A letter to Sir Thomas Osborn, one of His Majesties Privy Council upon the reading of a book called The present interest of England stated. Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, 1628-1687. 1672 Approx. 23 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A29978 Wing B5312 ESTC R35419 15287646 ocm 15287646 103371 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A29978) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103371) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1145:11) A letter to Sir Thomas Osborn, one of His Majesties Privy Council upon the reading of a book called The present interest of England stated. Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, 1628-1687. 16 p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1672. Written by the Duke of Buckingham. Cf. BM. Imperfect: stained, with print show-through. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bethel, Slingsby, 1617-1697. -- Present interest of England stated. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- 1660-1688. 2004-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER TO Sir Thomas Osborn , One of His Majesties PRIVY COUNCIL , Upon the reading of a BOOK , called , The present Interest of ENGLAND Stated . LONDON : Printed for Henry Brome , at the Gun in S. Pauls Church-yard , near the West-end , 1672. A LETTER TO Sir Thomas Osborn , One of His Majesties PRIVY COUNCIL , Upon the Reading of a Book , called , The present Interest of ENGLAND stated . I Have read over the Book you sent me , entituled , The present Interest of England stated , and shall deliver you impartially my Opinion of the Author's Judgment . I had done it sooner , could I have believed the giving you so much trouble would admit of an excuse . But if at any time my sending you these Papers can be pardonable , it is now , when we are engaged in a War against the Dutch , since the Argument upon which they are written , is the subject of common discourse . In the first place , I shall take notice , that this Author treats of our Domestic Affairs , not only more rationally , but more like a man concerned for the good of England , than he does of our Interests abroad : For then instead of examining calmly , how far the friendship of other Countries would at this present be useful to us , he falls into passionate expressions of kindness for the Hollanders ; as if our principal design in seeking Foreign Alliances , ought not to be the encrease of our wealth and power , but the finding out humors in another Nation that please us , and the being civil to those with whom we have been longest acquainted . This is a mistake so general amongst us , that I dare not find much fault with it , for fear of being censur'd my self ; having observed in most of our discourses upon things of this nature , that though we ought to be in earnest only for our selves , yet out of our extraordinary zeal for some other Country , the debate between us commonly ends in our being ready to go to cuffs one with another . I fully agree with him , that it is the interest of the King of England , to make himself head of the Protestants , and that he should do it , not by being violent for any one Sect , but by taking generally into his Protection all Christians whatsoever , that will not submit to the Government of the Church of Rome . I also approve of his stating the true interest of England to be Trade , of his observation of some of our customs which are useful to it , of his Proposals of new Laws to be made for the advance of it , and of the necessity of having some enlargement given to people in matters of Religion ; for whoever considers the advantage England has by its situation , above the rest of the whole world , as to matters of Trade , cannot choose but conclude , that all Traders would desire to live here , if our Laws did not make it uneasie to them . In a word , I differ from him in none of his Maxims relating to our interest at home , and therefore he ought to take it the less ill of me , if I can not agree with him in all his notions concerning our Alliances abroad . Thus far I am of his opinion , that we ought to keep a good correspondence with Spain , that we should hinder the ruin of Flanders , and that we are to use our utmost endeavours to preserve the command of the Baltick Sea from falling absolutely into the hands , either of the King of Denmark , or the King of Swedeland . I do also believe , the interest of the Hollanders and ours , as to that point , is the same ; but why therefore we should be so far transported , as not to care what prejudice they do us in other matters , is a piece of Policy I do not very well understand , neither do I see the Consequence why even as to that end , the Dutch must needs be so powerful at Sea , as they are now ; for if they were less considerable in Shipping , it would not be less their Interest to keep the Dominion of those Seas divided , nor less in their power to effect it , by joyning their Forces with ours . In the beginning of his Book , he rightly states the Interest of England to be Trade ; but when he comes to his Politicks , he recommends to us in the first place , and as the main point of which we ought to be most careful , that we should be Friends with the Dutch , and study their Interest , because they are Traders : never considering , that the same Reason which should make us endeavour the growth of Trade in our own Countrey ▪ must of necessity