could be induced to grant . But have they not erected one in our Kingdome , which once the Nation could not endure the name of , and unto which all the rest amassed into one body , are but as a Pigmey . I mean the Excise , whose benefit is at least 300000l . a yeare ; yet no publick Charge borne out by all this , though all the Revenues of the King , the Queen , the Prince , the Bishops , the Deanes and Chapters , the Delinquents , &c. are in their hands , being almost one moity of the Kingdome ; though most of the rich Offices be in their possession ; though there be particular Impositions besides raised for Ireland , for the Scots , for the Army , and indeed for what not ? and though they seize upon that old decryed Grievance of Tunnage and Poundage , while they take no Ship-money . The Charge of the Crimes of his Courts , or such as concern Oppression of us in our Bodies . The third Charge is in relation to his Courts ; and here are laid in his Dish our Personall Oppressions , as of cruell Whippings , stitting Noses , cutting off Eares , Fines , Imprisonments , Racks , branding Cheeks , &c. The Charge answered . Our Answer is , 1. That these things were done in Courts of Justice , and by men , who were responsible . 2. That these Penalties were inflicted for high Crimes , such as formerly had been capitall . 3. Upon turbulent and obstinate Offenders , such as these men have not been able to hold their hands from , since this Session of Parliament . 4. That the Fines , Imprisonments , and rigour of their Sentences were frequently mollified and abated by His Majesty . 5. That those Courts , from which these things issued , are abolished , through His Majesties Grace and Condescension . 6. That none of those Judges hath hitherto been punished , if at all questioned for any transaction in the Star-Chamber , or High-Commission-Court . The E. of Salisbury in the House of Lords , and Sir Hen. Vane sen . in the House of Commons were men , who gave their suffrages unto that Sentence against Lilburne , of those cruell whippings against Pryn , Bastwick , and Burton , of those cuttings and brandings ; and when were they charged therewith ? was it so much as once objected against them ? The same , retorted . These are the severest Courses they can object against His Majesty . But are these any more then Flea-bitings to what hath been done without punishment , or so much as a Check , by their Committees , Armies , Courts of Justice , nay by their own Members ? The Barbarismes of their Committees ( a Name now sufficiently odious ) would fill a Volume bigger then the Book of Martyrs . Their whippings , their tortures , their Imprisonments , even to the starving of multitudes , of not a few equall to the best in their respective Countries , upon Ship-board , in such narrow Cabbins , and other places provided on purpose , that they had not roome to stand upright , or lie at length , untill even their Sinews shrunk , their Bodies were eaten by Vermin ; And this for no manner of Cause , but their Conscience . Nay , we can name the men , who have been sequestred and imprisoned for five or six years and still are so , yet never heard one Accusation laid against them unto this day ; and others , who have after that been adjudged Innocent , yet dare not call for reparation of their Estates , or any Amends for their Sufferance . Their very Army and petty Officers take upon them to domineer , and play what pranks they list . Among a multitude of their later Cruelties , Let me tell you one story from Sussex , of a thing done , since all pretence of Martial-law hath ceased , and in a County where they lived gratis , by a formall processe , when most of the Gentlemen of the Shire were present and interposed . One Mr. Lover , a Yeoman of good fashion , who had formerly served as their Party , was by a Sentence of a Councell of War consisting of one Major Husbands , one Cornet , and three or four Corporals , at the Market-place in Lewis clapt neck and heels together , and used there with that severity , that he sounded upon the place , and hath not to this day recovered his health ( though it were done two moneths ago . ) And this for no cause , but for telling some Soldiers , when he saw them in his own grounds dipping two lewd women after an obscene way in a Pond , That he could not envy their Churches such Members ; for they were known to be Whores by all the Countrey . After complaint of this wrong made to the House , it was referred to the Officers of the same Regiment to make enquiry after it , and to punish it ; which was done by a Preferment . Have they not licensed a Villain to wander about the whole Kingdome , who by Watchings , Fastings , and Tortures , compelleth poor silly people to confesse themselves Witches , and upon that accusation and proofs as weak , they have lost their lives ? Have they not others to carry away poor Children , who under that pretence purloine whatever they can lay their hands upon , and send them unto new Plantations ? Look to their Courts of Justice too , you shall find Westminster-Hall , and the Country too filled with Clamour against them : the poor Client eaten up alive , crucified with wearisome Attendance ; his Purse exhausted by Bribes , his Cause proceeding , like to Penelope's web , one day forward , and another backward ; at last he hath an Order or a Judgement , which signifies nothing , or is the Seale of his Oppression . And this must be no otherwise , while the Members over-awe the Judges into what Judgment they please ; while the Sentence is resolved on first , and the Cause heard after ; they cutting them out such Hallifax-law , to execute before enquiry . Of Multitudes , let me pick out these three for Instance , very late and fresh in memory : The Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer being resolved on against Capt. Burleigh , the Judge was to be chosen . Godbolt was proposed , but by Master Lisle rejected , with these words , Let 's not have him ; in my Judgment we had best pitch upon Serjeant Wild , he will doe the Businesse . The Committee of both Houses for Oxford concluded to expell Doctor Fell from his Deanory of Christ-church , and Vice-chancellourship , before ever they heard him speak , and assigned his Places to another . But after the Humour was over , and they conscious to themselves that the Character of Injustice was very visible upon that Action , the Order was reverst : but within a while after under the pretence of a formall Processe the same thing was done , the same man established in his room . Judge Jenkins is now condemned to die by an Ordinance , upon meer hear-say , and before one Witnesse was examined upon Oath against him , as far as it can be done by the House of Commons . The Charge of Ecclesiasticall Courts , or concerning Oppression of our Soules . But they have not done yet . They charge the King with Lording it over their Soules , no lesse then their Bodies , leading them captive into Superstition and Idolatry , triumphing over them by Oaths , ex Officio , Excommunications , Ceremonies , Articles , new Oaths , Canonicall Oaths , &c. That answered . To these we answer , 1. That they were done by the Bishops and their Courts ; and why do they baulke the Counsellours , the principall Actors hereof , and blame His Majesty , being for most part but passive , for believing men ( who at least pretended to Sanctity and knowledge ) in their owne waies and Government ? 2. That most of those supposed Crimes and Objections were practised ever since the Reformation , and established by the Laws of the Land. Even in Q. Elizabeths time you may read , the Oath ex Officio was urged , Ecclesiasticall Constitutions made , Subscription urged , Articles at Visitations given , &c. 3. Those Innovations which were begun , were not so many as were exclaimed on ; and some of them Renovations rather then Innovations ; some unjustly censur'd , as tending to innocent and due decency in the outward worship of God ; proving offensive not so much for their own sakes , as for the men that used them and pressed them immoderately , men also otherwise distasted by many ; Nor were they ever practised but by some particulars , and in some places ; nor were they in Doctrine , or in the substance of Religion , but in the forme and Circumstance of Worship ; Besides that all of them have been long since forborne and buried , therefore maliciously raised up thus againe , to throw them in His Majesties face . 4. The Power and Jurisdiction of those Courts was extinguished by Act of Parliament , with His Majesties consent ; though it had been much better for us to have suffered under them , then under the Remedy . 