Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1687 Approx. 3619 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 375 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31771 Wing C2076 ESTC R6734 12379651 ocm 12379651 60710 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31771) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60710) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 652:7) Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Fulman, William, 1632-1688. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. Gauden, John, 1605-1662. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Second edition. [11], 720, [4] p. : coat of arms. Printed for Ric. Chiswell ..., London : 1687. Added engraved t.p. with portrait. "The life of Charles I" signed: Richard Perrinchiefe. "Perrinchief ... completed the edition prepared by William Fulman ... and compiled a life for it from Fulman's notes and some materials of Silas Titus." Cf. DNB. Special t.p. on p. [213]: A collection of declarations, treaties, and other principal passages concerning the differences betwixt King Charles I and his two houses of Parliament ... Eikon Basiliká (p. 647-720) has been attributed to Charles I, also to John Gauden. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEU ET MON DROIT AETERNITATI SACRUM ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ THE WORKS of CHARLES . I. with his LIFE and MARTYRDOME Aly diutius Imperium tenucrunt , nemo tam Fortiter reliquit Tacit. Hist. Lib. i. ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ . THE WORKS OF King Charles THE MARTYR : With a COLLECTION of DECLARATIONS , TREATIES , and other PAPERS concerning the Differences BETWIXT His said Majesty AND HIS TWO HOUSES of PARLIAMENT . With the History of His LIFE ; as also of His TRYAL and MARTYRDOME . The Second Edition . LONDON , Printed for Ric. Chiswell , at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard , MDCLXXXVII . In the first PART ( from p. 1. to p. 212. inclusively ) are contained THE LIFE of CHARLES I. p. 1 PAPERS concerning CHURCH-GOVERNMENT V. p. 75 PRAYERS used by His MAJESTY VII . p. 93 MESSAGES for Peace , XXXVIII . p. 97 DECLARATIONS III. p. 130 LETTERS XLII . p. 138 SPEECHES LIX . p. 159 With the History of His TRYAL and DEATH . p. 189 , &c. In the Second PART ( from p. 213. to the end inclusively ) are contained I. HIS MAJESTY's Declarations concerning His proceedings in His Four first PARLIAMENTS . p. 217 II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His MAJESTY and His Fifth PARLIAMENT . p. 241 III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII . III. p. 325. IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland : Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . p. 401 V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge . p. 437 VI. Messages , Propositions and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . p. 547 VII . An Appendix containing the Papers which passed betwixt His MAJESTY and the DIVINES which attended the Commissioners of the Two Houses at the Treaty at Newport , concerning Church-Government . p. 611 VIII . ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ . p. 647 THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART , ( Omitting the LIFE . ) THE Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and Mr Alexander Henderson concerning the change of Church-Government , Page 75 His Majesty 's Quaere concerning Easter , 91 His Majesty's first Paper concerning Episcopacy , ibid. Prayers used by King CHARLES in the time of His Troubles and Restraint . I. A Prayer used at His Entrance into Excester after the Defeat of Essex in Cornwall , 93 II. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Vxbridge , ibid. III. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport , ibid. IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin , 94 V. A Prayer in times of Affliction , ibid. VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity , ibid. VII . A Prayer in time of imminent danger , 95 King CHARLES His Messages for Peace , XXXVIII . 1. His Message from Canterbury , January 20. 1641 , 2. For the Composing of all Differences , 97 2. His Message from Huntingdon , March 15. 1641 , 2. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 3. His Message from Nottingham , August 25. 1642. When he set up His Standard , 98 4. His Message from — Sept. 5. 1642. In pursuance of the former , 99 5. His Message from — Sept. 11. 1642. In Reply to the Answer of both Houses to the former , ibid. 6. His Message from Brainford Nov. 12. 1642. After the Defeat of the Rebels there , 100 7. His Message from Oxford , April 12. 1643. For the Disbanding of all Forces , and His Return to the Houses , ibid. 8. His Message from Oxford , May 19. 1642. In pursuance of the former , 101 9. His Message from Oxford , March 3. 1643 , 4. For a Treaty , 102 10. His Message from Evesholme , July 4. 1644. After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy Bridge , ibid. 11. His Message from Tavestock , Septemb. 8. 1644. After the Defeat of Essex in Cornwall , 103 12. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 13. 1644. For a Treaty by Commissioners , ibid. 13. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 5. 1645. For a safe Conduct for Persons to be sent with Propositions , 104 14. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 15. 1645. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 15. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 26. 1645. For a Personal Treaty , 105 16. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 29. 1645. In pursuance of the former , 106 17. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645 , 6. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 18. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 17 1645 , 6. For an Answer to His former Messages , 107 19. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 24. 1645 , 6. In further Reply to their Answer , 108 20. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645 , 6. Concerning Ireland , 109 21. His Message from Oxford , Febr. 26. 1645 , 6. For an Answer to the former , 111 22. His Message from Oxford , March 23. 1645 , 6. Concerning his Return to the Houses , ibid. 23. His Message from Southwell , May 18. 1646. After His departure to the Scots , 112 24. His Message from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. For Propositions for Peace , and a Personal Treaty , 113 25. His Message from Newcastle , Aug. 1. 1646. For a Personal Treaty upon their Propositions , 114 26. His Message from Newcastle , Dec. 20. 1646. For a personal Treaty at or near London , ibid. 27. His Message from Holdenby , Feb. 17. 1646 , 7. For the Attendance of some of His Chaplains , 115 28. His Message from Holdenby , March 6. 1646 , 7. In pursuance of the former , 116 29. His Message from Holdenby , May 12. 1647. In answer to their Propositions , ibid. 30. His Message from Hampton-Court , Sept. 9. 1647. In Answer to the Propositions presented to Him there , 118 31. His Message left at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. At His departure from thence , 119 32. His Message from the Isle of Wight , Nov , 17. 1647. For a Treaty ; With His Propositions , 120 33. His Message from Carisbrook , Decem. 6. 1647. For an Answer to the former , 122 34. His Message from Carisbrook , Decem. 28. 1647. In Answer to the four Bills , and Propositions , 123 35. His Message from Carisbro●k , Aug. 10. 1648. In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty , 124 36. His Letter to the Speakers , from Carisbrook , Aug. 28. 1648. With the Names of those He desired to attend him at the Treaty , 125 37. His Letter to the Speakers , From Carisbrook , Sept. 7. Concerning the Treaty , 126 38. His Message from Newport , Sept. 29. 1648. With His Propositions , ibid. His MAJESTY's Declarations . 1. His Majesty's Declaration after the Votes , for No further Address , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. 130 2. His Majesty's Answer to their Reasons for the Votes for No further Address , 132 3. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty at Newport , and the Armies Proceedings , 136 4. Quaeries propounded by His Majesty , concerning the intended Tryal of His Majesty , 137 His MAJESTY's Letters , XL. To the Queen , XXI , p. 138 , 139 , 140 , 143 , 144 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 150 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 154. The Queen to the King , VII . 140 , 141 , 142 , 145 , 146. To the Prince , II. 156 , 158. The Prince to the King , 158 To the House of Peers , 138 To the Duke of York , 156 To the Prince Elector , 142 To Prince Rupert , 155 To the Duke of Richmond , 144 To the Marquess of Ormond , IV. 142 , 144 , 148 , 149. To the Earl of Essex , 141 To the Lord Mountague , 156 To the Lord Jermin , 153 To Secretary Nicholas , 155 To Sr Thomas Fairfax , II. 157 To Colonel Whaley , 156 To the Scots , 157 His MAJESTY's Speeches , LIX . 1. To both Houses , at the Opening of His first Parliament , at Westminster , June 18. 1625. p. 159 2. To both Houses in Christ-Church Hall at Oxford , Aug. 4. 1625. ibid. Another Copy of the two former Speeches 160 3. To the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament , 1625 , 6. ibid. 4. To both Houses at White-Hall , Mar. 29. 1626. 161 5. To the House of Lords at Westminster , May 11. 1626. ibid. 6. To the French Servants of the Queen , at Somerset House , July 1. 1626. 162 7. To both Houses , at the Opening of His Third Parliament , Mar. 17. 1627 , 8. ibid. 8. To both Houses at White-Hall , Ap. 4. 1628. ibid. 9. To the Speaker , and House of Commons , Apr. 14. 1628. 163 10. To both Houses , in Answer to their Petition , June 2. 1628. ibid. 11. To both Houses , in further Answer , June 7. 1628. ibid. 12. To the Lower House , at the Reading their Remonstrance at White-Hall , Jun. 11. 1628. ibid. 13. To both Houses , at the Prorogation , June 26. 1628. 164 14. To both Houses , at White-Hall , Jan. 24. 1628 , 9. ibid. 15. To both Houses , in Answer to their Petition for a Fast , Jan. 31. 1628 , 9. 165 16. To the Lower House , concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. 1628 , 9. ibid. 17. To the House of Lords , at their Dissolution , Mar. 10. 1628 , 9. 166 18. To the Speaker of the Lower House , 1640. ibid. 19. To the House of Lords , at Westminster , Apr. 24. 1640. ibid. 20. To both Houses , at the Dissolution , May 5. 1640. 167 21. To the Great Council of Lords at York , Sept. 24. 1640. ibid. 22. To both Houses , at the Opening His Fifth Parliament , Nov. 3. 1640. 168. 23. To the House of Lords at Westminster , Nov. 5. 1640. ibid. 24. To both Houses at White-Hall , Jan. 25. 1640 , 41. 169 25. To both Houses , in Answer to their Remonstrance concerning Papists , February 3. 1640 , 41. 170 26. To the House of Lords , at Westminster , Feb. 10. 1640 , 41. ibid. 27. To both Houses , at His passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments , Feb. 15. 1640 , 41. 171 28. To both Houses , about Disbanding the Armies , Apr. 28. 1641. ibid. 29. To the House of Lords , concerning the Earl of Strafford , May 1. 1641. 172 30. To both Houses , at His passing the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage , June 22. 1641. ib. 31. To both Houses , at His passing the Bills for taking away the High Commission , and Star-Chamber , and Regulating the Council-Table , July 5. 1641. 173 32. To the Scottish Parliament , at Edinburgh , Aug. 18. 1641. ibid. 33. To both Houses , after His Return from Scotland , Dec. 2. 1641. 174 34. To both Houses , concerning Ireland , Dec. 14. 1641. ibid. 35. To the Lower House , about the Five Members , Jan. 4. 1641 , 2. 175 36. To the Citizens of London , at Guild-Hall , Jan. 5. 1641 , 2. ibid. 37. To the Committee of both Houses , at Theobald's , March 1. 1641 , 2. ibid. 38. To the Committee of both Houses , at New-Market , Mar. 9. 1641 , 2. ibid. 39. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Apr. 5. 1642. 177 40. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , May 12. 1642. ibid. 41. To the Inhabitants of Notting hamshire , at Newark , July 4. 1642. 178 42. To the Inhabitants of Lincolnshire , at Lincoln , July 15. 1642. ibid. 43. To the Inhabitants of Leicester , July 20. 1642. 179 44. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. 1642. 180 45. To His Army at the Reading His Orders , Sept. 19. 1642. 181 46. To the Inhabitants of Denbigh , and Flint , at Wrexham , Sept. 27. 1642. ibid. 47. To the Inhabitants of Shropshire , at Shrewsbury , Sept. 28. 1642. 183 48. To the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , at Oxford , Novem. 2. 1642. ibid. 49. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Jan. 22. 1643 , 4. 184 50. To the Primate of Ireland , at Christ-Church , 1643 , 4. 185 51. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Feb. 7. 1643 , 4. ibid. 52. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , at their Recess , Apr. 16. 1644. ibid. 53. To the Inhabitants of Somerset , at Kingsmore , July 23. 1644. 186 54. To the Committee of both Houses , at Carisbrook , Aug. 7. 1648. 187 55. To the Commissioners of both Houses , at Newport , Novem. 4. 1648. 188 56. To the Lords Commissioners , at their taking leave at Newport , Nov. 1648. ibid. 57. His Majesty's Speeches to the Pretended High Court of Justice ; with the History of His Tryal , Jan. 1648 , 9. 189 58. His Majesty's Speeches to His Children , Jan. 29. 1648 , 9. 205 59. His Majesty's Speech upon the Scaffold , with the Manner of His Martyrdome , Jan. 30. 1648 , 9. 206 THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE SECOND PART . I. His Majesty's Declarations concerning His Proceedings in His four first Parliaments . 1. A Declaration concerning His two first Parliaments , 1625 , 1626. 217 2. A Declaration concerning His Third Parliament , 1628 , 9. 222 3. A Proclamation for suppressing false Rumours touching Parliaments , March 27. 1629. 230 4. His Majesty's Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money , Feb. 2. 1636 , 7. With their Answer , 231 , 232. 5. A Declaration concerning His Fourth Parliament , 1640. 233 II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament . 1. A Petition of the House of Commons , 241. With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , Dec. 1. 1641. 243 2. His Majesty's Answer to the Petition , 254 3. His Declaration in Answer to the Remonstrance , 255 4. The Petition and Protestation of the Bishops , Dec. 28. 1641. 258 5. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members , Jan. 3. 1641 , 2. 259 6. The Nineteen Propositions , June 2. 1642. 260 7. His Majesty's Answer , 262 8. His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York , June 13. 1642. 271 With their Promise thereupon . 272 9. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the scandalous Imputation of His raising War , June 16. 1642. 273. With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords , 276 10. A Proclamation forbidding Levies of Forces , June 18. 1642. 277 11. Votes for raising an Army against the King , July 12. 1642. 279 12. A Declaration of both Houses for raising Forces , Aug. 8. 1642. 280 13. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , 281 14. A Proclamation against the Earl of Essex , Aug. 9. 1642. 283 15. His Majesty's Proclamation for the setting up His Standard , Aug. 12. 1642. 285 16. His Majesty's Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. 286 17. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Messages for Peace , 315 18. His Declaration after the Battel at Edge-Hill , 323 III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII , III. 1. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Advance to Brainceford , 325 2. The Answer of both Houses to His Message of Nov 12. 1642. 327 3. His Majesty's Reply , 328 4. The Petition of both Houses , Nov. 24. 1642. 329 5. His Majesty's Answer , ibid. 6. The Proceedings in the Treaty at Oxford , 330. With a Declaration of both Houses thereupon , 372 7. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , Jun. 3. 1643. 380 8. His Proclamation against the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances of the Houses at Westminster , June 20. 1643. 397 IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland . Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . 1. The Grounds and Motives of the Cessation in Ireland , Octob. 19. 1643. 401 2. A Proclamation for Assembling of the Members of Parliament at Oxford , December 22. 1643. 409 3. A Letter of the Lords at Oxford to the Scots , 410 4. Votes of the Commons at Oxford , Jan. 26. March 12. 1643. 411 5. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , of their Proceedings for a Treaty , March 19. 1643 , 4. 412 6. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , concerning their Endeavours for Peace , March 19. 1643 , 4. 422 7. The Petition of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , April 25. 1644. 433 8. His Majesty's Answer , 434 9. A Declaration to Forein Churches , May 13. 1644. 436 V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge , MDCXLIV , V. 1. A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Resolution for Peace , Sept. 30. 1644. 437 2. A Proclamation for a Fast upon occasion on the Treaty , Jan. 27. 1644 , 5. 439 3. A full Relation of the Treaty at Vxbridge , 440 Wherein are set down , 1. The Messages and Propositions sent by His Majesty , and brought to Him which preceded the Treaty , and were Inducements to it , from p. 440 , to p. 449 2. The Passages in the beginning of the Treaty preparatory thereunto ; wherein , 1. Of the several Commissions and Passages thereupon , from p. 449 , to p. 454 2. The Papers concerning the Manner and Order of the Treaty , 454 3. The Papers concerning a Scandalous Sermon Preached at Vxbridge , against the Treaty the first day of the Treaty , and before it began , ibid. & 455 3. The Papers concerning Religion , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from page 455 , to p. 469 4. The Papers concerning the Militia , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from p. 469 , to p. 487 5. The Papers concerning Ireland , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from p. 487 , to p. 507 6. The Papers concerning His Majesty's Propositions , and particularly for a Cessation of Arms , and touching His Majesty's Return to Westminster after disbanding of Armies , and further time for continuing or renewing the Treaty , collected together , from p. 507 , to p. 514 7. And lastly , an Appendix , wherein are concontained the following particulars : 1. His Majesty's Message from Evesham of the 4th of July , 1644. p. 514 2. His Majesty's Message from Tavestock of the 8th of Septemb. 1644. ibid. 3. The Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , &c. 515 4. The Articles of the late Treaty of the date Edenburgh the 29th of Novemb. 1643. 519 5. The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines , 521 6. The Votes and Orders delivered with it , 523 7. The Articles of the 6th of August , 1642. concerning Ireland , 524 8. The Ordinances of the 9th of March , and the 11th of April , touching the Forces in Ireland , 527 9 , 10. The Letters and Advices from the Lords , Justices , and Council of Ireland , ibid. Hereunto are added His Majesty's Answers to certain Papers delivered upon the close of the Treaty , one concerning the Militia , and two concerning Ireland , from p. 531 , to p. 545 VI. Messages , Propositions , and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV , VI , VII , VIII . 1. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Decem. 5. 1645. p. 547 2. A Letter of the two Speakers to Sir Thomas Glemham , 548 3. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Decem. 15. 1645. ibid. 4. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , with Propositions , Dec. 26. 1645. 549 5. The Answer of both Houses to His Messages of Decem. 5. and 15. 550 6. His Majesty's Reply , Dec. 29. 1645. ibid. 7. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645 , 6. 551 8. The Answer of both Houses to His Messages of Dec. 26 , and 29. 552 9. His Majesty's Reply , Jan. 17. 1645 , 6. 553 10. His Majesty's further Reply , Jan. 24. ibid. 11. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645 , 6. 555 12. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Febr. 26. 1645 , 6. 556 13. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Mar. 23. 1645 , 6. 557 14. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , April 13. 1646. ibid. 15. His Majesty's Message from Southwell , May 18. 1646. 558 16. His Majesty's Letter to the City of London , May 19. 1646. 559 17. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. 560 18. His Majesty's Letter to the Governors of His Garrisons , June 10. 1646. 561 19. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland . June 11. 1646. ibid. 20. The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Newcastle , July 24. 1646. 562 21. His Majesty's Answer , Aug. 1. 1646. 570. 22. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle , Decem . 20. 1646. 571 23. His Majesty's Quaeries to the Scots Commissioners , Jan. 14. 1646 , 7. p. 572. With their Answer , and His Reply , 573 24. His Majesty's further Answer to their Propositions , May 12. 1647. ibid. 25. The Petition and engagement of the City of London , 576 26. The Declaration of both Houses thereupon , July 24. 1647. 577 27. An Ordinance concerning the Declaration , July 26. 1647. ibid. 28. Votes for His Majesty's coming to London , July 26. 31. 1647. ibid. and 578 29. His Majesty's Profession disavowing any Intentions of War , 1647. 578 30. The Proposals of the Army , Aug. 1. ibid. 31. Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Hampton-Court , Sept. 7. 1647. 584 32. His Majesty's Answer , 585 33. His Majesty's Message left at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. 586 34. His Majesty's Message from the Isle of Wight : With Propositions , November 17. 1647. ibid. 35. His Majesty's Declaration at the Isle of Wight , Nov. 19. 1647. 589 36. His Majesty's Letter to Sir Thomas Fairfax , from Carisbrook , Nov. 26. 1647. ibid. 37. His Majesty's Letter to both Houses from Carisbrook-Castle , Dec. 6. 1647. 590 38. The four Bills and Propositions sent to His Majesty in the Isle of Wight , December , 24. 1647. ibid. 39. The Scots Commissioners Paper to His Majesty at the same time . 594 40. His Majesty's Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , Dec. 28. 1647. ibid. 41. Both Houses Declaration thereupon , with Votes for no further Address , 595 42. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer to the Votes for no further Address , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. 596 43. Votes for a Treaty , 598 44. His Majesty's Message in Answer to the Votes , Carisbrook , 10. Aug. 1648. ibid. 45. Votes in order to the Treaty , 600 46. His Majesty's Answer to the Votes . 601 47. A Letter of both Speakers to His Majesty , Sept. 2. 1648. ibid. 48. His Majesty's Answer to both Speakers , 602 49. His Majesty's Propositions , 29. September , 1648. ibid. 50. Votes concerning His Majesty's Propositions and Concessions , 606 51. The Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army presented to the House of Commons , Nov. 20. 1648. 607 52. His Majesty's Quaeries concerning the Remonstrance 608 53. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings , ibid. An APPENDIX containing , I. His Majesty's Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government , Octob. 2. 1648. p. 612 II. The Answer of the Divines to His Majesty's Reason , Octob. 3. ibid. III. His Majesty's Reply to their Paper , Octob. 6. 616 IV. The Rejoynder of the Divines to His Majesty's Reply , Octob. 17. 621 V. His Majesty's final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. 1648. 634 ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ . I. UPon His Majesty's calling this last Parliament , page 647 II. Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death 648 III. Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons , 650 IV. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults 651 V. Upon His Majesty's passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments : And after setling this , during the pleasure of the Two Houses , 654 VI. Upon His Majesty's Retirement from Westminster , 656 VII . Upon the Queens departure and absence out of England , 658 VIII . Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull ; And the Fates of the Hothams , 659 IX . Upon the Listing and Raising Armies against the King. 661 X. Upon their seising the King's Magazines , Forts , Navy and Militia , 665 XI . Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King ; And more afterwards , 667 XII . Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland , 671 XIII . Upon the calling in of the Scots ; and their coming , 674 XIV . Upon the Covenant , 677 XV. Upon the many Jealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the King , to stir up the People against Him , 680 XVI Upon the Ordinance against the Common Prayer-Book , 684 XVII . Of the Differences between the King and the Two Houses in point of Church-Government , 687 XVIII . Upon Vxbridge Treaty ; and other Officers made by the King , 692 XIX . Upon the various Events of the War , Victories and Defeats , 694 XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times , 696 XXI . Vpon His Malesty's Letters taken and divulged , 699 XXII . Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford , and going to the Scots , 701 XXIII . Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby , 702 XXIV . Upon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplains , 703 XXV . Penitential Meditations and Vows in the King's Solitude at Holdenby , 707 XXVI . Upon the Armies Surprisal of the King at Holdenby , and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses , the Army , and the City , 708 XXVII . To the Prince of Wales , 710 XXVIII . Meditations upon Death , after the Votes of Non-Addresses , and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle , 716 THE LIFE OF CHARLES I. CHARLES I. King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , was the Son of James VI. King of Scots , and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark . By His Father descended to Him all the Rights ( together with their blood ) of all our Ancicient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire . For the Lady Margaret , Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons , being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots , conveyed to his Line the Saxon , and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII . married to James IV. did bring the Norman titles and blood . From this Imperial Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it . For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal Veins , He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Vertue . He was born at Dunfermeling , one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland , on Nov. 19th An. 1600. An. 1600 in so much weakness , that his Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church . Providence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb , and to accustome Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears . There was no Observation nor Augury made at His Birth concerning the Sequel of His Life or course of Fortune ( which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state . ) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Prediction , He appearing like a Star that rises so near the Point of his Setting , that it was thought there would be no time for Calculation . Or He being at distance by his Birth from the Succession to the Crown ( Prince Henry then having the first hopes ) made men less sollicitous to enquire of His future state , on whom , being born to a private Condition , the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend . But in the third Year of His age , when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne , a certain Laird of the Highlands , though of very great age , came to the Court to take his leave of him , whom he found accompanied with all his Children . After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice ( to which his gray hairs gave authority ) to the King ; An. 1602 his next application was to Duke CHARLES ( for in the Second year of his Age he was created Duke of Albany , Marquess of Ormond , Earl of Rosse , and Baron of Ardmanock ) whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardency of affection that he seem'd forgetful of a separation . The King , to correct his supposed mistake , advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry , as the Heir of his Crown , of whom he had taken little notice . The old Laird answered that he knew well enough what he did , and that It was this Child ( who was then in His Nurses arms ) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages . This then was conceived dotage ; but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecy , and confirmed that Opinion , That some long-experienced souls in the World , before their dislodging , arrive to the height of prophetick Spirits . When he was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance of Sir Cary's Lady , An. 1603 as a reward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death , whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion , that the Lords of England would never acknowledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths , and personate the Majesty of a Queen . In the fourth Year , An. 1604 after he had wrestled with a Feaver , He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor , where on the Jan. 6. following , having the day before been made Knight of the Bath , He was invested with the Title of Duke of York ; An. 1606 and in the sixth Year was committed to the Pedagogie of Mr Thomas Murray , a Person well qualified to that Office , though a favourer of Presbytery . Under this Tutor , and confined to a retiredness by the present weakness of his Body , He was so diligent and studious , that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince , without which even their natural Endowments seem rough and unpleasant in despight of the splendour of their Fortune . His proficiency in Letters was so eminent , that Prince Henry taking notice of it , to put a Jest upon Him , one day put the Cap of the Archbishop Abbot , ( who was then , with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility , waiting in the Privy Chamber for the King 's coming out ) on his Brother's head ; adding , That if He continued a good Boy , and followed His Book , he would make him one Day Archbishop of Canterbury Which the Child took in such disdain , that He threw the Cap on the Ground , and trampled it under His Feet with so much eagerness , that he could hardly be restrained . Which Passion was afterward taken by some over-curious as a presage of the ruine of Episcopacy by His Power . But the event shewed it was not ominous to the Order , but to the Person of the Archbishop , whom in his Reign he suspended from the Administration of his Office. An. 1611 In his eleventh Year he was made Knight of the Garter : An. 1612 and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying Novemb. 6. He succeeded him in the Dukedome of Cornwal and the Regalities thereof ; and attended his Funeral as Chief Mourner , on Decemb. 7. On the 14th of Feb. following He performed the Office of Brideman to the Princess Elizabeth his Sister , who on that Day was Married to Frederick V. Prince Elector Palatine ; the Gayeties of which Day were afterwards attended with many fatal Cares and Expences . His Childhood was blemished with a supposed Obstinacy : for the weakness of his Body inclining him to retirements , and the imperfection of His Speech rendring Discourse tedious and unpleasant , He was suspected to be somewhat perverse . But more age and strength fitting Him for Manlike Exercises , and the Publick Hopes inviting Him from his Privacies , He delivered the World of such Fears : for applying Himself to Action , he grew so perfect in Vaulting , riding the great Horse , running at the Ring , shooting in Cross-bows , Muskets , and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance , that if Principality had been to be the Reward of Excellency in those Arts , He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also ; being thought the best Marks-man and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms . His tenacious humour He left with his Retirements , none being more desirous of good Counsel , nor any more Obsequious when he found it ; yea , too distrustful of his own Judgment , which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed . When he was sixteen Years old , An. 1616 on Nov. 3. He was created Prince of Wales , Earl of Chester and Flint , the Revenues thereof being assigned to maintain his Court which was then formed for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State , it was expected that He should no longer retain the Modesty which the Shades of his Privacy had accustomed Him unto , but now appear as the immediate Instrument of Empire , and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others . But though Providence had changed all about , yet it had changed nothing within Him ; and He thought it Glory enough to be great without the diminution of others ; for He still permitted the Ministry of State to His Father's Favourites : which gave occasion of Discourse to the Speculativi . Some thought He did it to avoid the Jealousies of the Old King ( which were conceived to have been somewhat raised by the popularity of Prince Henry , whose breast was full of forward Hopes . ) For Young Princes are deemed of an impatient Ambition , and Old ones to be too nice and tender of their Power ; in which though they are contented with a Successor ( as they must have ) yet are afraid of a Partner . And it was supposed , that therefore King James had raised Car and Buckingham , like Comets to dim the lustre of these rising Stars . But these were mistaken in the nature of that King , who was enclined to contract a private friendship , and was prodigal to the Objects of it before ever he had Sons to divert his Love , or raise his Fears . Some that at a distance looked upon the Prince's actions , ascribed them to a Narrowness of Mind , and an Incapacity of Greatness : while others , better acquainted with the frame of his Spirit , knew His prudent Modesty enclined Him to learn the Methods of Commanding by the practice of Obedience ; and that being of a peaceful Soul , He affected not to embroil the Court ( and from thence the Kingdom in Factions , the effects of impotent minds ) which He knew were dangerous to a State , and destructive to that Prince who gives Birth unto them ; that therefore He chose to wait for a certain , though delayed , Grandeur , rather then by the Compendious way of Contrasts get a precocious Power , and leave too pregnant an Example of Ruine . Others conceived it the Prudence of the Father ( with which the Son complyed ) who knew the true use of Favourites was to make them the objects of the People's impatience , the sinks to receive the Curses and Anger of the Vulgar , the Hatred of the Querulous , and the Envy of unsatisfied Ambition : which he would rather have fall upon Servants , that His Son might ascend the Throne free and unburthened with the discontents of any . This was the rather believed , because He could dispence Honours where and when He pleased ; as He did to some of His own Houshold ; as Sir Robert Cary was made Lord Cary of Lepington , Sir Thomas Howard Viscount Andover , and Sir John Vaughan Lord of Molingar in Ireland . The Evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of His Mother , An. 1618 whose Death ( presaged , as some thought , by that notorious Comet which appeared Nov. 18. before ) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which He bewailed with a just measure of Grief , without any affected Sorrows , though she was most affectionate to Him above all her other Children ; and at her Funeral he would be chief Mourner . The Death of the Queen was not long after followed with a sharp Sickness of the King : wherein his Life seeming in danger , the consequences of his Death began to be lamented . Dr Andrews , then Bishop of Ely , bewailed the sad Condition of the Church , if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch - men , which made up the greatest part of his Family , and were ill-affected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England . Of this the King became so sensible , that he made a Vow , If God should please to restore his Health , he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Religion , as should secure His affections to the present Establishment . Which he did with so much success , as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain , that He was able to moderate in any emergent Disputations ( which yet he charged them to decline , if possible . ) At which they smiling , he earnestly added , That CHARLES should manage a Point in Controversy with the best-studied Divine of them all . In His 19th Year , An. 1619 on March 24. which was the Anniversary of King James's coming to the Crown of England , He performed a Justing at White-hall , together with several of the Nobility , wherein He acquitted Himself with a Bravery equal to his Dignity . And on the Sunday following , attending His Father to the Sermon at St Paul's Cross , and to the Service inthe Quire , He shewed as much humble Devotion there , as He had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs , admired and applauded by the People for His Accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace : That he could behave Himself humbly towards His God , and bravely towards his Enemy ; pleased with the hardiness of His Body , and ravished with his more generous Mind ; that the Pleasures of the Court had not softned one to Sloth , nor the supremest Fortune debauched the other to Impiety . Confident in these , An. 1622 and other evidences of a wise Conduct , the King ( without acquainting his Counsel ) sends the Prince into Spain , there to Contract a Marriage with the Infanta , and , as a part of the Portion , to recover the Palatinate , which His Sisters Husband had lost , and was by the Emperour cantel'd to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain . And herein ▪ He was to Combate all the Artists of State in that Court , the practices of that Church , and put an Issue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby , though much conversant in the Intriegues of that Council , had been long cajoled . To that Place he was to pass Incognito , accompanied only with the Marquess of Buckingham , Mr Endymion Porter , and Mr Francis Cottington , through France ; where , to satisfy His Curiosity , and shew Himself to Love , He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris , and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven destined to His Chast Embraces . Satisfied with that sight , no lesser enjoyments of any Pleasure in that great Kingdom , nor Vanity of Youth , which is hardly curbed when it is allyed to Power , could tempt His stay , or a discovery of His Greatness ; but with a speed answerable to an active Body and Mind , He out-stripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him , although that King had intelligence of His being within his Dominions immediately after their departure from the Louvre . The certain news of His safe arrival at Madrid drew after Him from hence a Princely Train , and raised the Censures of the World upon the King ; As being too forgetful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other , who , when either Design , Tempests or Necessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts without a Caution , they let them not part without some Tribute to their Interest : and a fresh Example of this was in the King 's own Mother , who seeking Refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at Home , did lose both her Liberty and Life . This none daring to mind the King of , his Jester Archee made him sensible , by telling him , He came to change Caps with him . Why , said the King ? Because ( replyed Archée ) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain , from whence He is never like to return . But ( said the King ) what wilt thou say when thou seest Him come back again ? Mary , says the Jester , I will take off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy Head for sending Him thither , and put it on the King of Spain's for letting him return . This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger , that it drove him into an exceeding Melancholy , from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions , which was his Fleet in the Sea : and that was not long after . For notwithstanding the contrasts of his two prime Ministers there , Buckingham and Bristol , ( which were sufficient to amaze an ordinary Prudence , and disturb the Counsels of so young a Beginner in the Mysteries of Empire , and the Arts of Experienced Conclaves ; ) the impetuous attempts of the Spanish Clergy , either for a change of His Religion , or a Toleration of theirs ; the Spleen of Olivares , whom Buckingham had exasperated ; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Marriage , that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings . By a civil Letter to the Pope ( which His Enemies Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slander ) He procured a civil return , with the grant of a Dispensation ; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by his Constancy in his own Profession , and vindicated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests , by causing our Liturgy to be translated into the Spanish Tongue ; and by His generous mien enthralled the Infanta , for whom He had exposed His Liberty . Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court , that they would not put the Restitution of the Palatinate into the consideration of the Portion , but reserve it as a Super-foetation of the Spanish Love , and as an opportunity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spirits , who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards ; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their Power ; He conformed His mind to the resolves of His Father , who said , He would never marry his Son with a Portion of His only Sister's Tears ; and therefore inclined to a Rupture . But concealing His Purpose , and dissembling His Knowledge of their Designs , He consulted His own Safety and Return , which His Father's Letters commanded : which He so prudently acquired , that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends ceremoniate their Farewells ; having satisfied him by a Proxie left with the Earl of Bristol , to be delivered when the Dispensation was come . Which as soon as He was safe on Shipboard , by a private Express , He commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order . His return to England , An. 1623 which was in October 1623. was entertained with so much joy and thanksgiving , as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation ; and his entrance into London was as a triumph for His Wisdom , their Bonfires lengthned out the day , and their Bells by uncessant ringing forbad sleep to those Eyes which were refreshed with His sight . Nor could the People by age or sickness be confined at home , but despising the prescriptions of their Physicians , went to meet Him as restored Health . When He had given the King an account of His Voyage , and the Spanish Counsels not to restore the Palatinate , a Parliament was summoned , which was so zealous of the Honour of the Prince , that both Houses voted an Address to his Majesty , that he would no longer treat , but begin a War with Spain ; and desiring the Prince's mediation ( who was always ready to gratifie the Nation ) therein to his Father , they assured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes : but yet when the War , with the Crown , descended unto Him , they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign , When neither a Wife nor Peace was any longer to be expected from Spain , both were sought for from France , by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria , the youngest Daughter of Henry the IV. The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye , and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly received impressions from the relations of His Gallantry ; when she was told of His passing through Paris , She answered ( as it is reported ) that if He went to Spain for a Wife , He might have had one nearer hand , and saved Himself a great part of the labour . In the midst of these Preparations for War and Love , An. 1625 King James died at Theobalds , Sunday March 27. An. 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately proclaimed at the Court-Gate King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , and so throughout all the three Kingdoms , with infinite Rejoycings . The people expecting all the benefits of the happiest Government under Him , whose private and youthful part of Life had been so spent , that it had nothing in it to be excused , and where the eager Inquisitors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction . An argument of a solid Vertue , that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth , that are rendred more impetuous by Flatteries and Plenty , which are continually resident in great Courts . For had any Debauchery polluted His earlier Days , it had been published by those who in scarcity of just Accusations did invent unimaginable Calumnies . Nor could it have been hid , for in a great Fortune nothing is concealed , but Curiosity opens the Closets and Bed-chambers , especially of Princes , and discovers their closest Retirements , exposing all their Actions to Fame and Censure . Nor did the King deceive their hopes , they being the happiest People under the Sun while he was undisturbed in the administration of Justice . His first publick Act was the Celebrating His Father's Funeral , whereat He Himself was Chief Mourner , ( contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors , and not conformable to the Ceremonies of State ; ) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur ; or urged by some secret Decree of Providence , that in all the Ruines of His Family He should drink the greatest Draught of Tears ; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne , He would hallow the Ascent to it by a Pious Act of Grief . When He had pay'd that Debt to His Deceased Father , He next provided for Posterity , and therefore hastened the coming over of His Dearest Consort , whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name Espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris ; and He receiving Her at Dover the next Day after Trinity-Sunday ; at Canterbury began his Conjugal Embraces . A Lady of most excellent Endowments , who assumed to Her self nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy ; and in His Evil bore an equal share , for She reverenced Him , not His Greatness . Thus having dispatched the Affairs of His Family , He applies Himself to those of His Kingdoms , which too much Felicity had made unmanageable by a moderate Government . And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne , as enter upon a Theatre , to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State ; whose long Peace had softned almost all the Nobless into Court-pleasures , and made the Commons insolent by a great Plenty . The Rites and Discipline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Prosperity , and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate , which were made use of by those that endeavoured the alteration of Government ; and the Resolves of that Council were the Dictates of some heady Demagogues , who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty under the name of Liberty , so that the King could not endure their Vices , nor they His Vertues , whence came all the Obstructions to His Designs for Glory and the Publick Good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots : and the People were taught not to supply it , unless they were bribed with the blood of some Minister of State , or some more advantages for Licentiousness . Each of these single would have ennobled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weathered out ; but when all these conspired with the Traiterous Projects of Men of unbounded and unlawful hopes , they took from Him His Peace , and that which the World calls Happiness , but yet they made Him Great , and affording Exercises for His most excellent Abilities rendred Him Glorious . The different states of these Difficulties , when like Clouds they were gathering together , and when they descended in showres of Blood , divide the King's Reign into two parts . The first could not be esteemed days of Peace , but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity , either to part with His Dignity , and expose His Subjects to the Injuries of numerous Tyrants ; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peaceful Soul , and make use of those necessary Arms , whereby he might hope to divert , if possible , the Ruine of Church and State which He saw in projection . In the first part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parliament ; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Counsels , and assistances of Government , yet , through the just Indignation of Heaven , and the practices of some unquiet and seditious Persons , became the Wombs wherein were first conceived and formed those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Liberty , caused our Miseries , and the King's Afflictions . His first Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain , which they importunately had through His Mediation engaged His Father in , and made it as Hereditary to Him as the Crown . His Eloquence gave powerful Reasons for speedy and large summs of Money ; did also audit to them the several disbursements relating both to the Army and Navy , that He might remove all Jealousies of misimployment , and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly entred upon , and how to be a faithful Steward of the Publick Treasure . But the Projectors of the alteration of Government brought into Debate two Petitions , one for Religion , the other for Grievances , formed in King James's time , which delayed the Succours , and increased the Necessities , which at last they answered but with two Subsidies , too poor a stock to furnish an Army with ; yet was kindly accepted , in expectation of more at the next Session . For the Infection seising upon London , the Parliament was adjourned till August , when they were to meet at Oxford : and at that time He passed such Acts as were presented to Him. At the next Session he gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petitions , and expected a Retribution in larger Subsidies towards the Spanish War. But in stead of these , there were high and furious Debates of Grievances , consultations to form and publish Remonstrances , Accusations of the Duke of Buckingham : Which the King esteeming as reproaches of His Government , and assaults upon Monarchy , dissolves that Assembly , hoping to find one of a less cholerick complexion after His Coronation . This inauspicious Meeting drew after it another Mischief , the miscarriage of the Designs upon Spain . For the Supplies of Money being scanty and slow , the Fleet could not go forth till Octob. 8. an unseasonable time in the British Seas ; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests , which destroying some , scattered all the Ships . When they met , a more dangerous Storm fell among the Souldiers and Seamen , where small Pay caused less Discipline , and a Contempt of their General , the Lord Wimbleton , rendred the attempt upon Cades vain and fruitless . This was followed by a Contagion ( to which some conceive discontented minds make the Bodies of Men more obnoxious ) in the Navy , which forced it home , more empty of Men , and less of Reputation . The Infection decreasing at London , the King performed the Solemnities of His Coronation Feb. 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors : for in the Civil He omitted the usual Parade of riding from the Tower through the City to White-Hall , to save the Expences that Pomp required , for more noble undertakings . In the Spiritual there was restored a Clause in the Prayers which had been pretermitted since Henry VI. and was this ; Let Him obtain favour for this People , like Aaron in the Tabernacle , Elisha in the Waters , Zacharias in the Temple ; give Him Peter ' s Key of Discipline , Paul ' s Doctrine . Which though more agreeing to the Principles of Protestantism , which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches , and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery ; yet was quarrelled at by the Factious Party , ( who take advantages of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances ) and condemned as a new invention of Bishop Laud , and made use of to defame both the King and him . After this He began a second Parliament Feb. 2. wherein the Commons voted Him four Subsidies , but the Demagogues intended them as the price of the Duke of Buckingham's Blood ; whom Mr Cook and Dr Turner with so much bitterness inveighed against , as passing the modesty of their former dissimulation they taxed the King's Government . Sir Dudley Digges , Sir John Elliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lords House , in which , to make the Faction more sport , the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually impeach each other . By these contrasts the Parliament were so highly heated , that the Faction thought it fit time to put a Remonstrance in the Forge , which according to their manner was to be a publick Invective against the Government . But the King having notice of it , dissolves the Parliament June 18. An. 1626. and the Bill for the Subsidies never passed . An. 1626 This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad . For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestick embroilments begins a War upon us , and seiseth upon the English Merchants Ships in the River of Bourdeaux . His pretence was , because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen , whose insolencies had been intolerable . But the World saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis himself , who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish Attendants of his own Queen : and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this just Prince to Foreign Injuries . Which He Magnanimously endeavoured to revenge , and to recover the Goods of His abused Subjects ; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France . But the want of Money made the Preparations slow ; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the Year was by Storms forced to desist the Enterprize . So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Enemies , was imputed by some to a secret Decree of Heaven , which obstructed His just Undertakings for Glory . The next Year the King , An. 1627 quickened by the Petitions of the Rochellers , who now sued for His Protection , as well as by the Justice of His own Cause , more early prosecuted His Counsels , and sent the Duke of Buckingham to attach the Isle of Rhe ; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last Year's vain attempt , yet had now submitted to the English Valour , had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gayeties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Soldier . And when it was wisdom to forsake those Attempts which former neglects had made impossible , being too greedy of Honour , and to avoid the imputation of fear in a safe retreat , he loaded his overthrow with a new Ignominy , and an heavier loss of Men , ( the common fate of those Who seek for Glory in the parcels , lose it in the gross . ) Which was contrary to the temper of his Master , who was so tender of humane Blood , that therefore He raised no Wars , but found them , and thought it an opprobrious Bargain to purchase the fruitless Laurels , or the empty name of Honour , with the Lives of Men , but where the publick Safety required the hazard and loss of some particulars . This Expedition being so unhappy , and the Miseries of Rochel making them importunate for the King's Assistance , His Compassionate Soul was desirous to remove their Dangers , but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Faction had concluded Him under . To free Himself from which , that He might deliver the oppressed , he doth pawn His own Lands for 120000 Pounds to the City , and borrows 30000 l. more of the East-India Company : but this was yet too narrow a Foundation to support the Charges of the Fleet , and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament ; which He therefore summons to meet March 17. intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subjects Affections to Himself . Which in the beginning proved successful , for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King , An. 1628 and both Interests contended to oblige , that they might be obliged . The Parliament granted the King five Subsidies , and He freely granted their Petition of Right , the greatest Condescension that ever any King made , wherein He seemed to submit the Royal Scepter to the Popular Fasces , and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation . These auspicious beginnings , though full of Joy both to Prince and People , were matter of Envy to the Faction : and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealousies , the Demagogues perswaded the Houses that the King 's Grant of their Petition extended , ( beyond their own hopes and the limits themselves had set , and what He had expresly mentioned and cautioned ) even to the taking away His Right to Tonnage and Poundage . Besides this they were again hammering a Remonstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of male-administration . Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure , on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Oct. 20. and afterward by Proclamation till Jan 20. following . In the interim the King hastens to send Succours to Rochel : and though the General , the Duke of Buckingham , was at Portsmouth Assassinated by Felton , armed ( as he professed ) with the publick Hatred ; yet the Preparations were not slackned , the King by His personal Industry doing more to the necessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve Days then the Duke had done in so many Months before . But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impossibility of Relief . Therefore the Earl of Lindsey , who commanded the Forces , after some gallant , yet fruitless , attempts returned to England , and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King. As Providence had removed the great Object of the Popular hate , and ( as was pretended ) the chief Obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King , the Duke of Buckingham ; so the King Himself labours to remove all other occasions of quarrel before the next Session . He restores Archbishop Abbot , who for his remissness in the Discipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office , and was therefore the Darling of the Commons because in disgrace with the King , ( so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governours ) to the administration of it again . Dr Potter , the great Calvinist , was made Bishop of Carlisle . Mr Mountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was called in . Proclamations were issued out against Papists . Sir Thomas Wentworth , an active Leader of the Commons , was toward the beginning of this Session , as Sir John Savil had been at the end of the last , called up into the Lord's House , being made Viscount Wentworth , and Lord President of the North. But the Honours of these Persons ( whose Parts the King , who well understood Men , thought worthy of His Favour and Employment ) seeming the rewards of Sedition and the spoils of destructive Counsels , the Demagogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had attained unto , by the like arts . And therefore despising all the King 's obliging Practices , in the next Session they assumed a Power of reforming Church and State , called the Customers into question for Levying Tonnage and Poundage , made now their Invectives , as they formerly did against the Duke , against the Lord Treasurer Weston ; so that it appeared that not the Persons of Men , but the King's trust of them , was the object of their Envy , and His Favour , though never so Vertuous , marked them out for Ruine . And upon these Points they raised the Heat to such a degree , that fearing they should be dissolved e're they had time to vent their Passions , they began a Violence upon their own Body ( an Example which lasted longer then their Cause , and at last produced the overthrow of all their Priviledges . ) They lock'd the Doors of the House , kept the Key thereof in one of their own Pockets , held the Speaker by strong Hand in the Chair , till they had thundred out their Votes like dreadful Anathemaes , against those that should levy , and , which was more ranting , against such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Poundage . This Force the King went with His Guard of Pensioners to remove ; which they hearing , adjourned the House ; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the Injustice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liberties , dissolved the Parliament . While the Winds of Sedition raged thus furiously at home , more gentle gales came from abroad . The French King's Designs upon other Places required Peace from us , and therefore the Signiory of Venice by her Ambassadors was moved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis ; An. 1629 which the King accepted . And not long after the Spaniard pressed with equal necessities desired Amity ; which was also granted . The King being thus freed from His Domestick Embroilments and Foreign Enmities , soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire , and rendred Himself abroad more considerable then any of His Predecessors . And He was more glorious in the Eyes of the good , and more satisfied in His own Breast , by confirming Peace with Prudence , then if He had finished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Scepter was the Caduceus to arbitrate the differences of the Potentates of Europe . His Subjects likewise tasted the sweetness of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours , but only that of valuing their Happiness . While other Nations weltred in Blood , His People enjoyed a Profound Peace , and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it . The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the surest Bank to preserve and increase their Trading . The Spanish Bullion was here Coined , which advantaged the King's Mint , and encreased the Wealth of the Merchants , who returned most of that Money in our Native Commodities . While He dispensed these Blessings to the People , An. 1630 Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit His Dominions , May 29. An. 1630. which was so great matter of rejoycing to the People of uncorrupted minds , that Heaven seemed also concerned in the Exultation , kindling another Fire more than Ordinary , making a Star to be seen the same day at noon . ( From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertakings , and of no common glory among Kings : which hath since been confirmed by the miraculous preservation of Him , and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne . ) For this great Blessing the King gave publick Thanks to the Author of it , Almighty God , at St Paul's Church ; and God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Happiness . For neither Armies nor Navies are such sure props of Empire as Children are . Time , Fortune , private Lusts , or Errors may take off , or change Friends : but those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest , especially in Royal Families , in whose Prosperities strangers may have a part , but their Adversities will be sure to crush their nearest Allies . Prospering thus in Peace at home , a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Treasure , and gave Him leasure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad . He confederated with other Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness , assisting by his Treasure , Arms and Counsel , the King of Sweden , to deliver the oppressed German States from the Imperial Oppressions . And when Gustavus's Fortune made him Insolent , and he would impose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave , the King's Brother-in-law , He necessitated him notwithstanding his Victories to more easie Articles . The next year was notorious for two Tryals ; An. 1631 one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven , who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness and unnatural uncleanness , was by the King submitted to a Tryal by his Peers , and by them being found guilty , was condemned , and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes ; ( but in the King's eyes they appeared more horrid , because they polluted that Order ) and was afterwards executed . The other was of a Tryal of Combate at a Marshal's Court , betwixt Donnold Lord Rey , a Scottish High-lander , and David Ramsey , a Scottish Courtier . The first accused the last to have sollicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquess Hamilton , who was then Commander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden : in which Ramsey said all Scotland was ingaged but three ; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England that the Court was extreamly corrupted ; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change. ; There were no Witnesses , and the Defendant denying what the Appellant affirmed , the Tryal was thought must be by Duel . In order to which the King grants a Commission for a Court-Marshal ; where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightned , yet the King hinders any further process by Combat , which is doubted whether it be lawful ; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble ; or knowing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Heaven , it was vain to commit a Crime in hope of enjoying it , or in fear of losing it : ( which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inquisition of Conspiracies ) and fatally continues Hamilton in that favour as did enable him afterwards more falsly to act that Treason of which he was then accused . Some Tumults in Ireland shewed a defect in that Government which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth , An. 1632 a most accomplished Person in affairs of Rule , of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King 's choice of him he soon justified , by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown , and made it pay for the Charges of its own Government , which before was deducted out of the English Treasury : their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty . This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made Him mindful of employing some fruits of it to the Honour of that God that caused it ; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Religion , ( which is usual ) He shewed his own Zeal for the Ornaments of it , and spent part of His Treasure towards the repair of St Paul's Church , and by His Example , Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it ; and had restored it to its primitive lustre and firmness , adorned it to a magnificence equal with the Structure , which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World , had not the Malice of His Enemies forced him to Arms , mingled His Mortar with the blood of innocent people , and sacrilegiously diverted all the Treasure and Materials gathered for this pious design , to maintain an impious and unjust War : and afterwards to dishonour His cares for Religion , they barbarously made it a Stable for their Horse , and Quarters for their unhallowed Foot. Some reasons of State drew the King from London , An. 1633 May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland . Himself professed that He had no great stomach to the Journey , nor delight in the Nation , being a race of men that under the Scheme of an honest animosity and specious plain-dealing were most perfidious . A full Character of their great Movers . Yet as He had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility , so was He there magnificently received and crowned at Edinburgh June 10th . But the King soon found all those Caresses false . For the Nobility and Laick Patrons could not concoct His Revocation ( though legal and innocent ) of such things as had been stoln from the Crown during His Father's Minority , with a Commission for Surrendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be retaken from the King by the present Occupants ( who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors ) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown , ( to which they justly belonged ) some Augmentation of the Clergy , and far more ease and benefit to the common People , whom by advantage of those illegal Tenures they oppressed with a most bitter Vassalage . This Act of His Majesty being so full of equity and publick good , those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-facedly oppose it , but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order , by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratification of all those Laws which King James had made in that Nation for the better regulating the affairs of that Church , both as to the Government and Worship of it . This was highly opposed by such as were sensible of their diminution by a legal restitution of their unrighteous Possessions . And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices ; yet to prevent their own fires with the publick Ruine , they did most assiduously slander it among the People as the abetting of Popery , and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Romish yoke . These Calumnies received more credit by the King's Order for a more decent and reverend Worship of God at His Royal Chappel at Edinburgh , conformably to the English Usage . Their noise grew lowder by the Concent of their party of Malecontents in England ; who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports , which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire , and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Observance . The Occasision of which was the Apostasie of many to Popery , ( whose Doctrines and Practices are more indulgent to the licentious ) through the rigid Opinion of some Preachers , who equall'd all Recreations on the Sabbath ( as they call'd it ) to the most prodigious transgressions . On the contrary , some of the ignorant Teachers had perverted many to down-right Judaisme , by the consequence of so strict an Observance of the Sabbath . And some over-busie Justices of Peace had suppressed all the ancient Feasts of the Dedications of Churches . The King therefore intended by this Edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides , and to free His People from the yoke of this Superstition . But ( such is the weakness of Humane Prudence , that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are pregnant of another ; and whereas the Generality of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law , when Liberty is indulged all things are soon filled with Disorder and Confusion . And so ) it happened in this , that the Vulgar abusing the King's Liberty , ( which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches ) and committing many undecencies , made many well-temper'd Spirits too capable and credulous of those importunate Calumnies of the Faction that His Majesty was not well-affected to Religion . The boldness of the Pickeroons , An. 1634 Turks , and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our Coasts , damaging our Traffique , the Usurpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Dominion in the Narrow Seas , and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius , call the King 's next Cares for His own Honour , and the People's Safety . But the Remedy appeared exceeding difficult ; the furnishing of a Navy for so honourable an undertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer ; which ( although not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts , nor profusely wasted on some prodigal and unthirsty Favourite , nor lavished on ambitious designs , from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free ) was but just sufficient for ordinary and necessary Expences of State and Majesty . And though it was most just for Him to expect the Peoples Contribution to their own Safety , who were never richer than now , nor had they ever more Security for their Riches than they now had by his Concessions of Liberty : yet knowing how powerful the Faction alwaies was to disturb the Counsels of Parliament , He feared that from their Proceedings the common Enemies would be incouraged ( as formerly ) to higher Insolencies , and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruine His Honour . He also accounted it a great unhappiness to be necessitated to maintain His State by extraordinary waies , and therefore refused to renew Privie Seals and Loans , the use of which He debarred Himself of in granting the Petition of Right . Therefore consults His Atturney-General Noy , whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling people . Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Precedents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for setting forth a Navie in case of danger , and assures Him of the Legality of the way in proceeding by Writs to that effect . Which Counsel being embraced , there were Writs directed to the several Counties for such a Contribution that in the whole might build , furnish and maintain Forty Seven Ships for the safety of the Kingdom . And by these the King soon secured and calmed the Seas ; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tempest at Land. They complained of Invasions on their Spiritual Liberties , An. 1635 because the Bishops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their primitive Observance , of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent : and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Natural , dayly amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure . Therefore when they took this proper Method of reforming a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution , both His Majesty and they were defamed with designs of Popery . This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties , and contrary to Law , because not laid by a Parliament . Therefore those who sought the People's favour to alter the present Government , by seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights , An. 1636 refused to pay the Tax , and stood it out to a Trial at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Tryal , and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justifie by their Subscriptions , that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax ; and their Subscriptions were enrolled in all the Courts of Westminster-Hall . And when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber , ten of them absolutely declared for it ; only two , Crook and Hutton , openly dissented from that Opinion to which they had formerly subscribed , not without the ignominy of Levity unbeseeming their places . And as the King was thus victorious in the Law , so was He at Sea ; and having curbed the Pirates , He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas . Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed , that sober men could not pray for , nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Happiness than what His Reign did afford . The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edifices ; the Trade of the Nation had brought the Wealth of the Indies home to our doors ; Learning and all good Sciences were so cherished , that they grew to Admiration , and many Arts of the Ancients , buried and forgotten by time , were revived again . No Subjects under the Sun richer , and ( which was the effect of that ) none prouder . Security increased the Husband-mans stock , and Justice preserved his Life ; none being condemned as to Life , but by the lawful Verdict of those of an equal Condition , the Jury of his Peers . The poor might Reverence , but needed not Fear the Great : and the Great though he might despise , yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour . And all things were so administred , that they seemed to conspire to the Publick good ; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Civil Commotions , and brought our Felicity to that height , that by the necessity of Humane Nature , which hath placed all things in motion , it must necessarily decline . And God provoked by our sins did no longer restrain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men , who contemning their present certain enjoyments , hoped for more wicked acquisitions in publick Troubles ; to overwhelm every part of the King's Dominions with a Deluge of Blood and Misery , and to commence that War , which as it was horrid with much slaughter , so it was memorable with the Experiences of His Majesties Vertues ; Confusions , like Winds , from every Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul. The first Storm arose from the North , and the flame first broke out in Scotland , where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils of Religion and Majesty , took all occasions to hasten the publick Misery ( which at last most heavily lay upon their Country , the hands they had strengthned and instructed to fight against their Prince , laying a more unsupportable slavery upon them then their most impious Slanders could form in the imaginations of the credulous that they might fear from the King ) by calumniating the King's Government , raising fears of Tyranny and Idolatry , forming and spreading seditious Libels . The Author , or at least the Abettor , of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino , a Traitor by Nature , being the Son of one who had before merited Death for his Treasons to King James , yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles , to have his Life and Estate continued after condemnation . Yet this perfidious man interpreted the King's Clemencie for his own Vertue ; and he that had dared such a Crime , could not be changed by the Pardon of it ; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life , he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion . For the Rabble , An. 1637 that delights in Tumults , were fitted by this and other Boutefeus for any occasion of contemning the King's Authority ( though His designs , that were thus displeasing to the Noblefs , were evidently for the benefit of the Populacy ) and at last took fire from the Liturgie , something differing from ours , ( lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the Church of England ) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church ; which the King who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be divided in Worship , confirmed , and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh , a City always pregnant with suspicions and false rumours . But it was entertained with all the instruments of Fury that were present to a debauched multitude : for they flung Cudgels and Sticks at the Dean of Edinburgh while he was performing his Office ; and after that was done , re-inforced their assault upon the Bishops , whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect , who indured some affronts , that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude , which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguish'd . For they that are fierce in a croud , being singled , through their particular fears become obedient . And that Rabble that talks high against the determinations of their Prince , when danger from the Laws is within their ken , distrust their Companions , and return to subjection . But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude , but a long-formed Conspiracy ; and to this Multitude , whose present terrour was great , yet would have been contemptible in a short space , there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders . Who presently digested their Partisans into several Tables , and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion . To prosecute which they mutually obliged themselves and the whole Nation in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy , and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odious names of Heresie and Superstition , and to defend each other against all Persons , not excepting the King. To reduce this people to more peaceful Practices , the King sends Marquess Hamilton ( one who being caressed by His Majestie 's Favour had risen to such a degree of Wealth and Greatness , that now he dreamed of nothing less than Empire , to bring his Power to perfection , at least to be Monarch of Scotland , to which he had some pretensions by his birth ) as His Commissioner . Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenanters , whose first motions were secretly directed by his Counsels , and those of his Dependents , Traquair and Roxbrough , for all his Allies were of that Party , contrary to the custom of that Country , where all the Members of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger : ) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddle-bow for defence of the Covenant . By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were dayly sown , and his Oppositions so faint , that he rather encreased than allayed their fury : By several returns to His Majesty for new Instructions he gave time to the Rebels to consolidate their Conspiracy , to call home their Exiles of Poverty that were in Foreign Armies , and provide Arms for open Force : By his false representations of the state of things , he induced the King to temporize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation ( an Artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised ) and by granting their desires , to make them sensible of the Evils which would flow from their own Counsels . Therefore the King gave Order for revoking the Liturgy , the High-Commission , the Book of Canons , and the Five Articles of Perth . But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions , because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force which Modesty and Submission had never obtained ; and imputing these Grants to the King's Weakness , not His Goodness , they proceeded to bolder Attempts : Indicted an Assembly without Him , in which they abolished Episcopacy ; excommunicated the Bishops and all that adhered to them . Afterwards they seised upon the King's Revenue , surprised His Forts and Castles , and at last put themselves into Arms. Provoked with these Injuries the King amasses a gallant Army , in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen , and with these marches , and incamps within two miles of Berwick , within sight of the Enemy . But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace , they endeavoured to dissipate that Army , which they could not overthrow , by a pretence to a Pacification . For which they petitioned the King , who yielded unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. An. 1639 and the King disbands His Army , expecting the Scots should do the like , according to the Articles of Agreement . But they being delivered from Fear , would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded , but they protested against the Pacification , printed many false Copies of it , that might represent it dishonourable to the King , retained their Officers in pay , changed the old Form of holding Parliaments , invaded the Prerogatives of the Crown , and sollicited the French King for an aid of Men and Money . This perfidious abuse of His Majestie 's Clemency made those that judge of Counsels by the issue to censure the King's Facility . Some wondred how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generation of Men , and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War , should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet . That there would be alwaies the same causes to the Scots of disturbing England , and opposing Government , their unquiet Nature and Covetousness : therefore unless some strong impression made them either unable or unwilling to distract our quiet , the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries . Others attributed the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in his own Camp were polluted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters : and that Hamilton His Admiral had betrayed the seasons of fighting by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh and had secret Conference with his Mother , the great Nurse of the Covenant , on Shipboard . But most referred it to the King 's innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood , and to His Prudence not to defile His Glory with the overthrow ( which seemed probable ) of a contemptible Enemy , where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it . ; While Men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness , An. 1640 the King prepares for another Army , and in order thereto calls a Parliament in Ireland , and another in England , for assistances against the Rebels in Scotland . The Irish granted Money to raise and pay Eight Thousand Men in Arms , and furnish them with Ammunition . Yet this Example , with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots , and his promise of for ever acquitting them of Ship-money if now they would freely assist Him , prevailed nothing upon the English Parliament , whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels . And when the King sent Sr Henry Vane to remind them of His desires , and to demand Twelve Subsidies , yet to accept of Six ; but he industriously ( as was collected from his own and his Sons following practices ) insisted upon the Twelve , without insinuation of the lesser quantity His Majesty would be contented with ; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious Harangues , that the House was so exasperated , as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland . To prevent this ominous effect of the falseness of His Servant , the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convocation which granted Him Four Shillings in the Pound for all their Ecclesiastical Promotions . But the Laity that in the House had not time to declame against His Majestie 's Proceedings , did it without doors ; for being dispersed to their homes , they filled all places with suspicious rumours and high discontents : and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began , which was not pacified without much danger , and the Execution of the principal Leaders . The King thus betrayed , defamed and deserted by those who should have considered that in His Honour their Safety was embarqued , though He had no less cause to fear secret Conspiracies at Home , which were more dangerous because obscure , than the Scots publick Hostility ; yet vigorously prosecuted his undertaking , and raised a sufficient Army : but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies , who had soon re-united their dispersed Forces ; and incouraged by the Faction , with whom they held Intelligence in England , contented not themselves to stand upon the defence , but invaded us , and advanced so far before all the King's Army could be gathered together , that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Reer could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford , who was appointed General , or the King could come to incourage them with His Presence . He was no sooner arrived at his Army , but there followed Him from some English Lords a Petition , conformable to the Scotch Remonstrance , which they called the Intentions of the Army . So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South , while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries . The King answered the Petitioners , That before their Petition came He had resolved to summon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nation and His own Honour . Who accordingly met Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet Nov. 3. and in the mean time a Cessation should be made with the Scots , with whom some Commissioners from the Parliament should treat . Nov. 3. began that Fatal Parliament which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons , that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament , ingulfed the Nation in a Sea of Blood , ruined the King , and betrayed all their own Priviledges and the People's Liberty into the power of a phanatick and perfidious Army . And although His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate , yet He endeavoured to make them so ; telling them at their meeting , that He was resolved to put himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects ; that He would satisfie all their just Grievances , and not leave to malice it self a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . He commended to their care the chasing out of the Rebels , the Provisions of His own Army , and the Relief of the oppressed Northern Counties . But the Malignity of some few ; and the ignorance of more , employed that Assembly in other matters : first , in purging their House of all such as they conceived would not comply with their destructive Enterprises ; and for such men they either found some fault with their Elections , or made them Criminals in some publick Grievance ; though others of a deeper guilt they kept among them , that their Offences might make them obnoxious to their power , and obsequious to their commands . Then with composed Harangues they declamed upon the publick Grievances , and reckoned up causal Misfortunes amongst designed Abuses of Government , every way raising up Contumelies against the present Power : and that which was fullest of Detraction and Envy was applauded as most pregnant with Liberty . Thus pretending several Injuries had been done to the People , they raised the Multitude to hopes of an unimaginable Liberty , and a discontent with the present Government . After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition , that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned , and three of them were conducted through London with such a company of people adorned with Rosemary and Bayes , as it seemed a Triumph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them . Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State : they impeached the Earl of Strafford , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Finch , Keeper of the Great Seal , the Judges that according to their Oath had determined Ship-money legal , and others ; some of which fled , those that were found were clapt in Prison : so that the King was soon despoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel , and others terrified in their Ministry to Him. While the Factious thus led the House , their Partisans without by their Instructions formed Petitions against the Government in Church and State ; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to subscribe , and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots . Who being animated by the success of their Arts , fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Parliaments , wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nation was , upon the refusal of the King , and the neglect of others , devolved upon Constables , which prophanation of Majesty though the King disswaded them from , yet they persisted in ; and He passed it . After five Months time ( for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justifie their accusation , An. 1641 and to give leisure to the Court for Overtures of gainfull Offices to the great Sticklers against him ; which not appearing ) the Earl of Strafford is brought to his Triall in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as His Judges : ( the King , Queen and Prince sitting behind a Curtain in an adjoyning Gallery ) and round about the Court stood the Commons . His Accusers and Witnesses were English , Scotch and Irish , ( and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Empire . ) The English were such as envied his Vertues , and greatness in the King's Favour . The Scotch , because they knew his Prudence able to counterwork their Frauds , discover their impudent Cheats , and his wise management to overthrow their Force . The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Government , whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impatient of Peace , to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty ; and by Artifices , Husbandry and Commerce had rendred that tumultuary Nation so rich , that they were now able to repay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commotions had contracted . Although those of this Nation were Papists , and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State , and were even then practising and meditating their Rebellion , ( which they hoped more easie when so wise a Governour was removed ) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime ; yet were they much caressed by the Faction , that these in the name of the whole Kingdom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave . His Charge consisted of twenty eight Articles ( that their number might cover their want of Evidence . ) To all which the Lieutenant ( whose Patience was not overcome , nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Accusers ) answers with so brave a Presence of Spirit , such firm Reasons , and so clear an Eloquence , that he whom the mercenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendred as a Monster of men , could not be found guilty of Treason , either in the particulars or the whole . So that his Enemies were filled with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other then a Libel of Slanders ; and the dis-interessed Hearers were ( besides the pleasure they received to find so great Endowments polluted with no hainous Crimes ) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people , where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded , and unsuccessfull , though prudent , are severely accused : when they erre , every one condemns them , and their wise Advices few praise ; for those that are benefitted envy , and such as are disappointed hate those that gave them . And such seemed the Fate of this Excellent Counsellour , whom nothing else but his great Parts , his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger . The Faction being obstructed this way , by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities , from taking away his Life , move the House to proceed by a Bill of Attainder , to the making a Law after the Fact , whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason : yet adde a Caution , that it should not be drawn into a Precedent , seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they acted on him , intending to prosecute what they falsly charged him with , the Alteration of Government . Which yet passed not without a long debate and contention : for many that had none but honest hopes , disdained to administer to the Interest of the Faction in the blood of so much Innocent Gallantry ; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the avenues to ruine of the best Persons , when once exposed to publick hatred . Therefore they earnestly disswaded such a proceed . And fifty nine of the most eminent openly dissented when it came to the Vote ; whose Names were afterwards posted , and marked for the fury of the Rabble , that for the future they might not oppose the designs of the Factious , unless they desired to be torn in pieces . In two dayes the Lower House past the Bill , so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood : but the Lords House was a little more deliberative ( the King having amongst them declared His sense of the Earl's Innocency : ) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being impatient , there came a seditious rabble of about 5 or 6000 of the dreggs of the people , armed with Staves and Cudgels , and other Instruments of Outrage , ( instigated by the more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and the City ) to the Parliament doors , clamouring Justice , Justice : and the next day , to raise their Fury , there was a report spred among them of some endeavours to prepare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ireland ; therefore with more fierceness they raised their clamours , some objecting Treason to him , others their Decay of Trade , and each one either as he was instructed ( for some of the House of Commons would be among them , to direct their Fury , and to give some order to their Tumult , that it might appear more terrible , ) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him , urged his different motives for Justice : and at last , heated by their own motion and noise , they guard the doors of the House of Peers , offer insolencies to the Lords , especially the Bishops , as they went in , and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamours . And when they had thus made an assault on the Liberty of the Parliament ( which yet was pretended to be so Sacred ) they afterward set upon the neighbouring Abbey-Church ; where forcing open the doors they brake down the Organs , spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Worship : from thence they fly to Court , and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours : and at last were raised to that impudency , as to upbraid the King , ( who from a Scaffold perswaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs ) with an unfitness to reign . When some Justices of the Peace , according to the Law , endeavoured to suppress those Tumults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders , they themselves were imprisoned by the Command of the Commons , upon pretext of an injury offered to the Liberties of the Subject ; of which one was ( as they then dictated ) That every one might safely petition the Parliament : yet when the Kentish men came to petition for something contrary to the Gust of the Faction , they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them ; and when other Counties were meditating Addresses for Peace , by threatnings they deterred them from such honest undertakings . And when some prudent Persons minded the Demagogues how dishonourable it was for the Parliament not to suppress such Mutinies , they replied , that their friends ought rather to be thanked and caressed . By these and other Arts having wholly overthrown the freedom of that Council , and many withdrawing themselves from such Outrages , when scarce the third part of the Peers were present , the Faction of that House likewise passed the Bill , the Dissenters being out-voted only by seven Voices . Yet all this could not prevail upon the King , though the Tumults were still high without , and within He was daily sollicited by the Lords of his Palace ( who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer , and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustration of the Court ) to leave the Earl as a Sacrifice to the Vulgar rage . Nor did the King any ways yield , till the Judges ( who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament ) declared he might do it by Law , and the Earl by his own Letters devoted himself as a Victime for the publick Peace and His Majesty's safety : and then overcome with Importunities on all hands , and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges ( as Himself complained to the Bishop of London , who answered , That if the King in Conscience found him not guilty , He ought not to pass the Bill ; but for matter of Law , what was Treason , he referred Him to the Judges , who according to their Oath ought to carry themselves indifferently betwixt Him and His Subjects : but the other four Bishops that were then consulted , Durham , Lincoln , Carlisle , and the Archbishop of Armagh , were not so free as the Bishop of London was , and therefore the King observed a special blessing of God upon him . ) He at last with much reluctancy signed a Commission to some Lords to pass that Bill of Attainder , and another for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses . The passing of these two Bills , as some thought , wounded the King's Greatness more than any thing He ever did . The first , because it cut off a most exquisite Instrument of Empire , and a most faithful Servant : and none did more make use of this to pollute His Honour , than those who had even forced Him to it ; like those malignant and damned Spirits who upbraid unhappy Souls with those Crimes and ruines to which they themselves have tempted and betrayed them . But the heaviest Censor was Himself , for he never left bewailing His Compliance , or rather Connivence , with this Murder , till the issue of his Blood dried up those of His Tears . By the other Bill He had , as some censured , renounced His Crown , and granted it to those men who at present exercised so Arbitrary a Power , that they wanted nothing but length of time to be reputed Kings , and this they now had gotten . But the more Speculative concluded it an act of especial Prudence , for the King made that an evidence of His sincere intention to oblige His people , and overcome the Malice of His Enemies with Benefits : which the Faction would have usurped , and by the boldness of the attempt ingaged the People to them as the only Patrons of their Liberty . And they were furnished with an Example for it by their Confederates in Scotland , who indicted an Assembly without the King's leave , and continued it against His pleasure ; and ( as all imitations of Crimes exceed their first pattern ) it was conceived these men whose furies were more unjust , and so would be more fierce , intended to improve that Precedent to the extreamest guilt . The Bill was no sooner signed , but they hastened the Execution ; and so much the more eagerly , because the King desired , in a most passionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords , that the Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth , might have the more time to fit it self for the Mercy of Heaven . But this favour which became Christians to grant , agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries , and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill , ( in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury , whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance begged , and the most pious Prelate bestowed them with Tears , ) where with a greater presence of mind than he had looked his Enemies in the face , did he encounter Death , and submitted his neck to the stroke of the Executioner . He was a person of a generous Spirit , fitted for the noblest enterprises , and the most difficult parts of Empire . His Counsels were bold , yet just , and he had a Vigour proper for the Execution of them . Of an Eloquence , next to that of his Master's , masculine , and most excellent . He was no less affectionate to the Church than to the State , and not contented while living to defend the Government and Patrimony of it , he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die , and charged his abhorrency of Sacriledge . His Enemies called the Majesty of his Miene in his Lieutenancy , Pride , and the undaunted execution of his Office on the contumacious , the insolency of his Fortune . He was censured for committing that fatal Errour of following the King to London and to the Parliament after the Pacification with the Scots at York and it was thought that if he had gone over to his charge in Ireland , he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for his Majesty's Service . But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate , whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it designs to ruine , and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage , which himself in former Parliaments had used against Government , and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buckingham . Providence teaching us to abhor over-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors . ; The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the other Officers of State , that the Lord High Treasurer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it ; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards ; and the Guardian of the Prince returned Him to the King : These Lords parting with their Offices , like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way , that they might delude the violence of their greedy pursuers . But the King was left naked of their faithful Ministery , and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Faction , to whom they discovered his most private Counsels . When the Earl of Strafford was dead , then did the Parliament begin to think of sending away the Scots , who hitherto had much impoverished the Northern Counties , and increased the charges of the Nation : but now they were voted to receive 300000 l. under the notion of a Brotherly assistance , but in truth , designed by the Faction , as a reward for their Clamours for the Earl's Blood ; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative , in signing the Bills to take away the High-Commission and the Star-Chamber . After which spoils of Majesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies , August 6. and on the 10th of that Month the King follows them into Scotland , to settle , if it were possible , that Kingdom . But the King still found them as before : when he satisfied their greedy appetites , then would they offer Him their Lives and Fortunes ; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies , they appeared in their proper nature ungrateful , changeable and perfidious , whom no favours could oblige , nor any thing but Ruine was to be expected by building upon their Love. While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Covetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pretended was for the Publick good , and so aimed at no less than a Miracle , by His Benefits to reduce Faith ( which , like Life , when it is once departed doth never naturally return ) into those perfidious breasts ; the Parliament adjourns , and leaves a standing Committee of such as were the Leaders or the Servants of the Faction . These prepared new Toils for His Majesties return , and by them was the Grand Remonstrance formed : in it were reckoned for Grievances all the Complaints of Men that were impatient of Laws and Government ; the Offences of Courtiers , the unpleasing Resolves of Judges , the Neglects or Rigours of the Ministers of Justice , the undigested Sermons of some Preachers , yea the Positions of some Divines in the Schools , were all exaggerated to defame the present Government both in Church and State , and to magnifie the skill of these State-Physicians that offered Prescripts for all these Distempers . Beside , more easily to abuse the Vulgar , who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes , unpleasing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny ; and those things which had been reformed , were yet mentioned as continued burthens . From which the People were assured there could be no deliverance but by the Wisdom and Magnanimity of the Remonstrants . To prepare the way for this , the most opprobrious parts of it were first whispered among the Populacy , that by this seeming suppression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly divulge them , and the danger appear greater by an affected silence . Then prodigious Calumnies ( which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a Man ) were formed of the King , and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends , as might force them to some Injuries which hitherto they forbore , and by securing themselves increase the Publick fears . For Slanders do rather provoke most men , than amend them ; and the provoked think more of their safety , than to adjust their actions against their malicious Slanderers . And when the minds of Men were made thus sollicitous concerning Dangers from the King , to make them more pliable and ductile , there was represented to them an inevitable anger of Heaven against the present state of things both in Church and State , testified by many Prodigies that were related , and portentuous Presages of Ruine . Certain Prophecies ( for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are infamous ) from unknown Oracles are divulged , which aenigmatically describe the King as a Monster , and from such a Prince must proceed a change of Government . Some vain persons also , that gave themselves up to the Imposture of Astrologie , were hired to terrifie the People with the unsignificant Conjunctions of Stars , and from them to foretel Ruines to the better part of the World , and an imminent destruction of Men of the long Robe , and Alterations of States . These were done to temper the minds of Men by a superstition for a guidance of their Ministers , who being conceived to be the Ambassadours of Heaven , were supposed to have it in their Commission , to declare the Conditions of War and Peace : and these , either through the same weakness capable of the like terrours , with the Vulgar , or ( which is more to be abhorred ) corrupted , as some were , by the Caresses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with , did justifie their Fears , and increase them by applying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present times and People ; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel , and whatsoever was condemned in the Holy Records , was parallel'd with the things they disliked here , and all the Curses that God poured upon His irreconcileable and obdurate Enemies , were denounced against such as differ'd from them , or would not joyn with the Faction . To make these Harangues more efficacious , the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues , who ( despising , questioning and exposing to Affronts such sober Divines as would have cured the madness of the People , ) appropriated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints , Faithful Ministers , Pretious Men ; and they on the other side made a return of Epithets to their Masters , of the Servants of the Most High , such as were to do the Work of the Lord ; That by their Counsels men were to expect new Heavens and a new Earth ; that they were Men that should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ , and lay the Foundations of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years . To make the Cry yet louder , they permitted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of publick profession , ( which hitherto Discipline , the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to secret Corners ) and permitted the Office of Teaching to every bold and ignorant Undertaker ; so that at last the dreggs of the People Usurped that Dignity , and Women , who had parted with the Natural Modesty of their Sex , would not only speak , but also rule in the Church . All these , in gratitude for their Licentiousness , still perswaded to their Hearers the admiration of the Authors of it , and bitterly inveighed against those whom the Care both of the Souls and Fortunes of Men would excite to repress them , in many of their Raptures denouncing Wo and Judgment to the lawful Governours in Church and State. While all these Methods of Ruine were preparing here , the same anger of God , the same madness of men raised up another Tempest in Ireland . For the Popish Lords and Priests of Ireland ( who were the prime Composers of the Tragedies there , ) were incouraged by the Success of the Scots , who by a prosperous Rebellion ( as the Historian of those Troubles writes ) had procured for themselves such large Priviledges , to an imitation , which the present Jealousies in England ( where mutual Contrasts would employ all their force upon one another , ) promised to be secure . And they had an happy opportunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford , with whom the Irish Lords ( while they prosecuted him in England ) had removed all those other inferiour Magistrates that were most skilful in the Affairs of that Kingdom , by accusing to the Faction some of them of Treason , and others of an inclination to the Earl , and had got preferred to their charges such as were either altogether unacquainted with the Genius of that People , or favourers of the Conspiracy . A strength they had also ready ; for those Eight Thousand which had been listed for the Scotish Expedition were unseasonably disbanded , and the King in foresight they might cause some mischief in their own Countrey , had therefore promised Four Thousand of them to the King of Spain : yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure , because ( as the Irish Lords suggested ) it would displease the King of France ; and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp , that likewise was not relished . The Common Souldiers of that Army being thus made useless , and therefore like Men of their employment , most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dangers of War , were easily drawn into the Rebellion , although very few of their Officers were polluted with the Crime . The Irish Lords and Priests being allured by these our Vices and these several opportunities , began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scattered among them , despoiling them of their Estates , Goods , and many thousands of their Lives , without any respect of Sex , Age , Kindred , or Friendship , and made them as so many Sacrifices to their bloody Superstition . They missed but a little to have surprised Dublin . But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places , the English name and interest was preserved in that Kingdom , till they could receive Succours from hence . The King had the first Intelligence of it , in its very beginnings , in Scotland , and thereupon sent Sr James Stuart to the Lords of the Privie Council in Ireland , to acquaint them with His Knowledge and Instructions , and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could supply . Besides , He moves the Parliament of Scotland , as being nearest , to a speedy help ; who decline their Aids , because Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England . At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England ; who less regard it , the Faction applauding their Fortune , that new Troubles were arisen to molest the King , and that the Royal Power being thus assaulted in all three Nations , there must shortly arise so many new Commonwealths . Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty , to whose Councils at first secretly they whispered , and at last publickly imputed that horrid Massacre . Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels , who , to dishearten the English from any resistance , bragged that the Queen was with their Army ; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces ; That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puritans ; That they had the King's Commission for what they did , shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn , but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Patent out of Farnham Abbey , by one Plunckett , in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests , as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many . That the Scots were in Confederacy with them , to beget a Faith of which , they abstained from the Lives and Fortunes of those of that Nation among them . On the other side , to incourage the Natives of their own Party , they produce fictitious Letters , wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act , that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship ; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods , for the second their Estates , and for the third their Lives . Besides they present them with the hopes of Liberty : That the English Yoke should be shaken off ; that they would have a King of their own Nation ; and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives . And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty and Irish were driven to such a Fury , that they committed so many horrid and barbarous Acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of . In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there , but only some Votes passed against the Rebels , till the King returned to London , which was about the end of November ; where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens , and the chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court . For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love ; to which they were naturally prone enough , had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius . But this much troubled the Faction , who envied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves , and they endeavoured to make these loves short and unhappy ; for they discountenanced the prime advancers of this Honour of the King , and were more eager to render Him odious . For having gotten a Guard about them , they likewise insinuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard , and every day grew more nice , and jealous of their Priviledges , and Power . The King's advices to more tenderness of His Prerogative , or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House , they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur , and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him. But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance : after which they took all occasions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsly pretended to in it . This the Faction had before formed , and now brought into the House of Commons ; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the publick Peace and Common Good : though those who preferred their Private to the General Interest , and every one that was short-sighted and improvident for the future , were so fierce for it , that the Debates were continued all Night till ten a Clock the next Morning , so that many of the more aged , and Persons of best Fortunes ( not accustomed to such watchings ) were wearied out , and many others , not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design , left the House , so that at last they carried it , yet but by eleven Votes . Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords , and the Ceremonies in the Church , and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in ; yet named none , but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party . Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in print . To which the King answers in another publick Declaration , but so much to the Discontent of the Demagogues , to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer , that they had recourse to their former Sovereign Remedy , which sober men accounted a Crime , and an indignity to Government , the Tumults of the Rabble . Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster , some crying out against Bishops , others belching their fury against the Liturgy , and a third Party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands . To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate , and especially to the Bishops , at their going in , or coming out of the House : and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall , they appeared so insolent , as it was evident they wanted only some to begin , for there were enough to prosecute an assault upon the King in His own Palace . The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament , Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceedings of it , during their so violent Exclusion . Which Protestation the Commons presently accused of High Treason , and caused their Commitment to the Tower ; where they continued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lord's House was past , that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights , and against the Injustice offered unto them , and then afterwards released them . The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety , and to prevent the prophaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People , who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westminster , by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall . But when the terrour of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudencie , they then , instructed by their Heads , laboured to make it more unsafe to the King , by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him. For at Midnight there were cries out in the Street , that all People should arise to their defence ; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City , and cut their Throats in their Beds . Than which though nothing was more false , yet it found the effects of truth ; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep , the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day , and filled them almost with Madness . The King therefore , not alwaies to incourage these Violences with Patience , but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these destructive Counsels , the grand Movers of these Seditious practices , and , which was more , the Inviters of a Foreign Force , the Scotch Army , into this Nation ; commands His Atturney-General to accuse Five Members of the House of Commons , and one of the Lords , upon Articles of High Treason , to be tried according to the Laws of the Land : And He also sends some other Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabinets in their several Lodgings , and to secure their Persons . This being related to the House of Commons ( wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful , and with whom did joyn many men of Integrity in this Occurrence , being too careful of the Priviledges of their House , which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Murder , Felony , or Treason ) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them , that they accused the King of breach of Priviledge , and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Commonwealth that shall obey the King in any of His Commands concerning them . This obstruction of Justice so far moved the King , together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Commons , as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way , that none through the hope of Concealment should be incouraged to conspire the publick Ruine , that He Himself , with about an hundred Lords and Gentlemen and their followers , went to the House of Commons : Where commanding His Attendants to move no further than the Stairs , to offer no violence , nor return any uncivil Language to any , although provoked , Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House , and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands , with whom he promises to deal no otherwise than according to the Law. But they whom He sought , being before informed ( as it is reported ) of the King 's coming by the secret Intelligence of Marquess Hamilton , and a Court Lady ( who having lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beauty , sought now to prevent a solitude by politick Ministeries ) had forsook the place , and withdrawn themselves into the Sanctuary of the City . Wherefore the King having renewed His Charge , without injury to any , immediately departs . But the Faction would not let Him so rest , but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise , spread the sparks of Dissension far and wide , make the common People mad with Fears and Distractions , stir up some in several Counties to bring Petitions for the Impeached Members and their Violated Priviledges ; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their Coverts in London . This coming to the knowledge of the King , although many Gallant and Faithful Persons proffered their Service by mingling with the Rout , or by being as Spectators , to curb any Insolencies that should be attempted on Him ; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Windsor , that He might permit their Fury to languish when it had no opposition , and to give time for their jealousies and rumours to wax old and perish . For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce , and a small delay breaks their consent ; and Majesty would have a greater Reverence , if any , at a distance . The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies , and therefore to counterwork it , and not to let the People sleep without fear , lest they should come to be sober , and return to the love of Obedience , strange reports were every day brought of dangers from the King : That Troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames , where the County Magazine was lodged , under the command of the Lord George Digby , who was then famed to be a Papist , ( though at that time he was an elegant Assetor of the Protestant Faith , ) and Col. Lunsford , who was characterised to be of so monstrous an Appetite that he would eat Children . And Parties were sent to take them both , which found no such dreadful Preparations . At other times , when the People on the Lord's days were at Divine Worship , they were distracted from it by Alarms , that the Papists ( who and from whence none could tell ) were up in Arms , and were just then about to fire their Houses , and mix their Blood with their Prayers ; That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under Ground , that should in the Night break out into the midst of the City , and cut all their Throats : And what was more prodigious , and though ridiculous , yet had not a few Believers in London , That there were Designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames , and choak them with the Water in their Beds . Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince , and by bloody News from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared , and to adore those by whose Counsels they were delivered from so unexpected Dangers . By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferiour to their supposed Trust , when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower , and the Militia of all the Counties in England , together with the Forts and Castles of the same . For all which they moved the House of Commons to petition : who desiring the Conjuncture of the Lords in the same , were wholly refused by them . Therefore stemm'd by the Faction they petition alone . Which unlimited Power the King absolutely refused to grant unto them , who He foresaw would use that , as they had all His other Concessions , to the ruine of the Author of their Power . Yet was pleased to consent , after He had demonstrated the Prejudice they required to the English Nation , that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland , and deliver unto them the strong Town and Port of Carickfergus , one of the chief Keys of that Kingdom : which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future Designs . And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members , and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Subjects , as the Parliament should think convenient . But all this could not content them who had immoderate Desires , and they were more discontented that they could not usurp the King 's Right , than if they had lost their own Privileges : therefore to bring the Lords to a Concurrence with them , the hitherto prosperous art of Tumultuous Petitions was again practised , and great Numbers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes , to shake the Fundamental Constitutions of their House , and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Popish Lords should continue in their ancient Right to Vote among the Peers . By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House , and whosoever they could not confide in , they could fright Him from Voting against them , by exposing him as Popish to the Popular Fury . For this was the method of using the Petitions . The most common Answer was with Thanks , and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof . The Petitioners were taught to reply , that They doubted not of the Care of the Commons House , but all their Distrust was in the House of Lords , where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power , and there it stuck , whose Names they desired to know : And in this they were so earnest , that they would not willingly withdraw whilest it was debated , and then they had leave to depart with this Answer , That the House of Commons had already endeavoured Relief from the Lords in their Requests , and shall so continue till Redress be obtained . Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferiour Tradesmen about London , as Porters , Water-men , and the like : and that nothing of testifying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted , Women were perswaded to present Petitions to the same effect . While the Faction thus boasted in the success of their Arts , Good men grieved to see these daily Infamies of the Supreme Council of the Nation , all whose Secrets were published to the lowest and weakest part of the People : and they who clamoured it as a breach of their Privilege , that the King took notice of their Debates , now made them the subjects of discourse in every Shop , and all the corners of the Street ; where the good and bad were equally censured , and the Honour and Life of every Senator exposed to the Verdict of the Rabble . No Magistrate did dare to do his Office , and all things tended to a manifest Confusion : So that many sober Persons did leave the Kingdom , as unsafe , where Factions were more powerful than the Laws . And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Miseries and Reproaches of their Country . On the other side , to make the King more plyable , they tempt him by danger in His most beloved Part the Queen , concerning whom they caused a Rumour , that they did intend to impeach Her of High Treason . This Rumour made the deeper Impression , because they had raised most prodigious Slanders ( which are the first Marks for destruction of Princes ) on Her ; and when they had removed all other Counsellors from the King , She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split : That She commanded no less His Counsels than Affections , and that His Weakness was so great , as not to consent to or enterprise any thing which She did not first approve . That She had perverted Him to Her Religion , and formed Designs of overthrowing the Protestant Profession . These and many other of a portentuous falshood were scattered among the Vulgar , who are always most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons : and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty . But the Parliament taking notice of the Report , sent some of their House to purge themselves from it , as an unjust Scandal cast upon them . To which the Queen mildly answers , That there was a general Report thereof , but She never saw any Articles in writing , and having no certain Author for either , She gave little Credit thereto ; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her , who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the Actions of any One Person , and much more the Proceedings of Parliament , and shall at all times wish an Happy Vnderstanding between the King and His People . But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practices to transport the Parliament from their just Intentions in other things , and that they might do so in this , resolved to send Her into Holland , under colour of accompanying their eldest Daughter , newly married to the Prince of Orange ; but in truth to secure Her ; so that by the fears of Her danger ( who was so dear unto Him ) He might not be forced to any thing contrary to His Honour and Conscience , and that Her Affections and Relations to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies . With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown , that they might not be the Spoils of the Faction , but the means of the support of Her Dignity in Forein Parts , if His Necessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her otherwise . Which yet She did not so employ , but reserved them for a supply of Ammunition and Arms , when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence . It was said , that the Faction knew of this Conveyance , and might have prevented it , but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so managed , that the King in confidence of that Assistance might take up Arms , to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be better in War than Peace , because their present Deliberations were in the sense of the Law actual Rebellions ; and a longer time would discover those Impostures by which they had deluded the People , who would soon leave them ( as many now did begin to repent of their Madness ) to the Vengeance which was due to their Practices , unless they were more firmly united by a communion of Guilt in an open assaulting their Lawful Prince . The King hastens the Security of the Queen , and accompanies Her as far as Dover , there to take His Farewel of Her ; a Business almost as irksom as Death , to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endowments : and that which made it the more bitter , was , that the same Cause which forced Her Separation from Him , set Her at a greater distance from His Religion , ( the onely thing wherein their Souls were not united ) even the Barbarity of His Enemies who professed it , yet were so irreconcileable to Vertue , that they hated Her for Her Example of Love and Loyalty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and Waves , that . She might escape the Cruelty of more unquiet and faithless men , they prosecute Him with their distasteful Addresses , and the Canterbury present Him with a Bill for taking away Bishops Votes in Parliament . Which having been cast out of the House of Peers several times before , ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session . But the Faction had now used their accustomed Engine , the Tumult , and it was then passed by the Lords , and brought hither together with some obscure Threats , that if it were not signed , the Queen should not be suffered to depart . ( By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they call'd Reformation . ) This His Majesty signs , ( though after it made a part of His penitential Confessions to God ) in hopes that the Bill being once consented to , the Fury of the Faction , which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government , would be abated , as having advanced so far in their Design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices , which would have been always on that side where Equity and Conscience did most appear . But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be compounded with , and they made this but a step to the Overthrow of that which He designed to preserve . When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich , He met with many Informations how averse the Faction was to Peace , and that their Proceedings were raised to a Level with their Principles , which some of them published , That the Alteration they did intend , and which was necessary both in Church and State , must be made by Blood. Therefore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to create an Hatred of Him , and to despoil Him of all the hopeful Effects of His Condescensions . For when a Prince is once hated , his Benefits do him no less hurt than Injuries . In order to this , Mr. Pym had publickly charged Him with a Connivence at least , if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Rebellion : because many Papists had His Majesties immediate Warrant for their transport thither . This the King requires satisfaction for , shewing the Falshood and Malice of the Defamer , by giving an Account of the date of the several Warrants . But the Faction so far prevailed as to make it a Publick Sin , and the House was perswaded to believe and acknowledge it to be their common sense . Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House , especially Mr. Marten , a man of all Uncleannesses , a publick contemner of Religion and Honesty , that had wasted a large Patrimony ( which he had likewise unjustly mortgaged to several and different Creditors ) in the most infamous Lusts , and sought a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruine of the State ; at which he was powerful , being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life , wherewith he used to prophane God and His Vicegerents : yet serving the ends of Confusion , had his name among the Catalogue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts upon His Honour , they endeavour another upon His Family , and to seize upon the Prince . Which the King , hearing , sends for Him and the Duke of York , and immediately removes to Theobalds in order to His journey towards the North , where He intended to settle His abode , till he saw what Issue this Storm would have . This removal of the King was variously censured . Some thought it unadvisedly done , to withdraw so far from London , to leave His chief City wholly to the practices , and expose His Friends there to the Impostures and Injuries of his Enemies . Others , especially the friends of the Faction , defamed it as a preparing Himself for that War which followed . But others concluded it as an act of Necessity , and where there was no choice for Prudence . For when He had passed more obliging Acts , and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown , as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors , yet He found that He had effected nothing more by giving , than to make the Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Conscience deny ; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see , it is safer to trust Him who was contented with a less degree of Power , than those whose ambition and avarice knew no bounds : Who being thus deluded as so far to administer to the Lusts of their Disturbers , would not fail their assistance to seize upon His Person , unless in time He did provide for His Liberty . Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War , who to make His people happy ( if they had not despised their own Mercies ) had deprived Himself of a power to manage it . For besides those Acts formerly mentioned , He had signed many other as prejudicial to such an undertaking . For He had passed Acts against His own power of Impressing Souldiers , His right to Tonnage and Poundage , the Stannary Courts , Clerk of the Market , the Presidial Courts in the North , and Marches of Wales whereby He had not only diminished His Greatness , and that Reverence which was due to the Crown , but also so streightned His Revenue as it was not able to maintain Discipline , without which no hopes of Victory , especially in a Civil War. Besides , His Enemies in every County had injured His Fame , which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword and the City of London , which is the grand Treasury of the Wealth and Strength of the whole Nation , was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands . All which considerations as they could not escape so Wise a Prince , so would they not permit the Designs of War , especially in that Breast , to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood , as to expose Himself to Ruine . So that His departure from London was not of Design , but Necessity , nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame ; for He could not longer endure those detestable Spectacula , in which Tumults like Beasts were let loose to assault the Majesty of Government . ; ; While the King thus provides for His Liberty , the Faction proceed to usurp the Militia , which His Majesty had denied , and the Lords were ashamed to ask : therefore they privately incourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerfull , to appoint Musters , to arm and train their youth , and module them into Companies ; which afterwards ( though contrary to the Law ) they move the Lower House to vote Legal , and to make an Order in the name of the Parliament for the constituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County : and at last , by the Tumults which they raised , the Threats they used to divulge the names of the dissenting Lords , and secret promises to some others ( for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Dover , he must look for no Preferment unless he joyned with them ) they prevailed upon the House of Peers , when many of the most eminent were absent , to joyn in a Petition for the Militia , upon pretence of great Dangers at home , and more prodigious terrors from abroad , pretending that by Intelligence from Paris , Rome and Venice , they were assured of great designs to overthrow the Parliament , together with the Protestant Religion ; ( whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined , was so twisted with theirs , that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction . ) This Paper being presented to His Majesty , whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace , when it did not betray Religion and the Trust Heaven had committed unto Him , He proposes to them Expedients whereby they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia , which Honour and Conscience forbad Him to devest Himself wholly of , and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrors , whereby they distracted and divided the People , not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gracious Concessions wherein He had exceeded the Goodness of all His Predecessors . But they , who had projected to themselves the whole Power , would not be contented with a Partner in it , and therefore despising His Indulgence , and neglecting His Admonitions , the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Militia : and to make the People believe there was truth in their false Fears , they command strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places , Beacons to be new set up , the Sea-marks to be watched , and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered , and strange and unheard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light . A Taylor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavaliers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaister also taken from a Plague-sore was sent into the House to the same person , that the Infection first seising on a Member of the quickest senses , might thence more impetuously diffuse it self upon all the most Grave Senators . Such like plots as these , and whatsoever could be devised , were published to make the Vulgar think those demands of the Faction seem modest , ( their dangers being so great ) which were very unjust . And lest the King should at His coming into the North make use of that Magazine at Hull ( which at His own Charges He had provided for the Scotch Expedition ) for His own defence , the Faction , to secure that and the Town for their future purposes , send down Sir John Hotham , without any Order or Commission from either House of Parliament , to seise on them . This man of a fury and impudence equal to their commands , when the King , petitioned by the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to employ those Arms and that Ammunition for the Safety and Peace of that County , ( where some of the Factious Members of Parliament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London , ) An. 1642 would have entred Hull , April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him , and would not permit Him , though with but twenty Attendants , for He offered to leave the Guard of Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed Him without . The King thereupon proclaims him Traitor , and by Letters complains of the Indignity , and requires Satisfaction . But the Faction rendred the Act so glorious , that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command , and clamoured that the King had done them an injury , in proclaiming so innocent a Member , Traitor : Ordered the Earl of Warwick , to whom they had committed the Command of the Navy , to land some men out of the Ships at Hull , and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London . An Order of Assistance was also given to several of their Confidents , as a Committee of both Houses to reside at Hull , and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands . Besides , they sent a Commission to Hotham , to prosecute the Insolencies he had begun , and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation , and in a short space consumed him and his Son , who were executed by the Instructors of his Villany : For he fell under the same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes , to be Odious and suspected by those that made use of them . Therefore they gave such a power to the Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire as did conclude the diminution , and submission of Hotham to his Commands . This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministery to the Faction , which appeared every day more monstrous to his Conscience , being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its reward , and awakened by those Desolations in the whole Kingdom which followed it , and were but as the Copies of his Original Treason . Therefore he thought to expiate his former guilt by surrendring the Town to Him from whom he had detained it . But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pretence to preach the Gospel , but in truth secretly to search into the intrigues of his Counsels : so that he perished in his design , being neither stout nor wise enough in just enterprises , nor of a pertinancy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness . And although in his Ruine the King observed how great a draught was offered to the highest thirst of Revenge , yet He did truly bewail him : and indeed he was so much the more to be pitied , because his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Secrets with a false hope of Life till the Ax was upon his Neck . So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies , as his pretended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them . The Insolency of Hotham , who acted according to his Instructions and late Commission , beginning acts not usual in Peace , nor justifiable by Law , ( for he issued out Warrants for the Trained Bands to march into Hull with their Arms , where he forced them to leave them , and nakedly return to their homes , that so they might be obnoxious to his Violence ) and the practices of the Committee which were sent down into the North , to debauch the People in their Loyalty , made the King intend His own Security by a Guard ; which the Gentry and Commonalty of Yorkshire , that were witnesses of the Injury offered to their Prince , did willingly and readily make up . No sooner had the King expressed His intention of such a Guard , but the Faction , who were watchful of all opportunities of beginning a War , and ingaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submitted to their Impostures , in a more obliging guilt , ( for now the greatest part of the Peers , who were of the most ancient Families and noblest Fortunes , and a very great number of the House of Commons , Persons of just hopes and fair Estates , who perceiving the designs of the Disturbers , scorned any longer to be their Slaves , yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tumults by a present opposition , had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune , and every day some more were still falling off ) took this occasion to commence our Miseries , and open those Sluces of Blood which polluted the whole Kingdom . For upon the first Intelligence of it they filled the House of Commons and the City with Clamours , that His Majesty had now taken Arms to the overthrow of them and the Protestant Religion ; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King , or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock ; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty , if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament , that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience , to such a degree of Fury , that unmindful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and improbable Jealousies had taken a Guard , they Resolved upon the Question , that the King by taking to himself such a Guard did intend to levy War against the Parliament . With an equal fury they issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom , and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a posture of War , sending down some of their Members to see to the execution of these Commands , and to seise on the Magazines in the several Counties . To all these their violent and unjust attempts the King first opposes the Law , in several Declarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown , by many Proclamations charges all men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were published to license their Rebellion , and answers with a wonderful Diligence and Eloquence all the fictious Pretensions of the Parliament to that Power , in their several Remonstrances . But though the King had in the judgment of all understanding and uninteressed persons the Juster Cause , and the more powerful Pen , yet the Faction's Hast , which is most essicacious in civil Discords , the Slanders they had raised of Him , and impressed in the minds of the People , the terrors of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves , ( for they would by their Messengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the Kingdom as Rogues and Felons , and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Attendance , oppress them with heavy and unproportionable Censures , and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments ) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ruine of Church and State , had so preoccupied the Minds of the inferiour Multitude , that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices ; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array , in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Commands of a Gracious Prince , who vainly expected that Reverence to Justice in others which Himself gave . After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land , and having gotten the whole Navy at Sea , being made Masters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom , they then thought it might be safe for them to publish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs ; which if sooner manifested , when the King by his Message of the 20th of Jan. from Windsor-Castle , advised them to prescribe the limits of their Privileges , give full Boundaries to His own Power , and propose what was in their judgments proper to make the People happy ; and most religiously promised an equal tenderness of theirs and the Peoples Rights as of His own , and what was for the Publick good should not be obstructed for His Particular Emolument ; they had justly drawn upon themselves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling upon the King , and had been buried under those ruines which they projected for the Grave of Majesty . But then the Faction confided not so much in their own force , nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to chuse their own destruction : and therefore to that Message of Peace nothing was returned but Complaints , that by such Advisoes their Counsels were disturbed , that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary . But now they were furnished with a Power equal to their Ambition , they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Empire with some pretensions to Peace ; but with a great deal of Caution , that the affectation of it might not disappoint them of their hopes , which were all built upon War and Confusion . Therefore they formed the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them , nor expect Peace by them . Or if He did , they should be instated in such a Grandeur , that they might reap for themselves all the reproachful Honours and unlawful gains of an Arbitrary Power , the thing they aimed at , and leave the King overwhelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Government . These Conditions were digested into Nineteen Propositions ; which when presented to the King , He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have deposed Himself , and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miserie 's such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust . Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected , and adjusts His refusal in a Declaration , wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition . His Answer He sent by the Marquess of Hertford and Earl of Southampton , Persons of great Integrity and Prudence , with Instructions to treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Conditions . But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace , therefore denying any admittance to those Lords , before ever the King's Answer could publickly discover who were the obstructours of the Peoples quiet , they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate , to maintain Horse , Horse-men and Arms for the ensuing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person , and the taking Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors , the Defence of the Privileges of Parliament , the Preservation of the Protestant Religion , and the maintenance of the ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude , and filled them with more aiery hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trumpets . But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who , being displeased with the present Ecclesiastical Government , were promised the richest Benefices , and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops , Deans and Chapiters . These from their Pulpits proclaimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace , and whatsoever was contributed to the spilling of the Blood of the Wicked , was to build up the Throne of the meekest Lamb ; and besides the satisfaction they were to expect from the Publick Faith , which the Parliament promised , there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now approaching . Deluded by these Artifices and Impostures , People of all Conditions and all Sexes , some carried by a secret Instinct , others hurried by some furious Zeal , and a last sort led by Covetousness , cast into this Holy Treasury the Banck for Blood , all the Ornaments of their Family , all their Silver Vessels , even to their Spoons , with the Pledges of their first Love , their Marriage-rings ; and the younger Females spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins , the obliging Gifts of their Inamorato's , from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London , the King at York declares against the Scandal , that He intended to Levy War against the Parliament , calling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it ; and also those many Lords who were Witnesses of His Counsels and Actions , do publish to the World by a Writing subscribed with all their Names , to the number of Forty and odd , that they saw not any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design , and were fully perswaded that He had no such intention . But all was in vain , for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of committing Rebellion , that only of favouring the Contrivers of it , and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Vertue . Therefore they hastened all they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation : which was not difficult for them to do , for they being Masters of London , whose multitudes desirous of Novelty , were easily amassed for any enterprise , especially when the entring into this Warfare , might make the Servant freer than his Master , ( for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause ) 20000 were sooner gathered that the King could get 500. The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself common Muskets : and to pay their Souldiers , besides the vast summs that were gathered for Ireland ( which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enterprise , yet now dispense with their Faith , and imploy it to make England as miserable as that Island ) and the Contributions of the deluded Souls for this War ; they seized also upon the Revenues of the King , Queen , Prince , and Bishops , and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gentlemen whom they suspected to be Favourers of the King's Cause . And in contemplation of these advantages , they promised their credulous Party an undoubted Victory , and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through London within a Month , by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex , whom they appointed General . Thus did they drive that Just and Gracious Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms , since nothing worse could befall Him after a stout , though unhappy Resistance , than He was to hope for in a tame Submission to their Violence . Therefore though He perfectly abhorred those Sins which are the Consequences of War , yet He wanted not Courage to attempt at Victory , notwithstanding it seemed almost impossible against so well-appointed an Enemy . Therefore with an incredible diligence moving from place to place , from York to Nottingham , from thence to Shrewsbury and the Confines of Wales , by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects , He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence , but of their Lives and Fortunes for His Defence ; and in all places incouraging the Good with His Commendations , exciting the fearful by His Example , dissembling the Imperfections of His Friends , but alwaies praising their Vertues , He so prevailed upon those who were not Men of many Times , nor by a former Guilt debauch'd to Inhumanity , that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected , and which was every day increased by those Lords and Gentlemen who refused to be polluted any longer with the practices of the Faction by sitting among them , and being Persons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to succour that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse . Most Men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince , whose former Reign had made them wanton in Plenty , to be driven from His own Palaces , and concluded under a want of Bread , to be necessitated to implore their Aid , for the Preservation of His and their Rights . So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Faction and the Corruptions of the Age , there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Vertue . Many Noble Persons did almost impoverish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money . Some Private Men made their way through numerous dangers to joyn with the fight under His Colours . Many great Ladies and vertuous Matrons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants , and some bravely defended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Honour in His service . Both the Universities freely devoted their Plate to succour their Prince , the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learning ; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to provide necessaries for the Safety of Her Husband . Which Duty of Hers , though it deserved the Honour of all Ages , was branded by the Demagogues with the imputation of Treason . This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders , and such industrious Plots to make him odious and contemptible , raised the admiration of all Men , and the fears of the credulous Party who had given up their Faith to the Faction , when they represented the King guilty of so much Folly and Vice ( and some corrupted Citizens had represented Him as a Prodigie of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London , an Art used by Jesuites to impress more deeply a Calumny , ) that they could not imagine any Person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service , and they expected every day when , deserted by all as a Monster , He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parliament . Some attributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the English to their Lawful Sovereign , from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditiouc Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds , yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first Love and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing States-man , that if the Crown of England were placed but on a Hedge-stake , he would be on that side where the Crown was . Others referred it to the full evidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries , for their Counsels were now discovered , and their Ends manifest , not to maintain the common Liberty , which was equally hateful to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands , but to acquire a Grandeur and Power that might secure and administer to their Lusts : and it was now every where published what Mr Hambden answered to one who inquired What he did expect from the King ; he replied , That He should commit Himself and all that is His to our Care. Others ascribed it to the fears of ruine to those numerous Families and Myriads of People which the change of Government designed by the Parliament must necessarily effect . But this , though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utterly destroyed , without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole yet made but an inconsiderable Addition to the King , whose greatest Power was built upon Persons of the Noblest Extract and the fairest Estates in England , of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an absolute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong , which nevertheless was to be feared by their invasions on the King's most undoubted Rights . For when Majesty it self is assaulted , there can be no security for private Fortunes ; and those that decline upon design from the paths of Equity , will never rest till they come to the Extremity of Injustice as these afterwards did . Besides those that imputed the speedy amassing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause , His most Powerful Eloquence , indesatigable Industry , and most Obliging Converse ; there were another sort that , suspending their Judgments till all the Scenes of War were passed , resolved all into the Providence of God : Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the fittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity , and to make Him glorious by Sufferings , which being well born truly prove men Great yet would He furnish Him ( almost by a Miracle ) likewise with such Advantages , in the conduct of which His Prudence and Magnanimity might evidence that He did deserve Propserity , and by clearing up even this way His eminent Vertues , warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons , since the best of Princes was thus infamously slandered . ; ; ; ; From all these concurring Causes , each one in their Way and Order , did the King's Strength so far increase , as that He won many Battles , and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War ; had not God seen fit to afflict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants , and make us feel , that no Oppressions are so unsupportable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty : of which we had bitter experience after the War was finished that was now begun . For there had been some slight Conflicts ere this in the several Countries betwixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia , with various Successes ; which require just Volumes and compleat Histories to relate , and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life , where it is only intended to speak of those Battles in which the King in Person gave sufficient evidence of His Wisdom and Valour . The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Oct. 23. For the King had no sooner gotten a considerable Force , though not equal to those of His Enemies , but He matched towards London , and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Prospective-glass from the top of that Hill , and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do , To give them battle ( said He with a present Courage ) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a Body : God , and good Mens Prayers to Him , assist the Justice of My Cause : and immediately prepared for the Fight ; which was acted with such a Fury , that near 6000 were slain ( according to the common account , but some say a far less number ) were slain upon the place . Night concluded this Battle , which had comprehended the whole War , had not the King 's prevailing Horse preferr'd the Spoils to Victory , and left the Enemy some advantage to dispute for her . But the King had all the fairest marks of her Favour . For though He had lost His General , yet he kept the Field , possessed the dead Bodies , opened His way toward London , and in the sight of some part of the Army of Essex , ( who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed , ) took Banbury , and entred Triumphantly into Oxford ( which He had designed for His Winter-quarters ) with 150 Colours taken in fight . And having assured that place , He advances towards London , whither Essex had gotten before Him , and disposed his baffled Regiments within 10 Miles of the City ; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brainford , took 500 Prisoners , and sunk their Ordnance . From thence intending to draw nearer London , He had intelligence , that the City had powred forth all their Auxiliaries to re-inforce Essex's Troops ; to which being unwilling to oppose His Souldiers wearied with their March , nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity , which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury , He retreats to Oxford , having taught His Enemies , that He was not easily to be overcome . For in the management of this Battle He did not only undeceive the abused World of those Slanders which His Enemies had polluted Him with , but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities , and though He parted from London altogether unexperienced in Martial Affairs , yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excellent Commander . His Valour was also equal to His Prudence , and He could as well endure Labours as despise Dangers . And by a communication of toils , encouraged His Souldiers to keep the Field all the Night , when they saw He refused the refreshments of a Bed ; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Vertues and this Success made such an impression on the Parliament , that though they took all courses to hide the Infamy of their worsted Army , yet in more humble Expressions than formerly they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace , which His Majesty very earnestly embraced . But the Faction , who were frighted with these Tendencies to an Accommodation , cause some of the City to Petition against it , and to make proffer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this , they form their Propositions like the Commands of Conquerours , and so streighten the Power and time of their Commissioners , that the Treaty at Oxford became fruitless , which there had taken up all the King's Employment this Winter , though abroad His Forces were busie in several Parts of the Nation , not without Honour . At the Opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England , An. 1643 bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men , Money and Ammunition , and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Successes , that the King that Summer was Master of the North and West , except some few Garrisons . Which so dismaied the Parliament , that very many of them were preparing to quit the Kingdom : and had the King followed His own Counsels , to march immediately towards London , and not been fatally over-born at a Council of War , ( which it is said , His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be ) first to attempt Gloucester , He had , in the judgment of all discerning men , then finished the War with Glory . But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London , and came time enough to Relieve the Town ; though in his Return the King necessitated him to fight , worsted him near Newbery , and so bravely followed him the next day , that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Reer to seek their safety by making their way over a great part of their Foot ; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood , as the Earls of Carnarvan and Sunderland , and Viscount Falkland . This last was lamented by all , being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword , had won some Wreaths in those Controversies that were to be managed by Reason , and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learning , above any of his Fortune and Dignity . After this Encounter the King returns to Oxford , to consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tumults at London , to joyn with Him for the Common Benefit , who being as to the Peers the far greater , and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster , they assumed the Name and Authority of Parliament , and deliberated of the ways of Peace , and means to prevent the Desolations which the Faction so furiously designed , who were now resolving to encrease our Miseries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance . For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause , as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation , yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation , notwithstanding their Pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength ; but would invite others to the Violation of most Sacred Oaths , to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice , that themselves might be secure in their Usurpations . And that perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland , hoping for as great Advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded , contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them , and their free and voluntary Execrations , ( as was that of Alexander Lesley , who lifting up His arms and hands to Heaven , wished they might rot to his body before he died , if ever he should heave them up hereafter , or draw his Sword , against so gude a King , ) drew that people once more into Rebellion against their Prince ; and to make them more eager , and think the Enterprize easie , they first raised a Report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility . The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace , did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them , in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lye , and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in . The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet . But with an Insolency fit for most perjured Souls , they commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman . A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton , whose Treasons now came to be more suspected . For His Majesty having written to him , to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home , ( which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation ) he by some secret arts doth more inflame them ; and to cover his Perfidiousness , flies from Scotland to Oxford , as seeking a shelter for his Loyalty ; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels . But his Treasons had out-stripp'd him and his Brother , the Earl of Lanerick who came with him , therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Discovery , gets out of Oxford , flies to those at London , and by them was employed in the Scotch Army ; which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident , and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle . But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquess Montrosse , who being Commission'd by the King , with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels , and overthrew well-formed Armies : and had not the Fate of his Master , which was to be betrayed by those He trusted , been likewise common to him , he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet . But ere Montrosse could get his Commission , the Scots were entred into England : whose coming that it might be less odious to the People , who now grew cold in their Zeal to the Cause , and saw themselves deluded into so continued Dangers , the Faction make use of such Frauds as should make the People either think them necessary Assistances , or might divert their Thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation ; therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party . That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny : that He would seize upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him , and make their Persons Slaves : and that there was no hope of Pardon from Him , who was so merciless : that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited , destroy the Protestant Religion , and introduce Popery , which at Oxford He did practise Himself , and that all men must be forced to go to Mass . As for His Party , they set them out to be such Monsters , that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men . For sad Relations were Printed and Published of their Inhumanity and barbarous Murders : That they did feast upon the Flesh of Men , and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet , to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party : that no man's house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his Rapine . Thus they wrought upon the Melancholy Spirits of some by Fear . For those of a Morose and Cholerick temper they had proper Divertisements : they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation , to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ , the Virgin Mary , and the Saints ; which with great Solemnity they committed to the Flames , that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom . All Crosses , though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London , and other places , they pulled down : they invade the Churches , and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Superstition , pull down the Organs , tear the Surplices ; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble , who delight in Violences and such Ostentations of their Fury , and to make them in something or other guilty , that they might despair of Pardon . For others , who were to be wrought upon by Religion , they entertain them with Fasts , publick Thanksgivings for slight Victories , and solemn Spiritual Meetings ( as they called them ; ) where whatsoever the Faction dictated , was commended by the Speakers to their unwary Hearers as the Oracles of Heaven : and being thus wrapp'd up in those true Delights which accompany the Worship of God , they were securely swallowed by them , as Poyson when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice . To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instruments of their Arts , Presbytery is set up , that they also might have an Imaginary Empire : but it was not intended they should exercise it . For the Pretensions of that to a Divine Right , did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs , that they presently raised all the other Sects , Independents , Erastians , ( who for the most part were Lawyers , that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication , but what was heated in their own Forges ) Anabaptists , Seekers , and Atheists , ( of which there were many sprung up , who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends , began first to despise that , and afterwards to deny God ) to write and declame against this new Polity , as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun , and the Tenth Persecution . But this seeming Modesty of admitting a Church Government served their Ends for the present , till they could acquire a greater strength ; in confidence of which they might slight the Terrors of the Law , and the Anathema's of the Church . The Liturgy also was abolished , under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty , for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit ; but in truth because it had so frequent Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant , the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery : this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interest of the Faction , and was used as the Water of Jealousie , to discover those whom they did suspect . Therefore all the Conspirators , of what Sect soever , whether Independents or Anabaptists , though they refused to take it themselves , ( because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Authority ) yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians ( who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire ) upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their Designs , or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils . And by this onely Engine , many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined , especially of the Clergy . To oblige more fastly those that had no patience to expect , nor hopes to receive any Reward for their Service against their Prince in the other life , and so would not be satisfied with the shews of Religion , but sought more solid Encouragements in the Spoils of it ; the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to Sale , and that at such easie Rates as might invite the hazard of the Purchase , satiate their boundless Covetousness , and engage them in a pertinacious Faith to their Merchants . To cement all these distinct Humours in one common Pleasure , the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice , and about this time began his Tryal , which continued a whole Year , being when the Houses were at leisure called by several Months and Weeks to answer to his Charge , that by his frequent Passages , as a Prisoner , he might give a pleasant Diversion to the Rabble , who are delighted with the Ruines and Misfortunes of Great Persons , and by their Injuries and Reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause . But his Cause and his Conscience were impregnable , and he overthrew their Slanders , though he could not their Power . By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the Attempts of the following Summer , An. 1644 wherein , though the Parliaments Forces encreased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over several bodies of the Royallists , yet that small Number that followed the King's Person , and were guided by His own Counsels and Example , obtained two great Victories . For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen , ( in sending Her to Excester , there to lay down the burden of Her Love , and from thence to seek for Shelter in France ) taken ( contrary to their hopes ) His last Farewel of Her , and left Oxford strengthned against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatned that Place with , He with a small Party draws out , intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences . This made the Enemy divide , and Essex was designed to reduce the West . But Waller , with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hasilrigge ( a Person fitter to raise Seditious Tumults than manage Armies ) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales , towards which He seemed to direct His Course . But hearing of the Resolutions of these two jealous Generals , He wheels about to Oxford , and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison , and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy-bridge , obtained a great Victory ; which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy , had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater Slaughter . But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own Breast , He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace , which in a Letter from Evesham , July 4. He moves the Parliament unto . But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless , and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North , and their Army in the West , which had now taken in some considerable places to their obedience . Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's power , the King follows him , and so closely pursues him , that He drove him up into Cornwall , and there did as it were besiege him . During which He sent a Letter to him , which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army , to sollicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom . But it met not its desired effect : Because that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Nation 's Settlement ; or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience , or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit . ( For every inconsiderable person may be powerful at Disturbances , but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues . ) Which last was generally believed , for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction , that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them , because he often sollicited them to a composing of the Kingdoms Distractions . Therefore making no return to those Letters , he provided for his own safety in a Cock-boat , and ignominiously deserted his Army ; of which the Horse , taking the advantage of a dark night , made their escape , but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives , and left their Arms , Cannon , Baggage and Ammunition , to the Disposal of the King. The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Commanders ; and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer , He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace , the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted , as rendring Him most like that Majesty He did represent . Therefore after this Victory , by a Letter from Tavestock , Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parliament , being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence . But He knew that Peace , though it is profitable to the Conquered , yet it is glorious for the Conquerour . To busie His Army while He expected their Answer , and formed an Association in the Western Counties , He sits down before Plymouth ; but finding this Message had an equal reception with the former , and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and usurped Interests to the publick Tranquillity , He rises from thence , and marches towards London , from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited , and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services . And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager Fight , which being varied with different successes , in the several divisions , each party drew off by degrees , and neither found cause to boast of a Victory . The King being returned to Oxford , the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation , who now grew impatient under the Distractions , take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace , and sent Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England and Scotland , united by Solemn League and Covenant . Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity , yet the King neglects them not , but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason , offers it , which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept ; but yet would have it at Vxbridge , a place but about fifteen miles distant from London , and above twice that distance from Oxford . And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty , and forming Instructions for His Ministers , the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs ; and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace , fed them with blood . The two Hothams first were to be the Sport of the Multitude : and that the Father might have more than a single death , he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold , Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed before him , as he was Jan. 10. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines , his Head was chopt off . And on Jan. 20. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood , and had his own added to it . These were not much lamented by any , for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry . The People thus fed with courser blood , a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented , William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , and Primate of all England . He had indured Imprisonment four years , and passed through a Trial of many months , in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor , but yet must fall to please the Scots , and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince , to the continuance of this Prelate's life : therefore he was voted guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons , and was condemned in the House of Peers , ( though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King ) when there were but seven Lords present , and all those not consenting to the Murder , to be drawn , hanged and quartered . And this was the first Example of murdering men by Votes , of killing by an Order of Parliament , when there is no Law. It was moved ( they say ) by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-England , to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People . But this seemed too great an Honour , because it would make his end as his life was , much like that of the Primitive Bishops , who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts , or condemned to the Mines . Or else it would be like an Athenian Ostracism , and confess him too great and good to live among us . Therefore this motion was rejected ; yet the Lords upon his Petition , to the distaste of some Commons , changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded . To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some sons of Schism and Sedition , who unseasonably that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls , would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly ( for so they called themselves ) for his Persecutions , ( which he called Discipline . ) To whom he answered , That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal , and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it . When he came to the Scene of his death , he appeared with that chearfulness and serenity in his face , as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with : and it was so conspicuous , that his Enemies , who were ashamed to see his Innocency pourtraited in his Countenance , did report he had drunk some Spirits , to force his nature from a paleness . He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text Heb. 12. 2. and concluding his life with Prayer , submitted himself to the stroke of the Ax. He was a Person of so great Abilities ( which are the Designations of Nature to Dignity and Command , ) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church . And he was equal to it . His Learning appear'd eminent in his Book against Fisher , and his Piety illustrious in his Diary ( although published by One that was thirsty of his blood , and polluted with many malicious comments and false Surmises to make him odious . ) He was of so Publick a Spirit , that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Vertuous use of his Prince's favour ; at his Admittance into which he dedicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men , by a Projection of many noble Works : most of which he accomplished , and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs , and cut off the Course of his Life . He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation , ( for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame , than desirous of the Universal Benefit ) but he endeavoured to render all others as Heroick , if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship : for ( I have heard it from his Enemies ) no great man was admitted to a confidence and respect with him , unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good , or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend , nor Learning it self a greater Advancer ; he searched all the Libraries of Asia , and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could , that the English Church might have ( if possible ) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome . The Outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation ; he would put them into a power of doing more good , but was severe against their Vices and Vanities . He scorned a private Treasure , and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him . In his Election of Friends , he was determinated to the Good and Wise , and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church , had his closest Embraces ; if otherwise it happened , their frauds , not his choice , deserved the blame . Both Papists and Sectaries were equally his Enemies ; one Party feared , and the other hated his Vertues . Some censured him of too much Heat , and a Zeal for Discipline above the Patience of the Times . But his greatest unhappiness was that he lived in a Factious Age , and Corrupt State , and under such a Prince , whose Vertues not admitting an immediate approach for Accusations , was to be wounded in those whom He did Caress . But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time , Posterity shall ingrave him in the Albe of the most Excellent Prelates , the most indulgent Fathers of the Church , and the most injured Martyrs . His blood was accompanied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death , and it had been followed with a more general mourning , had not the Publick Miseries and present fears of Ruine exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects . About this time the Faction clove into two Sects , the Presbyterian and Independent , which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots , or Godly , had joyntly conspired War and disturbed the Peace , and by various arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Authority of Parliament . For they would either early in the morning before the House was full , or late at night , when those whose cares were most for the Publick were absent , being assured of the Speaker , propose and vote what served for their Design . IF any thing contrary to it was about to be resolved in a full Assembly , they by multitude of Scruples would so disturb the Debates , that the determination was deferr'd to a desired Opportunity . But if these failed , then would they surprise the House with another Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the former . When the most consciencious were too numerous for them , then would they make necessities to send the less pliant to their wills into the Country . Thus the Lesser , but more industrious , Party did circumvent the Greater , that were not so wary nor diligent . While they thus joyntly contrive the Publick Ruine , they had gotten themselves into the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom . But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power , and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher , by the Animosities of the inferiour and obscurer parts of their Sects , there was neither Faith nor Love among them , but what Fear and Necessity did force them unto . The Independents , who comprehended all the several herds of Hereticks , Anabaptists , Seekers , Millenaries , &c. though they were the Disciples of the other , yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry , had their private Junto's and Meetings apart to mould their Projects , and assign to each of their Confidents their several Scenes and Methods ; and , by proper Applications to mens several humours , had exceedingly encreased their strength in the multitude , only they wanted the Power of the Sword and the most useful Offices to perfect their Empire . This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians : and by procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial , ( as they called it ) they turned out Essex ( whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected , and who had neither glory in his War , nor security or quiet in his Peace ) from his Generalship , and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presbytery , under pretence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be encouraged to a continuance of the War , by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army , to which they would now give a new Module . Having by this artifice displaced those whose power they feared , they brought in as many Candidates of their own Sect as they could to be Colonels , and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General . This man both Parties did the more easily consent in , because he was known to be of sufficient Personal Valour , and of no private Designs , obstinate by a natural Melancholy rather than pertinacious in any Interest , and rather free from Baseness , than ambitious of Vain-glory ; by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Resolves of his Masters . But the Independents , that were better informed of his ductile Spirit , and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Species of Religion , got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries , Oliver Cromwell , at first to be admitted into his Counsels , and afterwards to be the Director of all his actions , under the Title of Lieutenant General . For although he likewise by the Self-denying Ordinance was made incapable of any Office in the Army , being a Member of the Parliament ; yet those Troops of Fanaticks whom he had amassed , and formerly lead under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark and the Earl of Manchester , ( both which he had cast off ) were instructed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him . He was therefore permitted by the Parliament , as the General desired , for a time to continue in the Army ; but he never left it till he had changed that , ruined the Parliament , and turned out the General , that thus was the Author of his unlawful Power . For this Man , having a long time been poor and necessitous , the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent , and nothing remaining but the Instruments of his Crimes , a bloody and fierce Nature , a greedy Soul full of bold and unjust hopes , yet able to conceal them with a profession of Modesty , a contempt of Religion and Friendship , yet highly pretending to both till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trusted him ; he was fitted for the most impious Enterprises , for vexed by a pressing and tedious Poverty , he resolved to indeavour the utmost distance from such a Condition , though by the greatest wickedness , therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State , and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny , which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Lawful Prince with Arms. With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London , while the King at Oxford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Vxbridge , which , as all other Consultations for Peace , was vain and fruitless . For the Faction would alwaies obstruct those endeavours by their proper Methods . If the Condition of their Affairs were prosperous , then would they make their Demands like Impositions on conquered Slaves , detesting to supplicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy . In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party , not then to think of a Reconciliation which their unprosperous Arms must necessarily render harder than their hopes ; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compulsion . Besides these devices , many fictitious Letters were composed , false Rumours divulged , and witnesses suborned , to make Men suspect that many dangerous Plots and portentous Designs were disguised in these Overtures of Accord . Therefore the Commissioners of Parliament were instructed to offer no Expedient for an Accommodation , nor hearken to such as were tendred to them in the name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing His Condition , that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace , prepares Himself for the War at the approaching Spring : and although this Winter was infamous with many losses , either through the neglects or perfidiousness of some Officers ; yet before the season for taking the Field was come , His Counsels and Diligence had repaired those Damages . In April he sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association , An. 1645 and raise such Forces as the necessities of the Crown , which was His Inheritance , did require : with Him is sent , as Moderator of His Youth and prime Counsellor , Sr Edward Hide , now Lord High Chancellor of England , whose faithfulness had endeared Him to His Majesty , who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge ; in which He continued with the same Faith , through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master , till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers , and Him to the Chief Ministery of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to relieve His Northern Counties and Garrisons . But being on His march , and having stormed and taken Leicester in His way , He was called back to secure Oxford , which the Parliament Army threatned with a Siege . But Fairfax having gotten a Letter of the Lord Goring's ( whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the delivery of it ) to His Majesty , wherein he had desired Him to forbear ingaging with the Enemy , till he could be joyned with Him ; he leaves Oxford , and made directly towards the King that was now come back as far as Daventry , with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength , and at a place near Naseby in Northampton-shire both Armies met on Saturday , June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax ; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some ( who intended to betray Him ) should be effected . Nevertheless the King would not decline the Battle , and had the better at first , but His vanquishing Horse following the chase of their Enemies too far ( a fatal errour that had been twice before committed ) left the Foot open to the other Wing , who pressing hotly upon them put them to an open rout , and so became Masters of His Canon , Camp and Carriage , and among these of His Majesties Cabinet , in which they found many of His Letters , most of them written to the Queen : which , not contented with their Victory over His Forces , they print as a Trophee over His Fame , that by proposing His secret Thoughts , designed only for the Breasts of His Wife , to the debauched multitude , and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slanders of the Faction had already formed in their minds , the Popular hatred might be increased . But the publication of them found a contrary effect , every one that was not barbarous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christians which Generous Heathens scorned to be guilty of , and the Letters did discover that the King was not as He was hitherto characterized ; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections , as well as all the Rights that were fit for Majesty : And ( which is not usual ) He grew greater in Honour by this Defeat , though he never after recovered any considerable power . For the Fate of this Battle had an inauspicious influence upon all His remaining Forces , and every day His losses were repeated . But though Fortune had left the King , yet had not His Valour ; therefore gathering up the scattered remains of His broken Army , He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition . At last attempting to relieve Chester , though He was beset behind and before , and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches ; yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed ; but by being charged by fresh Souldiers from the Leaguer , and a greater Number , He was forced to retreat , and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place . After this He draws towards the North-East , and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were left to march for Scotland , and there to join with Montross , who with an inconsiderable company of Men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles . But this Lord was surprised before he could get out of Yorkshire ; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemies Foot , were so wanton with their Success , that they were easily mastered by another Party , and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland . These several overthrows brought another mischief along with it ; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement , which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Oppressed , and which makes them considerable , though they are spoiled of Arms , by imputing ( as it useth to be in unhappy Councils ) the criminous part of their Misfortunes to one another . But many gallant Persons , whom Loyalty and Religion had drawn to His Service , endured the utmost hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust ; and by that means employing the Enemies Arms , gave the King time , who was at last returned to Oxford , to provide for His Safety . Hither every day sad Messages of Ruines from every part of the Nation came , which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dissolved World , yet they found His Spirit erect and undaunted . For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life , tenacious of Truth and Equity , and not moveable from them by Fears , a Contemner of worldly Glory , and desirous of Empire for no other reason , but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined , when He relinquished the care of them . But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own disconsolate Party to seek for Conditions of Peace , which He saw was in vain to expect would be such as were fit to accept ; for His former experience assured Him , that these Men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune , and be more Insolent now than ever . And for Himself , He was resolved not to Sacrifice His Conscience to Safety , nor His Honour to Life . This He often told those that thus pressed Him , and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert , ( who likewise moved Him to the same , ) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge ; though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Enemies should hearken to so much Reason , as that He should be restored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battle at Naseby . But yet to satisfie every One how tender He was of the Common Safety , He sent several Messages to the Parliament for a Treaty , and offers to come Himself to London , if He may have security for Himself and Attendants . All which were either not regarded , or answered with Reproaches . And because the people began to murmure at so great an earnestness of the Faction to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding , ( since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons , besides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbroken , and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland , all which might be perswaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them without much blood ; ) and it was the common belief that these Men sought for Victory , not Peace and Liberty , which was now tendred : therefore to raise suspicions in the Vulgar , it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Compound would take the advantage of the King's Presence , if he were permitted to be there , and kindle a new Flame and War in the City . And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears , the disarmed Compounders were commanded to depart above twenty Miles from London ; and to injealous the People more , all the transactions of the King in the Irish Pacification were published , and amplified with the malicious Slanders and Comments of the implacable and conscious Demagogues , that so the terrours of the Vulgar being augmented , they might be frighted into a longer patience . The King finding these men irreconcileable to Peace , and that they had declared against His Coming , though without a Caution , tries the Leaders of the English Army ; but they proved no less pertinacious , and were now approaching to besiege Oxford . Providence not leaving any more Choice , but only shewing Him a way for a present Escape , He goes in a Disguise ( which when Necessity cloaths Royal Persons with , seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the Sun , ) to the Scottish Camp that was now before Newark , where the Ambassadour of the King of France , who was then in the Leaguer , had before covenanted for His Majestie 's Safety and Protection ; and the Scottish Officers had engaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them , and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes . The King being come thither May 4. made a great alteration in Affairs ; An. 1646 Newark was surrendred by the King's Command , and St Thomas Glemham having gallantly defended Oxford till the Besiegers offered Honourable Conditions , delivered up that also . But the greatest Change of Counsels were at London , where when it was related , among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary , various and different Discourses were raised . Some wondred that His Majesty had sought a refuge there where the Storm began , and how He could apprehend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles , but now the great Advancers of His Overthrow : And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often Persidious . Others judged that in those Necessities wherein the King was concluded , it was as dangerous not to trust as to be deceived ; no Counsel could be better , than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faithful , and whether they would then be honest , when they had the Critical Opportunity to testifie to the World , that they intended not what they did , but what they said ; That they fought not against Him , but for Him. But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers , that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempestuous Sea and false bottom ; as also the debaucheries of the English Genius , which was now so corrupted , that their Prince was driven to seek an Asylum from their injuries among a People that were infamous and polluted with the Blood of many Kings . While others discoursed thus of the King's journey , the Parliament heated by the Independents fiercely declared against the Scots , who were removing the King to Newcastle , and used several methods to make them odious and drive them home . For they kept back their Pay , that they might exact free-Quarter from the Countrey ; then they did extenuate their Services , derogate from their famed Valour , upbraid them as Mercenaries , threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the English Presbyterians , though they wish'd well to their Brethren , yet lest they should seem to indulge the Insolencies of a strange Nation , did not dare to plead in their defence . But the Scots themselves for a time did justifie their Reception and Preservation of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature , Nations , and Hospitality , which forbid the delivery and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour . The Democratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the Scots , their Hirelings , and in their Dominion , to receive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters , and keep Him without their Consent . These Debates were used to raise the King's price . Which when the Scots were almost assured of , to make their ware more valuable , they sollicit the King , in hopes of their Defence , to command Montross to depart-from his noble Undertakings in Scotland , where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Roxbrough and Traquaire had betrayed him unto , and was become formidable again ; as also the Loyal Marquess of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels , and English Forces . Which when the King had done , being not willing those Gallant Persons should longer hazard their brave Lives , and after both these Excellent Leaders had more in anger than fear parted with their unhappy Arms : that they might have a colour of betraying Him , whom the General Assembly of Scotland ( which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seeming Authority ) had forbid to be brought into His Native and Ancient Kingdom ( as He affectionately call'd it ) they tender Him the Covenant ; pretending without that Chain upon Him they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland . This His Majesty refused not , if they would first loose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Conscience : Therefore to untie those Knots , Mr. Henderson , that was then the Oracle of the Kirk , and the great Apostle of the Solemn Covenant , was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts and the Goodness of His Cause made all his attempts void ( for the Papers being published , every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty ) and unfortunate ; for he returned home , and not long after died , as some reported , of a Grief contracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent . While these things were acting at Newcastle , the bargain was stroke at London , and for 200000 l. His Majesty , stripp'd of those Arms He had when He came among them , was deliver'd up , as it were , to be scourged and crucified , to some Commissioners from the Parliament : But to honest their Perfidiousness , they add this Caution , That there should be no attempt made upon the King ' s Person , but being entertained at one of His own Palaces , He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations , which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never though of sending any Propositions till He came under the Power of the Army , who had malicious Designs upon His Person . The Commissioners receiving Him , convey Him to His own House at Holmeby . This was a very curious and stately Building , yet was not therefore chosen because it might be a Majestick Prison ; but because it was within Ken of Naseby , which was infamous with His Overthrow , that so the Neighbourhood to it might more afflict His grieved Spirit . To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts , by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him , that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome ; yea even His Chaplains ( which most troubled Him ) were debarred from their Ministery . But God supplied this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit , and made Him , like the Ancient Patriarchs , both a King and a Priest ( at least for Himself : ) and here He sacrificed Praises even to that God that hid himself , and composed those most Divine Meditations and Soliloquies that are in His Book , spending that time in Converse with Heaven , which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He delighted . While the King's Soul was thus winged above the Walls of His Prison and the Fortune of His Enemies , they that had put an end to the War , yet could not find the way to Peace ; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory , and could not temper their Success , the two Sects falling to dissension , and turning all their arts and arms one against another . The Presbyterians had the richer and more splendid followers , but the Independents the most fierce , subtle , and most strongly principled to Confusion ; the first was powerful in the Parliament , but the latter in the Army . After they had a long time practised on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King , and such as favoured Him in the Parliament ( of which there were always some Number among them ) the Independents still gained upon their Opposites , making the Presbyterians odious , by Libels composed to render their Government ridiculous and tyrannical , by putting them upon all the most envious Employments , as Reforming the Universities , and Sequestring Ministers that refused to take the Covenant . Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren , by spoiling them of their Honour , they proceeded to strip them of the relicks of their armed Power , surprising them in Parliament with a Vote to disband all the Souldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army : then the General turns out those Commanders of Garrisons that were any way inclined to them . Besides this , they either corrupted with Gifts or frighted some of the most busie , yet obnoxious , Presbyterians either wholly to come over to them , or be their Instruments in disturbing and revealing the Counsels of that Party ; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation , and Reconciling the Godly one to another . The Presbyterians at last awakened with the daily wounds of their power , An. 1647 and the dishonour of their party , began now to be more afraid of their Stipendiaries than they were of their Sovereign ; for they found that they lost all that by the Victory which they sought by the War : therefore to break the confidence of the Independents , and make themselves free , they Vote in the Parliament , where they had most Voices , That to ease the Commonwealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army , 12000 of the Souldiers should be sent over to Ireland , and all the rest to be disbanded , except 6000 Horse , 2000 Dragoons , and 6000 Foot , who should be disposed in different and distant places in the Nation , to prevent any Rising . The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Artifice , that it was not to ease the Nation , but weaken them ; therefore they employ the Inferiour Officers ( being persons that by dissimulation and impudence having accustomed themselves to much speaking , did at last imagine their Vices were Gifts of the Holy Ghost , and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men , ) to possess the common Souldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears , or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold , and the surprises of a treacherous Enemy . This presently set the Army to Mutiny , which while it was in the Beginnings , the Commanders make semblance of Indignation at it , seem very busie to compose it ; and Cromwell , to make the Parliament secure , calls God to witness , that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet ; and again solemnly swears , that he had rather himself with his whole Family should be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition . Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it ; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect defection from all obedience to the Parliament , they lay aside their disguises , and post from London to the Head Quarters , where the Synagogue of Agitators was seated , and to whom was committed the management of this Conspiracy . This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious in every Regiment of Foot , and each Troop of Horse : their business was to consult the Interests of the whole Army , and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design , to instruct the ruder part of it in their Clamours and Injuries , and to corrupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises . At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Empire , and dictate what their pleasures are concerning England and Ireland . Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Liberty of the People ; for they openly professed an intent for Democracy . And because about an hundred Officers in the Army would not be forward in the Sedition , they were by this Committee of Adjutators , and the secret intimations of the Commanders , cashiered . Thus the Counsels of both Parties being directed to overthrow their contrary , each thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their Designs , for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him : therefore the Presbyterians had it in Consultation to Order Col. Greves , who had the Command of the Guard about the King at Holmeby , to remove His Majesty to London ; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord , they immediately send a body of Horse to prevent them , and to force Him into their own Quarters . Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune , and the sport of the Factions , and was drawn from His peaceful Contemplations , and Prospect of Heaven , to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These , to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity , ( that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruine Him , and murder Him by His own Concessions , if He would be deluded by them ) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings , and complain of the Parliaments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces , wondering they had no more Reverence for Majesty ; and to beget a belief of this , they profess ( which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths ) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne , and rendred the Condition of His Party more tolerable . Besides these Promises and Compassions , they permit Him the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God , ( which , it is said , He took with so great a Joy , that He almost believed Himself free and safe , it being His most heavy burden while He was the Parliaments Captive ) the Commerce of Letters with the Queen , the Visits of His own Party , and the Service of His Courtiers ; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War , mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf , and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice . In their publick Remonstrances against the Covetousness , Ambition , Injustice , Cruelty and Self-mindedness of the Parliament , they do sometimes obliquely , sometimes plainly , profess , that the King , Queen , and the Royal Family must be restored to all their Rights , or else no hope of a solid Peace ; but then they would intermix such Conditions as argued they sought Reserves for a perfidious escape . For Cromwell did among his Confidents boast of his fine arts , and that by these Indulgences was intended nothing but His Destruction . By all these Impostures they prevailed nothing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King ; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune , and the Greatness of His Integrity and Wisdom , or which any of the Disagreeing Factions could use to His reproach . But they found another kind of Success upon the Parliament , for they sacrificed to the commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Members of the House of Commons , and seven of the Peers , causing them to forbear sitting among them , because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge . All men wondering at the inequality of those mens Spirits , who had so furiously rejected the Articles of their lawful Sovereign against five or six of their Body , and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries above thrice that Number . They therefore concluded that neither Religion , Justice , or the Love of Liberty , which are always uniform , but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls , which vary with fears and hopes , had been the Principles and first Movers of their attempts . Besides this , they were so prone to Slavery , that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army , had not a Tumult ( their arts being now turned upon their own heads , ) from London stopp'd them in their violent speed , and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously , that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfie the demands of the Souldiers ; and that the King should come to London to treat . These contrary desires of the divided Faction , which had joyntly oppressed their Sovereign , shewed that Ill men will more easily conspire together in War , than consent in Peace : and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jealousies , each Party thinking the advantages of the other too great ; and that Power is never thought faithful which is accounted excessive . Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sate in Parliament were joyned the City , and the cashiered Souldiers and Officers that had served in their pay . With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses ; who had fled to them with about 50 of their Members that projected the Change of Government , being either for an Oligarchy or Democracie , yet left some of the same judgment behind , to betray and disturb the Councils at London . To these did adhere the Neighbouring Counties , who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army , of Restoring the King , ( which they much boasted ) Dissolving the Parliament , and Establishing Peace and Government : and they more willingly credited these , because they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City , both for beginning the War , and now obstructing Peace . The Army intitle their attempts for King and People : Their Adversaries for bringing the King to His Parliament . The Commanders were greedy of that War which promised an easie Victory , and made the poor Souldiers hope for the Plunder of the City . For the advantage was clear on the Army's side , which consisted of veterane Souldiers , united among themselves by a long Converse , and known Commanders : but the force of the other was made up of a tumultuary Multitude , gathered under new Leaders , and so had no mutual confidence : their meetings were full of doubts and fears , none could determine in private , nor in publick consult , because they dared not trust one another ; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talk'd most boldly against the Enemy . Therefore in the very beginnings the Parliament and City desert their Enterprise , treat with , and open their Gates to the Army , who march in Triumph through London , bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Travellers to their Chairs , seize upon the Tower , dismantle the Fortifications , pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City , send the Lord Mayor and the chief Citizens to the Tower , and reduce all the power of the Nation in Obedience to the Commanders . For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland , and Rainsbrough , a Leveller , and a violent Head of the Democraticks , High Admiral . The impeached Presbyterians fled beyond Sea , others of that Sect drooping complyed with the Fortune of the Conquerours ; and that which grieved good Men most , was , a Publick Thanksgiving ( which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Nation in their vertuous and glorious undertakings for Liberty and Safety , but now was prophaned for our Slavery and Misery ) to God was appointed for the Army , and they were entertained now at a Feast , whom before the City would have forced from their Walls . While these things were in Motion , the King consults Heaven for Direction , and His Party modestly abstain from either side , thought both to be abhorred , and knew that Party would be the worst which should overcome . The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nation , the Parliament and City at their Obedience , make no mention of their former promises to the King ; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Parliament , and calling another , as they call'd it , more equal Representative . But both their Synagogue and the Council of War being now delivered from fear of the Presbyterians , began to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy . As for the King , whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court , some that had before contrived His Death , and to murder Him while he was in the Scotch Camp , ( so at once to satisfie their own Revenge , and load their Enemies with the Infamy of the Murder , ) yet could not then perform it , were now fierce for a speedy and secret Assassination by Pistol or Poison . Others would have Him tryed and condemned by their Council of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to proceed more artificially in their Crime , and when they should get more Authority , destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice . To bring this about , they must proceed to make Him more odious , that the People might be patient while they kill Him , and undoe them . To proceed therefore to their Impiety , Cromwell and his Creatures stickle fiercely in the House of Commons , and cause the Parliament to send , not Conditions of Peace to be treated on , but Propositions like Commands that admitted no Dispute : which if the King had yielded unto , He had despoiled Himself of Majesty , and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Empire ; besides such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe , as unglorious : And if he did not , then He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Universal Peace . And lest the King should put them to more tedious arts by signing them , they themselves to divert Him privately promised to procure more soft Articles , and professed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sowreness and Rigour did yet leaven the House , which made these Propositions so unpleasant . The King could not but perceive the practices of the Army , yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him satisfie those unreasonable Demands of the Parliament , which granted would have been the heaviest oppression on His Subjects , and the greatest injury to His Posterity He could possibly be guilty of ; For to good Princes the Safety of their People , and their own Memory , which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Counsels , are more pretions than Life and Power ; and although Providence and the Malice of His Enemies had obstructed His way to Glory by Victories and Success , yet He would trace it in the unenvied and unquestionable paths of Constancy and Justice : Therefore to make His denial of them advantageous to Himself , by a seeming confidence in the Army's proffers , thereby to oblige , if it were possible , those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour , or at least to injealous those two Rivals for His Power , and commit them , the King absolutely rejects the Parliaments Propositions , and requires the Demands of the Army as more equal , and fit for a Personal Treaty , and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners . Cromwell and his Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty , which had preferred them before their Competitiors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People ; but yet secretly did they exasperate the minds of the more short-sighted Commons against the King for this Affront . And to the King they profess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits ( for so they loved to speak ) that they could not now perform their Promises : sometimes they excused themselves by a Reverence to the Parliament , at other times by the fierceness of the Adjutators ; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delayes to some length , they began to interpret their sayings otherwise than the King apprehended them , to forget what they had assured Him of , and at last openly to refuse any performance . To all these Perfidies they add other Frauds to beget a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers , who they informed Him meditated His Murder , professed they could not for the present moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations , but when they should recover the lost Discipline of their Army , then they might easily and speedily satisfie their engagements to Him. To give credit to their words , the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame , their Papers were published for a change of Government call'd The Case of the Army , and , The Agreement of the People ; the animations of Peter's , and another of the same Diabolical Spirit , saying , His Majesty was but a dead Dog , were divulged , and all were communicated to some Attendants about the King , with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life , for they were unwilling He should be killed while they helplessly look'd on . The Fury and Threatnings of Men of such destructive and bloudy Principles , who accounted all things lawful that they could do , that Providence administring Opportunity did invite and license their Impieties , and who imputed all their lusts , that had no colour from Justice , to the Perswasions of the Holy Spirit , were not to be despised ; nor was the King to abandon His Life , if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusty Attendants , in the dark , tempestuous and ominous night of Nov. 11. He leaves Hampton-Court , some say , uncertain where to seek safety ; others , that he intended to take Ship , but being disappointed in his Expectation , He was at last fatally led into the Power , and , when He could not escape , committed Himself to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Hammond , ( a Confident of Cromwell's , who had been but a little before made Governour of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose , ) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook Castle , the very Pit his Enemies had designed for Him. For it was discoursed in the Army above a fortnight before , that the King e're long would be in the Isle of Wight : and the very night He departed from Hampton-Court , the Centinels were withdrawn from their usual Posts , on purpose to facilitate His Flight . The all-wise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials , and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had designed for Him. Being here in this false Harbour , He minds that business which lay most upon His Heart , the Settlement of the Nation ; He sends Concessions to the Parliament more benign and easie than they could desire or hope , together with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands ; and earnestly sollicites them to pity the Languishing Kingdom , and come to a Personal Treaty with Him , on His Concessions and the Army's Demands . But the Conspirators , to cut off all hopes of a Treaty , take this Occasion to send Four Preliminary Articles , which if He would pass as Acts , they would treat of the rest . These were so unjust , that the Scotch Commissioners in the Name of their Kingdom declare against them in publick Writings , and following the Messengers of Parliament to the Isle of Wight , do in the presence of His Majesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion , the Crown , and Accords of both Kingdoms . The King , according to His wonted Wisdom and Greatness of Mind , presently returns them an Answer , to shew the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty , which should be the Subject of it , and to give them such an Arbitrary Power , to the ruine of all the People . This Answer He delivered sealed to their Messengers , who desired that they might hear it read , and that they might be dealt with as Commissioners , not as bare Carriers , ( a greater trust than which their Masters had not committed unto them ) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any prejudice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it , than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them , notwithstanding the Faith they had given , cause their Just Soveraign to be kept close Prisoner , force away His Chaplains , Dr. Sheldon , now Lord Bishop of London , and Dr. Hammond , both which He highly valued for their Integrity , Wisdom , Piety and Learning , and His other Servants , even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly about Him , and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him , and permit none about him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him , and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune . Besides they set strict Guards at His Doors and Windows , lest any Letters might come to Him , or be sent from Him. The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament . For Cromwell and his Officers were resolved to go on with their Design , and having so long used the Adjutators , as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set , they soon quiet them , ( which was not difficult , being a Company of hot-headed Fellows , that could only talk , not form a Counsel or a Party , to endure a Storm , ) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders ; and being free of that Care , applied their Practices wholly to the Destruction of His Majesty . To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King ; but before they bring them into Publick , they send into their several Counties about Forty or Fifty of the Principal Members , who they thought would oppose them , to raise Money for the Souldiers . Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly , that the Debates lasted from Ten of the Clock in the Morning till Seven in the Evening ; and though they thus wearied the more Honest Party , yet could it not pass till the Conspirators had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dispatched in half an Hours time , when those of the most sober Principles were gone forth to refresh themselves , and the Conspirators still kept their Seats . The House of Peers were not so hasty in them as the Commons had been , and their Debates vexed the Conspirators with Delays , till those who were sent by the Army to thank the Lower House for their Consent to these Desires of the Souldiers , did also threaten the Upper for their long Deliberations : some new Terrors were also added , for they quartered two of their Regiments at White-Hall , under colour of guarding the Parliament , but in truth to work upon the Lords ; which had its effect , for many that had the most Honourable thoughts in this Business , forsook the Parliament , and then three or four ( which often was the fullest Number about those times in that House , ) joyn with the Commons in their Votes for no Addresses . This prodigious Perfidiousness in Parliament and Army , both which had so frequently declared and engaged themselves by Oaths and Promises to preserve the King in his Just Rights , fill'd all men with amazement and indignation , to see how little they valued their Faith , who pretended so high to Religion ; therefore each of them were put to satisfie the Common Fame . Cromwell to some would have cover'd this Impiety with another , that as He was praying for a Blessing from God on his Vndertakings , to restore the King to His Pristine Majesty , his Tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth , that he could not speak one word more ; which he took as a return of Prayer , and that God had rejected Him from being King. To others he did impudently assert , That it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and frauds . The Conspirators in the Parliament strove to honest their Proceedings by a Declaration , and assign in it for Causes of their Perjuries , all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most professed Enemies , or from those uncertain Rumours which themselves had invented , adding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as Forgeries , ( yet now were used as necessary Veils for a more execrable Falshood . ) Which infamous Libel they caused to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom , to be divulged , supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slanders , or that none could publickly do it , because they set strict Watches upon all the Printing-Presses . They likewise commanded the Curates to read it in their several Churches , and commend it to the People . And that these might the more readily observe their Orders , they at the same time strictly enjoyn the payment of Tithes , and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands ( which they had designed for profane Uses , and never intended they should be for the Emolument of Church-men ) should be set apart for Augmentations for their Preachers , pretending a servent zeal for the propagation of the Gospel , when they did most dishonour it . By their Agents and the Anabaptists , with other Hereticks and Schismaticks , they sollicite the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gratulatory Addresses to approve what they had already done , and petition for a speedy progress in the Ruine of His Majesty . But all these their cursed Projects failed , for several Answers to their Defamations were published , One writ by the King Himself , another by * Sir Edward Hyde , and a third by † Dr. Bates : all which proved the Monstrous Falshoods of their Paper , and that the Faction were guilty of what they imputed to the King ; and this with such Evidence , that none of their most mercenary Writers , or the most foul-mouthed Conspirators , did dare or hope with Success to reply unto . The Curates coldly , if at all , observed their Orders , and there came so few Petitions , and those signed by such contemptible and lewd persons , as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred , than gave them any credit . While generally in every place none of the People could contain their Fury against these Impostors , but publickly cursed them and their Infamous Adherents . For their Miserie 's made them sensible of the want of that Prince , whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebriating Prosperity , that they had forgot the Minister of their Happiness . But now they found Government when it was out of His hand , like Moses's Rod cast on the ground , transformed to a Serpent ; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most insufferable Slavery : wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that render our Being comfortable , or they were not secure in the use of them . Religion , the Ornament of the present , and the Pledge of a future Life , was so dishonoured by Schisms and Heresies ( somented to weaken the People by Divisions , to a tameness under their Oppressors ) by Fasts for the most impious Designs , and Thanksgivings for prosperous Crimes ; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Invention of Tyrants , and the Disguise of Villains , and therefore did forsake it , and turn Atheists . Others that did still find the Inward Consolations of it , yet feared openly to profess it , lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God , that they might more securely destroy men . Liberty also was now but an empty name : for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws ; so that the Houses of Noble men were converted to Gaols , for those that were unfortunate in honest Enterprises ; where they were to languish with want and sickness , and not be called to know their Offence or their Accusers , because they had not guilt enough for a publick Condemnation . Some were put a Ship-board in the midst of Summer , there to contract Diseases : Others were sold Slaves to forein Plantations . Many to escape such nasty Confinements , or an ignominious Torture , fled from their Native Soil either to the Neighbouring Countries , where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Barbarousness of our Nation ; or seeking for Shelter in the Isles and Deserts of America , polluted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood. Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law ; but whom the Violence of the Souldier did not impoverish , the Frauds of Committee-men would , from whose Rapines none were secure that had not been as criminal as themselves , and few safe that did not seek their favour , and bow down to their Greatness : These men taking advantage of the common evils , to satisfie either their private revenge , or lusts : for their Proceedings were not regulated by the known Laws ; but the secret Instructions of their Masters in Parliament and Army , or their own Pleasures , were the Rules of administring Justice . An honest Fame likewise was a Mark for Ruine : for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood , and did not comply with their Interest , first he was vexed with Slanders and Reproaches , and afterwards with Sequestration ; especially if he were a Minister : and it was their common Principle , that an Honest Cavalier was the worst Enemy , and a Cavalier Saint did the most hurt ; so that both their Vices and Vertues were equally hated . Common Converse was dangerous ; for they had Informers in every place , and Spies almost in every Family of Note : Servants were corrupted to accuse their Masters , and the Differences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against another : Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Company , to consult in private their peculiar Safety , for they knew their Words were observed , and their Secrets sought after . Few Families but had by the Civil War some Loss to bewail ; some mourned over their disagreeing Members in different Camps , and had cause to fear which side soever prospered they must be miserable in some part . These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Remedy : For the Parliament , that had the name of Government , were guilty of all these Reproaches of a Community , being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable ; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army , the two Sects kept them so divided , each Party labouring by Votes and Counsels to circumvent the other , that they could not mind the Universal Benefit . Besides the power they exercised was too much to be well used , for they engrossed the Legislative Authority and the Exercise of Jurisdiction . So that they would make Laws according to their Interest , and execute them according to their Lust ; this day's Vote should contradict the former day's Order , and to morrow we must violate what to day we solemnly swore to observe : so that men knew not what to obey , nor where to rest : Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King , who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries . For His Principles were Uniform , and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant ; besides His Adversities had illustrated , if not calcined , His Endowments . For now when He had no Friends , Counsellors , or Secretaries , His Discourses with Commissioners upon their several Addresses , and His Declarations of His own Injuries , the Nations Slavery , the Injustice of His and their Adversaries , were so excellently and prudently managed , that they undeceived the greatest part , and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies : therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obedience of such an inestimable Prince . These Considerations caused several attempts for His Deliverance , some Private , and others more Publick . The first was managed by those Servants whom the Parliament had placed about Him ; for these won by His Goodness , of which they were daily witnesses , twice plotted His Escape , and ventured their Lives for His Liberty , but failed in both designs : and the last being discovered before it could be put into action , One Rolfe , a bloody Villain , ( that had also endeavoured to poison Him , for which though he was publickly accused , yet was acquitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that Cause ) waited to kill Him as He should descend from His Chamber . The more publick was that of the whole Nation ; An. 1648 for inraged with their own Oppressions and the Miseries of their Prince , men in most Counties , even of those that had adhered to the Parliament , but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded , draw up Petitions for a Personal Treaty with the King ; that the Armies Arrears being paid , they should immediately be disbanded ; that Relief should be sent into Ireland , and England quite eased of the Contribution , which they could no longer bear . To these Petitions there were such innumerable Subscriptions , that the Officers of the Army , and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Sequestration , Imprisonment and Death , to make no Impression ; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted , because discredited by their former Perjuries . The first Petitioners were the Essex men , who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before , as if they would force , not intreat for , what was necessary . After them those of Surrey , whom , by the command of the Officers and Parliament-men , the Souldiers assault at the Parliament-Doors , kill some , wound more , and plunder all : and for this brave Exploit upon unarmed Petitioners , they have the Thanks of the Commons , and a Largess for their Valour ; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions , which before the very same men had declared to be the Birth-right of every English-man . While men see and admire the Returns of the Divine Justice , and the reciprocal motions of the Popular heat , that the very same Parliament that first stirr'd up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King , now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was indangered by Petitions . But all their Tyranny upon the complaining Nation prevailed nothing but to provoke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Petitions . And when they perceived they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests , which were not to be gained but by the Publick Ruine , they fly from Prayers to Arms , and intitle their just War , For the Liberty of King and People . And in several places , as in Kent , Essex , Suffolk , Norfolk , Cornwall , Yorkshire , Wales , and at last in Surrey , multitudes take Arms for this Righteous Cause . The Navy also fall off , and setting Rainsbrough their levelling Admiral on Shore , seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to the Prince of Wales . The Scots likewise by an Order of their own Parliament send into England ( to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King ) an Army under Hamilton . But all was in vain , God had decreed other Triumphs for His Majesty , and to translate Him to another Kingdom . For the English being but tumultuarily raised , having no train of Artillery nor Ammunition considerable , were soon supprest by a veterane Army provided with all necessaries . The Scots , either through weakness or wickedness of their Commanders , who made so disorderly a March , that their Van and Reer were forty miles asunder , were easily worsted by Cromwell , who surprised their main Body , and Hamilton was taken Prisoner . Cromwell follows the scattered Parties into Scotland , where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle , a domestick Enemy , and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Faction of that false Earl ; who calls another Parliament , from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery , and all the Orders of that Convention made void . Cromwell had the Publick Thanks , and the private Faith of Argyle to endeavour , as opportunity permitted , the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland . The Navy also deserts the Prince , being corrupted by the Earl of Warwick , who was appointed for this Service ; and when he had ingloriously bought off their Faith to their lawful Prince , himself was ignominiously cashiered by the Conspirators . These great disappointments and overthrows of just Enterprises men variously attributed to different Causes . Some to the Perfidiousness , others to the Weakness of those that managed them ; as also to the Treachery of some Presbyterians , who in hatred to the Army first incouraged , and then in Jealousie of the Royalists basely deserted them . For the Rabbies of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the beginning of his Enterprise . Another sort thought them unhappy , because the greatest part of the Undertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King , or else had betrayed Him , and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom , which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants , because of their unthankfulness and impatience under so Incomparable a Prince . But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance , and Cromwell's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here , the less guilty Parliament-men seriously considering how impatient the People ( who in London and other places had gotten innumerable Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty ) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign , how hateful themselves grew , because they had betrayed and inslaved their own Privileges together with the Liberties of the Subject to an insatiable and Phanatick Army , and how an evident Ruine attended even their Conquests of Him whom it was unlawful to assault , did at last ( though too late ) contrary to the clamours of their factious and Democratick Members , Repeal those Votes which they had formerly made , of No more Addresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses , they afterwards with a strong Consent vote a Treaty with the King , in Honour , Freedom , and Safety . The factious Party in the Parliament found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and the whole Kingdom to Peace . But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more sincere Members , and to baffle the People's just desires of it , by imposing many unequal Conditions and obstructive restrictions . For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight , and not at London ; that it should be by Commissioners , and not immediately with the two Houses , as was petitioned . The Propositions that were sent to be treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court , and were then rejected by Him , and also condemned by the Army it self as too unjust . The Commissioners were so streightned in Power , that it was not lawful for them to soften any one of the Conditions of Peace , not to alter the Preface , or change the Order of the Propositions , nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were agreed on . They could conclude nothing ; they were only to propose the Demands , urge Reasons for the Royal Assent , receive the King's Answer , and refer all in writing to the Parliament , whose slow Resolves and the delays of sending were supposed would consume that narrow measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things , for they were limited to forty days . The Commissioners they sent were five of the Lord's House and twelve of the Commoners , and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers , who were to press importunately for their Church-government , to elude the King's Arguments for Episcopacy , and only to impose , not to dispute , their own . With all these , upon so many several and different Propositions , some relating to the Law of the Land , others to Reason of State , and some to the practice of the Apostolical Primitive Churches , the King was to deal without publick assistance . For though He was permitted the ministry of some Officers of State , Counsellours and Divines , yet were they but of private advice , and to stand behind the Curtain ; He only Himself was to speak in the debate , and singly to manage matters of Policy with their most exercised Statists , and the points of Divinity with their best-studied Divines . The Vulgar , to whom the arts of these men were not so obvious , were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty , and now hoped to exchange their Servitude under so many importunate Tyrants , for the moderate and easie Government of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight , and observed with what difficulties it was burthened , hoped for no benefit from it . Because that if His Majesty should not consent , as they believed he would not , then He would be the object of the popular impatience : And if He should consent , He that now was thought to be most injuriously dealt with , would then be conceived not to deserve the Pity even of his Friends ; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions , than to be ruined with more Dishonour . So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Majesty , and the implacable Malice of His Enemies , they despaired of any happy Issue . But beyond the Faith of these men , and the Hopes of the other , the King 's incredible Prudence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions . And by a present Judgment and commanding Eloquence did so urge His own , and refel their Arguments , that He forced an Admiration of Himself , and , which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance , drew many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own Opinion ( though their Commission , and the danger of their Lives , necessitated them , contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences , to prolong the Debates ; ) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust , yet granted what was not directly against his Honour and Conscience : thus devesting Himself of His own Rights , He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country . For He endeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People . Yet the King saw by the Obstinacy of the most powerful of those He treated with , that they intended nothing less than Peace , nor any thing more than His Destruction ; which that it might be adequate to their Malice , they would have it accompanied with the damnation of His Soul ( as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants ) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful , as the Alienation of Church-Lands . Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His blood , yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island , He did not hearken to the same Servant , who perswaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight , which He assured Him was not difficult , and in administring to which He offered to hazard his own blood . But the King always thought His Life beneath the Honour of Faithfulness , and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame , which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person , chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allotted for Him , than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of : For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes , which their People either cannot or will not preserve . And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others , than to live by His own . While the Treaty thus preceeded , the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton , ( this last was bold , subtle , perfidious and active in all designs ; so that his Soul being congenial with that of Cromwell , had been the cause of an Alliance betwixt them , for he had married one of Cromwell's Daughters , and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius , that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design , ) drew towards London , and quartered within half a days march from the City ; that , if their Interest did require , they might the more suddenly oppress those who were less favourable to their Enterprises . The Officers did at first publickly profess a great Modesty , as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament ; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages , and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War : yet in private practised an universal Confusion , for mingling counsels with their Factious party in the two Houses , they set up again the meetings of their Adjutators , framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty , and to require that all Delinquents without difference ( wherein they included the Person of the King ) might be brought to Tryal ; and by their Emissaries abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignominious persons , ( by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy , and imaginary advantages by the change of Government , ) to subscribe to them . When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect , and they had infected most of the Souldiers in the several Garrisons , and that more parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London ; Ireton , under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax , withdraws himself privately to Windsor-Castle , where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament , they joyntly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style . Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King , and His Restitution to the Government : afterwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent : with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parliament , some to please the Souldiers , and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble . This being prepared , and the Treaty now drawing towards an End ( which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed , that the Army might have more time to gather together ) and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation , they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime . Therefore they speedily call a Council of War , at which met the Colonels , and other inferiour Officers , all men of Mercenary souls , seditious , covetous , and so accustomed to Dissimulation , that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour impostures . They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting , pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act . This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People , while they commit the most horrid Crimes . For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason , or any Command of the known Will of God , they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer . This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used ; and the credulous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion , that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints . Thus having prefaced their Villany , Ireton produces his Remonstrance , which being read among them , was received by the Souldiers ( who , through a pleasure in blood , and hopes of Spoil , are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs , whether good or bad , that tends to disturbance , and continuance of War , ) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven ; and to make it the more terrible , they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army , and order it to be presented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England . When this Remonstrance was published , the minds of men were variously affected . Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the alteration of an ancient Government , an attempt so far above their fortune ; and to design against the Person of their Sovereign , who by the Splendour of His former Majesty , and by a continued Descent from so many Royal Progenitors , had derived all that challenges the Reverence of the People . And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness , that the Contrivers could not really intend the Execution , but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt . Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People , and their damnable blasphemies of the Almighty God , did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the extremest mischiefs ; and that having proceeded thus far , they would think their Safety consisted in an accumulation of their Sins . Only they admired that these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pretending to God's Direction , ( in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judgment be deprehended , ) by boasting of the Concurrence of the People , which was too evident a Cheat , for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abominate their practices . But others more Speculative knew it was the accustomed Method of the Subverters of a lawful Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny , first to seek the favour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice , and then to boast of it as though they had it , and were entrusted by the People to recover what they presented to their hopes and desires and that these men following the same practices , would be the greatest Oppressors of those whom they pretended to vindicate . ; The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army , yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually , and preferring the utmost hazards to a Compliance with this Remonstrance , laid it aside , and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them . This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Souldiers , who stormed at the contempt of those whose grandeur depended upon their Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their chief design , and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition , they immediately sent a party of their Army into the Isle of Wight , to secure the King : these laying hold upon Him , with a most Insolent Rudeness , not permitting the delay of a Breakfast , forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle , an unwholesome and sordid place . The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London , with all the imaginable signs of terror , as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemies Town . When they had entred , they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were nearest the Parliament-House , hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger , so to affright those Members who were not so wicked as to comply with them , that they should voluntarily withdraw , and hiding themselves , leave the possession to their own scanty party . For then the violence would seem less , and give more Authority to their unjust Decrees . But the honest Members were more in love with Justice , and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Souldiers , but as inspired with some unaccustomed Courage at this time , and thinking themselves guarded by the Priviledges of Parliament , with a greater boldness than usually they did upon just designs , they appear in the House . Where the Commoners re-assuming the consideration of the King's Concessions , continued that Debate till past Midnight ; the Factious party and the Creatures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples , multiplying Cavils , and by tedious Harangues wasting the time , that the most just party , which consisted most of Gentlemen of Fortunes , not accustomed to such Watchings and Fastings , might be wearied out and leave them to their own Resolves : and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night . Among the rest , Sir Henry Vane , ( who was born to disquiet the World , and to be a firebrand of Communities , yet still carrying the designs of Confusion under a feigned meekness and simplicity of the Gospel ) This man in the Isle of Wight had perswaded the King not to be prodigal in His Concessions ; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask , or Him to grant , and undertook to make it evident to the whole World : yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously inveigh against the Concessions , as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruine the Parliament and Commonwealth . Yet at last , notwithstanding those terrours without and troubles within , the House came to this Resolve , that The King's Concessions were a sufficient ground for Peace . Which was carried by 200 Voices , and there were scarce 60 dissenters . The next day the same Resolve was passed by the Lords in the very same terms , not one dissenting . Who immediately adjourned for a week , to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend it self after so generous an opposition . And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote . This free and publick detestation of the Crime , that was designed , did extremely enrage the Projectors of it , and the Democratick party in the House mingled Threatnings with their Advices . For one of the Chiefs of the Faction could not forbear to assure them , that If they continued in this their Resolve , they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again . Which accordingly was executed : for the next day they were to meet there , the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons , who strictly keeping all the Avenues thereto , that none might enter without their Licence , laid hold upon forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Resolution ; they denied admission to 150 more , and suffered none to enter of whose servile compliance they were not well assured . Some that had escaped their observation and got into the House , by tickets , as from Friends or Servants , they invite forth ; whom being once without doors they violently force away , while they in vain pleaded the Priviledges of Parliament . The imprisoned Members they vex and torture with great Indignities , exposing them to the mockeries and insolencies of the Common Souldiers : although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies , Brigades and Regiments in the Parliament's cause against the King ; and others that had been most importunate assertors of their first injustice to their Prince . Those that beheld these vicissitudes wondred , and acknowledged the just Judgement of God , that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign , by the ministry of their own more vile and mercenary Souldiers , and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King the very same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them : for both equally pretended to a Necessity of Reformation , and Self-preservation . Others were inquisitive for the faith of these men , who taking up Arms for the Sacred Priviledges of Parliament , had now left nothing but the Walls of that House . ; For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parliament , being scarce the eighth part of that Convention , and not much above forty in all , and others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there withdrew themselves to their own homes . And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion , Justice and Liberty , had hitherto been of the Faction , yet now awakened by these clamorous Crimes , forsook their bloody Confederacy . Yet did not this contemptible Number , of which in most Votes there were Twenty Dissenters , blush to assume the Authority of managing the weightiest affairs of the English Empire , to alter and change the Government , to expose His Majesty to a violent Murder , and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom . For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army , they communicated counsels with them ; and whatsoever was resolved at the Council of War , passed into a Law by the Votes of this Infamous remnant of the House of Commons , who now served the Souldiers in hopes of part of the Spoil , and a precarious Greatness , which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting . In order therefore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addresses to the King ; ( which had at first but surreptitiously and by base practices passed , and had been afterwards repealed by a full House . ) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King , and of the Satisfactoriness of His Concessions , with scorn they rased out of the Journal-Book . And then proceeded to Vote , 1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power . 2. That the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , being chosen by and representing the People , have the Supreme Authority of this Nation . 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England assembled in Parliament ( by which they understood themselves ) hath the force of a Law. 4. That all the People of this Nation are concluded thereby , although the Consent and Concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto . 5. That to raise Arms against the People's Representative or Parliament , and to make War upon them , is High Treason . 6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament , and on that account is guilty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War , and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood . Those that were less affected with the common Fears and Miseries could not temper their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers , that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes ; that in one breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy , and in the next rob the People to invest themselves . And ( it is said that ) even Cromwell ( who intended to ruine our Liberty , ) was ashamed , and scorned their so ready Slavery , and afterwards did swear at the Table of an Independent Lord , that he knew them to be Rascals , and he would so serve them . Others of more melancholy Complexions , considering the baseness of these servile Tyrants , and the humours of their barbarous masters the Souldiers , all whose inhumanities they were to establish by a Law ; and that Power gotten by Wickedness cannot be used with the Modesty that is sit for just Magistrates justly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty , so under these men they were to be overwhelmed in the depth of Slavery : and that these Votes which overturned the very Foundation of our Laws , could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety and our lasting Bondage , which came so to pass . ; For in their next Consultations they constitute a Tribunal to sentence their Sovereign ( which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People ) of the most abject Subjects ; and to procure a Reverence to the Vilest of men , they give it the specious name of The High Court of Justice . For which they appoint 150 Judges ( that the Number might seem to represent the whole Multitude ) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction : To whom they give a power of citing , hearing , judging and punishing CHARLES STUART King of England . To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House , and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army ( who having confederated against His Majesty , and publickly required His Blood , could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges ) and Members of the Lower House , who were most violent against Monarchy , and indeed all Government wherein themselves had no share . The rest were Persons pick'd out of the City of London and Suburbs thereof , who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts . Those that surveyed the List , and knew the men , deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice , and proper Instruments for any wicked undertaking ; for of these Judges one or two were Coblers , others Brewers , one a Goldsmith , and many of them Mechanicks . Such among them as were descended of ancient Families , were Men of so mean worth that they were only like the Statues of their Ancestors , had nothing but their Names to make them knownunto the World. Some of them were Spend-thrifts , Bankrupts , ( such as could be neither safe nor free , unless the Kingdom were in Bondage ) and most notorious Adulterers , whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice ; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse , Cowardly and Base in Spirit , Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels , and those Parts that cannot honestly be named were most dishonest . One of them was accused of a Rape ; Another had published a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity . Some of them could not hope to get impunity for their Oppressions of the Country and Expilations of the publick Treasure , but by their ministry to this Murther . Others could not promise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Iniquity . Yet all these by the Faction were inrolled in the Register of Saints , though fitter to standas Malefactors at the Bar , than to sit upon Seats of Judgment . And notwithstanding their diligent search for such a Number of Men , who would not blush at nor fear any guilt , some of those whom they had named , in abhorrencie of the Impiety , refused to sit ; and some that did , yet met there in hopes of disturbing their Counsels . All this while the House of Peers were not consulted , and it was commonly supposed that most of them terrified with those Preparations against the King ( the only defence of the Nobless against the Popular Envie ) would absent themselves from that House , except four or five that were the Darlings of the Faction ; and they deemed the Names and Compliance of those few were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also ; for some of the Peers did constantly meet , and on that day wherein the Bill for Trial of the King was carried up to that House , there were Seventeen then present ( a greater Number than usual , ) who all Unanimously ( even the Democratick Lords not dissenting ) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal . This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction , that they meditated a severe revenge , and for the present blotted out those Peers , whose Names they had before put into their Ordinance , to make the Court more splendid . After this they did also rase out the names of the Judges of the Land ; for they being privately consulted concerning these Proceedings against the King , ( although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction , yet ) answered that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England , that the King should be brought to Tryal . To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with , they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party . First , they bring from Hertfordshire a Woman ( some say a Witch ) who said , that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Armie's Proceedings . Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with thanks , as being very seasonable , and coming from an humble Spirit . A second was the Agreement of the People , which was a Module of a Democratical Polity , wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government , had their hopes raised to a share of it , if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction , which was the Person and Life of the King. This was presented to the House of Commons by Sr Hardress Waller and sixteen other Officers , as a temporary remedy ; for when they had perpetrated their Impiety , they discountenanced and fiercely profecuted those that endeavoured it . In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power , notwithstanding all these publick Abhorrencies and Detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge , they enacted their Bill . And for President of this Court , they chose one of the Number , John Bradshaw ; A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment , a Monster of Impudence , and a most fierce Prosecutor of evil purposes . Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law : but of so virulent and petulant a Language , that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking ; and was therefore more often bribed to be silent , than fee'd to maintain a Client's cause . His Vices had made him penurious , and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking . They also had a Sollicitor of the same metal , John Cook. A needy Man , who by various Arts and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence , yet still so poor , that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid Corners to avoid the Prison . So that vexed with a redious Poverty , he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment , which at the first mention he did profess to abhorr . These were their chief Agents : other inferiour Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments , as Dorislaus a German Bandito , who was to draw up the Charge ; Steel another of their Counsel , under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event , though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise , having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust , and relating to this , the Murther of Captain Burleigh . The Serjeants , Clarks and Cryer were so obscure , that the World had never taken notice of them , but by their subserviency to this Impiety . These were the publick Preparations ; In private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings , and the Matter of their Accusation . Concerning the first they were divided in Opinions . Some would have the King first formally degraded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty , and then as a private person exposed to Justice . But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project , which , as all horrid acts , was to be done in a present fury , lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay . Others rejected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sovereign Princes , and they feared to confirm that common Suspicion , that they followed Jesuitical Counsels ( whose Society ( it is reported ) upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome , at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death . ) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe , because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Violence on His Majesty were but gleanings from Popish Writers . These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who , designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy , whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government , would have the King proceeded against as King , that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty , and with Him murther Monarchy . For several of them did confess , that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King , and because the Excellency of His Parts , and Eminent Vertues , together with the Rights of His Birth , would not suffer Him to be a private Person . In their second debate about the Matter of Accusation , all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison ( who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell , and though now his Creature , yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times ) to blacken Him as much as they could ; yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name . For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King had been so publickly refuted that they could afford no colour for His Murther . Therefore they formed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was , that He had levied War against the Parliament ; that He had appeared in Arms in several places , and did there proclaim War , and executed it by killing several of the Good People ; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant , Traytor , Murderer , and an implacable Common Enemy . This Charge , in the Judgment of Considering Men argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it , than in Him against whom it was formed : for they seemed less sensible of the instability and infirmities of Humane Nature , than those that had none but her light to make them generous , for such never reproached their conquered Enemies with their Victory ; but these Men would murther their own Prince , against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War , which leaves the Conquered the only Criminal , while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conquerour . How false those Imputations of Tyranny , Treason and Murther were , was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign ; wherein it was judged , that if in any thing He had declined from the safest arts of Empire , it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious Persons whom the Laws had condemned to die . And in the War it was known how often his Lenity had clipped the Wings of Victory . But it appeared that these Men , as they had broken all Rights of Peace , so they would also those of Conquest , and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save . How little Credit their Accusation found , appeared by the endeavours of all Parties to preserve the King's Person from Danger , and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus ingaged to perpetrate their intended Mischiefs , all Parties declare against it . The Presbyterian Ministers , almost all those of London , and very many out of the several Counties , and some , though few , also of the Independents , did in their Sermons and Conferences , as also by Monitory Letters , Petitions , Protestations and Remonstrances , publickly divulged , adjure the Assassinates not to draw so great a Guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murder . For it was contrary to those numerous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths ; to the Publick and Private Faith , which was exprest in their Protestations and many Declarations ; to the Laws of the Land , those of Nature , and Nations , and the Commands of Scripture . That it was to the dishonour of our Religion , and against the publick good of the Kingdom . But all was fruitless , for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Faction so long , till they needed not their assistance , and despised their admonitions : Besides the very same Principles they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces , and made use of against them to adjust the Murder . The people also contemned them for their short-sightedness , in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men , and in such practices as must of necessity at last ruine them and all Ministers , as well as the King and Bishops . The Scots also by their Commissioners declare and protest against it . The States of Holland by their Ambassadors ( if they were faithful in their trust ) did intercede , and deprecate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest . Some of the most eminent of the Nobility , as the Earl of Southampton , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hertford , the Earl of Lindsey , and others , neglect no ways , either by Prayers or Ransom to save the King. Yea they offered themselves , as being the prime Ministers of the King's Commands , as Hostages for Him , and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood , to suffer in His stead for whatsoever he had done amiss . The Prince piously assays all ways and means to deliver His Father from the danger . For besides the States Ambassadors ( whom He had procured ) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred , Relations , and Allies of Cromwell , Ireton , and the other Conspirators , with full power to propose any Conditions , make any Promises , and use all Threatnings to divert them , if it were possible , from their intended Cruelty , or at least to gain some time before the Execution . But all was in vain , for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires : their Ambition ( that is more impetuous than all other affections ) had swallowed the hopes of Empire ; therefore they would remove the King to enthrone themselves . Some thought that their despair of Pardon had hardened them to a greater Inhumanity , for if after all these attempts they continued the King's Life , they must beg their own ; which they knew Justice would not , and they resolved Mercy should not give ; for this is reckoned among the benefits which we hate to receive , and Men are usually ashamed to confess they deserved death . Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel , they publickly pretended no other Motive than the Calls and Ducts of Providence , and the Impulses of the Blessed Spirit . To carry on this Cheat , Hugh Peters ( the Pulpit-Buffoon , of a luxuriant Speech , skill'd to move the Rabble by mimical Gestures , Impudent , and Prodigal of his own and others fame , Ignominious from his Youth , for then suffering the contumely of Discipline , being publickly whipt , at Cambridge , he was ever after an Enemy my to Government , and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries ) Preaches before these fictitious Judges upon that Text , Psalm 149. 8. To bind their Kings in chains , and their Nobles in fetters of iron . He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them , that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture , that they should judge the Kings of the Earth , often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges . Then he professed that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny , that there were in the Army 5000 Saints , no less holy than those that now in Heaven conversed with God. Afterwards kneeling in his Pulpit , weeping and lifting up his hands , he earnestly begs them in the Name of the People of England , that they would execute Justice upon that Wretch CHARLES , and would not let Benhadad escape in Safety . Then he inveighs against Monarchy , and wrests the Parable of Jotham to his purpose , wherein when the Trees would chuse a King , the Vine and the Olive refused the Dignity , but the Bramble received the Empire , and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble . And all the while of contriving and executing this Murder he preached to the Souldiers , and in some places about the City , bitterly and contemptuously railing against the King. Others also of the Congregational perswasion acted their parts in this Tragedy , but more closely , and not so much in the face of the Sun. The Conspirators taking heat from their infamous Preachers , whom they themselves had first kindled , and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applications from all Parties to save the King , and the Universal Discontents , might take some advantage from their delay , with more speed hasten the Assassination . In order to which they send a Serjeant of Arms with a Guard of Horse ( lest the People should stone him for his Employment ) into Westminster-Hall , and other places in London , to summon all that could lay any Crime to the King ' s charge , to come , and give in their Evidence against Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes , and dress'd up a Tribunal at the upper end of Westminster-Hall , with all the shapes of Terrour , where the President with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed , thither afterwards they bring this most Excellent Monarch , whom having despoiled of three Great Kingdoms , they now determined also to deprive of Life . Into which Scene the King enter'd with a generous Miene , shewing no signs of discomposure , nor any thing beneath His former Majesty ; but as if He were to combate for Glory the Monsters of Mankind , He undauntedly took the Seat which was set for Him , with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges , and with pity upon the People , who crouding in ( the great Gates of the Hall being flung open ) did bewail in Him the frailty of our Humane condition , whose highest Greatness hath no Security : A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger . He being set , the Charge against Him was read , with all those reproachful terms of Tyrant , Traytor , and Murderer ; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England . This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impatience and Detestation of all , and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax , Wife of the Lord Fairfax , who by this act shewed her self worthy of her Extract from the Noble Family of the Veres : for from an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood , she cried out with a loud Voice ( but not without danger ) that It was a Lye , not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime , but all was done by the Machinations of that Traytor Cromwell . But the King after the Charge was read , with a Countenance full of Majesty and Gravity , demands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith , and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign . Bradshaw replying , that of the Parliament ; His Majesty shewed the detestable Falsehood in pretending to what they had not , and if they had it , yet it could not justifie these Practices . To which Reply when they could not answer , they force Him back to the place of His Captivity . The Magnanimity of the King in this Days Contest with these inhumane Butchers did much satisfie the People , and they were glad ( while they thought not of His Danger ) that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies ; that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself , and had preserved the Fame of His. Vertues even in so great Adversities . For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to . The Parricides sought to break his Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges , and often exposing Him to the contempt of the Armed Rabble ; therefore four days they torture Him with the Impudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Sollicitor and President . But He still refused to own their Authority , which they could not prove lawful , and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety , that He made Colonel Downes , one of their Court , to boggle at and disturb their Proceedings . They therefore at last proceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour , and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign , Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany , but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint . At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a phanatick and base Rabble , instigated by Peters and other Instructors of Villany , could invent and commit . And He suffer'd many things so conformable to Christ His King , as did alleviate the sense of them in Him , and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Charity . When the barbarous Souldiers cried out at His departure , Justice , Justice , Execution , Execution , as those deceived Jews did once to their KING , Crucisie Him , Crucifie Him ; this Prince , in imitation of that most Holy King , pitied their blind fury , and said , Poor Souls ! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders . As He passed along , some in defiance spit upon His Garments , and one or two ( as it was reported by an Officer of theirs , who was one of their Court , and praised it as an evidence of his Souldiers Gallantry , while others were stupefied with their prodigious baseness ) polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle : the Good King , reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master , wiped it off , saying , My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me . Into His very Face they blowed their stinking Tobacco , which they knew was very distasteful to Him ; and in the way where He was to go , just at His Feet , they flung down pieces of their nasty Pipes . And as they had devested themselves of all Humanity , so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed . ( For no honest Spirit could be so forgetful of humane fruilty , as not to be troubled at such a sight ; to see a Great and Just King , the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms , now forced from His Throne , and led captive through the Streets . ) Such as pull'd off their Hats , or bowed to Him , they beat with their Fists and Weapons , and knock'd down one dead but for crying out , God be merciful unto Him. When they had brought Him to His Chamber , even there they suffered Him not to rest , but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy Tobacco , they permitted Him no Privacy to Prayer and Meditation . Thus through variety of Tortures did the King pass this Day , and by His Patience wearied His Tormentors : nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him , though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes , and these were such as might have forced Passion from the best-tempered meekness , had it not been strengthned with assistance from Heaven . In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army , of the King's desire , that seeing His Death was nigh , it might be permitted him to see His Children , and to receive the Sacrament ; and that Doctor Juxon , then Lord Bishop of London , ( now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber . The first they did not scruple at , the Children in their power being but two , the Lady Elizabeth , and the Duke of Glocester , and they very young . The second they did not readily grant . Some would have had Peters to undertake that Employment for which the Bishop was sent for : But he declined it with some Scoffs , as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon . So that at last they permitted the Bishop's access to the King , to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear . For with so wonderful a Prudence and uprightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury , that that accusing age especially of Church-men , found not matter for any Impeachment , nor ground for the least Reproach . The next day being Sunday , the King was removed to St. James's , where the Bishop of London read Divine Service , and preached before Him in private on these words , In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel . While the King and the Bishop at this time , and also at other times , were performing the Divine Service , the rude Souldiers often rushed in and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs , vain and frivolous Questions . The Commanders likewise and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations , who came to tempt and try Him , and provoke Him to some unnecessary disputations . But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments , that He put some to silence , the petulancy of others He neglected , and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches . In the narrow space of this one Day , and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances , the King ( whose whole Soul was totally composed to Religion , ) applied Himself , as much as was possible , to the Reading Holy Scriptures , to Prayer , Confession of Sins , Supplications for the forgiveness of his Enemies , the receiving the Eucharist , holy Conferences , and all the Offices of Piety : so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men , He laboured for the Mercy of God , and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death . While the King thus spent this day , the Ministers in the several Churches in London , and in those parts of the Kingdom where His danger was known , were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Diliverance and Spiritual Assistance . Some of them in their Sermons declared the horrour of that sin that was about to be committed , detested the Impiety of the Parricides , and denounced the heavy Judgments which such a sinful Nation polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect . The Congregations were dissolved into Tears . Some bewailed the sad Condition of the King , as the effect of the Sins of the Nation . Others cursed their damnable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just man , and the promises of Liberty by their Impostors . And another sort wept , because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them . And every one found matter of grief , fear , and indignation in the loss of so Excellent a Prince . All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment , there was no Tumults nor any Quiet , every one listning and hearkning , either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery , or greedy to receive some hopes of Comfort in their Sovereign's Safety ; otherwise there was a stilness like that which too strong Passions effect , and might be thought a Stupidity rather than a Calmness . The next day , being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children . His conference and words with them was taken in writing and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter , a Lady of most eminent Endowments ; who though born in the supremest Fortune , yet lived in continual Tears , the passages of her Life being spent in beholding the Ruines of her Family , and the Murther of her dear Father , whom she not long survived , but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty , in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight . While these things were done in publick , the Conspirators meet in private in a Committee , to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy , determine what Gestures they were to affect , what Words they were to use , as also for the manner , place and time of the Murther . In which Consultations , both now and before the Sentence , each one , according to the bloodiness of his temperament , or servilely to flatter Cromwell , by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition , did propose several ways either of contempt or hatred in killing their sentenced , yet anointed , Sovereign . Some would have His Head and Quarters fastned upon Poles ( as it is usual with Traitors ) that the marks of their Curelty might out-last His Death . Others would have Him hanged , as they punished Thieves and Murtherers . Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habiliments with His Crown , and in His Robes , that it might be a Triumph of the Peoples power over Kings . At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroak of an Ax on a Scaffold near White-Hall Gates before the Banqueting-House , that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne , and shew the Splendour of Majesty , He might pass to His Grave ; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty , and laying them down as Spoils , where He had before used them as the Ornaments of Empire . Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice ingenious , and provided Triumphs for their revenge . And because they suspected , or were informed , that as the King had not owned their Authority , so He would not submit to their Execution , not willingly stoop to the Block , they caused to be fastned in it some Iron Staples and Rings , that by them with Cords they might draw Him down , if He would not comply . But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhumanity ; and He died disowning their Authority , though He could not escape their Power . In the midst of these Preparations , they cause some Souldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions , to which if He would subscribe , they promise Life , and the continuance of a precarious Empire : either out of a Terrour and Fear of the consequents of their Impieties ; for the confidence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a sollicitude when they come to be acted : or out of Design to ruine His Conscience and Honour together with His mortal Life , if He should consent . But when one or two of them had been read to Him , He refused to hear any more , saying , I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so prostitute my Honour , or betray the Liberties of my People . Thus mindful of Justice , He would not deface the Splendor of His former Vertues with a too impotent desire of Life . At last that Fatal Day Jan. 30. approached : and that morning , a little before His Death , the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers , viz. Marshall , Nye , Caryl , Salway and Dell , to pray with Him , as they said , in order to His passage out of this Life ; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming , He returned answer that He was busie : they sent a second time , and He replied that He was at His Devotions : they importunately sent a third time , and my Lord of London then desiring to know what answer he should give to satisfie them ; His Majesty then as unconcerned in their Ministery said , My Lord , you may give them what answer you please , but I am resolved that they who have so often and so causelesly prayed against Me , shall not in this My Agony pray with Me , they may pray for Me if they please . Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devotions in the Offices of the Church of England , in them found an unexpected Comfort ; for the Gospel for that Day being the History of the Passion of our Saviour , did by that Example strengthen the King to follow Jesus , and to take up His Cross ; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern . Being thus confirmed by the Blood ( for He took the Sacrament that Morning ) and Sufferings of His LORD ( whose Vicegerent He was ) together with His own Innocency , against the Terrors of Death , He was brought from St James's through the Park to White-Hall , walking very fast , and with as chearful a Countenance as if He were going to Hunting , ( a Recreation He was much pleased with , ) often advising His slow guards to move faster , adding , I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown , with less sollicitude than I formerly have led My Souldiers for an Earthly Diadem . And being come to the end of the Park , He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall , and so into the Cabinet-Chamber , where He continued some time in Devotion , while they were fitting the Theatre of His Murther . While these things were acting , the Lord Fairfax , who had always forborn any publick appearance in the practices of this Murther , had taken up ( as is credibly reported ) some Resolutions , ( either in abhorrency of the Crime , or by the Solicitations of others ) with his own Regiment , though none else should follow him , to hinder the Execution . This being suspected or known , Cromwell , Ireton and Harrison coming to him , after their usual way of deceiving , endeavoured to perswade him , that the LORD had rejected the King , and with such like Language as they knew had formerly prevailed upon him , concealing that they had that very morning signed the Warrant for the Assassination ; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD . by Prayer , that they might know his mind in the thing . Which he assenting to , Harrison was appointed for the duty , and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphemous discourse to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution , which they privately sent to their Instruments to hasten ; of which when they had notice that it was past , they rose up , and perswaded the General that this was a full return of Prayer , and God having so manifested his pleasure they were to acquiesce in it . There was likewise another attempt made by Col. Downes , who had disturbed them in their Court , to obstruct them in their Execution ; for it is said that he endeavoured to make a Mutiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness , but the hast of the Assassinates prevented him . While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers , to the lasting reproach of Christianity , the King , after He had finished His Supplications , was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold , which was dress'd to terrour , for it was all hung with Black , where were attending two Executioners in Disguises , and the Ax and the Block prepared . But it prevailed not to affright Him whose Soul was already panting after another Life . And therefore He entred this ignominious and gastly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne , shewing no fear of death , but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking about He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and about the Scaffold , that the People could not come near Him , and those that saw could not be Hearers ; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spoken to the People , He spoke to the Officers , and those that were then about Him , that which is now printed among His Works . Having ended His Speech , He declared His Profession of Religion ; and while He was preparing for the Block , He expressed what were His Hopes ( for all the Righteous have such ) in Death , saying , I have a good Cause and a Gracious God on my side ; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown , where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . After this composing Himself to an address to God , having His Eyes and Hands like fore-runners lifted up to Heaven , and expressing some short and private Ejaculations , He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer , and meekly submitted His Crowned Head to the pleasure of His God , to be profaned by the Axe of the disguised Executioner : which was suddenly severed from His Body by one strong stroke . So fell CHARLES the First , and with Him expired the Glory and Liberty of Three Nations . Thus the King finished His Martyrdom , but His Enemies not their Malice , who extended their Cruelty beyond His Life , and abused the Headless Trunk . Some washed their hands in the Royal Blood , others dipt their staves in it ; and that they might indulge their insatiate Covetousness as well as their boundless Inhumanity , they sold the chips of the Block , and the sands that were discoloured with His Blood , and exposed His very Hairs to sale : which the Spectators purchased for different uses . Some did it to preserve the Relicks of so Glorious a Prince , whom they so dearly loved . Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that Disease which our English Kings ( through the Indulgence of Heaven ) by Their touch did usually heal : and it was reported that these Reliques experienced failed not of the effect . And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophies of their hatred to their Lawful Sovereign . Cromwell , that he might feed his Eyes with Cruelty , and satisfie his sollicitous Ambitions , which aspired at Monarchy when the Lawful King was destroyed , curiously surveyed the murthered Carcass when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall , and to assure himself the King was quite dead , with his fingers searched the Wound , whether the Head were fully severed from the Body or no. Afterwards they delivered the body to be unbowelled to an infamous Empirick of the Faction , together with the rude Chirurgions of the Army ( not permitting the King 's own Physicians to this Office ) who were all most implacable Enemies to His Majesty , and commanded them to search ( which was as much as to bid them so report ) whether they could not find in it Symptoms of the French disease , or some evidences of Frigidity , and natural impotency : that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity ; or to make His Seed infamous . But this wicked Design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill , who intruding himself among them at the Dissection , by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their Opprobrious Masters . And the same Physician also published that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men . And as His Soul was fitted by Heroick Vertues to Eternity , so His Body by a Temperament almost ad pondus made as near an approach to it as the present Condition of Mortality would permit . Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny , with more Impudence and Rancor they use other waies to make Him odious , and rase the Love of Him out of the People's hearts . They conclude from the outward unhappinesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him ; and with the same Confidence as they inrolled themselves in the List of the Saints , and entred their own names in the Book of Life , they blotted His out , and placed Him in some of the dark and comfortless Cells of the damned : and they commonly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief , that it was impossible for Him or any of His Party to be saved . Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul , they endeavour likewise to murther His Memory . For they pull'd down His Statue which was placed at the West end of St Paul's Church , and that other in the Old Exchange , and leaving the Arch void , they writ over , Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus . But the Providence of God hath shewed them to be not only deceivers , but also deceived . For that Just Prince hath of His own seed to sit upon His Throne . And Posterity shall wonder at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men , that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Successors to shew the Power of their Malice , but in a solid Vertue , which flourisheth by Age , and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years , when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a Violent Envy and the Ruines of Time. Besides this , they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and more lasting Statues , His Writings , and therefore force from my Lord of London , whom they kept Prisoner , all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him , and make a most narrow search of his Cloaths and Cabinets , lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wisdom should escape to the Benefit of Mankind . Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Almighty God , to their Eternal Infamy , and for a perpetual record of the King 's great Vertues , there escaped their Search , and was published to the World , The Book of His Meditations and Soliloquies . In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to admire most , either His incredible Prudence , His ardent Piety , or His Majestick and truly Royal Style . Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions , and were so full of the Piety and Elegancie of David's Psalms , that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit . His very Assassinates confessed the goodness of the Book , though they were ashamed He whom they had murthered should be the Author . For Bradshaw in his examination of Royston who printed it , asked him , How he could think so bad a man ( for such would that Monster have this Excellent Prince thought to be ) could write so good a Book . Therefore they laboured by all waies and means to suppress it , as the greatest Witness against them to Posterity , and which would make them odious in all Generations . For the Blood of the Holy , Wise and Eloquent , leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spill'd it ; because no man reads their Works , but they curse those cruel hands which cut the Veins and stopp'd the streams of so much Goodness : and we esteem them barbarous and inhumane Monsters who did not Reverence the Persons of those whose Writings we admire . But their fury became ridiculous , while they thought by their present power to corrupt His Memory , and take off the admiration of the following Ages ; for the more they hindred the publication , the more earnestly it was sought after : yet they endeavoured it another way , and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Author of it . Especially one base Scribe , naturally fitted to compose Satyrs and invent Reproaches , who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets , and so approved himself as fit for their service . This Man they encouraged ( by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the office of a Secretary ) to write that Scandalous Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( an Invective against the King's Meditations ) and to answer the Learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First . But all was in vain , for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Meditations , and drew those Letters which the Faction had published for His. Others , that were not able to satisfie themselves by such a Censure , were assured of it by the Relations of Col. Hammond that was His Keeper , who did attest to several Persons that he saw them in the King's hand , heard Him read them , and did see Him to correct them in his presence . The Arch-Bishop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with , that he was employed by a command from the King to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction , for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby . And Royston that printed them did testifie to those that enquired of him , that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death , to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him , which were these , together with a design for a Picture before the Book ; which at first was Three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns , but afterwards the King recalled that , and sent that other which is now before His Book . Thus these several Testimonies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers , and made their endeavours as contemptible as themselves were hateful . While the Parricides were seeking for fresh occasions to express their Malice , the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and Lamentation ; for never any King , not only of the English , but of whatsoever Throne , had His Death lamented with greater Sorrows , nor left the World with a higher regret of the People . When the news of His Death was divulged , Women with Child for grief cast forth the untimely fruit of their Womb , like Her that fell in travel when the Glory was departed from Israel . Others , both Men and Women , fell into Convulsions and swounding Fits , and contracted so deep a Melancholy as attended them to the Grave . Some unmindful of themselves , as though they could not , or would not , live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered , ( it is reported ) suddenly fell down dead . The Pulpits were likewise bedewed with unsuborned Tears ; and some of those to whom the living King was for Episcopacie's sake less acceptable , yet now bewailed the loss of Him when dead . Children ( who usually seem unconcerned in publick Calamities ) were also affected with the news , and became so prodigal of their Tears , that for some time they refused comfort ; even some of those who sate as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was spilt . Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the memory of His Vertues , to express their own Griefs , and to instruct the Mournings of others , and their Passions made them above their usual strain more elegant . Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour , and divulged the base Arts of His Enemies , even while their Power was dreadful . Men of all Sorts , Degrees and Sects ( there being none among which He had not some Admirers ) then freely and without Envy recounted His several Vertues , which now appeared as great as Mortality refined by Industry was capable of . For though Prosperity makes the Severest Tryals of Vertues , yet Adversity renders them most Orient . As the Night best acquaints us with the Splendor of the Stars . That which first challenged their Wonder , was the composure and Inclination of His Soul to Religion , which He used not as an Artifice of Empire , but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast ; for He never affected a Magnifick Piety nor a Pompous Vertue , but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who rewardeth openly . All His Offices in this were , like His Fortune , far above those of other men ; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised , that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Majesty He did adore , and as in an Ecstasie to have left His senses without its Adsistencie . An instance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham , the news of whose Murther being whispered to the King while He was at Prayers , He took no notice of it ( although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparations for a great Design ) till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven , and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth . This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion , that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches , slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it ; which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards , as also the Consideration of His Condition , did evince to be false , and that the King neither hated him , nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown , and have obliged the People by permitting their Fury to pass upon him . Besides , His Majestie 's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate , that nothing but a principle of Holiness , which is alwaies uniform , both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances , to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure , from which no lesser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion . In the morning before He went to Hunting ( His beloved Sport ) the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Ministry : and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms , and near the Assaults of His Enemies , He caused the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service , before He provided for Safety , or attempted at Victory ; and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven , and then afterwards repel the Malice of Men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His constant Devotions in His Closet ; and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions , as the Permission of the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God , a Mercy He valued to some of His Servants , above that of enjoying Wife and Children . At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention ( that His Enemies which hated , yet did even admire Him in it , ) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was , or a new Charter for a larger Empire : and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises , that if on Tuesday Mornings , on which Dayes there used to be Sermons at Court , He were at any distance from thence , He would ride hard to be present at the beginnings of them . When the State of His Soul required , He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood. And He never refused to take to Himself the shame of those Acts wherein He had transgressed , that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby , and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas , an house of the Earl of Devonshire , on Aug. 1. being Sunday in the Morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr Sheldon ( who then attended on Him , and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessour ) and drawing out of His Pocket a Paper , commanded him to read it , transcribe it , and so to deliver it to Him again . This Paper contained several Vows , which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker , the advance of true Piety , and the emolument of the Church . And among them this was one , that He would do Publick Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford , His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England ( though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission , and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament ) and to the Church of Scotland : and adjured the Dr , that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to observe that or any of those Vows , he should solicitously mind Him of the Obligations , as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should ly upon His own Soul. This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperour Theodosius , for he never bewailed the Blood of those seven thousand Men which in three hours space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica , till the resolution of St Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime . But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those Offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others . This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God , for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it . This Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education , as Choice , and He so well understood the Grounds of it , that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth , and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries . His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholick Church , against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismaticks ; yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions . Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with , were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery . From which He was so averse , that He could not forbear in His indearments to the Queen , ( when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other , and when He admired and applauded Her affectionate Cares for His Honour and Safety ) in a Letter , which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused , to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion ; for He says , It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Vs. Malice made the Slanderers blind , and they published this Letter to the World , than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King 's most secret thoughts and Inward Sincerity , nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood . Nor did He only tell the Queen so , but He made Her see it in His Actions . For as soon as His Children were born , it was His first Care to prevent the satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church . When He was to Die , a time most seasonable to speak Truth , especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble , He declares His Profession in Religion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James . How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe , was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers against His Life and Honour , which the Discovery of Habernefield ( to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief ) brought to light . They were mingled likewise among the Conspirators , and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him , even after His Death , as were the vilest of the Sectaries ; which they had never done , could they have imagined Him to be theirs ; for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shamed the Multitude of their fictitious Saints . For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family , abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant , by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government , invented fresh Calumnies for the Son , and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality , because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father . Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion , that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome , but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow , and to hasten the Son's Restitution . He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian , but would be so as a King , and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire . This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it , ( which is the proper Province of a Magistrate , whose Power reaches but to the Outward man ) that so carnal minds , if they were not brought to an Obedience , might yet to a Reverence , and if men would not honour , yet they should not despise Religion . This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship , that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored . And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore Saint Paul's Church to its primitive strength , and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure . He taught men not to contemn the Dispensers of the Gospel , because He had so great an esteem for them , admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels , as the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and the greatest Place of Trust , as the Bishop of London to the Treasury : consulting at once the Emolument of Religion , whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate , and the Benefit of the State , which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully , if any did more prudently , than Church-men . Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times , yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age ; therefore the King , to obstruct all access of Ruine that way , secured her Patrimony , and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege , which together with time had devoured a great part of it . His endeavours this way were so strong , that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War ; the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices , and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with famine . In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth , by His Command and Instructions , retrived very great Possessions , which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seise upon , and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety . In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons ; and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality , who before were contemptible in their Ministry , because they were so in their Fortune . His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this , and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands , rather than which He did abandon His Life , and parted sooner with His Blood than them . He used to say , Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church , yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone , ( alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain , that said so of a Castle that was committed to his trust . ) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime , that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry VIII . without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge . He neglected the Advices of His own Party , if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church . Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there , were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God ( as appears in His Prayers ) and men . For when the Reverend Dr Morley , now Lord Bishop of Winchester , ( whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight , where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners ) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here , because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland , and withal told Him what Answer he himself had made to them , That perchance the King was abused to those Grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James ' s Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed , and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had ; The King answered , It is true , I was told so , but whenever you hear that urged again , give them this Answer , and say that you had it from the King Himself ; That when I did that in Scotland , I sinned against My Conscience , and that I have often repented of it , and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin , and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again . He was careful of Uniformity , both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects , who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion ; but Tyrants , who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals , work that most effectually by caressing Schisms , and giving a Licence to different Perswasions ( as the Usurpers afterwards did : ) Besides , He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety , because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a growth , were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms . He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity , than the Rights of His Throne . For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed , and used this motive , because it was a small matter ; He answered , Though it seem to you a small thing , it is not so to Me : I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown , than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion . Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects , yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts ; and what the Example of a King ( which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Vertue ) could not do , that His Law should , and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate . Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice ; for this was peculiar to . His Adversaries , who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at , they would fawn and smile on Heaven ; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War , who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses . But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God , but also in Justice to Men. He was , as a Magistrate should be , a speaking Law. It was His usual saying , Let me stand or fall by My own Counsels . I will ever , with Job , rather chuse Misery than Sin. He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution . Those acts of which the Faction made most noise , were delivered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative . The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private Pleas , and sometimes decreed to be not good ; which can never happen under a bad Prince . The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast , wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates , or the loss of their Credit . Every one had both security and safety for His Life , Fortune , and Dignity ; and it was not then thought , as afterwards , to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies . His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law , but Equity overcame His Indulgences . For He knew that Vnjust Princes become Odious to them that made them so . He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery . He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer , when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight , on whose Estate , being held by Lease from the Crown , that Treasurer had a design ; and He secured the Petitioner in his right . The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon his weaker Neighbour . In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more , than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power , yet He thought it a Compensation , to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instrument , and to secure posterity from evil Kings . Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction , That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill , do likewise fetter Him from doing Good , and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Benefit . And that such is the weakness of Humanity , that he which is intrusted only to Good , may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Community to feel nothing in Government besides the Advantages of it , but in the Benignity of Providence , and the Justice of the Prince , both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him. Though He was thus in Love with Justice , yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour , but tempered it with Clemency , especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence , that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Publick Interest . He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries , when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People . And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation , that He would acquire it in despight of the Malignity of the times . For the Exercise of this Vertue depends not only on the temper of the Prince , but the frame of the People must contribute to it ; because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed , sharper Methods are required to from Obedience . Yet He was unwilling to cut off , till He had tried by Mercy to amend , even guilty Souls . Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices , by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition , and forfeited to the Law. Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight ( by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies ) being attended on by Dr Sheldon and Dr Hammond ( for they were the earliest in their duties at that time ) a discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour , wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them . To which the King immediately replies , I tell thee , Governour , I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunting , and that I assure you was not a small one ; yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am , for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily . This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy , and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity . He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it , and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made them Prodigal . No man fell in battel whom He could save . He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace ( and therefore continually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it ) than make one triumph a step to another ; and though He was passionate to put all in Safety , yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest . The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men , and oftener remembred that God had made them His Subjects , than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels . He provided for them while in His Power , and not to let them languish in Prison , sent them by Passes to their own homes , only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious : for so He used those that were taken at Brainford . But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith , and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt . Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field , and fainting under their wounds , He commends in His Warrants , ( as in that to the Mayor of Newbury ) to the care of the Neighbourhood , either tenderly to recover , or decently bury : and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence . This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous , when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero : the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport , and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die , because he look'd like a School-master . But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any , His Admonitions were frequent , Corrections seldom , but Revenge never . He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders , and then He punished the bad , but yet gave them space to repent , and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death , to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him , which Machiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels , and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience . He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dissemble , and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men , should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lion. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy ; for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies , and laboured to make His Clemency immortal , by commanding the practice of it to His Son. None of His Vertues were in the Confines of Vice , and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit , as His Detractors imputed it , and the Vulgar , who mistake Cruelty for Valour , imagined ; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power , so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude . For this Vertue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious , the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven . When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton , He was upon a Remove to Theobalds , where the Marquess was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber ; who having some notice given him of the Discovery , besought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence , and return the Treason upon the Accuser . The King answered , that He would therefore make him wait , to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty ; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life , because He was resolved to sell it so dear . And to make good His Confidence , He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theobalds , and lie in His Chamber that Night : while the sollicitous Court admired , and even censured , His Magnanimity , for it went beyond His pattern , and did more than that Emperour who was stiled the Delight of Mankind , who being informed of a Conspiracy against him , invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula , and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre ; and to give them more advantage for their design , put the swords of the Gladiators ( under colour of enquiring their judgments concerning their sharpness ) into their hands , to shew how little dread he had of their fury . But the British Prince's Magnanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's , as much as the privacies of a Bed-chamber and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Sovereign than a publick Theatre . As He never provoked War , so He never feared it ; and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence , He shewed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest : in the success of these , Fortune , the Vanity of an Enemy , and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise , but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory . For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to joyn with Him , that with Cannon out-vied the number of His Muskets , that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World , and not left Him the command of a Cock-boat , that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues , when He begged for a subsistence ; was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons , who were the most competent Judges of Valour , and never censured Vertue by the Success , but thanked their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Common-wealth , when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow , to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES , had His life been an Honour to that Age , or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples . Most Men indeed thought the King's side most glorious , yet they concluded the other more terrible : those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp , but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction , or at least did not oppose them . As He first entred the War , so did He continue in it . His moderation alwaies moved Him to desire Peace , and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it . His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears , but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party , who could not endure an Honourable Want : and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him , and He was rather Betray'd than Overcome . His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune , Arms and Liberty , it being Natural , and not built upon them ; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone . For when Whaley , that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army , insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State , and being bold in His Power and Office , refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance , the King caned him to an Observance . When the Parricides sent their party of Souldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter , Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him : but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Majesty , with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows . His Spirit alwaies kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies , and of their rudest Injuries would seem unsensible . He told a faithful Servant of His that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linnen and Shirts : But ( said He ) I scorned to give them that pleasure ac to tell them I wanted . Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds , which cannot shake , but only wash it to a greater Brightness . But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of men , yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty : But with a wonderful Patience ( a Vertue not usual with Kings , to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint , and therefore are more restless in Injuries ) He did submit to the Will of His Eternal Soveregin . He never murmured nor repined at that Providence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink : But His Meditations still breath the Justice of God and the Holiness of all His waies with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had fitted Him for the Condition he had brought Him unto . For when he marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West , one of them broke in a very narrow Lane , which made Him stop till an intolerable Showre of Rain came pouring upon Him ; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village , His Courtiers offered to hew Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords , but He refused : and when they wondred at it , He lifting up His Hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace , said , As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience , so He hath given me Patience to bear My Afflictions . The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him , nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Temptations to Passion from His own Party ; for in a Letter to the Queen , He tells Her that She could not but pity Him in His Condition as to them : yet He so managed their several Humours , and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness , that they quietly waited for a return of His Fortune . When He was in His Captivity at Carisbrook under the strictest Restraint , those that attended Him never almost observed Him but chearful and pleasant in His Discourses , and sometimes breaking out into pleasing Reparties and Jests . When in the Treaty at Newport , ( where he had occasions of Passion daily administred by the Perverseness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with ) one of the Commissioners was importunate with Him for more Concessions , and minded Him of His saying , That if there were another Treaty , it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace : the King answered , It would be so when there was a Treaty , but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty , but He was like the man in the Play , that cried out he had been in a Fray , and when they asked him what Fray , he replied there was a Fray and no Fray , for there were but three blows given , and He took them all : so this is a Treaty and not a Treaty , for there be many Concessions , but I have made them all . Another time , when He met one of the Presbyterian Ministers near his Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus , ( who then waited on Him , and had been faithful to Him in that Service ) the King told him , He wondred he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy , since he fared so ill in medling with them in his Disputes about Episcopacy the day before . These shewed how free His Soul was , and uncontrolled in the greatest and most displeasing perplexities . He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross , nay , He scrupled at such expedients as some deemed most conducing to His great end . For at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedient , to secure His Conscience , and satisfie the Commissioners in the Propositions about the Church , and it being urged by a great and faithful Counsellor , that He must grant what possibly He could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church , for ( it was said ) her safety depended on His ; with a present and pious indignation He replied , Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life , but what I may do with a safe Conscience : God forbid that the Life or Safety of the Church should depend upon My Life or upon the Life of any mortal man ; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do . Another time , a little after the Treaty was ended , Dr Morley shewing to Him a Billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress ( who often conveyed much Intelligence ) from an Officer of the Army , that the King's Death was resolved on ; His Majesty answered , I have done what I can to save My Life without losing of my Soul. I can do , I will do no more : God's will be done . In the Pomp of His Murther , wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World , Angels and Men , no Trials were ever greater , nor ever were any better born : the Parricides found it was easie to take away His Life , but impossible His Honour and Patience ; His Passions being then so low and quiet , that the natural Infirmity of His Speech did not in the least measure appear , which uses to be most evident in the smallest discomposure of the Spirit . After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His Assassination , and caused Him to be persecuted with all the Indignities of the fanatick Souldiers , there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indignation , but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the Title that was due to them : for when my Lord of London came to Him , ( which was not till eight a Clock on Saturday Night , ) He told him , My Lord , that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault ; but now you are come , because these Rogues pursue My Blood , you and I must consult how I may best part with it . Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence ; for though all about Him was tumultuous with Horrour , Destruction and Contempt , His Soul seemed unconcerned , enjoyed a Calm Serenity , and was full of its own Majesty . This Vertue made Him forget He was a Prince born to command , and only consider that He was a Christian whose Calling obliges to Suffer . He had found out a way to Glory by Humility . For the Supream Power , to which nothing can be added , hath no better way to encrease , than when secured of its own Greatness it humbleth it self . And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing farther from Envy and Danger than in Humility . He despised the converse of none , though poor , if honest : He shewed to Sr Philip Warwick ( who had much of His Trust and Affections ) in the Isle of Wight , a poor ragged Old Man , and told him he was a very honest fellow , and had been His best Company for two months together . He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty , and with them would He mingle Discourses as One of the People : none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty , not Pride in the King , thought it was enough : and He never did contradict any Man without this mollifying Preface , By your favour , Sir. His Discourse as it was familiar , so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by perfection ; for He did not proudly scoff at , but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects . When Doctor Hammond had in some degree lost the Manage of His Voice , His Majesty shewed him his Infirmity , and taught him to amend it ; which that Excellent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty . When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign travel , He would not let them go without His Instructions , of which this was one , My Lord , Keep always the best Company , and be sure never to be Idle . Thus He would confer the Vertues as well as the Titles of Nobility , He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them , and that that blood might not be tainted in them which was honoured in their Ancestors . Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed , as Tyrants and weak Princes will commend those Vertues which they are afraid of , for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities . Aristotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous ; and it is reckoned among the Usurpations of such Monsters , that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gallant . Plato indangered his Life when he conversed with the Sicilian Tyrant , because he was thought to understand more than his Host . It was observed of Cromwell , ( by one of his confident Teachers ) that in the time of his Tyranny he loved no man that spoke Sense , and had several Artifices to disparage it among his Slaves that attended him ; and he would highly extol those Pulpit-Speakers that had most Canting and least Reason . But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excellent Persons , and affected to be Great only by being Better ; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own . Of these He always chose the most accomplished that He knew , to be His Ministers of State and closest Confidents : for as the fortune of Princes stands in need of many Friends , which are the surest supports of Empire ; so He would always seek the Best , and those He thought fittest for His Employments , which a bad or weak King would hate or fear . Therefore He had always the finest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause , and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service : for the Archbishop and Earl of Strafford , that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals , were not guilty enough , even by those accusations which they were loaded with , and yet not proved , to receive the Censure of the Law , but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spilling English blood . When some discovered their Abilities even by opposing His Counsels , He preferr'd the Publick Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries ; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust , or win them to His Friendship ; unless He saw them to be such whose Natures were corrupted by their Designs , ( for He had a most excellent Sagacity in discerning the Spirits of men ) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Religion to some base ends ( the injuries of which He could never neglect : ) and such He neither conceived Honourable in a Court , nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Community . Among these Purchaces were reckoned the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , the Lord Falkland , and others now living , whose Perfections honoured His Judgment and justified His Choice . He had no Favorite , as a Minister of Pleasures , to gratifie whose Lusts and Vanities He might be sollicited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Community ; but all were Instruments of Government , and must be able to serve the Publick , whom He took to serve Himself . For no Prince was ever more affectionate of His People than He was , nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs . Those nice distinctions and cautious limits of Prerogative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with , were all indistinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government : none dared to advise Him to attempt at a power His Predecessors had parted with , or the Laws had concluded Him from . For He told the Lords , when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane , ( that He had advised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this Kingdom ; on which , though it had but a single and various testimony , the Faction built their Practices against His Life ) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it ; for if they had , I should have made them such an Example , and put such a mark upon them , that all Posterity should know my Intentions by it . For my Intention was ever to govern by the Law , and not otherwise . He thought He could not be happy unless His People were so ; as we found our selves miserable when He was not prosperous . Therefore He parted with so much of His Prerogative to buy our Peace , and purchase our Content . He sought their Love by affecting them , the only way of gaining it , because that Passion only is free and impatient of Command . Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it : When His Third Parliament granted five Subsidies , and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting , it is said , He wept for joy ; and it had been happy for the People , if the King had always had such cause of Tears , and His Eyes had been always wet with the same . Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince , for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance , yea He parted sometimes , through their own importunity deluded by the Faction , with that which should have kept them Free : And when He made such Concessions , which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it , He would say to some about Him , that He would never have granted these things , but that He hoped they would see the Inconvenience of that Power which they begg'd from Him , yet themselves could not manage , and return it to its proper place , before it became their Ruine . He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek an unlimited Power ; but He thought it the Office of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Liberty . He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nation , and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Army as the Conditions of His Safety , when tendred to Him the day before His Murther , because they would inslave the People . Neither would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable danger , though it were to secure Himself : for when my Lord Newburgh and his Noble Lady , at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was removed from Carisbrook to Windsor , proposed to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter , He rejected it , saying , If I should get away , they would cut you in pieces ; and therefore would not try their design , though it seemed feasible . With these arts He did seek to oblige the Community ; but the Faction's Slanders hindred the Success : which they the more easily obstructed , because the King never affected Popularity , for that consists in an industrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances , but He always endeavoured by a solid Vertue their real Happiness , and therefore in confidence of that neglected a specious Compliance with the less beneficial Humours of the Vulgar : so that the Multitude , who are taken with things of the lightest consideration , could not sufficiently value Him , being not able to apprehend His Worth : for a Statist observes , Moderate Princes are always admired , but Heroick are never understood . On particular Persons ( if not the sworn creatures of the Conspirators , and by Treason made inhumane ) He feldom failed by conversing to take them . His Trophies in this kind , even when He was despoiled of means to bribe their hopes , were innumerable ; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him , after the Knowledge of Him did curse their Credulity and their prosperous Arms. A clear instance of this ( to mention no more ) was in Mr Vines , one of the Presbyterian Ministers ( who are conceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice against those that dislike their Government ) that were sent to dispute against Episcopacy : for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it , professed to Mr Burroughs , ( one whose Attendance the King required , and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those enterprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety , ) how he had been deluded to unworthy thoughts of the King , but was now convinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him , and hoped so of others ; and earnestly solicited those that attended on Him , to use all means to rescue Him from the intended Villany of the Army ; saying , Our happiness was great in such a Prince , and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be unspeakable . Yet He never courted , although He won them , but His passage to their hearts was through their brain , and they first Admired and then Loved Him. As He was powerful to gain , so He was careful to keep Friends . Fidelity to the Publick and Private was His chiefest Care ; for He knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faithful , because it is so much their Interest that others should not be false . Though it is a Mystery of Empire with other Kings to proportion their Faith to their Advantage , yet He abhorred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe . Some over-fine Politici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction as the most immediate way to their Ruine ; for it was supposed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil , and their dissensions would have opened a way for the recovery of His abandoned Rights . But He was so constant in all that was good , that He thought the purchase of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith , and He hated those acquisitions which would give Him cause to blush . This Heroick Expression often fell from Him , Leave Me to My Conscience and Honour , and let what will befal Me. His Enemies knew this so natural , that if they could make their Propositions repugnant to His Conscience , they were sure no Peace should obstruct their Designs . Nay , He was faithful in those Stipulations wherein their first Breach would have justified a departure from His Promise ; though He saw this Vertue would be rewarded with His Murther . For when some of His Attendants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to provide for His Safety from the perfidious Violence of the Army , which every day they had informations of , He made this return ; Trouble not your selves , I have the Parliaments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here in Honour , Freedom , and Safety , and I will not dishonour My self by Escaping . As He was to the Publick so to His Private Obligations . No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection : for though His forein Enterprises required supplies of Money , and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Dukes blood , or Degradation from His Trust , the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend . And although he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate , ( for so the Assassinate pretended , that he might give a Splendor to his Crime , It being more specious to revenge the Publick than private Injuries , ) yet was he not the King 's Offering . In the case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded : But Posterity will see that that Noble Person was rather ravished from Him , ( on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glory of Fidelity , ) than deserted by Him ; for He never left him till the Earl did abandon himself . And a Penitence for a Submission ( not Consent ) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence , and repaired the damage of the Injury . For His Majesties Tears over him will emblam and preserve his name and blood to the honur of Following Ages , more than the remnant of his days would have administred to his glory . It would be an Injury to His other Vertues to mention His Chastity and Temperance , because it is an Infamy to be otherwise ; unless to let Posterity know , that no injured Husband nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruine , but such who were engaged to Him for preserving all their Rights in those Relations unattempted , and securing them by His own example . He witnessed His Conjugal Chastity the day before His Death , ( a time not to be spent in falsities , which was too little for necessary Preparations to appear before the God of Truth ; ) when He commanded the Lady Elizabeth to tell her Mother , that His thoughts had never strayed from Her , and His Love should be the same to the Last . The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Cleanness of His Heart , for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse . And He was so far from defiling the Beds , that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects . This Chastity found no Assaults from Intemperance , for He never fed to Luxury but Health . His strong Constitution required large Meals , but His Vertue took care they should not be gluttonous ; for He delighted not in Sawces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust , but all was sincere and solid , and therefore he never was subject to a Surfeit . He always mingled Water with His Wine , which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison ; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of Sobriety , that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together . He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer , another of wine , and a third of Water , and seldom drank between His Meals . These though Ordinary Vertues , were yet eminent in Him , since they could not be corrupted by the Power nor the Flatteries of Fortune . And they are therefore mentioned to gratifie Posterity ; for men are curious to know all even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons . Being free from Incontinency and Intemperance , the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exchequer , He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock , and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressions , but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown , and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence , but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences . For He had found the Treasury low , and the Debts great , in His beginnings : He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Europe , and the Faction had obstructed the usual way of Supplies by Parliaments . Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue ; and by sparing from Vanities , make provisions for necessary and glorious Enterprises , which He did effect : for in that short time of Peace which He enjoyed He satisfied all the Publick Debts , so furnished and increased His Navy , that it was the most considerable in the whole World , supported His Confederate the King of Sweden , and by Money inabled him for the Victories of Germany , and so fill'd His own Treasury , that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject , who were never more able to contribute to their own safety , nor ever had more reason , the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness . But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich , He would also keep them so by His Frugality . But those whose first care was to make Him necessitous , and the next odious , did brand it with the name of Covetousness , which was as False as Malicious ; for He never spared when Just Designs call'd for Expences , and was magnificent in Noble Undertakings , as in the Repair of Paul's . He was always Grateful , although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties , or their Merits , but by their Expectations from His Fortune , thought Him not Liberal . He chose rather not to burthen His People by Subsidies , than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties . For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to private persons . And it may be Vanity and Ostentation , but not Liberality , when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity . His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fathers , that His Subjects as Children might have the more . He never , like subtle and rapacious Kings , made or pretended a Necessity for Taxes , but was troubled when He found it . The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure , but the Provisions for the Common Safety , of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small part , He freely parted with His own Inheritance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour . As He had these Moral Vertues , which are both the signatures of Majesty and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit , so He was no less compleat in the Intellectual . His Understanding was as Comprehensive as His Just Power , and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations . How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson , and those at the Isle of Wight , where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains , ( the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party ) with so much Acuteness and Felicity that even His Opposers admired Him. He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers , that He made it evident they perswaded Him to that which they themselves judged unlawful , and had condemned as Sacriledge , when they pretended to satisfie the Scruples of His Conscience , and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands . And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him , for ever after silenced them , and permitted no Disputes but by Papers . At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in astonishment , that Certainly God had inspired Him. Another , that His Majesty was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions . But a third , that had had the Honour of a nearer Service , assured them that the King was never less , only He had now the opportunity of appearing in His full Magnitude . In the Law of the Land He was as knowing ( as Himself said to the Parricides , yet was no boaster of His own Parts ) as any Gentleman in England , who did not profess the Publick Practice of it : especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People . In that Art which is peculiar to Princes , Reason of State , He knew as much as the most prosperous Contemporary Kings or their most exercised Ministers , yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice . The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts , to colour the breaches of Faith , and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians , He did perfectly abhor : but His Letters , Declarations , Speeches , Meditations , are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity . He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries , and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it , that when He was young , and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain , He censured the Weakness of that Mysterious Council . For He was no sooner on Shipboard , but the first words He spake were , I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy ; One that they would use Me so Ill , and another that after such Vsage they permitted Me to Depart . As those former parts of Knowledge did enable Him to know Men , and how to manage their different humours , and to temper them to a fitness for Society , and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was : so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things , and easily comprehended almost all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use ; for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent , ( for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head. ) He was well skilled in things of Antiquity , could judge of Meddals whether they had the Number of years they pretended unto ; His Libraries and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities . In Painting He had so excellent a Fancy , that He would supply the defect of Art in the Workman , and suddenly draw those Lines , give those Airs and Lights , which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter . He could judge of Fortifications , and censure whether the Cannon were mounted to Execution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns , knew all that belonged to their making . The exactest arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing , together with all their furniture , were not unknown to Him. He understood and was pleased with the making of Clocks and Watches . He comprehended the Art of Printing . There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge . He incouraged all the Parts of Learning , and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists , and with so great a Facility did apprehend the Mysteries of their Professions , that He did sometime say , He thought He could get His Living , if Necessitated , by any Trade He knew of , but making of Hangings : although of these He understood much , and was greatly delighted in them ; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Forein Parts to make them here in England . His Writings shew what Notions He had gathered from the whole store of Learning , which He cloathed with a Wonderful and most charming Eloquence . Which was unquestionably so great , that those who endeavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Dominions granted Him a deserved Empire among famous Writers . The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety , or a love to Wisdom and Eloquence . For so great an affection in the Breasts of men do excellent Writings acquire for their Authors , that though they may be otherwise blameable , yet their Works render their Memories precious ; and the violent Deaths of such increase their Glory , while they load their Murtherers with Ignominy . All men , especially among Posterity , deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Publick Injury , and by Persons brutishly mad , or by some horrid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind . So that all future times shall admire and applaud His Writings against them , and curse their Injustice to Him. His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings , but also Practical in His Counsels . None found out better means for accomplishing a Design , provided safer expedients for the Ressorts of Difficulties , or more clearly foresaw the Event at a Distance ; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own , when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He intrusted with the Execution ; and He seldom miscarried but when He inclined to follow the Advices of others ; as He did in that inauspicious Attempt to take Gloucester , wherein He forsook His own Reasons , which He urged with all possible Evidence of Success , to march towards London . He saw into the Intrigues of His Enemies ; and had not the Treacheries ( which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature ) of some that followed Him opened to them His Designs , He had ( by the Ordinary Course of Providence ) covered them with the shame both of Imprudence and Overthrow . Those Miseries that the Faction after they got into Power brought upon the Nation , and the Events of their destructive Enterprises , were discovered and foretold by Him in the very beginnings to the deluded World , who notwithstanding were Fatally blinded to chuse their own Ruine . Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up , by the Direction of the Council , Declarations or any other Papers , and offered them to His perusal , though both they and the Council had done their parts , yet He would always with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form. He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand , Come , I am a good Cobler : and the Corrections were acknowledged by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings . His Instructions to His Ambassadors , Commissioners , Deputies , were so full of Wisdom , and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with , that there was nothing to be supplied on their parts to make their Negotiations happy , but seasonable Applications , or a fortune to deal with reasonable men . It was the Observation of a Noble Person ( who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithfulness , and was of His Council in all His Troubles ) that had the King been a Counsellor to any other Prince , He would have gained the Esteem of an Oracle , all His Proposals being grounded upon the greatest Reason , and proper to the Business consulted about . Those that have been forward to interpret His Actions by the Success , and from thence have proceeded to the Censure of His Prudence , considered not the numerous Difficulties in forming any Resolution , nor the fallacious representations of Affairs to Him , but only looked upon His unprosperous Resolves according to the Fate of unhappy Counsels , which is to have that condemned which was put in Execution , and that praised as best which was never tried . Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it ; and had all those Excellencies which , if we had been free to chuse , must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone , there being nothing wanting in Him that the severest Censors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a compleat Monarch . It was therefore the wonder of those who conceive every man to be the Artificer of His own Fortune , how it came to pass that He had not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an uninterrupted current of Success ( which some men reckon among the constitutives of Happiness ) in all His Enterprises . To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Method of the Decrees of Heaven , which yet they acknowledge just , though dark , it seemed one of the Riddles of Providence , that a King of so great Vertues should yet be calamitous : for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was , that could not be ruined even after a War ( which usually imbitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it ) and a total Overthrow ( whose common Consequent is Contempt ) but by so various and such wicked Arts ; and was judged by all men , though He wanted , yet to deserve Prosperity ( as to humane judgment , ) which ( as some think ) is the truest Happiness . To these Doubts there appears no Resolution so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty , who provoked by our sins , which had profaned his Mercies , and abused the Peace and Plenty he gave us , would chastise us by the scourge of Civil War , the corrective of too much felicity , and taking away the best of Kings , leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men . And that it was a wrath directed against us was apparent , because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an avenue for all those miseries that a Community is obnoxious unto in the want of a lawful Government , while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings , provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Family in its lowest Estate , and miraculously preserved the Chief of it from innumerable dangers , and made us to see afterwards in the Series of his Providences that he had not withdrawn his loving-kindness from the House of King CHARLES , by restoring it to its primitive Grandeur . And this he was pleased to signifie to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle . For while He was at Oxford , and the Earl of Southampton , now Lord High-Treasurer of England , ( a Person of unquestionable Honour and Veracity , of an eminent Integrity , above the Flattery of Princes , who doth attest this Occurrence ) as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber lay one Night in the same Chamber with Him , the Wax - Mortar , which according to Custom the King always had in His Chamber , was in the night , as they both conceived and took notice of , fully extinguished . But my Lord rising in the Morning found it lighted , and said to the KING , Sir , this Mortar now burns very clearly : at which they both exceedingly wondred , as fully concluding it had been out in the Night , and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms or any other could possibly light it , the Door being locked with a Spring within . This busying the wonder of both for the present , the King afterwards when He saw the Malice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruine , reflecting upon this Occurrence , drew it into this Presage , That though God would permit His Light to be extinguished for a time , yet He would at last light it again ; which was verified in the Event : for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood , yet after many years of Troubles , and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of destruction , he restored His Son to the Crown in as much Splendour and Greatness as any of His Predecessors . As His Abilities for the Publick administration of Government were all apt to raise Admiration ; so His Recreations and Privacies gave a Delight to such as communicated in the sight of them , and there needed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Diversions , which were all serious , and there was no part of His time which either wanted benefit or deserved not Commendation . In His younger days , His pleasures were in Riding , and sometimes in breaking the great Horse ; and He did it so gracefully , that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horse-back . Besides this He delighted in Hunting , an active and stirring Exercise to accustom Him to toils , and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease , which Vicious Princes think a part of Power and the Rewards of Publick Cares : but He used this as the way whereby the Antient Heroes were habituated to Labours , and by contending with some beasts in Strength , and others in Swiftness , first to rout , then to chase their flying Enemies . When the season of the year did not permit this sport , then Tennis , Gough , Bowls were the ways of His Diversions , and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent . His softer pleasures were Books , and of His time spent in these there were many Monuments . In His Library at St James's there was kept a Collection of His , of the excellent Sayings of Authors , written with His own hand , and in his Youth , presented to His Father King JAMES : and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person , His Extracts written with His own hand , out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisber , of all the Arguments against the Papists , digested into so excellent a Method , that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper . The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judicious Hooker , and the learned Works of Bishop Andrews , out of all which He had gathered whatsoever was excellent in them , and fitted them for His ready use . When He was tired with Reading , then He applied Himself to Discourse , wherein He both benefited Himself and others ; and He was good at the relation of a Story , or telling of an Occurrence . When these were tedious by continuance , He would either play at Chess , or please Himself with His Pictures , of which He had many choice Pieces of the best Masters , as Titian , Rafael , Tintoret and others , with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces , as also with most antique Pieces of Sculpture ; so that to those that had travelled it seemed that Italy was translated to His Court. As His Spirit was thus accomplished , so His Body had its Elegancies . His Stature was of a just height , rather decent than tall ; His Body erect , and not enclining to a Corpulency , nor meager , till His Afflictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Leanness ; His Limbs exactly proportioned , His Face full of Majesty , and His Brow large and fair : His Eyes so quick and piercing , that they went farther than the Superficies of men , and searched their more Inward parts ; for at the first sight He would pass a judgment upon the frame of a man's Spirit and Faculties , and He was not often mistaken , having a strange happiness in Physiognomy , and by reason of this He would remember any one He had seen but once many years after . His Complexion was enclining to a Paleness , His Hair a brown , which He wore of a moderate length , ending in gentle and easie curles : upon His left side He indulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life . His Beard He wore picked , but after the Faction had passed those Votes of No Addresses , He permitted it to grow neglectedly and to cover more of His face . His Gestures had nothing of affectation , but full of Majestick gravity . His motions were speedy , and His gate fast : which shewed the Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind , for His Affections were temperate . He was of a most healthful Constitution , and after the infirmities of His Childhood was never sick . Once He had the small Pox , but the Malignity of it was so small , that it altered not His Stomach , nor put Him to the abstinence of one Meal , neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Physicians . He was Father of four Sons and five Daughters . 1. Charles James , born at Greenwich on Wednesday , May 13th , 1628. but died almost as soon as born , having been first christned . 2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales , born at St. James's , May 29th , 1630. whom , after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father , some brave , but unsuccessful , attempts to recover the Rights of His Inheritance , and twelve years various fortune abroad , God was pleased by a wonderful Providence , without blood or ruine , to conduct to His Native Throne , and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted , almost to a Desolation , by several changes of Government and Variety of reproachful Usurpers , that they became the Scorn of Neighbouring Nations , and the miserable Example of a disquiet Community , so torn in pieces by Factions in the State , and Schisms in the Church ; each party mutually armed to suppress its contrary , and destroy the publick , that it was impossible for them to re-unite or consent in common to seek the benefit of Society , until they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul , to be governed by Him in the paths of Justice . He is now ( and long may He be so ) our Dread Sovereign CHARLES II. 3. James , born in the same place , Octob. 13. An. 1633. entituled Duke of York by His Majesty's Command at His Birth , and afterwards so created . He was a Companion of His Brother in Exile , spending His time abroad , both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory , and returned with Him into England . 4. Henry Duke of Gloucester , born in the same place , Jul. 8. An. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother , with the promise of an Annual Pension , which they never intended to pay : A very hopeful Prince , who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome , which His Brother hearing , sent for Him into Flanders ; and He also attended Him to His Throne , but not long after died of the Small Pox , Sept. 13. An. 1660. 5. Mary born on Nov. 4. An. 1631. married to Count William of Nassau , Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange , by whom she was left a Widow , and a short time after the Mother of the now Prince of Orange ; and coming over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity , she died also of the Small Pox , Decem. 24. An. 1660. 6. Elizabeth , born Jan. 28. An. 1635. who survived her Father , but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family , dying at Carisbrook the place of her Father's Captivity , being removed thither by the Murtherers , that the place might raise a grief to end her Days . 7. Anne , born Mar. 17. An. 1637. died before her Father . 8. Katharine , who died almost as soon as born . 9. Henrietta , born at Exceter June 16. An. 1644. in the midst of the Wars , conveyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother , and is now married to the Duke of Anjou , only Brother to the King of France . Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age , and 23. of His Reign , having lived Much rather than Long , and left so many great and difficult Examples as will busie Good Princes to imitate , and Bad ones to wonder at : A man in Office and Mind like to that Spiritual Being , which the more men understand , the more they Admire and Love ; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman , who sought Glory by Vertue , Homo Virtuti simillimus , & per omnia Ingenio Diis quàm Hominibus propior : Qui nunquam rectè fecit , ut rectè facere videretur ; se dui a aliter facere non poterat : Cuique id solum visum est Rationem habere quod haberet Justitiam . Omnibus Humanis vitiis Immunis semper in Potestate suâ Fortunam habuit . Vell. Paterc . lib. 2. Thus , Reader , thou hast a short account how this best of Princes Lived and Died ; a Subject that was fit to be writ only with the point of a Scepter : none but a Royal Breast can have Sentiments equal to His Vertues , nor any but a Crowned Head can frame Expressions to represent His Worth. He that had nothing Common or Ordinary in His Life and Fortune is almost prophaned by a Vulgar Pen. The attempt , I confess , admits no Apology but this , That it was fit that Posterity , when they read His Works ( for they shall continue while these Islands are inhabited , to upbraid Time , and reproach Marble Monuments of weakness ) should also be told that His Actions were as Heroick as His Writings , and His Life more elegant than His Style . Which not being undertaken by some Noble hand ( that was happy in a near approach to Majesty , and so could have taken more exact measures of this Great Example for Mighty Kings , rendred it in more full Proportions , and given it more lively Colours ) I was by Importunity prevailed upon to imitate those affectionate Slaves , who would gather up the scattered Limbs of some great Person that had been their Lord , yet fell at the pleasure of his Enemies , burn them on some Plebeian Pyle , and entertain their ashes in an homely Urne , till future times could cover them with a Pyramid , or inclose them in a Temple ; by making a Collection from Writers and Persons worthy of Credit , of all the Remains and Memoires ( I could get ) of this Incomparable Monarch : Whose Excellent Vertues , though they often tempted the Compiler to the Liberty of a Panegyrick , yet they still perswaded him to as strict an observance of Truth as is due to an History : For He praises this King best who writes His Life most faithfully , which was the Care and Endeavour of Thine , Richard Perrinchiefe . THE PAPERS WHICH PASSED BETWIXT HIS SACRED MAJESTY AND Mr ALEXANDER HENDERSON CONCERNING THE CHANGE OF CHURCH-GOVERNMENT ; AT NEW-CASTLE , MDCXLVI . I. His MAJESTY's First Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson . Mr Henderson , I Know very well what a great disadvantage it is for Me , to maintain an Argument of Divinity with so able and learned a Man as your self , it being your , not My profession ; which really was the cause that made Me desire to hear some learned man argue My Opinion with you , of whose Abilities I might be confident , that I should not be led into an Errour , for want of having all which could be said layed open unto Me. For indeed my humour is such , that I am still partial for that side which I imagine suffers for the weakness of those that maintain it ; alwaies thinking that equal Champions would cast the balance on the other part . Yet since that you ( thinking that it will save time ) desire to go another way , I shall not contest with you in it , but treating you as my Physician , give you leave to take your own way of cure : only I thought fit to warn you , lest if you ( not I ) should be mistaken in this , you would be fain ( in a manner ) to begin anew . Then know , that from my Infancy I was blest with the King my Fathers love , which I thank God , was an invaluable Happiness to me all his daies : and among all his cares for my Education , his chief was , to settle Me right in Religion ; in the true knowledge of which He made Himself so eminent to all the World , that I am sure none can call in question the brightness of his Fame in that particular , without shewing their own ignorant base Malice . He it was who laid in Me the grounds of Christianity , which to this day I have been constant in . So that whether the Worthiness of my Instructor be considered , or the not few years that I have been setled in my Principles ; it ought to be no strange thing , if it be found no easie work to make Me alter them : and the rather , that hitherto I have ( according to Saint Paul's rule Rom. 14. 22. ) been happy in Not condemning my self in that thing which I allow . Thus having shewed you How , it remains to tell you what I believe , in relation to these miserable Distractions . No one thing made Me more reverence the Reformation of My Mother , the Church of England , than that it was done ( according to the Apostles defence , Acts 24. 18. ) neither with multitude , nor with tumult , but legally and orderly , and by those whom I conceive to have the Reforming power ; which , with many other inducements , made Me alwaies confident that the work was very perfect as to Essentials ; of which number Church-Government being undoubtedly one , I put no question , but that would have been likewise altered if there had been cause . Which opinion of Mine was soon turned into more than a confidence , when I perceived that in this particular ( as I must say of all the rest ) we retained nothing , but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to be the constant universal custom of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of a lawful Priesthood ; and then , how the Sacraments can be duly administred , is easie to judge . These are the principal Reasons which make Me believe that Bishops are necessary for a Church , and , I think , sufficient for Me ( if I had no more ) not to give my consent for their expulsion out of England . But I have another obligation , that to My particular is a no less tie of Conscience , which is , my Coronation Oath . Now if ( as S. Paul saith , Rom. 14. 23. ) He that doubeth is damned if he eat , what can I expect , if I should not only give way knowingly to my Peoples sinning , but likewise be perjured My self ? Now consider , ought I not to keep My self from presumptuous sins ? and you know who saies , What doth it profit a Man though he should gain the whole World , and lose his own Soul ? Wherefore my constant maintenance of Episcopacy in England ( where there was never any other Government since Christianity was in this Kingdom ) methinks , should be rather commended than wondred at ; my Conscience directing Me to maintain the Laws of the Land : which being only my endeavours at this time , I desire to know of you , what warrant there is in the Word of God , for Subjects to endeavour to force their King's Conscience , or to make him alter Laws against his will. If this be not My present case , I shall be glad to be mistaken ; or if my Judgment in Religion hath been misled all this time , I shall be willing to be better directed : till when you must excuse Me , to be constant to the Grounds which the King my Father hath taught Me. Newcastle , May 29. 1646. C. R. II. Mr Alexander Henderson's First Paper . For His MAJESTY . SIR , IT is Your Majestie 's Royal Goodness , and not my merit , that hath made Your Majesty to conceive any opinion of my Abilities ; which ( were they worthy of the smallest testimony from Your Majesty ) ought in all duty to be improved for Your Majestie 's satisfaction . And this I intended in my coming here at this time , by a free , yet modest , expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal Government , wherein I was bred in my younger years in the University . Like as I did apprehend that it was not Your Majestie 's purpose to have the Question disputed by Divines on both sides ; which I would never ( to the wronging of the Cause ) have undertaken alone , and which seldom or never hath proved an effectual way for finding of Truth , or moving the minds of Men to relinquish their former Tenents , Dum res transit à judicio in affectum ; witness the Polemicks between the Papists and us , and among our selves about the matter now in hand , these many years past . 1. SIR , when I consider Your Majestie 's Education under the hand of such a Father , the length of time wherein Your Majesty hath been setled in Your Principles of Church-Government , the Arguments which have continually in private and publick , especially of late at Oxford , filled Your Majestie 's ears for the Divine Right thereof , Your Coronation Oath , and divers State reasons which Your Majesty doth not mention ; I do not wonder , nor think it any strange thing , that Your Majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression . I remember that the famous Joannes Picus Mirandula proveth by irrefragable Reasons ( which no rational man will contradict ) That no man hath so much power over his own Vnderstanding , as to make himself believe what he will , or to think that to be true which his Reason telleth him is false ; much less is it possible for any Man to have his Reason commanded by the will or at the pleasure of another . 2. It is a true saying of the School-men , Voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium , non quoad specificationem ; Mine own will or the will of another may command me to think upon a matter , but no will or command can constrain me to determine otherwise than my Reason teacheth me . Yet , Sir , I hope Your Majesty will acknowledge ( for Your Paper professeth no less ) that according to the saying of Ambrose , Non est pudor ad meliora transire , It is neither sin nor shame to change to the better . Symmachus in one of his Epistles ( I think to the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian ) alledgeth all those motives from Education , from Prescription of time , from worldly Prosperity , and the flourishing condition of the Roman Empire , and from the Laws of the Land , to perswade them to constancy in the ancient Pagan profession of the Romans , against the imbracing of the Christian Faith. The like reasons were used by the Jews for Moses against Christ ; and may be used both for Popery and for the Papacy it self against the Reformation of Religion and Church-Government ; and therefore can have no more strength against the Change now than they had in former times . 3. But Your Majesty may perhaps say , That this is petitio principii , and nothing else but the begging of the Question : and I confess it were so , if there can be no Reasons brought for a Reformation or Change. Your Majesty reverences the Reformation of the Church of England , as being done legally and orderly , and by those who had the Reforming Power ; and I do not deny but it were to be wish'd that Religion , where there is need , were alwaies Reformed in that manner , and by such power , and that it were not committed to the Prelates , who have greatest need to be reformed themselves , nor left to the multitude , whom God stirreth up when Princes are negligent . Thus did Jacob reform his own Family , Moses destroyed the golden Calf , the good Kings of Judah reformed the Church in their time : but that such Reformation hath been perfect , I cannot admit . Asa took away Idolatry , but his Reformation was not perfect ; for Jehosaphat removed the High places , yet was not his Reformation perfect ; for it was Hezekiah that brake the Brasen Serpent , and Josiah destroyed the Idol-Temples , who therefore beareth this Elogie , That like unto him there was no King before him . It is too well known that the Reformation of K. Henry the VIII . was most imperfect in the Essentials of Doctrine , Worship and Government : And although it proceeded by some degrees afterward , yet the Government was never reformed ; the Head was changed , Dominus , non Dominium , and the whole lims of the Antichristian Hierarchy retained , upon what Snares and Temptations of Avarice and Ambition , the great Enchanters of the Clergy , I need not express . It was a hard saying of Romanorum Malleus , Grosthed of Lincoln , That Reformation was not to be expected nisi in ore gladii cruentandi . Yet this I may say , that the Laodicean lukewarmness of Reformation here hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the Godly in this Kingdom ; occasion of more Schism and Separation than ever was heard of in any other Church , and of unspeakable grief and sorrow to other Churches , which God did bless with greater purity of Reformation . The glory of this great work we hope is reserved for Your Majesty , that to Your comfort and everlasting Fame the praise of godly Josiah may be made Yours ; which yet will be no dispraise to Your Royal Father , or Edward the VI. or any other Religious Princes before You ; none of them having so fair an opportunity as is now by the supreme Providence put into Your Royal hands . My soul trembleth to think and to foresee what may be the event , if this opportunity be neglected . I will neither use the words of Mordecai , Esth . 4. 14. nor what Savonarola told another Charles , because I hope better things from Your Majesty . 4. To the Argument brought by your Majesty ( which I believe none of your Doctors , had they been all about You , could more briefly , and yet so fully and strongly , have expressed ) [ That nothing was retained in this Church but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to the constant universal practice of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of the lawfulness of Priesthood ; ( I think Your Majesty means a lawful Ministry ) and then how the Sacraments can be administred is easy to judge ] I humbly offer these considerations . First , What was not in the times of the Apostles , cannot be deduced from them . We say in Scotland , It cannot be brought But , that is not the Ben : But ( not to insist now on a Liturgy , and things of that kind ) there was no such Hierarchy , no such difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter in the times of the Apostles , and therefore it cannot thence be deduced ; for I conceive it to be as clear as if it were written with a Sun-beam , that Presbyter and Bishop are to the Apostles one and the same thing , no majority , no inequality , or difference of office , power or degree betwixt the one and the other , but a mere Identity in all . 2. That the Apostles intending to set down the Offices and Officers of the Church , and speaking so often of them , and of their gifts and duties , and that not upon occasion , but of set purpose , do neither express nor imply any such Pastor or Bishop as hath power over other Pastors ; although it be true , that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the Office , Gifts and Duties of the meanest Officers , such as Deacons . 3. That in the Ministery of the New Testament there is a comely , beautiful , and Divine Order and subordination ; one kind of Ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity before another , as the Apostles first , the Evangelists , Pastors , Doctors , &c. in their own ranks : but we cannot find in Offices of the same kind , that one hath majority of power , or priority of degree before another ; no Apostle above other Apostles , ( unless in moral respects ) no Evangelist above other Evangelists , or Deacon above other Deacons ; why then a Pastor above other Pastors ? In all other sorts of Ministers ordinary and extraordinary a Parity in their own kind , only in the office of Pastor an Inequality . 4. That the whole power and all the parts of the Ministry which are commonly called The power of Order and Jurisdiction , are by the Apostles declared to be common to the Presbyter and Bishop : and that , Matt. 15. 16 , 17. the gradation in matter of Discipline or Church censures is from one to two or more ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it to the Church : he saith not , tell it to the Bishop ; there is no place left to a retrogradation from more to one , were he never so eminent . If these considerations do not satisfie , Your Majesty may have more , or the same further cleared . 5. Secondly , I do humbly desire Your Majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that Argument , from the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of the Fathers . It is the Argument of the Papists for such Traditions as no Orthodox Divine will admit . The Law and Testimony must be the Rule . We can have no certain knowledge of the Practice universal of the Church for many years ; Eusebius the prime Historian confesseth so much : the learned Josephus Scaliger testifieth , that from the end of the Acts of the Apostles until a good time after , no certainty can be had from Ecclesiastical Authors about Church matters . It is true , Diotrephes sought the preeminence in the Apostles times , and the Mystery of iniquity did then begin to work ; and no doubt in after times some puffed up with Ambition , and others overtaken with Weakness , endeavoured alteration of Church-Government : but that all the Learned and Godly of those times consented to such a Change as is talked of afterwards , will never be proved . 6. Thirdly , I will never think that Your Majesty will deny the lawfulness of a Ministery and the due administration of the Sacraments in the Reformed Churches which have no Diocesan Bishops , sith it is not only manifest by Scripture , but a great many of the strongest Champions for Episcopacy do confess , that Presbyters may ordain other Presbyters ; and that Baptism administred by a private Person , wanting a publick Calling , or by a Midwife and by a Presbyter , although not ordained by a Bishop , are not one and the same thing . 7. Concerning the other Argument taken from Your Majesty's Coronation Oath , I confess that both in the taking and keeping of an Oath ( so sacred a thing is it , and so high a point of Religion ) much tenderness is required : and far be it from us , who deresi to observe our own Solemn Oath , to press Your Majesty with the violation of Yours . Yet , Sir I will crave Your leave , in all humbleness and sincerity to lay before Your Majesty's eyes this one thing , ( which perhaps might require a larger discourse ) That although no humane authority can dispense with an Oath , Quia Religio juramenti pertinet ad forum Divinum ; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an Oath ceaseth : As when we swear homage and obedience to our Lord and Superiour , who afterwards ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour ; for then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away , and therefore the Obligation , Sublatâ Causâ tollitur Effectus , Sublato Relato tollitur Correlatum : or when any Oath hath a special reference to the benefit of those to whom I make the promise , if we have their desire or consent , the obligation ceaseth ; because all such Oaths from the nature of the thing do include a condition . When the Parliaments of both Kingdoms have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a Law , Your Majesty's Oath doth not bind You or Your Conscience to the observing of it ; otherwise no Laws could be altered by the Legislative Power . This I conceive hath been the ground of removing Episcopal Government in Scotland , and of removing the Bishops out of the Parliament of England . And I assure my self that Your Majesty did not intend at the taking of Your Oath , that although both Houses of Parliament should find an alteration necessary , although ( which God Almighty avert ) You should lose Your self and Your Posterity and Crown , that You would never consent to the abolishing of such a Law. If Your Majesty still object , that the matter of the Oath is necessary and immutable ; that doth not belong to this , but to the former Argument . 8. I have but one word more concerning Your Piety to Your Royal Father and Teacher of Happy Memory , with which Your Majesty does conclude . Your Majesty knows that King James never admitted Episcopacy upon Divine Right ; That His Majesty did swear and subscribe to the Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline of the Church of Scotland ; That in the Preface of the latter Edition of Basilicon Doron , His Majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the Gospel , than the pomp and Ceremonies of the Church of England , and that He conceived the Prelates to savour of the Popish Hierarchy ; and that ( could His Ghost now speak to Your Majesty ) He would not advise Your Majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull down Your Throne with their own ruine , than that they perish alone . The Lord give Your Majesty a wise and discerning Spirit to chuse that in time which is right . June 3. 1646. III. His MAJESTY's Second Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson : A Reply to his Answer to my first Paper . June 6. 1646. Mr Henderson , IF it had been the Honour of the Cause which I looked after , I would not have undertaken to put Pen to Paper , or singly to have maintained this Argument against you ( whose Answer to my former Paper is sufficient , without further proofs , to justifie my opinion of your Abilities : ) but it being merely ( as you know ) for my particular satisfaction , I assure you that a Disputation of well chosen Divines would be most effectual ; and , I believe , you cannot but grant , that I must best know how My self may be best satisfied ; for certainly My Tast cannot be guided by another man's Palate : and indeed I will say , that when it comes ( as it must ) to Probations , I must have either Persons or Books to clear the Allegations , or it will be impossible to give Me satisfaction . The fore-seeing of which made Me at first ( for the saving of time ) desire that some of those Divines which I gave you in a List might be sent for . 2. Concerning your second Section , I were much to blame if I should not submit to that saying of S. Ambrose which you mention , for I would be unwilling to be found less ingenuous than you shew your self to be in the former part of it : wherefore my Reply is , that as I shall not be ashamed to change for the better , so I must see that it is better before I change , otherwise Inconstancy in this were both Sin and Shame ; and remember ( what your self hath learnedly enforced ) that no man's Reason can be commanded by another man's Will. 3. Your third begins , but I cannot say that it goes on , with that Ingenuity which the other did ; for I do not understand how those Examples cited out of the Old Testament do any way prove that the way of Reformation which I commend hath not been the most perfect , or that any other is lawful , those having been all by the Regal Authority : and because Henry the Eighth's Reformation was not perfect , will it prove that of King Edward and Q. Elizabeth to be unperfect ? I believe a new Mood and Figure must be found out to form a Syllogism whereby to prove that . But however you are mistaken ; for no man who truly understands the English Reformation will derive it from Henry the Eighth , for he only gave the occasion ; it was his Son who began , and Q. Elizabeth that perfected it . Nor did I ever aver that the beginning of any Humane Action was perfect , no more than you can prove that God hath ever given approbation to Multitudes to Reform the Negligence of Princes : For , you know , there is much Difference between Permission and Approbation . But all this time I find no Reasons ( according to your promise ) for a Reformation or change , ( I mean since Q. Elizabeth's time . ) As for your Romanorum Malleus his saying , it is well you come off it with [ yet this I may say ; ] for it seems to imply , as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying : and for your comparing our Reformation here to the Laodicean lukewarmness , proved by Complaints , Grievings , &c. all that doth , and but unhandsomely , petere Principium ; nor can Generals satisfie Me ; for you must first prove that those men had reason to complain , those Churches to be grieved , and how we were truly the Causers of this Schism and Separation . As for those words which you will not use , I will not answer . 4. Here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two main Arguments ; but , by your favour , you take ( as I conceive ) a wrong way to convince Me : It is I must make good the Affirmative , for I believe a Negative cannot be proved . In stead of which , if you had made appear the practice of the Presbyterian Government in the Primitive times , you had done much ; for I do aver that this Government was never practised before Calvin's time : the Affirmative of which I leave you to prove ; My task being to shew the lawfulness and succession of Episcopacy , and , as I believe , the necessity of it . For doing whereof I must have such Books as I shall call for ; which possibly upon perusal may , one way or other , give Me satisfaction : but I cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some Learned man , whom I can trust to find out all such Citations as I have use of : wherefore blame Me not if time be unnecessarily lost . 5. Now for the fallaciousness of my Argument , ( to my knowledge ) it was never My practice , nor do I confess to have begun now . For if the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing Argument , when the interpretation of Scripture is doubtful , I know nothing : For if this be not , then of necessity the Interpretation of private Spirits must be admitted ; the which contradicts St. Peter , 2 Pet. 1. 20. is the Mother of all Sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these Kingdoms into confusion . And to say that an Argument is ill , because the Papists use it , or that such a thing is good , because it is the Custom of some of the Reformed Churches ; cannot weigh with Me , until you prove these to be infallible , or that to maintain no Truth . And how Diotrephes Ambition ( who directly opposed the Apostle St John ) can be an Argument against Episcopacy , I do not understand . 6. When I am made a Judge over the Reformed Churches , then , and not before , will I censure their Actions ; as you must prove , before I confess it , that Presbyters without a Bishop may lawfully ordain other Presbyters . And as for the Administration of Baptism , as I think none will say that a Woman can lawfully or duely administer it , though when done it be valid ; so none ought to do it but a lawful Presbyter , whom you cannot deny but to be absolutely necessary for the Sacrament of the Eucharist . 7. You make a learned succinct discourse of Oaths in general , and their several Obligations , to which I fully agree ; intending in the particular now in question to be guided by your own Rule , which is [ when any Oath hath a special reference to the Benefit of those to whom I make the Promise , if we have their desire or consent , the Obligation ceaseth . ] Now it must be known , to whom this Oath hath reference , and to whose benefit . The Answer is clear , Only to the Church of England , as by the Record will be plainly made appear . And you much mistake in alledging that the two Houses of Parliament ( especially as they are now constituted ) can have this Disobligatory power ; for ( besides that they are not named in it ) I am confident to make it clearly appear to you , that this Church never did submit nor was subordinate to them , and that it was only the King and Clergy who made the Reformation , the Parliament merely serving to help to give the Civil Sanction . All this being proved ( of which I make no question ) it must necessarily follow , that it is only the Church of England ( in whose favour I took this Oath ) that can release Me from it : wherefore when the Church of England ( being lawfully assembled ) shall declare that I am free , then , and not before , I shall esteem My self so . 8. To your last , concerning the King My Father , of Happy and Famous Memory both for his Piety and Learning , I must tell you , that I had the Happiness to know Him much better than you ; wherefore I desire you not to be too confident in the knowledge of His Opinions : for I dare say , should his Ghost now speak , He would tell you , that a bloody Reformation was never lawful , as not warranted by God's Word , and that Preces & lachrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae . 9. To conclude , having replied to all your Paper , I cannot but observe to you , that you have given Me no Answer to my last Quaere . It may be you are ( as Chaucer says ) like the People of England , What they not like , they never understand : but in earnest , that question is so pertinent to the Purpose in hand , that it will much serve for My satisfaction , and besides , it may be useful for other things . C. R. Newcastle , June 6. 1646. IV. Mr. Alexander Henderson's Second Paper . For His MAJESTY . SIR , THE smaller the encouragements be in relation to the success , ( which how small they are Your Majesty well knows ) the more apparent and , I hope , the more acceptable will my obedience be , in that which in all humility I now go about at Your Majesty's command : yet while I consider that the way of man is not in himself , nor is it in man that walketh to direct his own steps ; and when I remember how many supplications , with strong crying and tears , have been openly and in secret offered up in Your Majesty's behalf unto God that heareth prayer , I have no reason to despair of a blessed success . 1. I have been averse from a disputation of Divines , 1. For saving of time ; which the present exigence and extremity of affairs make more than ordinarily pretious . While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures and circlings in the sand , Marcellus interrupted his Demonstration . 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind , answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties , is rather Victory than Verity ; while tanquam tentativi Dialectici , they study more to overcome their adverse Party , than to be overcome of Truth , although this be the most glorious Victory . 3. When I was commanded to come hither , no such thing was proposed to me nor expected by me : I never judged so meanly of the Cause , nor so highly of my self , as to venture it upon such weakness . Much more might be spoken to this purpose , but I forbear . 2. I will not further trouble Your Majesty with that which is contained in the second Section , hoping that Your Majesty will no more insist upon Education , Prescription of time , &c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration , but ( which Your Majesty acknowledges ) must give place to Reason , and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith in any point to be believed : although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like to be the ground and rule of their Faith ; an Evidence that their Faith is not a Divine Faith , but an humane Credulity . 3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section ; I had need have a Preface to so thorny a Theme as your Majesty hath brought me upon . 1. For the Reforming power ; it is conceived , when a General Defection , like a Deluge , hath covered the whole face of the Church , so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains do appear , a General Council is necessary : but because that can hardly be obtained , several Kingdoms ( which we see was done at the time of the Reformation ) are to Reform themselves , and that by the Authority of their Prince and Magistrates : if the Prince or supreme Magistrate be unwilling , then may the inferior Magistrate and the People , being before rightly informed in the grounds of Religion , lawfully Reform within their own sphere ; and if the light shine upon all , or the major part , they may , after all other means assayed , make a publick Reformation . This before this time I never wrote or spoke ; yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine conceive that they are able to make it good . But , Sir , were I worthy to give advice to Your Majesty , or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth , my humble Opinion would be , that they should draw the Minds , Tongues and Pens of the Learned , to dispute about other matter than the Power or Prerogative of Kings and Princes ; and in this kind Your Majesty hath suffered and lost more than will easily be restored to Your self or Your Posterity for a long time . It is not denied but the prime Reforming power is in Kings and Princes ; quibus deficientibus , it comes to the inferior Magistrate ; quibus deficientibus , it descendeth to the Body of the People ; supposing that there is a necessity of Reformation , and that by no means it can be obtained of their Superiors . It is true that such a Reformation is more imperfect in respect of the Instruments and manner of Procedure ; yet for the most part more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product . And for this end did I cite the Examples of old of Reformation by Regal Authority ; of which none was perfect , in the second way of perfection , except that of Josiah . Concerning the saying of Grosthed , whom the Cardinals at Rome confest to be a more Godly man than any of themselves , it was his Complaint and Prediction of what was likely to ensue , not his desire or election , if Reformation could have been obtained in the ordinary way . I might bring two unpartial Witnesses , Juel and Bilson , both famous English Bishops , to prove that the Tumults and Troubles raised in Scotland at the time of Reformation , were to be imputed to the Papists opposing of the Reformation both of Doctrine and Discipline as an Heretical Innovation ; and not to be ascribed to the Nobility or People , who under God were the Instruments of it , intending and seeking nothing but the purging out of Errour , and setling of the Truth , 2. Concerning the Reformation of the Church of England , I conceive , whether it was begun or not in K. Henry the Eighth's time , it was not finished by Q. Elizabeth : the Father stirred the Humors of the diseased Church ; but neither the Son nor the Daughter ( although we have great reason to bless God for both ) did purge them out perfectly : This Perfection is yet reserved for Your Majesty . Where it is said , that all this time I bring no Reasons for a further Change ; the fourth Section of my last Paper hath many hints of Reasons against Episcopal Government , with an offer of more , or clearing of those ; which Your Majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of . And Learned men have observed many Defects in that Reformation ; As , That the Government of the Church of England ( for about this is the Question now ) is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles ; which they at least cannot deny , who profess Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory ; and such were the greater part of Archbishops and Bishops in England , contenting themselves with the Constitutions of the Church , and the authority and munificence of Princes , till of late that some few have pleaded it to be Jure Divino : That the English Reformation hath not perfectly purged out the Roman Leaven ; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this Church to the Church of Laodicea , as being neither hot nor cold , neither Popish nor Reformed , but of a lukewarm temper betwixt the two : That it hath depraved the Discipline of the Church , by conforming of it to the Civil Policy : That it hath added many Church-Offices , higher and lower , unto those instituted by the Son of God ; which is as unlawful , as to take away Offices warranted by the Divine Institution : and other the like , which have moved some to apply this saying to the Church of England , Multi ad perfectionem pervenirent , nisi jam se pervenisse crederent . 4. In my Answer to the first of Your Majesty 's many Arguments , I brought a Breviate of some Reasons to prove that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same in Scripture : from which by necessary Consequence I did infer the negative , Therefore , no difference in Scripture between a Bishop and a Presbyter ; the one name signifying Industriam Curiae Pastoralis , the other Sapientiae Maturitatem , saith Beda . And whereas Your Majesty averrs , the Presbyterian Government was never practised before Calvin's time ; Your Majesty knows the common Objection of the Papists against the Reformed Churches , Where was your Church , your Reformation , your Doctrine , before Luther's time ? One part of the common Answer is , that it was from the beginning , and is to be found in Scripture . The same I affirm of Presbyterian Government . And for the proving of this , the Assembly of Divines at Westminster have made manifest , that the Primitive Christian Church at Jerusalem was governed by a Presbytery ; while they shew , 1. That the Church of Jerusalem consisted of more Congregations than one , from the multitude of Believers , from the many Apostles and other Preachers in that Church , and from the diversity of Languages among the Believers . 2. That all these Congregations were under one Presbyterial Government , because they were for Government one Church , Acts 11. 22 , 26. and because that Church was governed by Elders , Acts 11. 30. which were Elders of that Church , and did meet together for acts of Government : And the Apostles themselves , in that meeting Acts 15. acted not as Apostles , but as Elders , stating the Question , debating it in the ordinary way of disputation ; and having by search of Scripture found the will of God , they conclude , It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us : which , in the judgment of the learned , may be spoken by any Assembly upon like evidence of Scripture . The like Presbyterian Government had place in the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. in the times of the Apostles ; and after them , for many years , when one of the Presbytery was made Episcopus Praeses , even then , Communi Presbyterorum Consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur , saith Jerome ; and , Episcopos magis consuetudine quam Dispositionis Divinae veritate Presbyteris esse majores , & in commune debere Ecclesiam regere . 5. Far be it from me to think such a thought , as that Your Majesty did intend any Fallacy in Your other main Argument from Antiquity . As we are to distinguish between Intentio operantis and Conditio operis ; so may we in this case consider the difference between Intentio Argumentantis and Conditio Argumenti . And where Your Majesty argues , That , if Your opinion be not admitted , we will be forced to give place to the Interpretation of private spirits , which is contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle Peter , and will prove to be of dangerous consequence ; I humbly offer to be considered by Your Majesty , what some of chief note among the Papists themselves have taught us , That the Interpretation of Scriptures , and the Spirits whence they proceed , may be called private in a threefold sense . 1. Ratione Personae , if the Interpreter be of a private condition . 2. Ratione Modi & Medii , when Persons , although not private , use not the publick means which are necessary for finding out the Truth , but follow their own Fancies . 3. Ratione Finis , when the Interpretation is not proposed as Authentical to bind others , but is intended only for our own private satisfaction . The first is not to be despised ; the second is to be exploded , and is condemned by the Apostle Peter ; the third ought not to be censured : But that Interpretation which is Authentical , and of supreme Authority , which every mans conscience is bound to yield unto , is of an higher nature . And although the General Council should resolve it , and the Consent of the Fathers should be had unto it , yet there must always be place left to the judgment of Discretion , as Davenant , late Bishop of Salisbury , beside divers others , hath learnedly made appear in his Book De Judice Controversiarum ; where also the Power of Kings in matter of Religion is solidly and unpartially determined . Two words only I add . One is , that notwithstanding all that is pretended from Antiquity , a Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , will never be found in Prime Antiquity . The other is , that many of the Fathers did , unwittingly , bring forth that Antichrist which was conceived in the times of the Apostles , and therefore are incompetent Judges in the Question of Hierarchy . And upon the other part , the Lights of the Christian Church at and since the beginning of the Reformation , have discovered many secrets concerning the Antichrist and his Hierarchy , which were not known to former Ages : And divers of the Learned in the Roman Church have not feared to pronounce , That whosoever denies the true and literal sense of many Texts of Scripture to have been found out in this last Age , is unthankful to God , who hath so plentifully poured forth his Spirit upon the Children of this Generation ; and ungrateful towards those men who with so great pains , so happy success , and so much benefit to God's Church , have travailed therein . This might be instanced in many places of Scripture . I wind together Diotrephes and the Mystery of iniquity : the one as an old example of Church-ambition , which was also too palpable in the Apostles themselves ; and the other as a cover of Ambition , afterwards discovered : which two brought forth the great Mystery of the Papacy at last . 6. Although Your Majesty be not made a Judge of the Reformed Churches , yet You so far censure them and their actions , as without Bishops , in Your Judgment , they cannot have a lawful Ministery , nor a due Administration of the Sacraments . Against which dangerous and destructive Opinion I did alledge what I supposed Your Majesty would not have denied . 1. That Presbyters without a Bishop may ordain other Presbyters . 2. That Baptism administred by such a Presbyter , is another thing than Baptism administred by a private person or by a Midwife . Of the first Your Majesty calls for proof . I told before , that in Scripture it is manifest , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by the Prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , so it is in the English Translation : And the word Presbytery , To often as it is used in the New Testament , always signifies the Persons , and not the Office. And although the Offices of Bishop and Presbyter were distinct ; yet doth not the Presbyter derive his power of Order from the Bishop . The Evangelists were inferiour to the Apostles ; yet had they their power not from the Apostles , but from Christ . The same I affirm of the Seventy Disciples , who had their power immediately from Christ , no less than the Apostles had theirs . It may upon better reason be averred that the Bishops have their power from the Pope , than that Presbyters have their power from the Prelats . It is true , Jerome saith , Quid facit , exceptâ ordinatione , Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter ? But in the same place he proves from Sccipture , that Episcopus and Presbyter are one and the same ; and therefore when he appropriates Ordination to the Bishop , he speaketh of the degenerated custom of his time . Secondly , Concerning Baptism , a private person may perform the external Action and Rites both of it and of the Eucharist ; yet is neither of the two a Sacrament , or hath any efficacy , unless it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or by a person made publick , and cloathed with Authority by Ordination . This Errour in the matter of Baptism is begot by another Errour , of the Absolute Necessity of Baptism . 7. To that which hath been said concerning Your Majesties Oath , I shall add nothing ; not being willing to enter upon the Question of the subordination of the Church to the Civil Power , whether the King or Parliament , or both , and to either of them in their own place . Such an Headship as the Kings of England have claimed , and such a Supremacy as the Two Houses of Parliament crave , with the Appeals from the supreme Ecclesiastical Judicature to them as set over the Church in the same line of Subordination , I do utterly disclaim upon such Reasons as give my self satisfaction ; although no man shall be more willing to submit to Civil powers , each one in their own place , and more unwilling to make any trouble , than my self . Only concerning the application of the Generals of an Oath to the particular case now in hand ; under favour , I conceive not how the Clergy of the Church of England is , or ought to be , principally intended in Your Oath . For although they were esteemed to be the Representative Church ; yet even that is for the benefit of the Church Collective , Salus Populi being Suprema lex , and to be principally intended . Your Majesty knows it was so in the Church of Scotland , where the like alteration was made . And if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the Clergy , what Reformation can be expected in France or Spain , or Rome it self ? It is not to be expected that the Pope or Prelates will consent to their own ruine . 8. I will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the Opinions held by the King Your Majesty's Father of famous Memory , they being much better known to Your Majesty : I did only produce what was profest by Him before the world . And although Prayers and Tears be the Arms of the Church ; yet it is neither acceptable to God , nor conducible for Kings and Princes , to force the Church to put on these Arms. Nor could I ever hear a reason , why a necessary Defensive War against unjust Violence is unlawful , although it be joyned with Offence and Invasion which is intended for Defence , but so that Arms are laid down when the Offensive War ceaseth : by which it doth appear , that the War on the other side was , in the nature thereof , Defensive . 9. Concerning the forcing of Conscience , which I pretermitted in my other Paper , I am forced now , but without forcing of my conscience , to speak of it . Our Conscience may be said to be forced either by our selves , or by others . By our selves , 1. When we stop the ear of our Conscience , and will not hearken , or give place to information , resolving obstinately , Ne si persuaseris , persuadebis ; which is no less than a resisting of the Holy Ghost , and the hardning of our hearts . 2. Or when we stop the mouth and suppress the clamours of our Conscience ; resolving rather to suffer the worm to gnaw , and the fire to burn inwardly , than to make profession of that we are convinced to be Truth . 3. Or when we sear our Conscience as with an hot Iron , that it becometh sensless , which is the punishment of the former : unto which is opposed the truly tender Conscience , such as Josiah had , 2 King. 22. 19. Again , our Conscience is said to be forced by others , 1. when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evil and unlawful ; which if we admit against our own Conscience , we sin two ways : one is , by doing that which is in it self evil and unlawful ; the other is , by doing it against a dictate of Conscience , which is a contempt of God , whose Vicegerent it is . 2. Or when others urge us to do that which is in it self good , or may lawfully be done , but through error of Conscience we judge it to be evil and unlawful : in this case , if we do not that which is prest upon us , we sin , because the thing is good and lawful ; and if we do it , we sin , because we do against our Conscience , which in this case bindeth , but obligeth not . And yet there is a way to escape out of this labyrinth , it being repugnant to the equity of the will of God to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man : The only way is , to lay aside such a Conscience , it being a part of the Old man , which we are commanded to put off ; otherwise , we being sufficiently informed , and yet cleaving to our old Error , we rather do violence to our Conscience our selves , than suffer violence from others . The application , for Answering the Quaere , I leave to Your Majesty . Newcastle , June 17. 1646. V. His MAJESTY's Third Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson : In Reply to his second Paper . June 22. 1646. 1. IT were arrogance , besides loss of time , in Me to vie Preambles with you ; for it is Truth I seek , and neither Praise nor Victory : wherefore I shall only insist upon those things which are merely necessary to my own satisfaction ; in order to which I desired the assistance of some Divines ; whereupon I will insist no further , save only to wish that you may not ( as I have known many men do ) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it , wherein I have only sought to disburthen My self , but to lay no blame upon you , and so I leave it . 2. Nor will I say more of the second than this , that I am glad you have so well approved of what I have said concerning my Education and Reason ; but then remember , that another Man's will is at least as weak a ground to build My Faith upon as my former Education . 3. In this there are two points ; first , concerning the Reforming power , then anent the English Reformation . For the first , I confess you now speak clearly , which before you did but darkly mention , wherein I shall mainly differ with you , until you shall shew Me better Reason . Yet thus far I will go along with you , that when a General Council cannot be had , several Kingdoms may Reform themselves , ( which is learnedly and fully proved by the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his disputation against Fisher : ) but that the inferior Magistrates or People ( take it which way you will ) have this power , I utterly deny ; for which , by your favour , you have yet made no sufficient proof to my judgment . Indeed , if you could have brought , or can bring authority of Scripture for this Opinion , I would , and will yet , with all reverence submit : but as for your Examples out of the Old Testament , in My mind they rather make for than against Me , all those Reformations being made by Kings : and it is a good probable ( though I will not say convincing ) Argument , that if God would have approved of a Popular reforming way , there were Kings of Judah and Israel sufficiently negligent and ill to have made such examples by ; but on the contrary , the 16. Chap. of Numbers shews clearly how God disapproves of such courses . But I forget this Assertion is to be proved by you ; yet I may put you in the way : wherefore let Me tell you that this pretended power in the People must ( as all others ) either be directly or else declaratorily by approbation given by God ; which how soon you can do , I submit ; otherwise you prove nothing . For the citing of private mens Opinions ( more than as they concur with the general consent of the Church in their time ) weighs little with Me , it being too well known , that Rebels never wanted Writers to maintain their unjust actions : and though I much reverence Bishop Juel's memory , I never thought him infallible . For Bilson , I remember well what opinion the King my Father had of him for those Opinions , and how He shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation , ( as His good nature made Him do many things of that kind ; ) but whether he did or not , I cannot say . To conclude this point , untill you shall prove this position by the Word of God , ( as I will Regal Authority ) I shall think all popular Reformation little better than Rebellion ; for I hold that no Authority is lawful but that which is either directly given , or , at least , approved by god . Secondly , Concerning the English Reformation , the first reason you bring why Q. Elizabeth did not finish it is , because she took not away Episcopacy , the hints of reason against which government you say I take no notice of : now I thought it was sufficient notice , yea and answer too , when I told you , a Negative ( as I conceived ) could not be proved , and that it was for Me to prove the Affirmative ; which I shall either do , or yield the Argument , as soon as I shall be assisted with Books , or such Men of My Opinion , who like you , have a Library in their brain . And so I must leave this particular , until I be furnished with means to put it to an issue ; which had been sooner done , if I could have had my will. Indeed your second well proved is most sufficient , which is , That the English Church Government is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles : but I conceive your probation of this doubly defective . For first , albeit our Archbishops and Bishops should have professed Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory , I conceive it not sufficient to prove your Assertion : and secondly , I am confident you cannot prove that most of them maintained this walking position , ( for some particulars must not conclude the general ) for which you must find much better Arguments than their being content with the Constitution of the Church , and the Authority and munificence of Princes , or you will fall extremely short . As for the retaining of the Roman le●en , you must prove it as well as say it , else you say little . But that the conforming of the Church Discipline to the Civil Policy should be a depraving of it , I absolutely deny ; for I aver , that without it the Church can neither flourish nor be happy . And for your last instance , you shall do well to shew the prohibition of our Saviour against addition of more Officers in the Church than he named : and yet in one sense I do not conceive that the Church of England hath added any ; for an Archbishop is only a distinction for Order of Government , not a new Officer , and so of the rest ; and of this kind I believe there are divers now in Scotland which you will not condemn , as the Moderators of Assemblies , and others . 4. Where you find a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture to be one and the same ( which I deny to be alwaies so ) it is in the Apostles time ; now I think to prove the Order of Bishops succeeded that of the Apostles , and that the name was chiefly altered in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour , ( albeit in their time they caused divers to be called so , as Barnabas and others ) so that I believe this Argument makes little for you . As for your proof of the antiquity of Presbyterian Government , it is well that the Assembly of Divines at Westminster can do more than Eusebius could , and I shall believe when I see it : for your former Paper affirms , that those times were very dark for matter of fact , and will be so still for Me if there be no clearer Arguments to prove it than those you mention : for because there were divers Congregations in Jerusalem ; Ergo , what ? are there not divers Parishes in one Diocess ? ( your two first I answer but as one Argument ) and because the Apostles met with those of the inferiour Orders for Acts of Government ; what then ? even so in these times do the Deans and Chapters , and many times those of the inferiour Clergy assist the Bishops . But I hope you will not pretend to say , that there was an equality between the Apostles and other Presbyters , which not being , doth ( in My judgment ) quite invalidate these Arguments . And if you can say no more for the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. than you have for Jerusalem , it will gain no ground on Me. As for Saint Jerome , it is well known that he was no great Friend to Bishops , as being none himself ; yet take him altogether , and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a Bishop and a Presbyter , as your self confesses : but the truth is , he was angry with those who maintained Deacons to be equal to Presbyters . 5. I am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word Fallacy , though I think to have had reason for saying what I did : but by your favour , I do not conceive that you have answered the strength of my Argument ; for when you and I differ upon the interpretation of Scripture , and I appeal to the practice of the Primitive Church , and the universal consent of the Fathers , to be Judge between us , Methinks you should either find a fitter , or submit to what I offer ; neither of which ( to My understanding ) you have yet done ; nor have you shewn how , waving those Judges I appeal unto , the mischief of the interpretation by private Spirits can be prevented . Indeed , if I cannot prove by Antiquity that Ordination and Jurisdiction belong to Bishops , ( thereby clearly distinguishing them from other Presbyters ) I shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former Foundations ; ( as for Bishop Davenant , he is none of those to whom I have appealed , or will submit unto . ) But for the exception you take to Fathers , I take it to be a begging of the Question ; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets , not known to former Ages , I shall call new-invented fancies , until particularly you shall prove the contrary : and for your Roman Authors , it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintain Novelties as well as the Puritans . As for Church-ambition , it doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope ; for I take it to be no point of humility to indeavour to be independent of Kings , it being possible that Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one . 6. As I am no Judge over the Reformed Churches , so neither do I censure them ; for many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwayes are unlawful : but know once for all , that I esteem nothing the better because it is done by such a particular Church ( though it were by the Church of England , which I avow most to reverence ; ) but I esteem that Church most which comes nearest to the purity of the Primitive Doctrine and Discipline , as I believe this doth . Now concerning Ordination , I bad you prove that Presbyters without a Bishop might lawfully ordain ; which yet I conceive you have not done : for , 2 Tim. 1. 6. it is evident that Saint Paul was at Timothie's ordination ; and albeit that all the Seventy had their power immediately from Christ , yet it is as evident that our Saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve Apostles and the rest of the Disciples , which is set down by three of the Evangelists , whereof Saint Mark calls it an Ordination , Mark 3. 15. and Saint Luke sayes , And of them he chose Twelve , &c. Luk. 6. 13. only Saint Matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction , Mat. 10. 1. I suppose out of modesty , himself being one , and the other two being none , are more particular . For the Administration of Baptism , giving , but not granting , what you say , it makes more for Me than you : but I will not engage upon new Questions not necessary for My purpose . 7. For my Oath , you do well not to enter upon those Questions you mention ; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance ; but out of discretion , I desire you to collect your Answer out of the last Section ; and for your Argument , though the intention of my Oath be for the good of the Church collective , therefore can I be dispensed withal by others than the representative Body ? certainly no more than the People can dispense with Me for any Oaths I took in their favours , without the two Houses of Parliament . As for future Reformations , I will only tell you , that incommodum non solvit Argumentum . 8. For the King my Father's opinion , if it were not to spend time ( as I believe ) needlesly , I could prove by living and written testimonies all and more than I have said of Him , for His perswasion in these points which I now maintain : and for your defensive War , as I do acknowledge it a great sin for any King to oppress the Church , so I hold it absolutely unlawful for Subjects ( upon any pretence whatsoever ) to make War ( though defensive ) against their lawful Sovereign ; against which no less proofs will make Me yield but God's Word : and let Me tell you , that upon such points as these , instances as well as comparisons are odious . 9. Lastly , You mistake the Quaere in My first Paper to which this pretends to answer ; for my Question was not concerning force of Arguments ( for I never doubted the lawfulness of it ) but force ●f Arms , to which , I conceive , it says little or nothing , ( unless after My example ) you ●●●er Me to the former Section ; that which it doth , is merely the asking of the question , after a fine discourse of the several ways of perswading rather than forcing of Conscience . I close up this Paper , desiring you to take notice , that there is none of these Sections but I could have inlarged to many more lines , some to whole pages ; yet I chose to be thus brief , knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long discourse ; trusting likewise to your ingenuity , that Reason epitomized will weigh as much with you as if it were at large . June 22. 1646. C. R. VI. Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper . For His MAJESTY : Concerning the Authority of the Fathers , and Practice of the Church . July 2. 