oblige us to do all we can to obstruct it in another ; and that the strength of his Argument in plain English , is no more than this , That because we love Trade , therefore we ought to love those that take it from us . Had the Author been a Lover , instead of a Politician , he would have known , that Rivals are the things in this world , which men commonly do , and ought most to hate . He goes on and tells us , that it would be of dangerous Consequence to England , if the French King should gain any Towns in Holland , because then he would ruine their Trade : How right soever he may be in this Notion , he is mistaken at least in his Reason , for it were certainly better for us , if no People in the world traded by Sea , but our selves . He says , that if the Hollanders and we were joined , we might both together be very considerable . That cannot be denied ; but what Reason have we to believe , they ever will join with us to our Advantage ? except it be that they never have done so yet , and that it has been their constant Practice to massacre and make Slaves of our Countrey-men in the East-Indies , at the same time they amuse us with fair Promises at home . A Humanity to which they owe more the Greatness of their Possessions in those Parts , than to any other Virtue , for which the Author of this Book can justly commend them . He says , that their being industrious and parsimonious is not a good Reason why we should dislike them ; as if we ought to observe the same Rules between us and other Nations , which we are bound to keep amongst our selves . The true Aim of every English man should be the Good and Prosperity of England ; for that Reason Industry and Parsimony are to be wished for in the Inhabitants of England , because they are Qualities advantageous for us , and useful to our Trade : but for the same Reason , they ought not by us to be wished for in the Inhabitants of Holland , because those Qualities in them are prejudicial to England , and destructive to our Trade . In short , we may love particular men for what Reasons we please , but the measure of our Love to other Nations ought to be only their being useful to ours . I do not from hence infer that because of their Parsimony we ought to do them Injustice , but on the other side , I see no Reason why we should receive any from them , because they are a niggardly People . He enters then into a great Admiration of their Morals and Justice , the contrary of which he would certainly have been convinced of , if he had lain but one Night in any Inn of their Countrey . It is true , that almost the whole Nation being Merchants or Tradesmen , every ones Endeavour to under-sell his Neighbour , is the Cause why in the Shops things are sold at a pretty cheap Rate ; for this we are but to thank their Necessities , and not their Morals , nor their Justice . The Author in one place touches a little upon the Necessity of inviting all Princes whatsoever into the Triple League . A Maxim much in vogue with some , who looking very grave , do therefore take it very ill , if for that Reason , you will not allow them to be infallible . To make appear the Profoundness of which Notion , it is necessary that I explain a little what the Triple League is : The Triple League was made between the King of England , the King of Swedeland , and the States of Holland , when the French King had entred Flanders with a very powerful Army . The Design of this League was to induce the French to make a Peace with the Spaniard , upon such terms as should be proposed to them by the Confederates of the Triple League ; and that they might the easier bring this to pass , they were forced to offer such Conditions as were not altogether for the King of Spain's Advantage , though such as preserved the greatest part of Flanders in his Possession . At the same time the Confederates made Articles amongst themselves to help one another , in case any of them should be invaded , for having made the Triple League , either by the French King , the King of Spain , or by any of their Allies . Upon this followed the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle , where the French and the Spaniards accepted of the Articles delivered to them by the Confederates of the Triple League , and the Confederates became their Guaranties or Sureties for the Performance of those Articles on both sides . This being the State of the matter , it is very true , we may admit other Princes into the Guaranty of the Peace , but to say , we should invite them into the Triple League , which enforced the Peace , is as much as to say , we should desire their Conjunction in order to the making of a Peace , which had been already concluded several years before ; and that , if you mark it , is such a kind of Figure in Discourse as commonly is called a Bull. Besides , we were then forced to agree to several Articles both with the Swedes and the Dutch , which it would not be for our advantage now to make with the Emperor or the Princes in Germany : it being no Consequence , that because the Swedes , the Dutch , and we did mutually engage to assist one another , upon our own Charge , at a time when we were afraid the French might invade us ; that therefore now when we are in no such danger , we should promise to help any other State or Prince , except they will pay us very well for it . They might consider too , if they please , that we are a little nearer Flanders than Hungary ; and that it is not