5. We never had assurance , that the Government intended should not have been more oppressive and burdensome . Nay , we had great reason to expect , our Whips should have been turn'd into Scorpions ; and our redresse , but as the Proverb holds forth , Out of the Prying-pan into the Fire . Their Penalties were as high ; the Temper of the Men entrusted with their execution , as keen . Col. Leigh openly professed at a Committee even against those , that had been Pillars of their Cause , and Champions for it in the field , It was unfit any of them should live in the Kingdome . Mr. Edwards in his Gangraena is as tart . Their power of Excommunication is as large , but allayed indeed with a Liberty of Appeale from one Court to another , at last of all to the Parliament , which is a Mare mortuum , that swallows up all Causes , never making a returne of any ; or at least a Labyrinth , from whence there is no redemption , but by a Golden thread , and is Compendium of all grievance . That Retorted . But let us grant them their Plea ; How much better had it bin for us to have endured that yoake , and been Lorded over in that manner , then by these men , as now we are ? How many Millions have they brought unto the Brinke of Hell by their Oathes and Vowes ? Doe not they themselves give us Oaths at their Committees against our selves , and our dearest friends ? Have they not instead of Superstition in the forme of Worship , brought us into a Profanation , if not an abhorrence of the Worship it self ? How many prodigious doctrines , heresies , blasphemies have they suffered to be broached , abetted , and protected ? How many whole Parishes have they in a manner excommunicated ? by taking away Orthodox Ministers ( and such as there was no other exception against , but that they were of signall piety and learning , and refused to act against their conscience ) by that meanes not onely debarring them from the Sacrament , but all other ordinances , and exposing them as a prey to Sectaries and Hereticks . This Theame is infinite , if I should enlarge upon it : But because themselves are so short , I passe it over in the same manner . A Collection of all their Objections against His Majesty , since the Rupture . The Objections against His Majesty , since his absence from Parliament , are reducible to these few heads : First , Of Commencing war against them , which never King did , but King Charles . Secondly , Of Refusing Petitions for Peace , and all Overtures , which might tend to make up the Breach . The former they labour to confirme : First , By the Preparations he made before-hand . Secondly , By the Intelligence they received from abroad ; in particular , 1. Raising of Regiments under pretence of the service of Portugal . 2. Ammunition and Guards taken into White-Hall , and the Tower. 3. The Lord Digby's appearance at Kingston upon Thames , in a Warlike posture . 4. His Letters to the Queen , advising His Majesty to retire to a Place of Strength . 5. Cockran's Instructions to deale with the King of Denmarke for Forces , which the King called a Vile Scandall ; but yet they were afterwards taken in his Cabinet . 6. Commissions to the Earl of Newcastle , and Col. Legg , to seize on Newcastle and Hull . 7. Bringing of Ordnance in ballast of Ships . 8. The Queens going to Holland , and by pawning the Crown-Jewels , procuring Ammunition and Money . 9. Raising Guards , and this , when he protested not to thinke of War against his Parliament , getting Subscriptions , Proclaiming them Traitors , setting up his Standard . The latter they prove : 1. By his refusing particular Petitions for Peace . 2. His never condescending to any Proposition , they made ; though so reasonable , that they might seem to have resigned up their Judgements , no lesse then their Desires , for an Accommodation ; and had made seven severall Applications to him , for that purpose ; though they never had any Proposall from him , reasonable for them to accept ; which they aggravate in that he would not heare the Cry of Thousands of Families ruin'd , which Cruelty it self would pity . 3. By his making advantage of their Treaties ; As when he appointed Windsor , and they were in preparation to a Treaty , he advancing surprized Brainceford ; where his men having committed horrible cruelties , were forced to retire ; And when under colour of renewing a Treaty , he sent a Commission to destroy them . 4. That even since He hath been in their power , He would not harken to Propositions sent unto him at Hampton-Court , nor signe so much as four Bills , which were only in order to their Security during a Treaty , since he was in the Isle of Wight , though those made way to a Personall Treaty upon the rest . To all which I shal answer . The Generall Answer . That the King did not begin the War , may first be concluded from the improbability thereof : 1. Themselves assoile the King from that fiercenesse of disposition and inclination to war , when they make that Comment upon the Lord Digby's Letter , who writing to the Queen , among other Passages , hath this for one , I have taken the hardinesse to write unto His Majesty , according as his Affairs and Complexion requires ; which they interpret to be a Mildnesse of Spirit . 2. There was a very vast disproportion between his strength and theirs : for 1. The Affections of the people , and the wealth of the Kingdome were all at their devotion ; the King being looked on but a-squint ( though causlesly ) by his Subjects . 2. The Ammunition and Armes of the Kingdome in their power . 3. The Navy at their dispose . What King ( said our Saviour ) going to war against another , sits not downe first , and considers whether he be able with his ten thousand to meet him that commeth against him with his twenty thousand ? It could not have stood on this side madnesse , for our King to harbour such a Resolution , to meet them , or set on them rather , that had I will not say 20000. but 200000. against his One. Secondly , granting their proofs all true , by what Logick doth it follow , that all this was done by the King , with an intention to leavy war against the Parliament ? A Preparation may be for Defence as well as for Assault . We have not forgotten , that it was one of their own Arguments , whereby they pressed for putting the Kingdom into a Posture of the Militia under their command , because they heard of great preparations in Spaine , France , Denmarke , and God knows where . At this time they themselves doe fortifie Newcastle , have farced thereinto a Garrison of 3000 men , into Tinmouth-Castle 600. &c. But would they be well pleased with that inference , Therefore they intend to make war against the Scots ? If a Ship at Sea discover a Man-of-War , it is no Defiance to clear her Guns , open her Port-holes , let down her Wast-cloaths , &c. In Spaine , if one man draw his Sword , all the Company draw theirs also presently , whatsoever the Occasion be . I have heard of a Gentleman who never sees another take up a Sword in his hand , to look on , to shew , to buy , but streight he draws his owne ; and gives this reason , Doe I know what the Devill may tempt him to ? When His Majesty perceived such unusuall and unseemly Expressions , High and insolent Demands , No satisfaction he could give accepted , Words uttered in his face , that he was not worthy to Reigne , and those by Apprentices , and by the scum of the people , The power of the Parliament to Depose Kings , His indeserts for that high Place , liberally in all Companies made the discourse of their Confidents , yea of their own Members , The Militia not only demanded , but wrung out of his hands , His own Ammunition seized on , Towns fortified against him , The Navy disposed of contrary to his desires , Was it not then high time for him to look about him , to project his own Safety , to prepare against the Storm thus hanging over his head ? which if he had failed to do , he must have cast himself down at their feet ; and so had he made good what at the beginning of these Troubles ( for want of other Accusation ) they spar'd not to bespatter him withall , That he was but a degree from an Ideot . As for the Proofs in particular , they are so frivolous , and yet have had such frequent effectuall Answers in His Majesties Declarations ( which are to be seen in print , published by Husbands their owne Printer , and are so very well known among us ) that I will spare both my self and the Reader the paines to insert them in this place . This Charge made good upon themselves . But to lay the