altogether so difficult for us , to transport our men to the other side of the Water , as it would be to make them march into the farthest Parts of Germany , as often as it should happen to be invaded by the Great Turk ; and that the Emperor should claim our Assistance , because the Great Turk is one of the King of France his Allies . Observe I beseech you , the prettiness of this Politick Gradation , and the Consequence of it , if it were put in Practice : Because we have thought it fit to defend our Neighbours in Flanders , we must therefore presently march into the Empire , to defend there some who are not our Neighbours , nor indeed within the Reach of our Protection . Now I would very fain know by this Rule of theirs , when our poor Countrey-men should hope to be at Rest ? For the same charitable Reason would lead us on as well to the farthest Parts of Europe , nay of the whole World , if these Politicians could but catch us once in a good humour . I must confess , if it be our Ambition to gain the Name of Peace-makers General , without any Consideration , either of our own Interest or Profit in the case , then this this were the readiest way to compass that End : but if we will look back into the Examples of former Ages , we shall find , though many Nations have gone a great way for Conquest into Foreign Parts , yet that never any before went so far out of the way to defend their own Countrey . There is another Conception of this kind insisted upon by some , as a matter of very great weight , which is , that now we must not fall out with the Dutch upon any Provocation , because that would be a Breach of the Triple League . This ( under favour ) is an Absurdity yet greater than the former , there being no one thing you can allege as a Consequence to any other thing whatsoever , that will not make every whit as sensible a Conclusion as this . For Example , to say , that you ought not to go to Bed to night , because the King of Spain did not go yesterday a hunting ; or that I must not dine to morrow , because Monsieur de Wit loves dancing , is not a more incoherent Discourse , than that because we have promised with the Dutch to save Flanders from the French , therefore what Injuries soever the Dutch shall offer us , we cannot defend our selves against them . The Argument , if you mark it , is just thus , that because I agree with William to save Thomas , therefore I am bound to let William cut my Throat . If those good men that start these Notions , would instead of instructing others , but take the Pains sometimes to think themselves , they would find that Self-Preservation ought to be look'd after a little in these kind of Affairs ; And that if the Consequence of the Loss of Flanders did not somewhat concern us , we should be no more in pain about it , than we were for the Conquest of Granada . I shall now take upon me to state the Interest of England , and begin as this Author does , though I differ with him in the Conclusion . The undoubted Interest of England is Trade , since it is that only which can make us either Rich or Safe ; for without a powerful Navy , we should be a Prey to our Neighbours , and without Trade , we could neither have Sea-men nor Ships . From hence it does follow , that we ought not to suffer any other Nations to be our Equals at Sea , because when they are once our Equals , it is but an even Lay , whether they or we shall be the Superiours . And it would not be a stranger thing that the Dutch should come to be so from what they are , now than it is , that they are arrived to what they are now , from what they were in Queen Elizabeths time . I shall add to this one Observation , which in my Opinion is very clear : That England has never been so considerable since her time , as it was then , and yet it is much more so in it self , the Kingdom of Scotland being now joyned to the Crown of England , which it was not before . — If you enquire into the reason of this , you will find it to be , because we are not now so absolutely the Masters at Sea , as we were in those times : for though we have at present more , and better ships , and a far greater trade than we had then , yet we have of neither so much a larger proportion , in respect to other Nations , as we had at that time . — The Dutch who were then but a company of Fishermen , being now both in shipping and trade very near our equals , and if you will take their words for it , our Superiours . And without doubt it is a vain thing for us to pretend to be a ballance between any considerable powers at Land , so long as we are thus equally ballanced at Sea by the Dutch. This it self methinks , should be sufficient to make us not very well pleased with the change of our condition ; but our case has yet in it a further consideration , that we are by this means in a perpetual danger of being conquered . For though the Dutch alone cannot do it , yet by joyning with France they may , and it is that which a considerable party amongst them has been labouring for these many years . To this it is objected , that it can never be the interest of Holland to joyn with France in the conquest of England ; but for ought we know they may mistake their interest , and certainly it is not wisdom in any Nation , to have its safety depend upon the prudence of another : Besides , it does not appear to me , that it is not the interest of Holland to have England conquered by them and the French : For first , they may make such