Childe at the right fathers doore , The truth is , though this War were the Hand of God upon us all for our Crying sins , and the first Rise of it were almost as unsearchable as the Head of the Nile , yet are there some Tracks , that infallibly fasten it upon the Houses . If you will allow the first defiance to begin the War , it was the Parliaments Remonstrance ( piget meminisse ) sent unto the King at Hampton-Court , which some of the wisest contested against , and among others upon this Ground for one , That it must be presented upon the point of a sword . If you make it to relate unto the first Guard , The Parliament raised that , when the King was in Scotland . If to the first violence , It came from the Tumults at Westminster for justice on the Earle of Strafford , and for expulsion of the Bishops , acted by the Citizens , but incited and incouraged by Members of their owne House ; Besides the Conducting of the five Members by a just Army to the House by land , and besieging as well as shooting at White-Hall by water . If the first manning of the Garrisons , it was by the Parliament at Hull ; If the first Army , it was begun by the Parliament under the Earle of Essex , who had an Army of 15000 and upward , when the King had not one thousand . If the first Blow between them , did not their Army at Edge-hill first give fire to the Cannon ? Indeed , we must acknowledge , the King trod in their steps , sometimes foote-hot , and most an end wrought by the Pattern , they had cut out for him . The same thing may further be cleared by the Confidence and Assurance of their friends , that there could be no war ; that it was enough for the Parliament to raise an Army , the King would never be able to do it , or at least so as to ballance theirs ; and then he must lie at their Mercy . Thus ran their discourse among themselves , this was the Presumption of their Junto then . Nay such assurance had they hereof , that Mr. Hamden himself ( as quick-sighted as the best behind him ) offered to lay an hundred pound to a shilling thereon . Let Mr. Lilburn speak , if still you are to be convinc'd , an Agitator at that time , and one who knew the secrets of their Cabinet , They have engaged the Kingdome in a bloody War , under pretence of Vindicating the Laws and Liberties of the Subject , but never intended ( God knows ) any such thing , but meerly by the Blood and Treasure of the people , to make themselves Lords and Masters over them , Oppressed mans Oppres . p. 34. The Kings refusing Petitions for Peace , Answered . Now to clear His Majesty from the Charge of refusing Petitions for Peace , or Overtures to that purpose . 1. It can hardly obtaine credence with a prudent man , that the King should turne the deaf eare toward a just Peace , because it was for his own Interest . Both sides fought upon his score ; those that died in the quarrell against him , were his Subjects . He was the poorer for the very Plunder and destruction , that fell upon his Enemies . He had three Crownes at stake . His eares and eyes were continually filled with the desolations of his Country , & the spoile of the people . In his owne Person he was stript of all the usuall Comforts of his life , and for most part hunted as a Partridge upon the Mountaines , and in continuall danger . Whereas our Masters at Westminster continually gain'd by that , which other men lost by . How else were it possible , that they and so many of their servants and Officers should start up into such Estates , from the very dunghill , or a lost condition ? They were at little hazard , some of them being of an Estate , twice or thrice sold or morgag'd for more then the worth , others worth nothing . They made sport with the Relations of Burnings and Massacres , and heard them as some Romance , when themselves sate voting securely at Westminster , snorting upon their downe-beds , feeding upon the delicacies of the Kingdome , dividing the spoiles of it among themselves , even at least 300000. l. professedly , ( to say nothing now of Clandestine wayes , cleanly Cheates , Offices , &c. ) Besides , they were well acquainted with that Maxime of Alexander of Parma , That when Subjects draw their swords against their Prince , they must fling away the scabbard . 2. If you revise the pretended Petitions , you will find they were ( for the most part ) as great Reproaches , as ever otherwise were cast upon the King , such as must needs beget a Prejudice , and carry their Answer in their very Fore-heads . 3. They were not Petitions for Peace , but rather Admonitions to the King to submit , to devest himself of his strength and power to protect his people , for to sacrifice his friends , to cast himselfe upon their Mercy . Who could blame either them for making such Petitions , or the King for denying them ? 4. If you know the Ends and Designes they drove therein , so well as we who sate neere the Chaire , and sometimes convers'd with the Councell , you would rest fully satisfied , that they were rather to get wind of the King , to appease the people , and winne their Affections by a seeming dissembled Affection and pursuit of what they so much gasped after ; when God knowes , they never harbour'd the least expectation or desire of Condescension from the King ; and that they made no bones to confesse among their Confidents . 5. It is false and impudent averment , to pretend that any Petitions ( though of this nature ) upon such grounds , were rejected by the King ; or indeed had not a faire answer given , and such a one as in our judgement might have satisfied reasonable men . His Majesties not admitting Propositions Answered , and retorted . Now to clear His Majesty from that Aspersion of not admitting Propositions , or making any fit for them to receive . 1. We desire the Reader to take notice of the severall offers the King hath made . 1. Before the Warre was throughly kindled . Jan. 23. 1641. Booke of Declarations , wherein he did upon the matter send them a Blanke . 2. Before much blood was drawn , His Messages from Nottingham which you may see in the same Booke . 3. His Propositions at severall Treaties , at Colebroke , Oxford , Vxbridge , ( which last was ingenuously and without a false Glosse exposed to the world , yet never to this day had any answer ) In most of which never King made appearance of more gracious Condescension to a disadvantagious Composure , had it been possible . Whereas they never yet made any , but such as expected from him , 1. To sacrifice his Honour . 2. To violate his Conscience . 3. To give his fastest friends for a victime unto the fury of their Enemies . 2. It is too evident a truth , that whatsoever they pretended of an Inclination to a Composure or making up the Breach , it was but to baffle and gull the people . Ad populum phaleras . They were resolved to hold the sword naked , and to throw away the scabbard . How otherwise could they have proved such deafe Adders to the many gracious Messages from His Majesty ( besides the Propositions mentioned before ? ) How could they cast behind their backs so many sweet courting Letters , dispatch'd one upon another ? What Colour can they pretend , for their waving of the French , and Hollanders interposure , when they made friendly offers of Mediation ? Nations , the one to whom formerly the King of this Land with his disobedient Barons , made reference of their differences : the other , of our owne Profession , maintaining that Discipline of the Church , which these men doat upon , as their great Diana , and having lately screw'd themselves into the Independency of a Free state ; both of them indifferent to our quarrell ; and if any Biasse hung upon the latter , it must be toward the Parliaments party . 3. Besides it is not quite out of our Memory in this City , That when the generality of the better and wiser Citizens were assembled at Guild-hall in a peaceable way to draw up a Petition for Peace , there were twenty or thirty men with drawn swords ( of which Mainwayring's son was one ) sent in amongst them to assault and provoke them to a defence of themselves , and to reciprocall violence , so that they might have some pretence to charge them with Mutiny and Riot ( as was done by a scandalous and lying paper , afterward put forth by their Authority ; ) and that by killing some ( as one was served by Harvies owne hand ) and imprisoning others , all such hopes or least Motions that way might be extinguished . Nor have we forgotten , how divers Buckingham-shire people , being assembled to like purpose , about the time of Vxbridge Treaty , were dispersed by their Horse , and some made Prisoners . We passe by many , but these are enough to demonstrate , who were the most resolved against any peaceable Conclusion . 4. The Circumstances of their Propositions clearly prove , that they were in a great fear lest the King should condescend ( though they were never so unreasonable ) What else should be the meaning of their limiting His Majesty to six , to ten , to twenty dayes , but for fear lest any further time and consideration should make him grant them ? And what , of their requiring certaine numbers to be left to their mercy without any name , but by that means to amuse His Majesty and keep him in suspence , which of his friends should be mark'd out for slaughter ? And since the Armies march through London , What of their leaving all such out of their Votes for Indempnity , as had any hand in that Message of the King of May 12. last , wherein he offered all that possibly could be offered , or in approbation of it ? Observe , how they confesse ( in their last Declaration for no more Addresses to the King ) that their Propositions sent to Newcastle were the same in effect with those at Vxbridge , and those at Hampton-Court with those at Newcastle ; And yet how much time was spent between their sending of them ? Brainceford busines Answered , and retorted . Now whereas it is pretended , the King took advantage to assault their Quarters at Brainceford , while they were in Treaty , our Answer is , 1. That there was no provision made for the suspension of all Hostility , during that space . 2. That Propositions were but pretended to be framing ( which have often taken up many moneths in Parliament ) not sent unto the King. 3. That they did not accept of the Kings motion , to allow him his own House at Windsor for his use . 4. That even the day before , there were divers men drawne out of London into Kingston , with Ordnance and Ammunition sent towards the Kings quarters ; the Earle of Essex , and Waller , and the Earle of Warwick , were in earnest preparation to advance ; the Countries round about were summon'd , and in preparation to march . Upon which let any reasonable man judge , whether it were fit , the King should be meerely passive and permit them either to surround and shut him in , or to creepe into such Advantages over him , that if he had over-slipt but that nick of time , he could not have redeemed himselfe and his Forces out of their hands . And since that impertinent passage is foisted into their Declaration , that he was forced to retire with shame and losse after so much Cruelty committed in Brainceford , ( agreeable to a false relation published at that time by their Command ; ) Let all the world know , divers of this City being witnesses of it the very next day after , That there was left in that Towne , after the Royall Armies retreat , both abundance of Bread , Drinke , and Wine , and also Provinder for Horse ; nor was there any , but here and there a disaffected person , sustain'd any considerable losse , which thing border'd upon a Miracle , being very rarely practised by any Army especially so ill paid , To lie there 15000 of them together for a whole day and night , in an Enemies Country , a Towne which was defended against them and taken by assault , and follwed in the reare by a potent Army , yet to commit no more outrage . I am sure , These men can produce no such instance on their own side . Now the Parliaments party , when they afterwards came into the Towne ( I know the men , that saw these things ) killed divers of the Kings Souldiers , who were left drunke in the streets , and taking that honest Italian revenge , to send their drunken soules to the Devil ( as much as in them lay ) together with their Bodies to the Grave . Also their Souldiers pull'd down divers houses to the ground , under pretence that their Owners were of the Conspiracy to bring the Kings Army to the Towne ; plundered the houses and shops of others , nay of one who was in service in their owne Army , drag'd poor wounded men by cords tied about their necks , pricking them behind with pikes and swords , twitching some up at a Carts-taile by Roaps about their necks , then letting them down again , under pretence that they were Irish , and to make them confesse , whereas they were poor Welch , and could not speake our language . Moreover they forced Women into the Thames , there pricking them with their Pikes , and striking them under water , to put them to many deaths at once , under the notion of Irish women ; and all this Inhumanity without any check from their Commanders . The Commission under pretence of a Treaty , Answered . For the Commission to murder them under pretence of a renewing the Treaty ( as they are pleased to style the Commission of Aray . ) 1. It was onely to Arme some of the well-affected loyal Citizens , that they might vindicate their Liberty . 2. There was small probability , that much Blood ( if any at all ) should have been spilt , had the designe taken place . 3. It was no more then themselves have done , and sped better in , as at Shrewsbury , Hereford , Eccleshal Castle , &c. Prosperum & faelix scelus — Virtus vocatur . 4. Stratagems were never lesse lawfull then open force , against an Enemy . The Propositions at Hampton-Court , Answered . As for the Propositions they sent unto the King at Hampton-Court : 1. They were the same as formerly ; and though here and there a word was mollified , yet in substance they were more unreasonably rigid then the former . 2. They were huddl'd up here , the Scots being not warned of them , but the very night afore , yet appointed to be present at the delivery . 3. They were never intended by themselves for the Kings condescention , onely sent in a formality , and out of a meer purpose to encrease the number of their Addresses . Which was the more apparant , in regard Master Peters with divers of the Army came to quicken the Parliament , by this false asseveration , that they were very sure , the King would grant them , whatsoever they were . The Sollicitor pressed in the House of Commons for a Complyance in one Proposall , giving this for a reason , That they might gaine the greater Advantage upon the Kings refusall , as he was assured that he would refuse ; but in case the King should yeild , he had a way to frustrate the Advantage , which the Malignants might expect . 4. That the King might be encouraged to wave them , The Army had presented him with Proposals , which were much lower , and might better be digested by him ; some say ( and those of their own House too ) on purpose to indispose him toward the Parliaments Propositions , and so render him the more obnoxious , to what they projected against him . The 4 Bills presented at the Isle of Wight , Answered . As to the 4 Bills sent to the Isle of Wight . 1. They were protested against by the Commissioners of Scotland : and who would not look upon it as a strong dilemma , either to dis-oblige and irritate that Nation with the Presbyterian currant here by his Assent , or the Army's Faction and Independents by his Assent ? who would not judge it better to take in the Interest of both Parties , and so cut off the danger of further embroyling the Kingdome , which His Majesty most wisely and Christianly for the prevention of further Bloud-shed , offered . 2. Those 4 Bills were Voted by many against their Conscience , who did ingenuously professe as much , and that they wished , they might not be yeilded to ; giving this reason , why they had so passed them , contrary to their Minds , If they should have given their Vote against them , they must incur the Imputation of being Enemies to Peace ; If for them , a Tyranny would be established in the Army and Independent Party over the Kingdome . 3. The matter of them was utterly to enslave us all , and put us under the Arbitrary power of a Faction for ever : for by them a Power should have been granted the Parliament ( which I pray , what is it now in effect , but the Army , and that Faction ? ) of Pressing any men without limitation , and of raising what Sums they pleased , from whom they pleased , toward the Charge , and also of disposing this strength , according to their will. 4. The King had not onely destroyed the Liberty and Property of all his Subjects hereby , but put Himself also under a Power to compell him not onely to grant the rest of their Propositions in a Personall Treaty , but what else soever their boundlesse ambition might have tempted them to demand , without any provision for His owne Honour , or His owne and his peoples safety . For every man can tell himself this plain truth , That who so wears the Sword by right Investiture , needs no other Law or Logick , and ( as the Wiseman answered Craesus ) He that brings the better Steel , will quickly be Master of the Gold and Silver . 