a division of England , as to keep to themselves the most considerable parts in it for trade , and being Masters of the French at Sea , they will be sure to make their party good with them in an Island . In the next place , those parts of England which should fall to be under the French , would be inconsiderable as to matter of Trade ; that , and their Arbitrary way of Government , being incompatible one with another . And the reason is plain , for there are few that will put out their money upon this double adventure , of losing it at Sea , or having it taken from them when it comes home again . Besides , the nature of the English is so averse to the Government of France , and our Religion so different from theirs , that if England should happen thus to be conquered , they would be likelier to close with the Dutch , than become subject to the French. All the Trading men would live under the Dutch , and by consequence they would have all the rich Towns , and it is no difficult matter to determine what influence those Towns would have over the rest of the whole Nation . For the very same Reasons , if ever Holland should be in danger of a Conquest , by the Conjunction of the French and us , the Dutch would rather choose to become Part of our Government , then submit themselves to the Power of France . Against this I have heard some say , that because we endeavour to obstruct their Trade , the Dutch will never joyn with us : But those Gentlemen do not consider , that upon our Conjunction all such Endeavours would cease ; for it would then be as much our Interest , to promote their Trade , as the Trade of any other part of England . Another Argument which I have met with upon the same Subject is , That the fear of us would force the Dutch to accept of Conditions from the French : But upon a true Examination of the matter , there will be found in the practice of it this Difficulty , that the French will not trust to what the Dutch shall promise , without having such a Power given them in their Countrey , as may force them to keep their Words ; and the Dutch will hardly trust the French with that Power , lest it should be made use of to their Prejudice , whether they keep their words or no. In short , the usual course that all men take , when they are no longer able to defend their own Government , is to choose what is next best for them . So that the natural Question , if that should happen , must necessarily be , Whether , considering our Laws , and the Situation of our Countrey , the Proffer of a Coalition with England , would not prove more acceptable , and more advantageous to a Trading People , than any Terms they can expect from the French. The Sea Towns at least would fall to be our share : And then , though the French should be Masters of the rest of the whole States Dominions , we should have no reason to complain of our part in the Division . Nay , supposing the worst , that we should be so ill advis'd , as to let the French take all , and leave us nothing ; yet , even in that Case , the French King would rather make their strength at Sea inconsiderable , by their being subject to him , than his own more formidable , by his being their Master . For the Power of Holland depends upon two things , their Parsimony , and their Liberty . By their Liberty , they are encouraged to trade , and by their Parsimony , they are enabled to do it cheaper than any other people . Both which would certainly be destroyed by the profuseness of the French living , and the Severity of their Government . I do not pretend , that all this is as plain , as that two and two make four , it being impossible to use that certainty of reasoning in things of this nature : but thus far I dare affirm , that no man can be assured , but that some time or other the Dutch may take it to be their Interest to joyn with France in the Conquest of England ; for which Reason , I lay it down as a Maxim , That we must never give them leave to be our equals at Sea. In the next place , I think it our interest to preserve Flanders from being over-run by the French , lest that might prove of a dangerous consequence to us . But no apprehension of danger , ought to frighten us into a certain ruine ; and therefore at the same time we are securing others by the Triple League , we may be allowed at least , to take some care of our own safety ; for if whilst we labour to save the Crown of Spain , we suffer the Dutch to rob us of our Trade , we shall make in my judgement , but a very ill bargain for our selves ; and the world would have just cause to believe , the Dutch are our Masters already in point of understanding , if they could impose upon us so silly a notion , as that we should employ our strength to support their Government , and let them use their Arts to cut off the Sinews of ours . I told you at first the reason why I send you now these Papers , and if you find any thing in them with which you cannot agree , I shall be so far from being angry at your differing from my opinion , that you will do me a favour in convincing me to be of yours ; being very much perswaded , it is better for a man to be really in the right , than to have it only thought he is so , either by himself or other people . My aim in this is , that the Interest of England may be throughly search'd out ; and I can truly say for my self , I never yet had any Design , but what I believed was for the Honour , the Greatness , and the Prosperity of this Nation .