5. The Treaty was not promised to be Personall , but by Commissioners , and that at the Isle of Wight ; who should have been coopt up within such Rules and Instructions , that they should not dare transgresse in a word or tittle , without recourse to their Masters at Westminster : and His Majesty treated withall as in a Prison , which must have invalidated the Conclusions between them , and given his Posterity an advantage which the King himself was not willing to , that he might establish the peace of the Kingdome upon the surer Basis and foundation . 6. The Persons , most likely to have been designed for this Imployment , were engaged perhaps to represent the worst sense of the Transactions , to make it their chief work to incense the Parliament , and to infuse into them a new Quarrell against the King ; as those did , who ( being to account for the Passages at the delivery of the Propositions at Hampton-Court , the King having importuned them to intercede for a Personall Treaty , and in his earnestnesse letting fall this Expression , If I may obtain that with my Parliament , all the Devils in Hell shal not hinder a good Agreement ) did thus mis-report his words , If I cannot obtain a Personall Treaty with my Parliament , all the Devils in Hell shall not defeat me of my Resolutions . I forbear to tell , how the Passages were clipt , and the worst part only related in the House of Commons , by the major part of those , to whom that charge was given from the Isle of Wight . The Charge in reference to the Scots . Their Charge against the King in reference to the Scots , is the first of those that relate to foraine Estates , and this is it : 1. That there was a new book of Common-Prayer and Canons imposed on them . 2. An Army was raised to force them to receive these Innovations . 3. The Articles of Pacification were broken , and burnt by the hand of the Hang-man . 4. A new War was leavied , &c. The Answer to that . Our Answer is , 1. This was ever before the Impeachment of Strafford and Canterbury , and others ; esteemed the Action of Evill Counsellours about His Majesty . 2. If it were a crime , those men have expiated it by their death , it being a great part of that burden that sunk them even to the Block . 3. The Scots themselves are satisfied ; and why we in England should be so officious , as to take up their Quarrell , when they sit down themselves , I know not . 4. These Passages are buried by an Act of Oblivion ; which although these men break thus for their own ends , we shall better observe . And though the King might be acquitted from what they tax him with herein , yet we had rather suffer those sparks to die of themselves , then kindle the flame a-new , or blow abroad the ashes . The Charge concerning Ireland . In their Charge concerning Ireland , we find they are Industrious , omitting nothing that can be imagined , whereby to fasten on His Majesty an Allowance at least , if not a positive command of the Rebellion there : and because they set so much of their Rest upon that , you shall have most of it , and in their own words : It is well known , 1. what Letters the King sent into Ireland , by the Lord Dillon , immediately before the Rebellion . 2. Where the Great Seal of Scotland was , and in whose hands , when that Commission was sealed at Edenburgh to the Irish Rebels , who dispersed Copies thereof with Letters and Proclamations ; And we have a Copy thereof , attested by Oath , with Depositions of those who have seen it under the Seal . 3. Which was promised ( by the confession of some of the chiefest of the Rebels ) to the Irish Committee at London , being most part Papists , ( which was thought a good Omen ) and since most active Rebels . 4. Vpon whose private mediation the King gave away more then 5 Counties , saying , he expected , they should recompence him . This answered . To wipe off this Calumny , 1. It is clear by their own Testimonies , and by the confession of divers among the Rebels , That this Rebellion hath been upon the Anvill these many years ; some of their Priests acknowledging , themselves had travailed therein above seven years ; others six , &c. which you may learn from Sir Jo. Temple , in his discourse of the Irish Rebellion , p. 67. ( which Book I shall often and the more chearfully urge , because he was a Privy-Counsellour in Ireland , present there at the time of the Insurrection , and long after ; a person dis-obliged by the King , a Parliament-man here , and one that hath given up his name to their Faction , that run most at randome . ) Now how can this be admitted by any prudent man , that the King should be so infatuated , as to conjure up such Devils to disturbe his Kingdome , when it was in peace ; to destroy his Subjects , who had no thought of Dis-loyalty toward him ( of whom those that are yet left , for the greatest part , continue firm still ) to ruinate the wealth of that people , which afforded him a considerable Revenue , which also was to be improved . 2. The same Author is confident , that though their Intentions in Ireland might be to set up the Popish Government , yet their prime Aime in this Rebellion was to shake off the English yoake , to settle the power wholly in the hands of the Natives ; the other they made use of , only to draw in poor ignorant people to sacrifice their lives for them , p. 83. & 66. And he gives one reason for their Encouragement hereunto , That the Scots had by their Armes and wise management , drawn His Majesty to condescend unto their entire satisfaction , both in Discipline of the Church , and the Liberties of the Kingdome . And these things are attested on Oath by divers ; As in the Examination of one Cooke , who deposed , that Tirlogh Brady should say , All the Irish were risen against the King and the Counsell , That the Irish would within a fortnight have a King of their own , the Examination of Alice Tibbs , p. 50. The same deposed by Avis Bradshaw ; that they had a new King by R. Bartar . p. 51. Of the like nature were many other Examinations taken , That they had the Scots for a president , They would have the Kingdome in their own hands , Laws of their own , Deputy of their own , without molestation from another Nation ; this was sworn by J. Bigar , that he heard one Eustace a Commander professe , p. 19. with many other of like importment , in a Book called a Remonstrance of Passages in Ireland , presented to the Commons of England , and recommended by the Justices and Councell of that Kingdome . Now they that can think , the King should concur in a design to devest himself of one of his own Crowns , doe certainly under the same thought suppose him void of Common Reason , without the use of his right Wits . 3. There was never any Officer or man of quality , not the Lord Mac-guire himself , who was in the contrivement of the Rebellion , that did ever in good earnest , when he was in the power of the English , and under sentence of Condemnation , nay at the point of death ( which is no time to dissemble ) that ever did affirme the King any way privy thereunto . Though Mac-guire was much importuned , fairly promised , threatned , nay turned off the Cart , and recovered again ( a fact too barbarous toward a very Rebell ) did acquit the King upon his death ( to use his owne words ) and any other man in England , except one , and he but a private Gentleman ( who came by chance , as he said , to the knowledge thereof ) from being guilty so much as of knowing it . 4. In all His Majesties Declarations , Messages , Letters , Speeches to the Parliament , he doth not onely speak with much abhorrence and detestation of them , but conjure and excite the Parliament , to relieve his Protestant Subjects there , and to revenge the Bloud that was shed , offering his own Person , and all other Concurrences therein . 5. It may be added , that most of the Soldiery , imployed in that Action , most of the Ministry , expulsed by the Natives , most of the English Gentry who had their abode in that place ( even Sir Hardres Waller was so , before he came over ; and that so high , that he told the Lord of Ormond , though Sir W. Waller were his Kinsman , he had learnt to spew such out , as forgot their Allegiance to His Majesty ; and since that , untill he saw this Side thrive best , and last of all the Independents , to whom for their successe sake he hath glew'd himself ) are but cold friends of the Parliaments , and adhered to the King , at least in their Opinions ; which they could not possibly have done , if they had ground to suspect , their Miseries to have been derived from him ; especially considering their Necessities , and the hopes they might have from the Parliament of Subsistence , if not of Preferment also . Particular Answers to the particular Proofs . Although by what hath been spoken , His Majesties Innocence be as clear as the noon-day , yet we will be at the pains to follow these men through every step of their Track . 1. Of the Seale of Scotland to the Rebels Commissioners . 1. It was a wonder , the Scots could be ignorant of it , by whom the King was sufficiently watched ; and onely we English at the distance of 300 miles , and nothing interested therein , should have such Intelligence . 2. It is easily averred ; but untill we meet with better proof then their bare word , we have but a poore deale of reason to believe them . 3. Mac-guire upon his Death professed he never saw any , who had as much reason to see it as any man , having been a prime Agent in the very contrivement of that Rebellion . 4. If a Commission under the Seale was shewed and boasted of , it might easily be done . What Difficulty was there for them to make one , and afterward set it to what they pleased ? ( we know , who did as much , and issued out Commissions against the King in his Name ) What great labour was it to fasten an old labell to a new Parchment ; faire enough to deceive those , who were willing to be deceived ? Nay , how weak had they been , if they had not done so , and done what else was possible to ensure their owne side , to amaze the English , and cast Bones between us ? 5. It is of no more truth , because affirmed by Sir Philem Oneale , or by others of the Rebels . The same Persons did withall ( if these Declarers had been pleased to quote the whole evidence ) affirme , That they were sure of the Scots to be of their side . Remonst . p. 37. That they had the E. of Argyle's hand and most of the Nobility of Scotland , ibid. That the King himself was in person among them . These , and many other of the same bran , Sir J. Temple tells us ingenuously , were the devices to delude others and to distract us . The Copy of it and the Oaths may be called in question , when there are no Particulars named ; but if true , they may be suborn'd on purpose , or be of that false Commission , which was given them by their owne King Tyrone , for so some of the Examinations doe testifie , They cared not for King Charles , and had a King of their own , p. 54. of the Remonstrance . 2. His giving 5 Counties , and other Acts of Grace , Answered . For those Acts of Grace , imply'd in the Letter by the L. Dillon , & giving up 5 Counties upon the private mediation of the Commissioners : 1. It argues their ingratitude , not the Kings concurrence ; in that they would , after so much favour , so far dishonour him , and seek his mischief . 2. They were granted at such a Conjuncture of time , that the King had been taught more lessons then one , against irritating of a Kingdome , or exasperating of Waspes ; and was concerned to give them satisfaction , rather then let them carve for themselves , according to the Examples they had before their Eyes . 3. These were granted by him , not by private mediation of the Commissioners , but by the Importunity of both Houses of Parliament , ( see Sir Jo. Temple , p. 13. ) by whom they were sent , and under the notion of Redresse of Grievances ; in which it is worth your notice , ( what our Author testifies ) That many of the Protestants in Parliament were made instrumentall to them , under pretence of Ease and Redresse of Grievances . 4. Those Acts were thought necessary by the Lords of the Counsell ; and further Grace , and it is called by our Author , An unbending themselves into a happy and just complyance with the seasonable desires of the people , and mollifying the sharp Humours , raised by the rigid Passages of former times . 3. His not Disbanding the Irish Army , Answered . That the Irish Army was no sooner Disbanded , was 1. upon point of Honour and Safety to this Kingdome , whilst the Scots kept theirs on foot , it was for neither to disband , 2. for that Kingdome . Had these men been sent into Spaine ( as was intended by the King , and in good earnest sollicited by that Embassadour , but opposed by the Parliament ) that place had been disburdened of so many Pests . How doth it reflect upon the King , if the Natives had another designe besides his ? I am sure the same Author confessed , that the Natives were very unwilling that they should be sent into Spaine , as much as the Parliament here . 4. Their Pretences for the King , Oaths , &c. Answered . That they pretended to vindicate the King , took an Oath of Allegiance to the King , stiled themselves the Queens Army , or in their Letters of Mart gave in charge to spare the Kings Ships , 1. It is of no moment , but to shew their cunning and care to maintain divisions among us under that Colour . It is not long , since we had such Protestations taken and enforced ; Our Armies at the beginning pretended to fight for King & Parliament , &c. And we have read of an old Stratagem of Hannibal , to plunder and ravage all other mens Lands and Estates , except those of Fabius , whom he most hated , that he might by that meanes nurse up a Jealousie in the people against him . 5. The suspence of the Proclamations , Answered . That it was long ere the Proclamations were issued , and but 40 neither against them : 1. 'T was the advice of His Councell there , who knew the state of that Kingdome , better then our Parliament ; and who hoped ( as Sir Jo. Temple intimates ) that they might have been reclaimed by gentle means , whilst rough and hard usage might have made them desperately persist in , and grow to a greater head of violence . 2. Besides that , They thought it wisdome to doe more themselves , by giving Armes even to the Papists of the pale , by dissembling their knowledge that they had been of the Conspiracy from the beginning , by forbearing Acts of Hostility , even against professed Rebels in their Country , by kind Invitations of them , when they had actually imbrued their hands in the Massacre . 6. The Earle of Leicester's Delay , Answered . 1. The Delay of the E. of Leicester was not His Majesties fault , but the Parliaments , for when His Majesty had given him Commission and Instructions , which the Houses called for , examined , and could not quarrell at , yet was his Lordship kept here six weeks after , without any dispatch or supply answerable to that imployment . Afterwards , going from hence to Chester , upon promise that necessary supply should be speeded after him , he staid there five or six weeks without any . In which time this unhappy war brake out , and occasioned the King to send for him for some time . 2. It would have been disadvantagious to the Conquest , while his single Person not attended with a power answerable would have rendered the Condition of this Kingdome despicable , and have encouraged the Rebels to more impetuous Resistence ; whereas being in suspence and expectation of a greater supply against them , then he could have brought , they went on with more Caution , and a slower pace . 3. At least it could be no more dammage to the service , then it was to supersede his son the Lord Lisle , from execution of his Commission and voyage thither , untill the time of it was neer expir'd , as themselves did . 7. Divers officers going over by the Kings Passe , Answered . That divers Officers and Papists of quality went over into Ireland , by help of the Kings owne hand-writing , who there proved active Rebels . 1. Hath been often answered by the King. 2. Might be done to a good purpose , many of them being publike Persons , and making great protestations of Loyalty , might have done good service in moderating the rest . The Lords of the Councell gave to Papists not onely Commissions , but Armes ( as you may read in Sir John Temple ) that so they might engage them . 3. Might be done by misprision , or be counterfeited . I have been credibly informed , that more then 40 Priests and desperate Rebels went over in one Regiment of their own sending from Chester , and I am deceived , if some Booke printed by Licence from themselves doe not declare as much . Nay we know at this very present , that Colonell J. Barry ( besides others ) a notable Adjutant and Papist is lately allowed by a Passe from their Generall to goe over into Ireland . These times have taught us , that any Hand or Passe may be so handsomely dissembled , that it will prove a hard taske to discover the Cheat. 8. The Kings refusing to give Commissions to the Lorn Wharton and Brookes , Answered . That the King refused to give Commissions to the Lord Wharton and Brookes , as also that he intercepted Cloathes and Ammunition sent thitherward , may have good satisfaction . As 1. The War was on foot here , Those two Lords were his avowed Enemies , and of the Junto against him . There were divers Regiments raised under that pretence , which were intended & imployed against him . He had been really as weake , as once they would have made us believe he was , if he had cut his own throat with his own hands , enabled his Enemies to ruine him , under what pretence soever . 2. It was neatly contrived to assigne Cloaths and Ammunition for Ireland , if they were surpriz'd ; but to imploy them against him , if they could arive in safety to their strengths . Lastly , there was order given to release them by His Majesty . 9. Letters to Muskery , Answered . 1. The Letters from Court to Muskery were from Taaff , and they might be without Commission . 2. If they were allowed , was it not good Policy to court them into divisions , or rather back againe into their Duties ? The Earle of Ormond ( a thing notoriously knowne ) by that meanes blew Coales between the Rebels , when they had encircled and distressed Dublin ; wherein he prevailed more by putting on the Fox's skin , then he could have done by that of the Lyon , and preserved the English interest in all that Province , which of necessity must otherwise have been lost . 10. The With-drawing of the Ships , Answered . The King did indeed with-draw some Ships from those Coasts ; but 1. It was for his owne necessary defence against them , when they had seiz'd upon the rest of his Navy . 2. The Posts assign'd to the Ships , were not so obnoxious for importation from Spaine and other forraine places . 3. It was not so great an advantage to the Rebels , as their with-drawing , contrary to Articles , the Ships appointed to prevent the landing of Irish in Scotland , which they make a shift to answer their Brethren . 4. Besides we see they can receive Ammunition , and other supplies even now too . 11. The Commission to Glamorgan , Answered . The greatest Objction of a Commission to the Earle of Glamorgan and Antrim to raise Armies for the service of the King. To which we Answer . 1. That it is not well cleared , the King did give any such Commission . 2. That if he did , it was but the imploying of his owne Subjects in his service , to which they were obliged by their Allegiance , and he was bound by the very law of Nature to make use of . 3. It was upon a desperate pinch that he was put unto by the two Houses . Men will catch at the very Nailes of a Planke to save themselves from being ingulph'd in the Waves ; hold even by Thornes to keepe above water . He were a weake man sure , that would make conscience of quenching a great fire in his Roofe , by the hands of Thieves or Murderers . 4. We have often heard , and many too of these great Accusers professe as much , that they would cast themselves upon any Nation ( I have heard , Colonell Morley and others should say , upon the Turke ) rather then let the King subdue them ; And yet their Case was different . The whole Charge retorted . Let 's now see , whether all this may not be retorted upon the House of Commons , and their Confidents . Whosoever will seriously consider , 1. The quarrell which the Irish made , namely their Liberty and Religion , and Redresse of Grievances , the very same which our Parliament pretended , 2. The Time when , when the Scots were hardly setled upon their lees againe , and the Parliament of England high flowne already , and advanced in their Contestation , 3. Their Preparatives to Rebellion , by invading new Priviledges , as to determine in Cases Capitall and Criminal , Charging of Publike Officers , banding against Greivances , &c. and an Itch also to have procured a longer ( if not a Perpetual ) Parliament , if Possible ( which is evident in Sir John Temples relation ) under the Authority whereof it is probable they designed to act afterwards , rather then of a Supreame Councell , which was done here , even to the joynt prosecution of some particular Officers , as the Earle of Strafford , &c. 4. Their Proceedings first to sequester and seize the Goods of those , whom they declared Enemies to the State. 5. The persons on whom they wreak'd their Malice most , Clergy-men and Officers of State. 6. The Copy they writ by , or at least pretended to write by , namely , the Scots . 7. The backwardnesse of our Parliament to send any reliefe thither , which was evidenced by their disputes and Punctilio's with the King , and indeed their denials to assist , without his perfect resignation of himselfe to them , seizing money to the summe of 100000. l. to their owne use ( though indeed they have paid it since , out of the Kingdomes purse , upon the Clamour of the people , and notice given of it by the King ) imploying such forces as were raised under that notion here in England against His Majesty , Particularly the Regiment of Colonell Bamfield , of Chidley , and others , suspending the Journey of the Earle of Leicester first , then of the Lord Lisle thither , a man of their owne Election , untill his Commission was almost expir'd , Pretending to send over succours since , but letting them lie upon the Countries , untill they become intolerable , and then disbanding them as super-numeraries , The Miseries they expose their owne Army there to ( of which they were soundly told by Captaine Cope lately , who charged them in the very House with the death of Thousands , with the Ruine of more , and with streames of Blood , which cry'd for vengeance against them in that place . ) To all which if you adde , 8. The fierce prosecution of Strafford , whose continuance in that place , and strict discipline would have prevented that Insurrection , or crushed it in the shell . 9. Their withstanding the sending of that Army out of the Kingdome which had discharged it of so many instruments of rebellion . 10. The Profession of divers of their Confidents , especially in the Army , That they cannot fight against the Irish with a good Conscience , That their quarrel is but to enjoy their Religion and Liberty , And 11. a speech which was uttered before this Rupture , by a true friend of theirs at Manidowne in Hamp-shire , when the Scots first came into England , What if this Kingdome should rise for their Property and Liberty , and Ireland take that Advantage , what will he be King of then ? a shrewd speech , though I beleeve the man had no fore-sight of this Combustion , with many other Circumstances . One would verily believe , the Bustles in England and the Rebellion in Ireland were like Castor and Pollux , ovo prognatus eodem , hatch'd by a Common-Councell of Parliament & Irish , and that they were mutually engaged to promote each others Interest . But we must be ingenuous , and allow them better measure , then any they have yet allowed unto their Soveraigne . All we aime at , is but to open to the world , that there may be full as much , or rather a great deale more charged on themselves , as to that Businesse , then upon His Majesty . The Charge of Rochel . We are now in sight of the shoare , and shall conclude with the businesse of Rochel , which Towne ( they say ) they can fully shew , was betraied by the King , and so was there a fatall Blow given to the Protestant Cause in France ; They tell us , how he lent divers of the Navy and Merchants ships to the King of France , to be imployed against those , whom he was engaged to assist ; And when some Commanders disputed his Commands , he gave order to Sir John Penington to put them into the service of that King , or else to sinke them . That Answered . 1. Herein they impose a blinde beleife upon us , we have little reason to take their bare word , ( as we hinted before ) whose Interest is to deceive us , and who have done it so oft . We never yet could discover in them any such Tendernesse , either in blasting the Kings Honour , or in covering their owne shame , as to conceale any thing , which was to their owne Advantage , or his disgrace . 2. How could his Maj. betray those whom he had never taken into Protection , as at that time he had not done by them , Are they themselves treacherous too , or have they betraied the Hollanders , against whom they sent divers of the Kings Souldiers taken at Naseby to be imployed in the Spanish service ? 3. Though it be acknowledged , that there were ships lent unto the King of France , yet it was not to that purpose , to employ them against the Protestants ; and the King of England was a stranger to the designe of the King of France therein . Q. Elizabeth , when that very Towne of Rochel was beseiged by the King of France , and some of his Subjects with the Duke of Montgomery had releived it , disclaimed the Act , called them who did it Pirates , professed she would not protect nor afford them any supply . Camb. Eliz. 4. King James in his life time had in effect promised assistance unto the French King against any of his Subjects , whatsoever were their Religion or their pretence . 5. The same thing was done by the States of Holland at the same time , who lent unto the King of France twenty saile of ships ( whereas ours were but seven ) under the Command of Hauthain their Admiral , who did in the same manner demur at the Imployment , ( being charm'd by some pittifull Letters from Rochel ) untill the Rochellers treacherously and unawares surpris'd and burnt his Vice-Admiral ; which rouz'd him up in good earnest , and made him not onely set upon , but wholly discomfit them , by the helpe of our and other ships . Now it is very improbable , the Hollanders would have conspir'd against the Cause of Religion , and their owne Church-discipline , which the French held forth , if there had not been some other just cause of that War. 6. We might very well be tender in undertaking the Protection of those Protestants ; for it is not quite forgotten , how Queen Elizabeth sent over a considerable Army to their Assistance , and that upon Articles between them , which Army of hers was set upon and beseiged by those very men , whom they were come to defend , and expuls'd out of that Kingdome , and out of New-haven by the help of the Protestants ( who by meanes of their succours had gotten the better Composition with their own King ) as you may read in Mr. Cambden and others . Anno 1563. 7. The King did what was possible toward their releife , when he had the advantage of Hostility against the King of France ( which he could not otherwise have done with any Colour either of Justice or Policy ) by sending an Army to the Isle of Ree , by sending two several Fleets to their reliefe . If all succeeded not , that ought not to be laid in his dish . For the Meanes onely are in mans power , God keeping events and Successes in his owne . The Horse is prepared against the day of Battell ; but safety is from the Lord. It is very certaine , he did his utmost endeavour ; I know those who will testifie he gave the most earnest Injunction possible for their Reliefe , though it should prove to the endangering of his whole Fleet. And it is observable , The grudge hereof hath not yet been forgotten by the Crowne of France , which in a slye Revenge hath probably helped to raise this Devill of Intestine War in our Nation , and denied all considerable Supplies to the King of England , in these daies of his distresse ; yea , though a Daughter of the Crowne and her numerous Issue be involved in the same Calamity . 8. But to give you the best last , The truth & Ground of the whole Businesse will be made very cleare , and beyond all scruple by this following Narrative , which I have delivered from honest and understanding States-men . The Palatinate being wrested from the Palsgrave , The Protestants in Germany almost ruinated , Our King unable at that time by his own strength to relieve them , there was a League proposed and agitated between the Crowns of France , England , Denmark , the States of Holland and Venice , against the House of Austria ; and this in good measure was brought toward perfection , especially by the managery of the Duke of Buckingham . The wise Cardinall of France , making advantage of those Traverses , and taking Time by the fore-top , deals with the Duke for supply of these above-mentioned Ships . The Duke being Admiral , and presuming high upon his Masters allowance , commands the Ld. Conway , then Secretary of State , to write to Penington his Vice-Admirall to put the Ships under the French service , and Seales this Letter with the Signet . But Penington refusing to do it upon such Authority , the Duke himself as Admirall seconds the first Letter with his Command : which being likewise disputed , a Letter was sent with the Kings Name subscribed , and signed with the Privy-signet , yet without His Majesties knowledge ( which was no difficulty , considering the Signet is usually kept by the Secretary , and that many Blanks are usually and must of necessity be left in trust with great Officers , especially so great , as the Duke then was ) Nay , I have been informed , that the King , being at Woodstock , when the Newes hereof was first imparted to him , and that by Sir John Penington himself , was in a great rage at it , and not without some difficulty reconciled unto the Duke about it . Is it now a rationall and just Inference to lay the Miscarriage of Rochel upon His Majesties score ? Have they so much Compassion toward Strangers , and so little Justice toward their own rightful Soveraign ? Are they so deeply affected with the wounds given to the Protestant Religion through the sides of Rochel ? Would God they themselves did not stab it ten times more desperately by these their un-Protestant , un-Christian , unparalell'd Proceedings , to the dishonour of God , the Grief and Anguish of every good Soule , the Joy and unspeakable Advantage of our common Adversary of Rome . Hoc Ithacus velit , & magno lucrentur Atridae . The Settlement which they intend , and the Conclusion . ANd thus have we examined the truth of their Declaration against His Majesty ; before we conclude , It will be worth while to examine a little the truth of what they declare for Themselves ; We shall use our utmost endevour to settle the present Government , as it may stand with the Peace and Happiness of the Kingdom . I ask , How can they settle the Peace of the Kingdome without a King ? If their Hornes should prove as long , as themselves are curst , and God permit them to fill up the measure of their Iniquities , by the accession of the Murder of this King , which we do even tremble to mention , yet have some reason to believe they do designe , One of their Members having professed as much , and offered himself a Felton for that fact , yet never so much as question'd ; And one Hall , being a Suitor for the Command of a Ship in their Navy , unto their Committee of Admiralty , was accused for having said , The Parliament were foolish , that they had not hired somebody to kill the King whilst he was in the hands of the Scots : It was thereupon replied by Sir A. Haslerigg , Have you no more against him ? let him go to chuse , We must have such men as will be faithfull against him ; and since that , they gave him the Command of a very good Ship. Allow ( I say they should be able to compasse this , How will they trust the Children of a Father , in whose bloud they have imbrued their hands ? And how will they be able to alienate the Crowne from that Royall Line ? which so many Millions of this Nation , and the best for Estate , the ablest for Judgment , wil sacrifice their dearest Bloud for , being obliged thereunto by many both Sacred and Civil Bonds ? which is incorporated into so many Kingdoms and States abroad , Scotland , Denmark , France , Holland , &c. But grant , they may arrive at this Impossibility ; What Peace or Settlement therein can this Kingdome expect from their hands , who have used us or rather abused us thus , whiles as yet they stood but upon their Good Behaviour ; while they were no more then Probationers , or Candidates of Soveraignty ? Our Peace must be to lie down quietly under their Pawes , while they like Harpyes do snatch away the meat out of our Mouths , like Vultures feed upon our live bodies ; whilst ( as a wise man said , such Statists use to do ) they tosse our heads , our very lives like Tenis-balls , to make them sport withall . Our Settlement is like to be firm indeed , which must depend upon their Ordinances ( a Lawyer of their own at an Assize could handsomely call it , Jus Vagum & Incognitum ) one of them justling the other daily out of fashion , according as the vane of their Humour sits . In a word , It is impossible , there should be either Peace or Settlement , whilst His Majesty is a Prisoner , till there be mutuall Condescendencies , and Provision made for all considerable Interests on foot , which His Majesty hath gratiously offered , and by a Personall Treaty managed with due Christian temper on all hands , may through Gods blessing be yet accomplished . The End.