1646. HAving in my former Papers pressed the steps of Your Majesty's Propositions , and finding by Your Majesty's last Paper , Controversies to be multiplied , ( I believe ) beyond Your Majesty's intentions in the beginning ; as concerning The Reforming Power , The Reformation of the Church of England , The difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , The warrants of Presbyterian Government , The Authority of Interpreting Scripture , The taking and keeping of Publick Oaths , The forcing of Conscience , and many other inferiour and subordinate Questions , which are Branches of those main Controversies ; all which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words I leave to more presuming Spirits , who either see no knots of Difficulties , or can find a way rather to cut them asunder than to unloose them : yet will I not use any Tergiversation , nor do I decline to offer my humble Opinion with the Reasons thereof , in their own time , concerning each of them : which in obedience to Your Majesty's Command I have begun to do already . Only , Sir , by Your Majesty's favourable permission , for the greater expedition , and that the present velitations may be brought to some Issue , I am bold to intreat that the Method may be a little altered , and I may have leave now to begin at a Principle , and that which should have been inter Praecognita , I mean , the Rule by which we are to proceed , and to determine the present Controversy of Church-Policy ; without which we will be led into a labyrinth , and want a thred to wind us out again . In Your Majesty's First Paper , the universal Custom of the Primitive Church is conceived to be the Rule ; in the Second Paper , Section 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church , and the universal Consent of the Fathers is made a convincing Argument , when the Interpretation of Scripture is doubtful ; in your Third Paper , Sect. 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of Fathers is made Judge : And I know that nothing is more ordinary in this Question than to alledge Antiquity , perpetual Succession , universal Consent of the Fathers , and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church , according to the Rule of Augustine , Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec à Concilio institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi authoritate Apostolica traditum rectissimè creditur . There is in this Argument at the first view so much appearance of Reason , that it may much work upon a modest mind ; yet being well examined , and rightly weighed , it will be found to be of no great weight : for beside that the Minor will never be made good in the behalf of a Diocesan Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , there being a multitude of Fathers who maintain that Bishop and Presbyter are of one and the same Order ; I shall humbly offer some few Considerations about the Major , because it hath been an Inlet to many dangerous Errours , and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to Reformation of Religion . 1. I desire it may be considered , that whiles some make two Rules for defining Controversies , the Word of God and Antiquity , ( which they will have to be received with equal veneration ) or , as the Papists call them , Canonical Authority , and Catholical Tradition ; and others make Scripture to be the only Rule , and Antiquity the authentick Interpreter ; the latter of the two seems to me to be the greater Errour : because the first setteth up a parallel in the same degree with Scripture ; but this would create a Superiour , in a higher degree above Scripture . For the interpretation of the Fathers shall be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accounted the very Cause and Reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of Scripture to have such a sense : and thus men shall have dominion over our Faith , against 2 Cor. 1. 24. Our faith shall stand in the wisdom of man , and not in the power of God , 1 Cor. 2. 5. and Scripture shall be of private interpretation ; For the Prophecy came not of old by the will of man , 2 Pet. 1. 20 , 22. Nisi homini Deus placuerit , Deus non erit ; Homo jam Deo propitius esse debebit , saith Tertullian . 2. That Scripture cannot be Authentically interpreted but by Scripture , is manifest from Scripture . The Levites gave the sense of the Law by no other means but by Scripture it self . Neh. 8. 8. Our Saviour , for example to us , gave the true sense of Scripture against the depravations of Satan , by comparing Scripture with Scripture , and not by alledging any Testimonies out of the Rabbins , Matt. 4. And the Apostles , in their Epistles , used no other help but the diligent comparing of Prophetical writings : like as the Apostle Peter will have us to compare the clearer light of the Apostles with the more obscure light of the Prophets , 2 Pet. 1. 19. And when we betake our selves to the Fathers , we have need to take heed that , with the Papists , we accuse not the Scriptures of Obscurity or Imperfection . 3. The Fathers themselves ( as they are cited by Protestant Writers ) hold this Conclusion , That Scripture is not to be interpreted but by Scripture it self . To this purpose amongst many other Testimonies , they bring the saying of Tertullian , Surge , Veritas , ipsa Scripturas tuas interpretare , quam Consuetudo non novit ; nam si nosset , non esset : if it knew Scripture it would be ashamed of it self , and cease to be any more . 4. That some Errours have been received and continued for a long time in the Church . The Errour of Free-will , beginning at Justin Martyr , continued till the time of Reformation , although it was rejected by Augustine , as the Divine Right of Episcopacy was opposed by others . The Errour about the Vision of God , That the Souls of the Saints departed see not the face of God till the Judgment of the Great Day , was held by universal Consent . The same may be said of the Errour of the Millenaries ; and , which more nearly toucheth upon the present Question , the Ancients erred grosly about the Antichrist and Mystery of Iniquity , which did begin to work in the days of the Apostles . Many other Instances might be brought to prove such universal practice of the Church , as was not warranted by the Apostles ; as in the Rites of Baptism and Prayer , and the forming up and drawing together of the Articles of that Creed that is called Symbolum Apostolicum , the observation of many Feasts and Fasts both Anniversary and weekly . 5. That it is not a matter so incredible or impossible as some would have it appear to be , for the Primitive Church to have made a sudden defection from the Apostolical purity . The people of Israel , in the short time of Moses his absence on the mount , turned aside quickly , and fell into horrible Idolatry , Exod. 32. Soon after the death of Josuah , and the Elders that had seen the great works which the Lord had done for Israel , there arose another Generation after them , which did evil in the sight of the Lord , Judg. 2. Soon after the building of the Temple , and setling of Religion by David and Solomon , the worship of God was defiled with Idolatry : when Rehoboam had established the Kingdom , he forsook the Law of the Lord , and all Israel with him , 2 Chron. 12. 1. And the Apostle says to the Galatians , Gal. 1. 6. I marvel that you are so soon removed unto another Gospel . Why then shall we think it strange , that in the matter of Discipline there should be a sudden defection , especially it being begun in the time of the Apostles ? I know it is a common Opinion , but I believe there be no strong reasons for it , that the Church which was nearest the times of the Apostles was the most pure and perfect Church . 6. That it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church : for many of the Fathers wrote nothing at all , many of their writings are perished , ( it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest ) many of the Writings which we have under their names are supposititious and counterfeit , especially about Episcopacy , which was the foundation of Papal Primacy . The Rule of Augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour Traditions , and is not to be admitted without cautions and exceptions . Many the like Considerations may be added ; but these may be sufficient to prove , that the unanimous Consent of the Fathers and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church is no sure ground of Authentical interpretation of Scripture . I remember of a grave Divine in Scotland , much honoured by K. James of Happy memory , who did often profess that he did learn more of one Page of John Calvin than of a whole Treatise of Augustine . Nor can there be any good reason , ( many there be against it ) why the Ancients should be so far preferred to the Modern Doctors of the Reformed Churches , and the one in a manner Deified , and the other vilified . It is but a poor Reason that some give , Fama miratrix senioris aevi , and is abundantly answered by the Apologist for Divine Providence . If Your Majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the Rule , I know not to what purpose I should proceed , or trouble Your Majesty any more . Newcastle , July 2. 1646. VII . His MAJESTIES Fourth Paper . For Mr. Alexander Henderson . July 3. 1646. I Shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third Paper ; but I do not conceive that my last Paper multiplies more Controversies than my first gave occasion for ; having been so far from augmenting the Heads of our Disputation , that I have omitted the answering many things in both your Papers , expresly to avoid raising of new and needless Questions ; desiring to have only so many debated as are simply necessary to shew , whether or not I may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of Church-Government in England . And indeed I like very well , to begin with the setling of the Rule , by which we are to proceed , and determine the present Controversie : to which purpose ( as I conceive ) My third Paper shews you an excellent way ; for there I offer you a Judge between us , or desire you to find out a better , which , to My judgment , you have not yet done , ( though you have sought to invalidate Mine : ) for , if you understand to have offered the Scripture , though no man shall pay more reverence , nor submit more humbly to it , than My self ; yet we must find some Rule to judge betwixt us , when you and I differ upon the interpretation of the self-same Text , or it can never determine our Questions . As for example , I say you misapply that of 2 Cor. 1. 14. to Me ( let others answer for themselves ) for I know not how I make other men to have dominion over My Faith , when I make them only serve to approve my Reason . Nor do I conceive how 1 Cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose : for there Saint Paul only shews the difference between Divine and Humane Eloquence , making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole Chapter , as indeed Saint Peter does , 2 Pet. 1. 20. which I conceive makes for Me : for , since that no Prophecy of Scripture is of any private interpretation , First , I infer , that Scripture is to be interpreted , for else the Apostle would have omitted the word Private ; Secondly , that at least the consent of many learned Divines is necessary , and so , à fortiori , that of the Catholick Church ought to be an authentick Judge , when men differ . And is it a good Argument , because ( Matth. 4. 4 , 7 , 10. ) Scripture is best interpreted by it self , therefore that all other interpretations are unlawful ? certainful you cannot think it . Thus having shewed you that we differ about the meaning of the Scripture , and are like to do so ; certainly there ought to be for this , as well as other things , a Rule or a Judge between us , to determine our differences , or , at least , to make our Probations and Arguments Relevant : therefore evading for this time to Answer your Six Considerations ( not , I assure you , for the difficulty of them , but the starting of new Questions ) I desire you only to shew Me a better than what I have offered unto you . Newcastle , July 3. 1646. C. R. VIII . His MAJESTY's Fifth Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson . A particular Answer to Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper . July 16. 1646. UNtil you shall find out a fitter way to decide our Difference in Opinion concerning Interpretation of Scripture , than the Consent of the Fathers and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church , I cannot but pass my Judgment anent those Six Considerations which you offered to invalidate those Authorities that I so much reverence . 1. In the first you mention two Rules for defining of Controversies , and seek a most odd way to confute them , as I think ; for you alledge , that there is more attributed to them than I believe you can prove by the Consent of most learned Men ( there being no question , but there are always some flattering fools that can commend nothing but with hyperbolick expressions ) and you know that supposito quolibet , sequitur quidlibet : besides , do you think , that albeit some ignorant Fellows should attribute more power to Presbyters than is really due unto them , that thereby their Just reverence and Authority is diminished ? So I see no reason why I may not safely maintain that the Interpretation of Fathers is a most excellent strengthning to My Opinion , though others should attribute the Cause and Reason of their Faith unto it . 2. As there is no question but that Scripture is far the best Interpreter of it self , so I see nothing in this , negatively proved , to exclude any other , notwithstanding your positive affirmation . 3. Nor in the next ; for I hope you will not be the first to condemn your self , Me , and innumerable others , who yet unblameably have not tied themselves to this Rule . 4. If this you only intend to prove , that Errours were always breeding in the Church , I shall not deny it ; yet that makes little ( as I conceive ) to your purpose . But if your meaning be , to accuse the Universal practice of the Church with Errour , I must say , it is a very bold undertaking , and ( if you cannot justifie your self by clear places in Scripture ) much to be blamed : wherein you must not alledge that to be universally received which was not ; as I dare say that the Controversie about Free-will was never yet decided by Oecumenical or General Council : nor must you presume to call that an Errour , which really the Catholick Church maintained ( as in Rites of Baptism , Forms of Prayer , Observation of Feasts , Fasts , &c. ) except you can prove it so by the Word of God ; and it is not enough to say that such a thing was not warranted by the Apostles , but you must prove by their Doctrine that such a thing was unlawful , or else the Practice of the Church is warrant enough for Me to follow and obey that Custom , whatsoever it be , and think it good ; and I shall believe that the Apostles Creed was made by them , ( such Reverence I bear to the Churches Tradition ) untill other Authors be certainly found out . 5. I was taught that de posse ad esse was no good Argument ; and indeed to Me it is incredible that any custom of the Catholick Church was erroneous , which was not contradicted by Orthodox learned Men in the times of their first Practice , as is easily perceived that all those Defections were ( some of them may be justly called Rebellions ) which you mention . 6. I deny it is impossible ( though I confess it difficult ) to come to the knowledge of the Universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church ; therefore I confess a man ought to be careful how to believe things of this nature ; wherefore I conceive this to be only an Argument for Caution . My conclusion is , that albeit I never esteemed any Authority equal to the Scriptures ; yet I do think the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers , and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church , to be the best and most Authentical Interpreters of God's Word , and consequently the fittest Judges between Me and you , when we differ , until you shall find Me better . For example , I think you for the present the best Preacher in Newcastle ; yet I believe you may err , and possibly a better Preacher may come : but till then I must retain my Opinion . Newcastle , July 16. 1646. C. R. His MAJESTY's Quaere concerning Easter , propounded to the Parliaments Commissioners at Holdenby , April 23. 1647. I desire to be resolved of this Question , Why the new Reformers discharge the keeping of Easter . The Reason for this Quaere is , I Conceive the Celebration of this Feast was instituted by the same Authority which changed the Jewish Sabbath into the Lord's Day , or Sunday ; for it will not be found in Scripture where Saturday is discharged to be kept , or turned into the Sunday : wherefore it must be the Churches Authority that changed the one , and instituted the other . Therefore My Opinion is , that those who will not keep this Feast , may as well return to the observation of Saturday , and refuse the weekly Sunday . When any body can shew Me that herein I am in an errour , I shall not be ashamed to confess and amend it ; till when you know my mind . C. R. His MAJESTY's First Paper concerning Episcopacy . At the Treaty at NEWPORT , October 2. 1648. CHARLES R. I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God , and of an Apostolical institution , as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving Rules concerning Christian Discipline , and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ) and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : and therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government . Notwithstanding this my perswasion , I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure : Which if you can make appear to Me , then I will confess that one of my great Scruples is clean taken away : And then there only remains , That being by my Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to my hands ; Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof , until the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God. Newport , October 2. 1648. PRAYERS Used by His MAJESTY in the time of His Troubles and Restraint . I. A Prayer used by His MAJESTY , at His entrance in state into the Cathedral Church of Excester after the defeat of the Earl of Essex in Cornwal . O Most glorious Lord God , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , I here humbly adore thy most Sacred Majesty ; and I bless and magnifie thy Name , for that Thou hast been pleased so often and so strangely to deliver Me from the strivings of my People . Father , forgive them who have thus risen up against Me , and do Thou yet turn their hearts both unto Thee and to Me ; that I being firmly established in the Throne Thou hast placed Me in , I may defend Thy Church committed to My care , and keep all this Thine and My People in Truth and Peace , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . II. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special direction and dictates , for a Blessing on the Treaty at Uxbridge . O Most merciful Father , Lord God of Peace and Truth , we a People sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War , do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this present Treaty , begun for the establishment of an happy Peace . Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed his . Or , if the guilt of our great Sins cause this Treaty to break off in vain , Lord , let the Truth clearly appear , who those men are , which under pretence of the Publick Good do pursue their own private ends ; that this People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see , at least in this their day , the things that belong unto their Peace . Grant this , gracious God , for His sake who is our Peace it self , even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . III. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special directions , for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight . O Most merciful Father , Lord God of Peace and Truth , we a People sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War , do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this Treaty brought about by Thy Providence , and the only visible remedy left for the establishment of an happy Peace . Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed His. O Lord , let not the guilt of our Sins cause this Treaty to break off ; but let the Truth of Thy Spirit so clearly shine in our minds , that all private ends laid aside , we may every one of us heartily and sincerely pursue the Publick Good ; and that thy People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see , at least in this their day , the things that belong unto their Peace . Grant this , gracious God , for His sake who is our Peace it self , even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin. ALmighty and most merciful Father , look down upon Me thy unworthy Servant , who here prostrate My self at the Footstool of thy Throne of Grace : but look upon Me , O Father , through the Mediation and in the Merits of Jesus Christ , in whom Thou art only well pleased ; for of My self I am not worthy to stand before Thee , or to speak with my unclean lips to Thee , most Holy and Eternal God. For as in sin I was conceived and born , so likewise I have broken all thy Commandments by my sinful Motions , unclean Thoughts , evil Words , and wicked Works ; omitting many Duties I ought to do , and committing many Vices which Thou hast forbidden under pain of thy heavy displeasure . As for my Sins , O Lord , they are innumerable ; wherefore I stand here liable to all the Miseries in this life , and everlasting Torments in that to come , if Thou shouldst deal with Me according to My deserts . I confess , O Lord , that it is Thy Mercy ( which endureth for ever ) and Thy Compassion ( which never fails ) which is the cause that I have not been long ago consumed : But with Thee there is Mercy and plenteous Redemption . In the multitude therefore of thy Mercies , and by the Merits of Jesus Christ , I entreat thy Divine Majesty that Thou wouldst not enter into Judgement with thy Servant , nor be extream to mark what is done amiss , but be Thou merciful unto Me , and wash away all my Sins with that precious Blood that my Saviour shed for Me. And I beseech Thee , O Lord , not only to wash away all my Sins , but also to purge my Heart by thy Holy Spirit from the dross of my natural Corruption . And as Thou dost add days to my Life , so , Good Lord , I beseech Thee to add Repentance to my days ; that when I have pass'd this mortal life , I may be partaker of thy everlasting Kingdom , through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . V. A Prayer and Confession in and for the times of Affliction . ALmighty and most merciful Father , as it is only Thy goodness that admits of our imperfect Prayers , and the knowledge that Thy Mercies are infinite which can give us any hope of Thy accepting or granting them ; so it is our bounden and necessary Duty to confess our Sins freely unto Thee . And of all men living I have most need , most reason so to do , no man living having been so much obliged by Thee ; that degree of Knowledge which Thou hast given Me , adding likewise to the guilt of my Transgressions . For was it through Ignorance that I suffered innocent blood to be shed by a false pretended way of Justice ? or that I permitted a wrong way of thy Worship to be set up in Scotland , and injured the Bishops in England ? O no ; but with shame and grief I confess , that I therein followed the perswasions of worldly Wisdom , forsaking the Dictates of a right-informed Conscience . Wherefore , O Lord , I have no excuse to make , no hope left , but in the multitude of Thy Mercies ; for I know my Repentance weak , and my Prayers faulty . Grant therefore , merciful Father , so to strengthen my Repentance and amend my Prayers , that Thou maist clear the way for thine own Mercies ; to which O let thy Justice at last give place , putting a speedy end to my deserved Afflictions . In the mean time give Me Patience to endure , Constancy against Temptations , and a discerning spirit to chuse what is best for Thy Church and People which Thou hast committed to My Charge . Grant this , O most merciful Father , for thy Son Jesus Christ's sake , our only Saviour . Amen . VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity . O Powerful and eternal God , to whom nothing is so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemned ; look upon My Misery with Thine Eye of Mercy , and let thy infinite Power vouchsafe to limit out some proportion of deliverance unto Me , as to Thee shall seem most convenient . Let not injury , O Lord , triumph over Me , and let my faults by Thy Hand be corrected , and make not my unjust Enemies the Ministers of thy Justice . But yet , my God , if in thy Wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable Transgressions , if this ungrateful bondage be fittest for my over-high desires , if the pride of my ( not enough humble ) Heart be thus to be broken ; O Lord , I yield unto Thy Will , and chearfully embrace what sorrow Thou wilt have Me suffer . Only thus much let Me crave of Thee , ( let my craving , O Lord , be accepted of , since it even proceeds from Thee , ) that by thy Goodness , which is Thy self , Thou wilt suffer some beam of thy Majesty so to shine in my mind , that I , who acknowledge it my noblest Title to be Thy Creature , may still in my greatest Afflictions depend confidently on Thee . Let Calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of my Vertue : O let not their prevailing power be to My Destruction . And if it be thy Will , that they more and more vex Me with punishment , yet , O Lord , never let their Wickedness have such a hand , but that I may still carry a pure mind and stedfast resolution ever to serve Thee without Fear or Presumption , yet with that humble Confidence which may best please Thee : so that at the last I may come to thy eternal Kingdom , through the Merits of thy Son , our alone Saviour , Jesus Christ . Amen . VII . A Prayer in time of imminent Danger . O Most merciful Father , though my Sins are so many and grievous , that I may rather expect the effects of thy Anger than so great a deliverance , as to free Me from my present great Danger ; yet , O Lord , since thy Mercies are over all thy Works , and Thou never failest to relieve all those who with humble and unfeigned Repentance come to Thee for succour , it were to multiply , not diminish my Transgressions , to despair of thy heavenly favour : wherefore I humbly desire thy Divine Majesty , that Thou wilt not only pardon all my Sins , but also free Me out of the hands and protect Me from the Malice of my cruel Enemies . But if thy wrath against my hainous offences will not otherwise be satisfied , than by suffering Me to fall under my present Afflictions , thy Will be done : yet with humble importunity I do , and shall never leave to implore the assistance of thy Heavenly Spirit , that My Cause , as I am Thy Vicegerent , may not suffer through My weakness or want of Courage . O Lord , so strengthen and enlighten all the Faculties of my Mind , that with clearness I may shew forth thy Truth , and manfully endure this bloody Trial ; that so my Sufferings here may not only glorifie Thee , but likewise be a furtherance to My Salvation hereafter . Grant this , O merciful Father , for His sake who suffered for Me , even Jesus Christ the Righteous . Amen . KING CHARLES HIS MESSAGES FOR PEACE . I. From CANTERBURY , Jan. 20. MDCXLI . II. For the Composing of all Differences . HIS Majesty perceiving the manifold distractions which are now in this Kingdom , which cannot but bring great inconveniencies and mischief to this whole Government , in which as His Majesty is most chiefly interessed , so He holds Himself by many reasons most obliged to do what in Him lies for the preventing thereof ; though He might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the remedies of these evils ought rather to come to Him than from Him ; yet His Fatherly care of all His People being such , that He will rather lay by any particular respect of His Own Dignity , than that any time should be lost for prevention of these threatning evils , which cannot admit the delays of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament ; doth think fit to make this ensuing Proposition to both Houses of Parliament , that they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all those particulars which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of His Majesty's Just and Regal Authority , and for the setling of His Revenue , as for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying of their Estates and Fortunes , the Liberties of their Persons , the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , and the setling of Ceremonies in such a manner as may take away all just offence . Which when they shall have digested and composed into one intire body , that so His Majesty and themselves may be able to make the more clear Judgment of them , it shall then appear by what His Majesty shall do , how far he hath been from intending or designing any of those things which the too great Fears and Jealousies of some persons seem to apprehend ; and how ready He will be to equal and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent Princes , in their Acts of Grace and Favour to their People . So that if all the present Distractions ( which so apparently threaten the Ruine of this Kingdom ) do not ( by the blessing of Almighty God ) end in an happy and blessed Accommodation ; His Majesty will then be ready to call Heaven and Earth , God and Man to witness , that it hath not failed on His part . From HUNTINGDON , March 15. Upon His Removal to YORK . In pursuance of the Former . HIS Majesty being now on His remove to His City of York , where He intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament . That he doth very earnestly desire that they will use all possible industry in expediting the business of Ireland , in which they shall find so chearful a concurrence by His Majesty , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it than He hath endeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as he hath been moved unto by His Parliament : ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects shall grow upon them ( though His Majesty shall be deeply concerned in and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash His hands before all the World from the least imputation of slackness in that most necessary and pious work . And that His Majesty may leave no way unattempted which may beget a good understanding between Him and His Parliament , He thinks it necessary to declare , That as He hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of His own which He hath been informed hath trencht upon their Priviledges ; so He expects an equal tenderness in them of His Majesty 's known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom ) amongst which He is assured it is a Fundamental one , That His Subjects cannot be obliged to obey any Act , Order , or Injunction , to which His Majesty hath not given His consent . And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish , That He expects , and hereby requires , Obedience from all His loving Subjects to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order or Ordinance ( to which His Majesty is no party ) concerning the Militia , or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , His Majesty being resolved to keep the Laws Himself , and to require Obedience to them from all His Subjects . And His Majesty once more recommends to His Parliament the substance of His Message of the twentieth of January last , that they compose and digest with all speed such Acts as they shall think fit for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes , the Liberties of their Persons , the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , the maintaining His Majesties Regal and Just Authority , and setling His Revenue : His Majesty being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes which may beget a happy understanding between Him and His Parliament , in which He conceives His greatest Power and Riches do consist . III. From NOTTINGHAM , Aug. 25. MDCXLII . When He set up His Standard . By the Earls of Southampton and Dorset , Sir John Culpepper Knight , Chancellour of the Exchequer , and Sir W. Wedale Knight . WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of this our Kingdom ; Our very Soul is full of anguish until We may find some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War : and tho' all Our endeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy Differences betwixt Us and our two Houses of Parliament ( though pursued by us with all zeal and sincerity ) have been hitherto without that success We hoped for ; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publick Peace , that we shall not be discouraged from using any expedient which by the blessing of the God of Mercy may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects . To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages , Petitions , and Answers betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament , which happily may be prevented by some other way of Treaty , wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly understood and more freely transacted ; We have thought fit to propound to you , that some fit persons may be by you enabled to treat with the like Number to be authorized by Us , in such a manner , and with such freedom of debate , as may best tend to that happy conclusion which all good men desire , The peace of the Kingdom : wherein as We promise in the word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto Us , if you shall chuse the place where We are for the Treaty , which we wholly leave to you , presuming on the like care of the safety of those We shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; so We assure you and all Our good Subjects , that ( to the best of Our Understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our part which may advance the true Protestant Religion , oppose Popery and Superstition , secure the Law of the land ( upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject ) confirm all just Power and Priviledges of Parliament , and render Us and Our People truly happy by a good understanding betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament . Bring with you as firm resolutions to do your Duty , and let all Our People joyn with Us in Our Prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this Work. If this Proposition shall be rejected by you , We have done Our duty so amply , that God will absolve Us from the guilt of any of that Blood which must be spilt . And what opinion soever other men may have of Our Power , We assure you nothing but Our Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of Blood hath begot this motion ; Our provision of Men , Arms and Money being such as may secure Us from further Violence , till it please God to open the Eyes of Our People . IV. From ...... Sept. 5. MDCXLII . In pursuance of the former . WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted Estate of the Kingdom , nor how these means have been interpreted ; because being desirous to avoid effusion of Blood , We are willing to decline all memory of former bitterness that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily accepted . We never did declare , nor ever intended to declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traytors , or set up Our Standard against them , and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our protection ; We utterly profess against it before God and the World. And further , to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Us , We hereby promise , so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traytors or otherwise , for assisting Us , We shall with all chearfulness upon the same day recal Our Proclamations and Declarations , and take down Our Standard ; in which Treaty We shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects : Conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland , and the dangerous condition of England , in as high a degree as by these Our offers We have declared Our Self to do : And assuring you that Our chief desire in this World is to beget a good Understanding and mutual Confidence betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament . V. From ...... Sept. 11. MDCXLII . In Replie to the Answer of both Houses to the former . WHO have taken most ways , used most endeavours , and made most real expressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers , let all the World judge , as well by former passages as Our two last Messages , which have been so fruitless , that ( though We have descended to desire and press it ) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained , unless We would denude Our self of all force to defend Us from a visible strength marching against Us , and admit those persons accounted as Traytors to Us , who according to their Duty , their Oaths of Allegiance and the Law , have appeared in defence of Us their King and Liege Lord , ( whom We are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve ) though We disclaimed all Our Proclamations and Declarations , and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament . All We have now left in Our power is , to express the deep sense We have of the publick Misery of this Kingdom , in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland ; and to apply Our self to Our necessary defence , wherein We wholly relie upon the Providence of God , the Justice of Our Cause , and the Affection of Our good People , so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection . When you shall desire a Treaty of Us , We shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this quarrel , and chearfully embrace it . And as no other reason induced Us to leave Our City of London , but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there ; nor to raise any force , but for the necessary defence of Our Person and the Law , against Levies in opposition to both : so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one , and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed . The God of Heaven direct you , and in Mercy divert those Judgments which hang over this Nation ; and so deal with Us and Our Posterity , as We desire the preservation and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , and the Law and Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the Peace of the Kingdom . VI. From BRAINFORD , Nov. 12. MDCXLII . After the Defeat of the Parliament Forces at EDGE-HILL , and at BRAINFORD . WHereas the last Night , being the eleventh of November , after the departure of the Committee of both Our Houses with Our gracious Answer to their Petition , We received certain information ( having till then heard nothing of it , either from the Houses Committee or otherwise ) that the L. of Essex had drawn his Forces out of London towards Us , which hath necessitated Our sudden resolution to march with Our Forces to Brainford ; We have thought hereby fit to signifie to both Our Houses of Parliament , that we are no less desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom than We express in Our aforesaid Answer ; the Propositions for which We shall willingly receive whereever We are , and desire ( if it may be ) to receive them at Brainford this Night , or early to Morrow Morning ; that all possible speed may be made in so good a work , and all inconveniences otherwise likely to intervene may be avoided . VII . From OXFORD , April 12. MDCXLIII . At the Close of the Treaty . Concerning the Disbanding of all Forces , and His Return to the Houses . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end , or for any longer time than that , and until things may be so setled as that the Law may have a full , free and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects ; 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His first Proposition concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the Just , Known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have been violently taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any just and legal exceptions against any of the persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him. 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and Voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth-rights and the free election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made : 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies , as to the great breach of the Priviledges and the high dishonour of Parliaments have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons , to join in a Declaratien against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which security His Majesty conceives can be only setled by adjourning the Parliament to some other place , at the least twenty Miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses : His Majesty will most cheerfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , such provisions will be made against seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions , and such care will be taken concerning the legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise Arms without His Majesty's consent , will be in such a manner recalled , disclaimed , and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved , by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the real good of His Subjects , and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants , in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of the practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the penalties against them ; to make known to all the world how causeless those Fears and Jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this offer of His Majesty be not consented to , ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted , or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not , by the most interessed , passionate or prejudicate person , be imputed to His Majesty . VIII . From OXFORD , May 19. MDCXLIII . In pursuance of the former . SInce His Majesty's Message of the twelfth of April , ( in which He conceived He had made such an Overture for the immediate disbanding of all Armies , and composure of these present miserable Distractions , by a full and free Convention in Parliament , that a perfect and settled Peace would have ensued ) hath in all this time ( above a full month ) procured no Answer from both Houses , His Majesty might well believe Himself absolved before God and man from the least possible charge of not having used His utmost endeavour for Peace : yet when he considers that the Scene of all this Calamity is in the Bowels of His own Kingdom , that all the bloud which is spilt , is of His own Subjects , and that what Victory soever it shall please God to give Him must be over those who ought not to have lifted up their hands against Him ; when He considers That these desperate civil Dissentions may incourage and invite a foreign Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation ; That Ireland is in present danger to be totally lost ; That the heavy Judgments of God , Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable attendants of this unnatural Contention , and That in a short time there will be so general a habit of Uncharitableness and Cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdom , that even Peace it self will not restore His People to their old temper and security ; His Majesty cannot but again call for an Answer to that His Message , which gives so fair a rise to end these unnatural Distractions . And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestness , because He doubts not the condition of His Armies in several parts , His strength of Horse , Foot and Artillery , His plenty of Ammunition ( which some men lately might conceive He wanted ) is so well known and understood , that it must be confessed , that nothing but the Tenderness and Love to His people , and those Christian Impressions which always have , and He hopes always shall dwell in His heart , could move Him once more to hazard a refusal . And he requires them , as they will answer to God , to Himself , and all the World , that they will no longer suffer their fellow-Subjects to welter in each others bloud ; that they will remember by whose Authority , and to what end they met in that Council , and send such an Answer to His Majesty , as may open a door to let in a firm Peace and Security to the whole Kingdom . If His Majesty shall again be disappointed of His intentions herein , the Bloud , Rapine and Distraction which must follow in England and Ireland , will be cast upon the account of those who are deaf to the motion of Peace and Accommodation . IX . From OXFORD , Mar. 3. MDCXLIII , IV. For a Treaty . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . C. R. OUT of Our most tender and pious sense of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom , and Our unwearied desires to apply all remedies , which , by the blessing of Almighry God may recover it from an utter Ruine , by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , We do propound and desire , That a convenient number of fit Persons may be appointed and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such Place as you shall nominate , with an equal number of fit Persons whom We shall appoint and authorize , to Treat of the ways and means to settle the present Distractions of this Our Kingdom , and to procure a happy Peace : And particularly , how all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , there to Treat , Consult and Agree upon such things as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , with due consideration to all just and reasonable ease of tender Consciences , to the settling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Priviledges , of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and all other Expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting Peace , both in Church and State , and a perfect understanding betwixt Us and Our People ; wherein no endeavour or concurrency of Ours shall be wanting . And God direct your hearts in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of March , 1643. X. From EVESHOLME , July 4. MDCXLIV . After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy Bridge . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . C. R. WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our Kingdom , and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects , do most earnestly desire that some Expedient may be found out , which , by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of blood , and restore the Nation to Peace : from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no discouragement given Us on the Contrary part shall make Us cease , so no success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof , We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People , whether by way of confirmation of what We have already granted , or of such further concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full assurance of the performance of all Our most real professions , concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , the just Priviledges of Parliament , and the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject , according to the Laws of the Land ; as also by granting a general Pardon , without or with exceptions , as shall be thought fit . In order to which blessed Peace , We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , That they appoint such and so many persons as they shall think fit , sufficiently authorized by them , to attend Us at Our Army , upon safe conduct to come and return , ( which We do hereby grant ) and conclude with Us how the Premisses and all other things in question betwixt Us and them may be fully settled : whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed , there may be a present Cessation of Arms , and as soon as may be a total disbanding of all Armies , the Subject have his due , and We be restored to Our Rights . Wherein if this Our offer shall be accepted , there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People secure and happy . Given at our Court at Evesholm , the fourth of July , 1644. XI . From TAVESTOCK , Sept. 8. MDCXLIV . After the Defeat of the Earl of ESSEX in Cornwal . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success , We do not so much joy in that blessing for any other consideration , as for the hopes We have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart , as We do , the miseries brought and continued upon Our Kingdom by this unnatural War , and that it may open your ears and dispose your minds to embrace those offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us , and from the constant and fervent endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist . In pursuance whereof , We do upon this occasion conjure you to take into consideration Our ( too-long-neglected ) Message of the fourth of July from Evesholm , which We again renew unto you ; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto , as may shew unto Our poor Subjects some light of a deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommodation ; toward which We do here engage the word of a King , to make good all those things which We have therein promised , and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Treaty . And so God direct you in the ways of Peace . Given at our Court at Tavestock , the eighth of September , 1644. From OXFORD , Dec. 13. MDCXLIV . For a Treaty by Commissioners . By the Duke of Richmond and Earl of Southampton . HIS Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions , and finds it very difficult , in respect they import so great an alteration in Government , both in Church and State , to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate , wherein those Propositions , and all necessary Explanations , and Reasons for assenting , dissenting , or qualifying , and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue , and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen , may be discussed and weighed . His Majesty therefore proposeth and desireth as the best expedient for Peace , That you will appoint such a number of Persons as you shall think fit , to Treat with the like number of Persons to be appointed by His Majesty upon the said Propositions , and such other things as shall be proposed by His Majesty , for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion ( with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , as His Majesty hath often offered ) the Rights of the Crown , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Priviledges of Parliament : and upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace . XIII . From OXFORD , Dec. 5. MDC XLV . For a safe Conduct for certain Persons of Honour , to be sent with Propositions of Peace . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty being still deeply sensible of the continuation of this bloody and unnatural War , cannot think Himself discharg'd of the duty He ows to God , or the affection and regard He hath to the preservation of His People , without the constant application of His earnest endeavours to find some Expedient for the speedy ending of these unhappy Distractions , if that may be ; doth therefore desire , That a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffry Palmer Esquires , and their attendants , with Coaches , Horses , and other accommodations for their journey to Westminster , during their stay there , and return when they shall think fit ; whom His Majesty intends to send to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , furnished with such Propositions as His Majesty is confident will be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace . Given at our Court at Oxford , 5. December 1645. XIV . From OXFORD , Dec. 15. MDCXLV . In pursuance of the former . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot but extremely wonder , that after so many expressions on your part of a deep and seeming sense of the Miseries of this afflicted Kingdom , and of the dangers incident to His Person during the continuance of this unnatural War , your many great and so often repeated Protestations , that the raising of these Arms hath been only for the necessary defence of God's true Religion , His Majesty's Honour , Safety and Prosperity , the Peace , Comfort and Security of His People , you should delay a safe Conduct to the persons mentioned in His Majesty's Message of the fifth of this instant December , which are to be sent unto you with Propositions for a well-grounded Peace : A thing so far from having been denied at any time by His Majesty , whensoever you have desired the same , that He believes it hath been seldom ( if ever ) practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies , much less from Subjects to their King. But His Majesty is resolved that no discouragements whatsoever shall make Him fail on His part in doing His uttermost endeavours to put an end to these Calamities , which if not in time prevented , must prove the ruine of this unhappy Nation : and therefore doth once again desire , that a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for those Persons expressed in His former Message ; and doth therefore conjure you , as you will answer to Almighty God , in that day when He shall make inquisition for all the blood that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural War , as you tender the preservation and establishment of the true Religion , by all the bonds of Duty and Allegiance to your King , or compassion to your bleeding and unhappy Countrey , and of charity to your selves , that you dispose your hearts to a true sense , and imploy all your faculties in a more serious endeavour , together with His Majesty , to set a speedy end to these wasting Divisions : and then He shall not doubt but that God will yet again give the blessing of Peace to this distracted Kingdom . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 15. of Decemb. 1645. XV. From OXFORD , Dec. 26. MDCXLV . For a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the strange and unexpected delays ( which can be precedented by no former times ) to His Majesties two former Messages , His Majesty will lay aside all expostulations , as rather serving to lose time , than to contribute any remedy to the evils which ( for the present ) do afflict this distracted Kingdom : Therefore , without further preamble , His Majesty thinks it most necessary to send these Propositions this way , which He intended to do by the Persons mentioned in His former Messages , though He well knows the great disadvantage which overtures of this kind have by the want of being accompanied by well-instructed Messengers . His Majesty conceiving that the former Treaties have hitherto proved ineffectual chiefly for want of Power in those Persons that Treated , as likewise because those from whom their Power was derived ( not possibly having the particular informations of every several debate ) could not give so clear a Judgment as was requisite in so important a business ; If therefore His Majesty may have the engagement of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , of the chief Commanders in Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army , as also those in the Scots Army , for His Majesties free and safe coming to and abode in London or Westminster , ( with such of His Servants now attending Him , and their followers , not exceeding in all the number of three hundred ) for the space of forty days , and after the said time for His free and safe repair to any of His Garrisons of Oxford , Worcester , or Newark , ( which His Majesty shall nominate at any time before His going from London or Westminster ) His Majesty propounds to have a Personal Treaty with the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , upon all matters which may conduce to the restoring of Peace and happiness to these miserable distracted Kingdoms : and to begin with the three Heads which were Treated on at Vxbridge . And for the better clearing of His Majesties earnest and sincere intentions of putting an end to these unnatural Distractions , ( knowing that point of security may prove the greatest obstacle to this most blessed work ) His Majesty therefore declares , That He is willing to commit the great trust of the Militia of this Kingdom for such time and with such powers as are exprest in the Paper delivered by His Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February last , to these persons following , viz. the Lord Privy Seal , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hertford , the Marquess of Dorchester , the Earl of Dorset , Lord Chamberlain , the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Southampton , Earl of Pembroke , Earl of Salisbury , Earl of Manchester , Earl of Warwick , Earl of Denbigh , Earl of Chichester , Lord Say , Lord Seymour , Lord Lucas , Lord Lexington , Mr Denzil Hollis , Mr Pierrepont , Mr Henry Bellasis , Mr Richard Spencer , Sir Thomas Fairfax , Mr John Ashburnham , Sir Gervas Clifton , Sir Henry Vane Junior , Mr Robert Wallop , Mr Thomas Chicheley , Mr Oliver Cromwell , Mr Philip Skippon , supposing that these are persons against whom there can be no just exception : But if this doth not satisfie , then His Majesty offers to name the one half , and leaves the other to the election of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , with the Powers and Limitations before mentioned . Thus His Majesty calls God and the World to witness of His sincere intentions and real endeavours for the composing and setling of these miserable Distractions , which he doubts not but by the blessing of God will soon be put to a happy conclusion , if this His Majesties offer be accepted : Otherwise He leaves all the World to judge , who are the continuers of this unnatural War. And therefore He once more conjures you by all the bonds of Duty you owe to God and your King , to have so great a compassion onthe bleeding and miserable estate of your Country , that you joyn your most serious and hearty endeavours with His Majesty , to puta happy and speedy end to these present Miseries . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 26. of Decem. 1645. XVI . From OXFORD , Dec. 29. MDCXLV . In pursuance of the former , for a Personal Treaty at Westminster . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. ALthough the Message sent by Sir Peter Killegrew may justly require an expostulatory Answer , yet His Majesty lays that aside , as not so proper for His present endeavours , leaving all the World to judge , whether His Proposition for a Personal Treaty , or the flat denial of a safe Conduct for Persons to begin a Treaty , be greater signs of a real intention to Peace ; and shall now only insist upon His former Message of the 26. of this December ; That upon His repair to Westminster , He doubts not but so to joyn His endeavours with His two Houses of Parliament , as to give just satisfaction , not only concerning the business of Ireland , but also for the setling of a way for the payment of the publick Debts , as well to the Scots and to the City of London as others . And as already He hath shewn a fair way for the setling of the Militia , so He shall carefully endeavour in all other particulars , that none shall have cause to complain for want of security , whereby just Jealousies may arise to hinder the continuance of the desired Peace . And certainly this Proposition of a Personal Treaty could never have entred into His Majesties thoughts , if He had not resolved to make apparent to all the World , that the publick good and Peace of this Kingdom is far dearer to Him than the respect of any particular Interest . Wherefore none can oppose this motion , without a manifest demonstration that he particularly envies His Majesty should be the chief Author in so blessed a work , besides the declaring himself a direct opposer of the happy Peace of these Nations . To conclude , whosoever will not be ashamed that his fair and specious protestations should be brought to a true and publick test , and those who have a real sense , and do truly commiserate the miseries of their bleeding Country , let them speedily and chearfully embrace His Majesties Proposition for His Personal Treaty at Westminster , which , by the blessing of God , will undoubtedly to these now-distracted Kingdoms restore the happiness of a long-wisht-for and lasting Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the nine and twentieth day of December , 1645. XVII . From OXFORD , January 15. MDCXLV . VI. In pursuance of the former . Containing His Majesty's Concessions and Offers . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. BUT that these are times wherein nothing is strange ; it were a thing much to be marvelled at , what should cause this unparallel'd long detention of His Majesties Trumpeter , sent with His gracious Message of the 26. of December last ; Peace being the only subject of it , and His Majesties Personal Treaty the means proposed for it . And it were almost as great a wonder that His Majesty should be so long from enquiring after it , if that the hourly expectation thereof had not in some measure satisfied His impatience . But lest His Majesty by His long silence should condemn Himself of Carelesness in that which so much concerns the good of all His People , He thinks it high time to enquire after His said Trumpeter : For since all men who pretend any goodness must desire Peace ; and that all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it ; and there being as little question , that His Majesties Personal presence in it is the likeliest way to bring it to an happy issue ; He judges there must be some strange variety of accidents which causeth this most tedious delay . Wherefore His Majesty earnestly desires to have a speedy account of His former Message , the subject whereof is Peace , and the means His Personal presence at Westminster ; where the Government of the Church being setled as it was in the times of the happy and glorious Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James , and full liberty for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in that Service established by Law , and likewise for the free and publick use of the Directory ( prescribed , and by command of the two Houses of Parliament now practised in some parts of the City of London ) to such as shall desire to use the same , and all Forces being agreed to be disbanded ; His Majesty will then forthwith ( as He hath in His Message of the 29. of December last already offered ) joyn with His two Houses of Parliament , in setling some way for the payment of the publick Debts to His Scotch Subjects , the City of London , and others . And His Majesty having proposed a fair way for the setling of the Militia , which now by this long delay seems not to be thought sufficient security ; His Majesty ( to shew how really He will imploy Himself at His coming to Westminster for making this a lasting Peace , and taking away all Jealousies , how groundless soever ) will endeavour upon debate with His two Houses so to dispose of it ( as likewise of the business of Ireland ) as may give to them and both Kingdoms just satisfaction : not doubting also but to give good contentment to His two Houses of Parliament in the choice of the Lord Admiral , the Officers of State , and others , if His two Houses by their ready inclinations to Peace shall give Him encouragement thereunto . Thus His Majesty having taken occasion by His just impatience so to explain His intentions , that no man can doubt of a happy issue to this succeeding Treaty ; if now there shall be so much as a delay of the same , He calls God and the World to witness , who they are that not only hinder but reject this Kingdoms future Happiness , it being so much the stranger , that His Majesties coming to Westminster ( which was first the greatest pretence for taking up Arms ) should be so much as delayed , much less not accepted , or refused : but His Majesty hopes that God will no longer suffer the malice of Wicked men to hinder the Peace of this too much afflicted Kingdom . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the fifteenth day of January , 1645. XVIII . From OXFORD , Jan. 17. MDCXLV . VI. For an Answer to His former Messages . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty thinks not fit now to answer those Aspersions which are returned as arguments for His not admittance to Westminster for a Personal Treaty , because it would enforce a style not suitable to His end , it being the Peace of these miserable Kingdoms : yet thus much He cannot but say to those who have sent Him this Answer , that if they had considered what they have done themselves in occasioning the shedding of so much innocent blood , by withdrawing themselves from their Duty to Him in a time when He had granted so much to His Subjects , and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom to draw an exorbitant power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects , ( to say no more , to do as they have done ) they could not have given such a false character of His Majesties Actions . Wherefore His Majesty must now remember them , that having some hours before his receiving of their last Paper of the 13. of January , sent another Message to them of the 15 , wherein by divers particulars He enlargeth Himself to shew the reality of His endeavors for Peace , by His desired Personal Treaty ( which He still conceives to be the likeliest way to attain to that blessed End ) He thinks fit by this Message to call for an Answer to that , and indeed to all the former . For certainly , no rational man can think their last Paper can be any Answer to His former demands , the scope of it being , That because there is a War , therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace . And is it possible to expect that the Propositions mentioned should be the grounds of a lasting Peace , when the persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak ? But whatever the success hath been of His Majesty's former Messages , or how small soever His hopes are of a better , considering the high strain of those who deal with His Majesty , yet He will neither want Fatherly Bowels to His Subjects in general , nor will He forget that God hath appointed Him for their King with whom He treats . Wherefore He now demands a speedy Answer to His last and former Messages . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this 17 of January , 1645. XIX . From OXFORD , Jan. 24. MDCXLV . VI. For Answer to His former Message , and concerning their Reasons against a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE procuring Peace to these Kingdoms by Treaty is so much desired by His Majesty , that no unjust Aspersions whatsoever or any other Discouragements shall make Him desist from doing His indeavour therein , until He shall see it altogether impossible ; and He therefore hath thought fitting so far only to make reply to that Paper or Answer which He hath received of the 13 of this Instant January , as may take away those objections which are made against His Majesty's coming to Westminster , expecting still an Answer to His Messages of the fifteenth and seventeenth , which He hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses . And first therefore , whereas in the said last Paper it is objected as an impediment to His Majesty's Personal Treaty , that much innocent Blood hath been shed in this War by His Majesty's Commissions , &c. He will not now dispute , ( it being apparent to all the World by whom this Blood hath been spilt ) but rather presseth that there should be no more ; and to that end only He hath desired this Personal Treaty , as judging it the most immediate means to abolish so many horrid Confusions in all His Kingdoms . And it is no Argument , to say that there shall be no such Personal Treaty because there have been Wars , it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty to put an end to the War. Secondly , That there should be no such Personal Treaty , because some of His Irish Subjects have repaired to His assistance in it , seems an argument altogether as strange as the other , as alwaies urging that there should be no Physick because the Party is sick . And in this particular it hath been often observed unto them , that those whom they call Irish , who have so expressed their Loyalty to their Soveraign , were indeed ( for the most part ) such English Protestants as had been formerly sent into Ireland by the two Houses , impossibilitated to stay there any longer by the neglect of those that sent them thither , who should there have better provided for them . And for any Foreign Forces , it is too apparent that their Armies have swarmed with them , when His Majesty hath had very few or none . And whereas , for a third Impediment , it is alledged that the Prince is in the head of an Army in the West , and that there are divers Garrisons still kept in His Majesty's obedience , and that there are Forces in Scotland ; it must be as much confessed as that as yet there is no Peace : And therefore it is desired , that by such a Personal Treaty all these impediments may be removed . And it is not here amiss to put them in mind , how long since His Majesty did press a disbanding of all Forces on both sides , the refusing whereof hath been the cause of this objection . And whereas exception is taken , that there is a time limited in the Proposition for His Majesty's Personal Treaty , thereupon inferring , that He should again return to Hostility , His Majesty protesteth that He seeks this Treaty to void future Hostility , and to procure a lasting Peace ; and if He can meet with like inclinations to Peace in those He desires to Treat with , He will bring such Affections and resolutions in Himself as shall end all these unhappy bloody Differences . As for those engagements which His Majesty hath desired for His security , whosoever shall call to mind the particular occasions that enforced His Majesty to leave His City of London and Westminster , will judge His demand very reasonable and necessary for His Safety . But He no way conceiveth how the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , were either subject or subordinate to that Authority which is alledged , as knowing neither Law nor Practice for it : And if the two Armies be , He believes it is more than can be parallel'd by any former times in this Kingdom . Nor can His Majesty understand how His Majesty's seeking of a Personal security can be any breach of Priviledge : it being likely to be infringed by hindring His Majesty from coming freely to His two Houses . As for the objection , that His Majesty omitted to mention the setling Religion , and securing the Peace of His Native Kingdom , His Majesty declares , that He conceives that it was included in His former , and hath been particularly mentioned in His latter Message of the 15. present . But , for their better satisfaction , He again expresseth that it was , and ever shall be , both His meaning and endeavour in this Treaty desired : and it seems to Him very clear , that there is no way for a final ending of such Distractions as afflict this Kingdom , but either by Treaty or Conquest , the latter of which His Majesty hopes none will have the Impudency or Impiety to wish for . And for the former , if his Personal assistance in it be not the most likely way , let any reasonable man judge : when by that means not only all unnecessary Delaies will be removed , but even the greatest Difficulties made easie . And therefore He doth now again earnestly insist upon that Proposition , expecting to have a better Answer upon mature consideration . And can it be imagined that any Propositions will be so effectual , being formed before a Personal Treaty , as such as are framed and propounded upon a full debate on both sides ? Wherefore His Majesty , who is most concerned in the good of His People , and is most desirous to restore Peace and Happiness to His three Kingdoms , doth again instantly desire an Answer to His said former Messages , to which He hath hitherto received none . Given at our Court at Oxon , the twenty fourth day of January , 1645. XX. From OXFORD January 29. MDCXLV . VI. Concerning the Negotiations in Ireland ; with His Majesty's further Concessions , in order to a Personal Treaty . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having received information from the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland , that the Earl of Glamorgan hath , without his or their directions or privity , entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman Catholick party there , and also drawn up and agreed unto certain Articles with the said Commissioners , highly derogatory to His Majesty's Honour and Royal Dignity , and most prejudicial unto the Protestant Religion and Church there in Ireland ; whereupon the said Earl of Glamorgan is arrested upon suspicion of high Treason , and imprisoned by the said Lord Lieutenant and Council , at the instance and by the impeachment of the Lord Digby , who ( by reason of his place and former imployment in these affairs ) doth best know how contrary that proceeding of the said Earl hath been to His Majesty's intentions and directions , and what great prejudice it might bring to His Affairs , if those proceedings of the Earl of Glamorgan should be any waies understood to have been done by the directions , liking , or approbation of His Majesty . His Majesty , having in His former Messages for a Personal Treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the business of Ireland , hath now thought fitting , the better to shew His clear intentions , and to give satisfaction to His said Houses of Parliament , and the rest of His Subjects in all His Kingdoms , to send this Declaration to His said Houses , containing the whole truth of the business ; Which is , That the Earl of Glamorgan having made offer unto Him to raise Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland , and to conduct them into England for His Majesty's Service , had a Commission to that purpose , and to that purpose only . That he had no Commission at all to treat of any thing else , without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant , much less to capitulate any thing concerning Religion , or any propriety belonging either to Church or Laity . That it clearly appears by the Lord Lieutenants Proceedings with the said Earl , that he had no notice at all of what the said Earlhad treated and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish , until by accident it came to his knowledge . And his Majesty doth protest , that until such time as He had advertisement that the person of the said Earl of Glamorgan was arrested and restrained , as is abovesaid , He never heard , nor had any kind of notice that the said Earl had entred into any kind of Treaty or Capitulation with those Irish Commissioners ; much less that he had concluded or signed those Articles so destructive both to Church and State , and so repugnant to His Majesty's publick professions and known resolutions . And for the further vindication of His Majesties Honour and Integrity herein , He doth declare , That He is so far from considering any thing contained in those Papers or Writings framed by the said Earl , and those Commissioners with whom he treated , as He doth absolutely disavow him therein , and hath given commandment to the Lord Lieutenant and the Council there , to proceed against the said Earl as one who either out of Falseness , Presumption or Folly , hath so hazarded the blemishing of His Majesty's Reputation with His good Subjects , and so impertinently framed those Articles of his own head , without the consent , privity , or directions of His Majesty , or the Lord Lieutenant , or any of His Majesties Council there . But true it is , that for the necessary preservation of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in Ireland , whose case was daily represented unto Him to be so desperate , His Majesty had given Commission to the Lord Lieutenant to treat and conclude such a Peace there as might be for the safety of that Crown , the preservation of the Protestant Religion , and no way derogatory to His Own Honour and publick professions . But to the end that His Majesty's real intentions in this business of Ireland may be the more clearly understood , and to give more ample satisfaction to both Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , especially concerning His Majesties not being engaged in any Peace or Agreement there , He doth desire , if the two Houses shall admit of His Majesty's repair to London for a Personal Treaty , ( as was formerly proposed ) that speedy notice be given thereof to His Majesty , and a Pass or Safe-Conduct with a blank sent for a Messenger to be immediately dispatcht into Ireland , to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder His Majesty's resolution of leaving the managing of the business of Ireland wholly to the Houses , and to make no Peace there but with their consent ; which , in case it shall please God to bless His endeavours in the Treaty with success , His Majesty doth hereby engage Himself to do . And for a further explanation of His Majesty's intentions in His former Messages , He doth now declare , that if His Personal repair to London , as aforesaid , shall be admitted , and a Peace thereon shall ensue , He will then leave the nomination of the Persons to be intrusted with the Militia wholly to His two Houses , with such power and limitations as are expressed in the Paper delivered by His Majesty's Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February , 1644. for the term of seven years , as hath been desired , to be given immediately after the conclusion of the Peace , the disbanding of all Forces on both sides , and the dismantling of the Garrisons erected since these present Troubles , so as at the expiration of the time before mentioned the power of the Militia shall entirely revert and remain as before . And for their further security , His Majesty ( the Peace succeeding ) will be content that , pro hac vice , the two Houses shall nominate the Admiral , Officers of State , and Judges , to hold their places during life , or quam diu se bene gesserint , which shall be best liked , to be accountable to none but the King and the two Houses of Parliament . As for matter of Religion , His Majesty doth further declare , That by the Liberty offered in His Message of the 15 present , for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in the Service already established by Act of Parliament in this Kingdom , He intends that all other Protestants behaving themselves peaceably in and towards the Civil Government , shall have the free exercise of their Religion according to their own way . And for the total removing of all Fears and Jealousies , His Majesty is willing to agree , that upon the conclusion of Peace , there shall be a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon past by Act of Parliament in both His Kingdoms respectively . And lest it should be imagined , that in the making these Propositions His Majesty's Kingdom of Scotland and His Subjects there have been forgotten or neglected , His Majesty declares , That what is here mentioned touching the Militia , and the naming of Officers of State , and Judges , shall likewise extend to His Kingdom of Scotland . And now His Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed His intentions and desires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace , if any person shall decline that Happiness by opposing of so apparent a way of attaining it , he will sufficiently demonstrate to all the World his intention and design can be no other , than the total subversion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom under which the English Nation hath so long flourished . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 29. of January , 1645. XXI . From OXFORD , Feb. 26. MDCXLV . VI. For an Answer to the Former . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty needs to make no excuse , though He sent no more Messages unto you ; for He very well knows He ought not to do it , if He either stood upon punctilio's of Honour , or His Own private Interest ; the one being already call'd in question by His often sending , and the other assuredly prejudg'd , if a Peace be concluded from that He hath already offered , He having therein departed with many His undoubted Rights . But nothing being equally dear unto Him to the preservation of His People , His Majesty passeth by many scruples , neglects and delayes , and once more desires you to give Him a speedy Answer to His last Message ; for His Majesty believes it doth very well become Him ( after this very long delay ) at last to utter His Impatience , since the Goods and Blood of His Subjects crie so much for Peace . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 26. day of February , 1645. XXII . From OXFORD , Mar. 23. MDCXLV , VI. Concerning His Return to the Houses . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the unexpected Silence in stead of Answer to His Majesty's many and gracious Messages to both Houses , whereby it may appear , that they desire to obtain their ends by Force rather than by Treaty , which may justly discourage His Majesty from any more overtures of that kind ; yet His Majesty conceives He shall be much wanting in His duty to God , and in what He oweth to the safety of His people , if he should not intend to prevent the great inconveniences that may otherwise hinder a safe and well-grounded Peace . His Majesty therefore now proposeth , that so He may have the Faith of both Houses of Parliament for the preservation of His Honour , Person and Estate ; and that Liberty be given to all those who do and have adhered to His Majesty to go to their own Houses , and there to live peaceably enjoying their Estates ; all Sequestrations being taken off , without being compelled to take any Oath not enjoyned by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom , or being put to any other molestation whatsoever ; He will immediately disband all His Forces , and dismantle all His Garrisons , and being accompanied with His Royal , not His Martial Attendance , return to His two Houses of Parliament , and there reside with them . And for the better security of all His Majesties Subjects , He proposeth that He with His said two Houses immediately upon His coming to Westminster will pass an Act of Oblivion and free Pardon , and where His Majesty will further do whatsoever they will advise Him for the good and Peace of this Kingdom . And as for the Kingdom of Scotland , His Majesty hath made no mention of it here , in regard of the great loss of time which must now be spent in expecting an answer from thence , but declares that immediately upon His coming to Westminster , He will apply himself to give them all satisfaction touching that Kingdom . If His Majesty could possibly doubt the success of this offer , He could use many arguments to perswade them to it ; but shall only insist on that great One , of giving an instant Peace to these afflicted Kingdoms . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 23. of March , 1645. XXIII . From SOUTHWELL , May 18. MDCXLVI . With his further Concessions for the obtaining of Peace . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having understood from both His Houses of Parliament , that it was not safe for Him to come to London ( whither He had purposed to repair , if so He might , by their advice to do whatsoever may be best for the good and Peace of these Kingdoms ) until He shall first give His consent to such Propositions as were to be presented to Him from them ; and being certainly informed that the Armies were marching so fast up to Oxford , as made that no fit place for Treating ; did resolve to withdraw Himself hither , only to secure His Own Person , and with no intention to continue this War any longer , or to make any Division between His two Kingdoms , but to give such contentment to both , as , by the blessing of God , He might see a happy and well-grounded Peace , thereby to bring Prosperity to these Kingdoms answerable to the best times of His Progenitors . And since the setling of Religion ought to be the chiefest care of all Counsels , His Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to His two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for speedy finishing this pious and necessary work ; and particularly that they take the advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at Westminster . Likewise concerning the Militia of England , for securing His People against all pretensions of Danger , His Majesty is pleased to have it setled as was offered at the Treaty at Vxbridge , all the persons being to be named for the trust by the two Houses of the Parliament of England for the space of seven years ; and after the expiring of that term , that it be regulated as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . Concerning the Wars in Ireland , His Majesty will do whatsoever is possible for Him to give full satisfaction therein . And if these be not satisfactory , His Majesty then desires that all such of the Propositions as are already agreed upon by both Kingdoms may be speedily sent unto Him ; His Majesty being resolved to comply with His Parliament in every thing that shall be for the Happiness of His Subjects , and for the removing of all unhappy Differences which have produced so many sad effects . His Majesty having made these offers , he will neither question the thankful acceptation of them , nor doth He doubt but that His two Kingdoms will be careful to maintain Him in His Honour , and in His just and lawful Rights , which is the only way to make a happy composure of these unnatural Divisions ; and likewise will think upon a solid way of conserving the Peace between the two Kingdoms for the time to come ; and will take a speedy course for easing and quieting His afflicted People , by satisfying the publick Debts , by disbanding of all Armies , and whatsoever else shall be judged conducible to that end : that so all hindrances being removed , He may return to His Parliament with mutual comfort . Southwell , May 18. 1646. POSTSCRIPT . HIS Majesty being desirous to shun the further effusion of Blood , and to evidence His real intentions to Peace , is willing that His Forces in and about Oxford be disbanded , and the Fortifications of the City dismantled , they receiving honorable Conditions . Which being granted to the Town and Forces there , His Majesty will give the like Order to the rest of the Garrisons . XXIV . From NEW CASTLE , Jun. 10. MDCXLVI . For Propositions for Peace , and a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty looking with grief of heart upon the sad sufferings of His People in His three Kingdoms for some years past , and being afflicted with their distresses and unquiet conditions through the distractions about Religion , the keeping of Forces on foot in the Fields and Garrisons , the not satisfying of publick Debts , and the fears of the further effusion of blood by the continuance of an unnatural War in any of these Kingdoms , or by rending and dividing these Kingdoms so happily united ; and having sent a gracious Message unto both Houses of Parliament and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , expressing the necessary causes of His coming from Oxford unto the Scotish Army , ( without any intention to make a Division , where He is in freedom and right capacity to settle a true Peace ) and containing such offers as He conceived would have been accepted , with a general clause of complying with their desires ; and being impatient of delays , and not acquainted with the particulars which may give contentment to them ; His Majesty doth earnestly desire , That the Propositions of Peace so often promised , and so much expected , may be speedily sent unto Him , that upon consideration of them , He may apply Himself to give such satisfaction as may be the foundation of a firm Peace . And for the better and more speedy attaining thereunto , His Majesty doth further propound , That He may come to London with Safety , Freedom and Honour , where He resolves to comply with His Houses of Parliament in every thing which may be most for the good of His Subjects , and perfect what remains for setling both Kingdoms and People in a happy condition : being likewise most confident that they , according to their reiterated Declarations and solemn Protestations , will be zealous in the maintenance of His Honour and just and lawful Rights . And as His Majesty desires the Houses of Parliament to disburthen the Kingdom of all Forces and Garrisons in their power , except such as before these unhappy times have been maintained for the necessary defence and safety of this Kingdom : so He is willing forthwith to disband all His Forces and Garrisons within the same , as the inclosed Order herewith sent will evidence . And if upon these offers His Majesty shall have such satisfaction as He may be confident a firm Peace shall ensue thereon , His Majesty will then give order for His Son the Prince his present return . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. To Our Trusty and Well-beloved Sir Thomas Glenham , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Col. H. Washington , Col. Thomas Blagge , Governours of Our Cities and Towns of Oxford , Lichfield , Worcester , and Wallingford ; and all other Commanders of any Towns ; Castles and Forts , in Our Kingdom of England . CHARLES R. HAving resolved to comply with the desires of Our Parliament in every thing which may be for the good of Our Subjects , and leave no means unassayed for removing all Differences amongst us ; therefore We have thought fit , the more to evidence the reality of Our intentions of setling a happy and firm Peace , to require you upon honourable terms to quit those Towns , Castles and Forts intrusted to you by Vs , and to disband all the Forces under your several Commands . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. XXV . From NEWCASTLE , Aug. 1. MDCXLVI . For a Personal Treaty upon the Propositions sent Him. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE Propositions tendered to His Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England assembled at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , ( to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many months for deliberation as they have assigned days for His Majesties Answer ) do import so great alterations in Government both in Church and Kingdom , as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer before a full Debate , wherein these Propositions , and the necessary explanations , true sense and reasons thereof , may be rightly weighed and understood , and that His Majesty , upon a full view of the whole Propositions , may know what is left , as well as what is taken away and changed . In all which He finds ( upon discourse with the said Commissioners ) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give reasons for the demands they bring , or to give ear to such desires as His Majesty is to propound , as it is impossible for Him to give such a present Judgment of and Answer to these Propositions , whereby He can answer to God , that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue ( which is evident to all the world can never be , unless the just Power of the Crown , as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , with the just Liberty and Privileges of the Parliament , be likewise setled . ) To which end His Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London , or any of His Houses thereabouts , upon the publick Faith , and security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that He shall be there with Freedom , Honour and Safety ; where by His Personal presence He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People , but also have these Doubts cleared , and these Difficulties explained unto Him , which He now conceives to be destructive to His just Regal Power , if He shall give a full consent to these Propositions as they now stand : as likewise , that He may make known to them such His reasonable demands , as He is most assured will be very much conducible to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for , by the setling of Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject . And His Majesty assures them , that as He can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land He is born unto ; so He will chearfully grant and give His assent unto all such Bills , at the desire of His two Houses , or reasonable demands for Scotland , which shall be really for the good and Peace of His People , not having regard to His own particular ( much less any bodies else ) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms . Wherefore His Majesty conjures them as Christians , as Subjects , and as men who desire to leave a good name behind them , that they will so receive and make use of this Answer , that all issues of blood may be stopped , and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled . Newcastle August 1. 1646. POSTSCRIPT . UPon assurance of a happy Agreement , His Majesty will immediately send for the Prince His Son , absolutely expecting his perfect obedience to return into this Kingdom . XXVI . From NEWCASTLE , December 20. MDCXLVI . For a Personal Treaty at or near LONDON . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesties thoughts being alwaies sincerely bent to the Peace of His Kingdoms , was and will be ever desirous to take all ways which might the most clearly make appear the candour of His intentions to His People ; and to this end could find no better way than to propose a Personal free debate with His two Houses of Parliament upon all the present Differences : Yet finding , very much against His expectations , that this offer was laid aside , His Majesty bent all His thoughts to make His intentions fully known by a particular Answer to the Propositions delivered to Him in the name of both Kingdoms the 24. of July last . But the more He endeavoured it , He more plainly saw , that any answer He could make would be subject to mis-informations and misconstructions , which upon His own Paraphrases and Explanations He is most confident will give so good satisfaction , as would doubtless cause a happy and lasting Peace . Lest therefore that good intentions may produce ill effects , His Majesty again proposeth , and desires again to come to London , or any of His Houses thereabouts , upon the publick Faith and security of his two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that He shall be there with Honour , Freedom and Safety : Where , by His Personal presence , He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People , but also have those Doubts cleared and those Difficulties explained to Him , without which He cannot ( but with the aforesaid mischievous inconveniences ) give a particular Answer to the Propositions ; and with which He doubts not but so to manifest His real intentions for the setling of Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Property of the Subject , that it shall not be in the power of wicked and malicious men to hinder the establishing of that firm Peace which all honest men desire . Assuring them , as He will make no other Demands but such as He believes confidently to be just , and much conducing to the tranquillity of the People ; so He will be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness . Not doubting likewise but you will also have a due regard to maintain the just Power of the Crown , according to your many protestations and professions : For certainly , except King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . To conclude , 't is your King who desires to be heard , ( the which if refused to a Subject by a King , he would be thought a Tyrant for it ) and for that end which all men profess to desire . Wherefore His Majesty conjures you , as you desire to shew your selves really what you profess , even as you are good Christians and Subjects , that you will accept this His offer , which He is confident God will so bless , that it will be the readiest means by which these Kingdoms may again become a Comfort to their Friends , and a Terrour to their Enemies . Newcastle , 20. December , 1646. XXVII . From HOLDENBY , Feb. 17. MDCXLVI . VII . Desiring some of His Chaplains . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . SInce I have never dissembled nor hid My Conscience , and that I am not yet satisfied with the alteration of Religion , to which you desire My consent , I will not yet lose time in giving reasons , which are too obvious to every body , why it is fit for Me to be attended by some of My Chaplains , whose opinions , as Clergy-men , I esteem and reverence ; not only for the exercise of My Conscience , but also for clearing of My Judgement concerning the present differences in Religion ; as I have at full declared to Mr Marshall and his fellow-Minister , having shewed them , that it is the best and likeliest means of giving Me satisfaction , which without it I cannot have in these times , whereby the Distractions of this Church may be the better settled . Wherefore I desire , that at least two of these Reverend Divines whose Names I have here set down may have free liberty to wait upon Me , for their discharging of their Duty unto Me according to their Function . Holdenby , 17. February , 1646. CHARLES R. B. London . B. Salisbury . B. Peterborough . D. Shelden , Clark of My Closet . D. Marsh , Dean of York . D. Sanderson . D. Baily . D. Heywood . D. Beal . D. Fuller . D. Hammond . D. Taylor . XXVIII . From HOLDENBY , Mar. 6. MDCXLVI . VII . In pursuance of the former . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . IT being now seventeen days since I wrote to you from hence , and not yet receiving any Answer to what I then desired , I cannot but now again renew the same unto you . And indeed , concerning any thing but the necessary duty of a Christian , I would not thus at this time trouble you with any of My desires . But My being attended with some of My Chaplains whom I esteem and reverence , is so necessary for Me , even considering My present condition , whether it be in relation to My Conscience , or a happy settlement of the present Distractions in Religion , that I will slight divers kinds of censures , rather than not to obtain what I demand ; nor shall I do you the wrong , as in this to doubt the obtaining of My wish , it being totally grounded upon Reason . For desiring you to consider ( not thinking it needful to mention ) the divers reasons , which no Christian can be ignorant of , for point of Conscience , I must assure you that I cannot , as I ought , take in consideration those alterations in Religion which have and will be offered unto Me , without such help as I desire ; because I can never judge rightly of or be altered in any thing of my Opinion , so long as any ordinary way of finding out the truth is denied Me : but when this is granted Me , I promise you faithfully not to strive for Victory in Argument , but to seek and submit to Truth ( according to that Judgement which God hath given Me ) always holding it My best and greatest Conquest to give contentment to My two Houses of Parliament in all things which I conceive not to be against My Conscience or Honour ; not doubting likewise but that you will be ready to satisfie Me in reasonable things , as I hope to find in this particular concerning the attendance of My Chaplains upon Me. Holdenby , 6. of March , 1646. CHARLES R. XXIX . From HOLDENBY , May 12. MDCXLVII . In Answer to their Propositions . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. AS the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions , hath made His Majesty this long time to forbear giving His Answer unto them ; so the appearance of their sending being no more for any thing He can hear than it was at His first coming hither , notwithstanding that the Earl of Lauderdale hath been at London above these ten days , ( whose not coming was said to be the only stop ) hath caused His Majesty thus to anticipate their coming to Him. And yet considering His condition , that His Servants are denied access to Him , all but very few , and those by appointment , not His own election , and that it is declared a crime for any but the Commissioners or such who are particularly permitted by them to converse with His Majesty , or that any Letters should be given to or received from Him , may He not truly say , that He is not in case fit to make Concessions or give Answers , since He is not master of these ordinary actions which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man , how mean soever his birth be ? And certainly He would still be silent as to this Subject , until His condition were much mended , did He not prefer such a right understanding betwixt Him and His Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which may make a firm and lasting Peace in all His Dominions , before any particular of His own , or any earthly blessing : and therefore His Majesty hath diligently imployed His utmost endeavours for divers months past , so to inform His understanding and satisfie His Conscience , that He might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most conformable to His Parliaments ; but He ingenuously professes , that notwithstanding all the pains that He hath taken therein , the nature of some of them appears such unto Him , that without disclaiming that Reason which God hath given Him to judge by , for the good of Him and His People , and without putting the greatest violence upon His own Conscience , He cannot give His Consent to all of them . Yet His Majesty ( that it may appear to all the world how desirous He is to give full satisfaction ) hath thought fit hereby to express His readiness to grant what He may , and His willingness to receive from them , and that Personally , if His two Houses at Westminster shall approve thereof , such further information in the rest as may best convince His Judgement , and satisfie those doubts which are not yet clear unto Him : desiring them also to consider , that if His Majesty intended to wind Himself out of these Troubles by indirect means , were it not easie for Him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto Him , and afterwards chuse His time to break all , alledging , that forced Concessions are not to be kept ? surely He might , and not incur a hard censure from indifferent men . But Maxims in this kind are not the guides of His Majesty's Actions , for He freely and clearly avows , that He holds it unlawful for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from His Promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint . Wherefore His Majesty not only rejecting those acts which He esteems unworthy of Him , but even passing by that which He might well insist upon , a point of Honour , in respect of His present condition , thus answers the first Proposition : That upon His Majesty's coming to London , He will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the Honour of His two Kingdoms , or the Assembly of the States of Scotland , or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom , particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition , upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same tenderness will look upon those things which concern His Majesty's Honour . In answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion , His Majesty proposeth , That He will confirm the Presbyterial Government , the Assembly of Divines at Westminster and the Directory , for three years , being the time set down by the two Houses , so that His Majesty and His Houshold be not hindred from that form of God's Service which they formerly have had : And also that a free consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster , ( twenty of His Majesty's nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses , how the Church shall be governed after the said three years , or sooner , if differences may be agreed . Touching the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , and desires to respite His particular Answer thereunto until His coming to London , because it being a matter of Conscience , He cannot give a resolution therein till He may be assisted with the Advice of some of His own Chaplains ( which hath hitherto been denied Him ) and such other Divines as shall be most proper to inform Him therein ; and then He will make clearly appear both His zeal to the Protestant Profession and the Union of these two Kingdoms , which He conceives to be the main drift of this Covenant . To the seventh and eighth Propositions His Majesty will consent . To the ninth His Majesty doubts not but to give good satisfaction , when he shall be particularly informed how the said penalties shall be levied and disposed of . To the tenth His Majesty's Answer is , That He hath been always ready to prevent the practices of Papists , and therefore is content to pass an Act of Parliament for that purpose ; and also that the Laws against them be duly executed . His Majesty will give his consent to the Act for the due observation of the Lord's day , for the suppressing of Innovations , and those concerning the Preaching of God's Word , and touching Non-residence and Pluralities ; and His Majesty will yield to such Act or Acts as shall be requisite to raise moneys for the payment and satisfying all publick Debts , expecting also that His will be therein included . As to the Proposition touching the Militia , though His Majesty cannot consent unto it in terminis as it is proposed , because thereby He conceives He wholly parts with the power of the Sword , entrusted to Him by God and the Laws of the Land for the protection and government of His People , thereby at once devesting Himself and disinheriting His Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weakning Monarchy in this Kingdom , that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain : yet if it be only security for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom after the unhappy Troubles , and the due performance of all the agreements which are now to be concluded , which is desired , ( which His Majesty always understood to be the case , and hopes that herein He is not mistaken ) His Majesty will give abundant satisfaction ; to which end He is willing by Act of Parliament , That the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for the space of ten years be in the hands of such persons as the two Houses shall nominate , giving them power during the said term to change the said persons , and substitute others in their places at pleasure , and afterwards to return to the proper Chanel again , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . And now His Majesty conjures His two Houses of Parliament , as they are Englishmen and Lovers of Peace , by the duty they owe to His Majesty their King , and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , that they will accept of this His Majesty's offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this languishing Kingdom . His Majesty will grant the like to the Kingdom of Scotlund , if it be desired , and agree to all things that are propounded touching the conserving of Peace betwixt the two Kingdoms . Touching Ireland ( other things being agreed ) His Majesty will give satisfaction therein . As to the mutual Declaration proposed to be established in both Kingdoms by Act of Parliament , and the Modifications , Qualifications , and branches which follow in the Propositions , His Majesty only professes , that He doth not sufficiently understand nor is able to reconcile many things contained in them : but this He well knoweth , that a general Act of Oblivion is the best Bond of Peace ; and that after intestine Troubles , the wisdom of this and other Kingdoms hath usually and happily in all ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families othewise exposed to ruine might not become fuel to new disorders , or seeds to future troubles . His Majesty therefore desires , that His two Houses of Parliament would seriously descend into these considerations , and likewise tenderly look upon His condition herein , and the perpetual dishonour that must cleave to Him , if He shall thus abandon so many persons of condition and fortune that have engaged themselves with and for Him out of a sense of Duty ; and propounds as a very acceptable testimony of their affection to Him , that a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon be forthwith passed by Act of Parliament . Touching the new great Seal , His Majesty is very willing to confirm both it and all the Acts done by virtue thereof until this present time , so that it be not thereby pressed to make void those Acts of His done by virtue of His great Seal , which in Honour and Justice He is obliged to maintain : and that the future government thereof may be in His Majesty , according to the due course of Law. Concerning the Officers mentioned in the 19th Article , His Majesty when He shall come to Westminster will gratifie His Parliament all that possibly He may , without destroying the alterations which are necessary for the Crown . His Majesty will willingly consent to the Act for the confirmation of the priviledges and customs of the City of London , and all that is mentioned in the Propositions for their particular advantage . And now that His Majesty hath thus far endeavoured to comply with the desires of His two Houses of Parliament , to the end that this agreement may be firm and lasting , without the least face or question of restraint to blemish the same , His Majesty earnestly desires presently to be admitted to His Parliament at Westminster with that Honour which is due to their Sovereign , there solemnly to confirm the same , and legally to pass the Acts before mentioned , and to give and receive as well satisfaction in all the remaining particulars , as likewise such other pledges of mutual love , trust and confidence as shall most concern the good of Him and His People ; upon which happy Agreement , His Majesty will dispatch His Directions to the Prince His Son , to return immediately to Him , and will undertake for His ready obedience thereunto . Holdenby , May 12. 1647. XXX . From HAMPTON-COURT , Sept. 9. MDCXLVII . In Answer to the Propositions presented to Him there . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible ( as He believes all His good Subjects are ) of the late great Distractions , and still languishing and unsetled state of this Kingdom ; and He calls God to witness , and is willing to give testimony to all the World of His readiness to contribute His uttermost endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing condition . His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to Him , finds them the same in effect which were offered to Him at Newcastle : To some of which as He could not then consent without violation of His Conscience and Honour ; so neither can He agree to others now , conceiving them in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of affairs than when they were formerly presented unto Him , as being destructive to the main principal Interests of the Army , and of all those whose affections concur with them . And His Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from His two Houses residing with them , and with them to be treated on , in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the setling of a Just and lasting Peace : to which Proposals as He conceives His two Houses not to be strangers ; so He believes they will think with Him , that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all Interests , and may be a fitter foundation for a lasting Peace , than the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto Him : He therefore propounds ( as the best way in His judgment in order to a Peace ) that His two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals upon which there may be a Personal Treaty with His Majesty , and upon such other Propositions as His Majesty shall make ; hoping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty , as to render them the more capable of His Majesty's full Concession : Wherein He resolves to give full satisfaction to His People , for whatsoever shall concern the setling of the Protestant Profession , with liberty to tender Consciences , and the securing of the Laws , Liberties and Properties of His Subjects , and all the just Privileges of Parliaments for the future : And likewise by His present deportment in this Treaty , He will make the World clearly judge of His intentions in matters of future Government . In which Treaty His Majesty will be well pleased ( if it be thought fit ) that Commissioners from the Army ( whose the Proposals are ) may likewise be admitted . His Majesty therefore conjures His two Houses of Parliament by the duty they owe to God and His Majesty their King , and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , both for the relief of their present Sufferings and to prevent future Miseries , that they will forthwith accept of this His Majesty's offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom . And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions , His Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners , and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfaction to that His Kingdom . At Hampton-Court , the ninth of September , 1647. XXXI . From HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . Left on the Table at His departure . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. LIberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now is , the common theme and desire of all men ; common reason shews that Kings less than any should endure Captivity . And yet I call God and the world to witness with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint ; which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms , or the hindring of more effusion of bloud , I did willingly undergo : but now finding by too certain proofs , that this my continued Patience would not only turn to my Personal Ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good , I thought I was bound as well by natural as political obligations to seek My Safety , by retiring My self for some time from the publick view both of my Friends and Enemies . And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge , if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the Nobility , taking away their negative voice , and with whom the Levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished . And as for their intentions to my Person , their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me , with the discharging most of all those servants of Mine whom formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon Me , does sufficiently declare . Nor would I have this Retirement mis-interpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian blood : for which how many times have I desired , prest to be heard ? and yet no ear given to Me. And can any reasonable man think that ( according to the ordinary course of affairs ) there can be a setled Peace without it ; or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King ? Surely no. Nay I must further add , that ( besides what concerns My self ) unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit , the Presbyterians , Independents , Army , those who have adhered to Me , and even the Scots ) I say , there cannot ( I speak not of Miracles , it being , in My opinion , a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting Peace . Now as I cannot deny but that My Personal security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement ; so I take God to witness that the publick Peace is no less before Mine eyes : and I can find no better way to express this My profession ( I know not what a wiser may do ) than by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction . As for Example , the Army ( for the rest , though necessary , yet I suppose are not difficult to content ) ought ( in My Judgment ) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences , have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity ( which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects ) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid ; which I will undertake to do , so I may be heard , and that I be not hindred from using such lawful and honest means as I shall chuse . To conclude , let Me be heard with Freedom , Honour and Safety , and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement , and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae . Hampton Court , Novemb. 11. 1647. XXXII . From the Isle of WIGHT , November 17. MDCXLVII . For a Personal Treaty , with His particular Concessions . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majest is confident that before this time His two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which He left behind Him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this month , by which they will have understood the reasons which enforced Him to go from thence , as likewise His constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever He should be : And being now in a place where He conceives Himself to be at much more Freedom and Security than formerly , He thinks it necessary ( not only for making good of His Own professions , but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms ) at this time to offer such grounds to His two Houses for that effect , which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto . And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace , His Majesty will begin with that particular . That for the abolishing Archbishops , Bishops , &c. His Majesty clearly professeth , that He cannot give His Consent thereunto , both in relation as He is a Christian , and a King. For the first , He avows that He is satisfied in His Judgment that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves , and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the world until this last Century of years ; and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the wisdom of His Ancestors , as the great preserver of Doctrine , Discipline and Order in the service of God. As a King at His Coronation , He hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order , but His Majesty and His Predecessours in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of the Subjects . And yet He is willing it be provided that the particular Bishops perform the several duties of their Callings , both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses , as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters ; and will consent that their powers in all things be so limited , that they be not grievous to tender Consciences . Wherefore since His Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , He sees no reason why He alone and those of His Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs . Nor can His Majesty consent to the alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacrilege ; as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations , which His Majesty is very unwilling to undergo : And besides the matter of Conscience , His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the publick good , many of His Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men : not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away , which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons . Yet His Majesty considering the great present distempers concerning Church-discipline , and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice , His Majesty , to eschew Confusion as much as may be , and for the satisfaction of His two Houses , is content that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years : provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment ( or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto ) be not obliged to comply with the Presbyterian Government , but have free practice of their own profession , without receiving any prejudice thereby ; and that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at Westminster , ( twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-government after the said time shall be setled , ( or sooner , if differences may be agreed ) as is most agreeable to the Word of God , with full liberty to all those who shall differ upon Conscientious grounds from that settlement . Always provided , that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Romish profession , nor exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws , or to tolerate the publick profession of Atheism or Blasphemy , contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles , Nicene and Athanasian Creeds , they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Christian Churches , and more particularly by this of England , ever since the Reformation . Next , the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation , and that which former Parliaments , as likewise this , have acknowledged so to be , His Majesty cannot so much wrong that trust which the Laws of God and this Land have annexed to the Crown for the protection and security of His People , as to devest Himself and Successors of the power of the Sword : Yet to give an infallible evidence of His desire to secure the performance of such agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , that the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land , for and during His whole Reign , shall be ordered and disposed by His two Houses of Parliament , or by such persons as they shall appoint , with powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace , and against foreign invasions ; and that they shall have power during His said Reign to raise Monies for the purposes aforesaid ; and that neither His Majesty that now is or any other ( by any Authority derived only from Him ) shall execute any of the said powers during His Majesties said Reign , but such as shall act by the consent and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . Nevertheless His Majesty intends that all Patents , Commissions and other Acts concerning the Militia , be made and acted as formerly ; and that after His Majesties Reign , all the power of the Militia shall return entirely to the Crown , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . After this head of the Militia , the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow ; for the payment whereof , and the ease of His People , His Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the violation of His Conscience and Honour . Wherefore if His two Houses shall consent to remit unto Him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last , and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace , and the Arrears of such as have been already made , the assistance of the Clergy , and the Arrears of such Rents of His own Revenue as His two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace , His Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army : and if those means shall not be sufficient , His Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forest-Lands for that purpose , this being the publick Debt which in His Majesties Judgment is first to be satisfied . And for other publick Debts already contracted upon Church-Lands or any other Ingagements , His Majesty will give His Consent to such Act or Acts for raising of monies for payment thereof as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon , so as they be equally laid , whereby His People ( already too heavily burthened by these late Distempers ) may have no more pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires . And for the further securing of all fears , His Majesty will consent , that an Act of Parliament be passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State and naming of Privy Councellors for the whole term of His Reign by the two Houses of Parliament , their Patents and Commissions being taken from His Majesty , and after to return to the Crown , as is expressed in the Article of the Militia . For the Court of Wards and Liveries , His Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that away , by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage , as well in point of Revenue to the Crown , as in the protection of many of His Subjects being Infants . Nevertheless if the continuance thereof seem grievous to His Subjects , rather than He will fail on His part in giving satisfaction , He will consent to an Act for taking of it away , so as a full recompence be setled upon His Majesty and His Successors in perpetuity , and that the Arrears now due be reserved unto Him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army . And that the memory of these late Distractions may be wholly wiped away , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the suppressing and making null of all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either House of Parliament , and of all Indictments and other proceedings against any persons for adhering to them : And His Majesty proposeth , ( as the best expedient to take away all seeds of future Differences ) that there be an Act of Oblivion to extend to all His Subjects . As for Ireland , the Cessation there is long since determined ; but for the future ( all other things being fully agreed ) His Majesty will give full satisfaction to His two Houses concerning that Kingdom . And although His Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Justice to avoid all His own Grants and Acts past under His great Seal since the two and twentieth of May 1642 , or to the confirming of all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses ; yet His Majesty is confident , that upon perusal of particulars , He shall give full satisfaction to His two Houses as to what may reasonably be desired in that particular . And now His Majesty conceives that by these His offers ( which He is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace ) He hath clearly manifested His intentions to give full security and satisfaction to all Interests , for what can justly be desired in order to the future Happiness of His People : and for the perfecting of these Concessions , as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses , and for such just and reasonable demands as His Majesty shall find necessary to propose on His part , He earnestly desires a Personal Treaty at London with His two Houses , in Honour , Freedom and Safety , it being in His Judgement the most proper , and indeed , only means to a firm and settled Peace , and impossible without it to reconcile former , or avoid future Misunderstandings . All these things being by Treaty perfected , His Majesty believes His Houses will think it reasonable , that the Proposals of the Army concerning the Succession of Parliaments and their due elections should be taken into consideration . As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland , His Majesty will very readily apply Himself to give all reasonable satisfaction , when the desires of the two Houses of Parliament on their behalf , or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom , or of both joyned together , shall be made known unto Him. CHARLES R. From the Isle of Wight , November 17. 1647. XXXIII . From CARISBROOK , Dec. 6. MDCXLVII . For an Answer to His last . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HAD His Majesty thought it possible that His two Houses could be imployed in things of greater concernment than the Peace of this miserable distracted Kingdom , He would have expected with more patience their leisure in acknowledging the receipt of His Message of the 17. of November last . But since there is not in nature any consideration preceding to that of Peace , His Majesty's constant tenderness of the welfare of His Subjects hath such a prevalence with Him , that He cannot forbear the vehement prosecution of a Personal Treaty : which is only so much the more desired by His Majesty , as it is superior to all other means of Peace . And truly , when His Majesty considers the several complaints He daily hears from all parts of this Kingdom , That Trade is so decayed , all commodites so dear , and Taxes so insupportable , that even natural subsistence will suddenly fail ; His Majesty ( to perform the Trust reposed in Him ) must use His uttermost endeavours for Peace , though He were to have no share in the benefit of it . And hath not His Majesty done His part for it , by devesting Himself of so much Power and Authority as by His last Message He hath promised to do , upon the concluding of the whole Peace ? And hath He met with that acknowledgement from His two Houses which this great Grace and Favour justly deserves ? Surely the blame of this great retarding of Peace must fall somewhere else than on His Majesty . To conclude , if ye will but consider in how little time this necessary good work will be done , if you the two Houses will wait on His Majesty with the same resolutions for Peace as He will meet you , He no way doubts but that ye will willingly agree to this His Majesty's earnest desire of a Personal Treaty , and speedily desire His presence amongst you : where all things agreed on being digested into Acts ( till when it is most unreasonable for His Majesty or His two Houses to desire each of other the least concession ) this Kingdom may at last enjoy the blessing of a long-wisht-for Peace . Carisbrook-Castle , Decemb. 6. 1647. XXXIV . From CARISBROOK , Dec. 28. MDCXLVII . In Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , before the Votes of No address . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great Distempers for a perfect settlement of Peace , His Majesty finds to be none of the least difficulties He hath met with since the time of His Afflictions . Which is too visible , when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to His Majesty several Bills and Propositions for His Consent , the Commissioners for Scotland do openly protest against them . So that , were there nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference , His Majesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed , as thereby to promise Himself His great end , A perfect Peace . And when His Majesty further considers how impossible it is ( in the condition He now stands ) to fulfil the desires of the two Houses , since the only ancient and known ways of passing Laws are either by His Majesty's personal assent in the House of Peers , or by Commission under His great Seal of England : He cannot but wonder at such failings in the manner of address which is now made unto Him ; unless His two Houses intend that His Majesty shall allow of a great Seal made without His Authority , before there be any consideration had thereupon in a Treaty . Which as it may hereafter hazard the security it self , so for the present it seems very unreasonable to His Majesty . And though His Majesty is willing to believe that the intentions of very many in both Houses , in sending these Bills before a Treaty , was only to obtain a Trust from Him , and not to take any advantage by passing them to force other things from Him which are either against His Conscience or Honour : yet His Majesty believes it clear to all understandings , that these Bills contain ( as they are now penned ) not only the devesting Himself of all Soveraignty , and that without possibility of recovering it either to Him or His Successors ( except by repeal of those Bills ) but also the making His Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made upon the Subject , as in other particulars , so by giving an arbitrary and unlimited power to the two Houses for ever , to raise and levy Forces for Land or Sea service of what persons ( without distinction or quality ) and to what numbers they please ; and likewise for the payment of them , to levy what Moneys , in such sort and by such ways and means ( and consequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons ) as they shall think fit and appoint ; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and His Majesty's Trust in protecting them . So that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills , His Majesty leaves all the World to judge how unsafe it would be for Him to consent thereunto : and if not , what a strange condition ( after the passing of these four Bills ) His Majesty and all His Subjects would be cast into . And here His Majesty thinks it not unfit to wish His two Houses to consider well the manner of their proceeding ; that when His Majesty desires a personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace , they in answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted . A thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity . Wherefore His Majesty declares , That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksom condition of life His Majesty hath so long suffered , nor the apprehension of what may befal Him in case His two Houses shall not afford Him a Personal Treaty , shall make Him change His Resolution , of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded . Yet then He intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to Him ; but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in His Message of the 16. of November last : which He thought would have produced better effects than what He finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto Him. And yet His Majesty cannot give over , but now again earnestly presseth for a Personal Treaty ( so passionately is He affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to His Majesty and all his Subjects ) of which He will not at all despair , ( there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace . ) However His Majesty is very much at ease within Himself , for having fulfilled the offices both of a Christian and of a King ; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God , to incline the hearts of His two Houses to consider their King , and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries . Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight , December 28. 1647. XXXV . From CARISBROOK , August 10. MDCXLVIII . In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty . For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster . C. R. IF the Peace of My Dominions were not much dearer to Me than any particular Interest whatsoever , I had too much reason to take notice of the several Votes which passed against Me , and the sad condition I have been in now above these seven months : But since you My two Houses of Parliament have opened ( as it seems to He ) a fair beginning to a happy Peace , I shall heartily apply My self thereunto ; and to that end , I will as clearly and shortly as I may set you down those things which I conceive necessary to this blessed work , so that We together may remove all impediments that may hinder a happy conclusion of this Treaty , which with all chearfulness I do embrace . And to this wished end your selves have laid most excellent grounds : For what can I reasonably expect more than to Treat with Honour , Freedom and Safety , upon such Propositions as you have or shall present unto He , and such as I shall make to you ? But withal remember , that it is the definition , not names , of things which makes them rightly known ; and that without means to perform , no Proposition can take effect : Aud truly My present condition is such , that I can no more treat than a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race who hath both his feet fast tied together ; wherefore My first necessary demand is , That you will recall all such Votes and Orders by which people are frighted from coming , writing , or speaking freely to Me. Next , That such men of all professions whom I shall send for , as of necessary use to Me in this Treaty , may be admitted to wait upon Me. In a word , that I may be in the same state of freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court . And indeed less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those offers which you have made Me by your Votes . For how can I treat with Honour , so long as people are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to Me ? And am I honourably treated , so long as there is none about Me ( except a Barber who came now with the Commissioners ) that ever I named to wait upon Me ? Or with Freedom , until I may call such unto Me of whose services I shall have use in so great and difficult a work ? And for Safety ( I speak not of My Person , having no apprehension that way ) how can I judge to make a safe and well-grounded Peace , until I may know ( without disguise ) the true present state of all My Dominions , and particularly of all those whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of these Kingdoms ? Which leads Me naturally to the last necessary demand I shall make for the bringing of this Treaty to an happy end , which is , That you alone , or you and I joyntly , do invite the Scots to send some persons authorized by them to treat upon such Propositions as they shall make ; for certainly the publick and necessary Interest they have in this great Settlement is so clearly plain to all the world , that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence in this Treaty in order to durable Peace . Wherefore I will only say , that as I am a King of both Nations , so I will yield to none in either Kingdom for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both ; My resolution being , never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . Now as to the Place , ( because I conceive it to be rather a circumstantial than real part of this Treaty , I shall not much insist upon it ) I name Newport in this Isle : yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy Distractions , doth force Me earnestly to desire you to consider what a great loss of time it will be to treat so far from the body of My two Houses , when every small debate ( of which doubtless there will be many ) must be transmitted to Westminster before it be concluded . And really I think ( though to some it may seem a Paradox ) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle , seeing Me treat in or near London , than in this Isle ; because so long as I am here , it will never be believed by many that I am really so free as before this Treaty begins I expect to be . And so I leave and recommend this Point to your serious consideration . And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have proposed to Me by your Votes of the third of this Month ; but also given it all the furtherance that lies in Me , by demanding the necessary means for the effectual performance thereof . All which are so necessarily implied by , though not particularly mentioned in , your Votes , as I can no ways doubt of your ready compliance with Me herein . I have now no more to say , but to conjure you by all that is dear to Christians , honest men or good Patriots , that ye will make all the expedition possible to begin this happy Work , by hastening down your Commissioners fully authorized and well instructed , and by enabling Me ( as I have shewed you ) to Treat ; praying the God of Peace so to bless our endeavours , that all My Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace . CHARLES R. XXXVI . From CARISBROOK , Aug. 28. MDCXLVIII . For some of His Council and others to attend Him at the Treaty . For the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthall , Speaker of the House of Commons . MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the twenty fifth of this Month , with the Votes that you sent Me : which though they are not so full as I could have wished for the perfecting of a Treaty ; yet because I conceive by what you have done , that I am in some measure fit to begin one , such is My uncessant and earnest desire to give a Peace to these My now-distracted Kingdoms , as I accept the Treaty ; and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commons as My two Houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully authorized and instructed to Treat with Me , not doubting but what is now wanting , will , at our meeting , upon debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this Treaty , but also to the consummating of a safe and well-grounded Peace . So I rest , Your good Friend CHARLES R. Here is inclosed a List of the Names of such Persons as I desire . GEntlemen of My Bedchamber , Duke Richmond , Marquess Hertford , Earl Lindsey , Earl Southampton . Grooms of My Bedchamber , George Kirk , James Leviston , Henry Murry , John Ashburnham , William Leg. Thomas Davise , Barber . Pages of My back stairs , Hugh Henne , Humphrey Rogers , William Lever . Rives , Yeoman of My Robes . Querries , with four or five of My Footmen , as they find fittest to wait , Sir Edward Sidenham , Robert Terwit , Jo. Housden . Mrs. Wheeler Landress , with such Maids as she shall chuse . Parsons , a Groom of the Presence . Sir Fulk Grevil , Captain Titus , Captain John Burroughs , Mr. Cresset , ... Hansted , Abraham Douset , Henry Firebrace , to wait as they did , or as I shall appoint them . Bishop of London , B. of Sarum , Dr. Shelden , Dr. Hammond , Dr. Holdsworth , Dr. Sanderson , Dr. Turner , Dr. Heywood . Lawyers , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Orlando Bridgman , Sir Robert Holborn , Mr. Geffery Palmer , Mr. Thomas Cooke , Mr. James Vaughan . Clarks and Writers , Sir Edward Walker , Mr. Philip Warwick , Nicholas Oudart , Charles Whittaker . To make ready the House for Treaty , Peter Newton , Clem. Kinersley . I desire in Order to one of your Votes , that you would send Me a free pass for Parsons , one of the Grooms of My Presence-Chamber , to go into Scotland , and that you would immediately send him to Me , to receive the dispatch thither . XXXVII . From CARISBROOK , Sept. 7. MDCXLVIII . Concerning the time of the Treaty , and the sending some other Civil Lawyers and Divines . For the Lord Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthall , Speaker of the House of Commons . MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the second of this Month , containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me ; and though they do not come at the time appoint , I shall not wonder , at first judging it too short in respect of My two Houses , not of My self , so that I did not imagine it could be kept , ( as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of mouth : ) and therefore it shall be far from Me to take exceptions for their having elapsed the appointed time , for God forbid that either My two Houses or I should carp at Circumstances to give the least impediment to this Treaty , much less to hinder the happy finishing of it . I say this the rather , because I know not how it is possible ( in this I shall wish to be deceived ) that in forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled ; and if so , it were more than strange that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work , which as I will not believe can be stuck on by the two Houses , so I am sure it shall never be by Carisbrook , 7. Sept. 1648. Your good Friend , CHARLES R. I think fit to tell you , because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers , I have sent for my Advocate Rives and D. Duck. [ And afterward , in a Letter of one of the Commissioners for the two Houses He sent inclosed this Note , Nov. 2. ] C. R. The Bishop of Armagh , the Bishop of Excester , the Bishop of Rochester , the Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Ferne , Dr. Morley . XXXVIII . From NEWPORT , Sept. 29. MDCXLVIII . Containing His Concessions . HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty , which He hoped might have been obtained at Westminster between Him and His two Houses of Parliament immediately ; yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners , His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place , as a fit means to begin a Treaty for Peace , which might put an end to His own sad condition , and the Miseries of His Kingdom : For an entrance whereunto , His Majesty hath already expressed His consent to the First Proposition . But finding you are limited by Instructions which you have no warrant to communicate unto Him , and having cause by your Paper of the twentieth of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing ; though He shall give you such reasons as may satisfie you so to do , without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance , where His Majesties reasons , expressions , and offers upon debate cannot be fully represented , and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much waste of the time allotted for the Treaty here ; and having lately received another Paper concerning the Church , containing in it self many particulars of great importance , and referring to divers Ordinances , Articles of Religion , and other things ( eleven or twelve in number ) of great length , and some of them very new , and never before presented to His Majesty , the due consideration whereof will take up much time , and require His Majesties presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence : To the end therefore that the good Work now in hand may ( by God's blessing ) proceed more speedily and effectually to an happy conclusion , and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further security , and an earnest of future satisfaction , His Majesty , upon consideration had of yours , makes these Propositions following . Concerning the Church , His Majesty will consent that the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament . And will by Act of Parliament confirm for three years the Directory for the publick Worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . And will likewise confirm for three years by Act of Parliament the Form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him , to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales : Provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment , or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto , be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government or Form of Worship , but have free practice of their own profession . And that a free consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time ( twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament , how the said Church-Government and Form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed : and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Dominion of Wales . And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him may in like manner be then considered of and determined , and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences . And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues , His Majesty considering that during these troublesom times divers of His Subjects have made contracts and purchaces , and divers have disbursed great summs of moneys upon security and engagement of those Lands ; His Majesty , for their satisfaction , will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament , whereby legal estates for lives or for years ( at their choice , ) not exceeding 99 years shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers , Contractors , and others to whom they are engaged , at the old Rents , or some other moderate Rent , whereby they may receive satisfaction . And in case such Leases shall not satisfie , His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction . Provided that the propriety and inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively , according to the pious intentions of the Donors and Founders thereof : and the rent that shall be reserved to be for their maintenance . His Majesty will give his Royal assent for the better observation of the Lord's day , for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God , and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom ; and to an Act against enjoying pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual persons , and Non-residency ; and to an Act for regulating and Reforming both Universities , and the Colledges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . His Majesty will consent to an Act for the better discovery and speedy conviction of Popish Recusants , as is desired in your Propositions ; and also to an Act for the education of the children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . As also to an Act for the true levying of the penalties against Papists , to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , and as is proposed on His Majesties behalf . As also to an Act to prevent the practices of Papists against the State , and for putting the Laws in Execution ; and for a stricter course to prevent hearing and saying of Mass . But as to the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , that He can either sign or swear it , or consent to impose it on the Consciences of others : nor doth He conceive it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on . Touching the Militia , His Majesty conceives that your Proposition demands a far larger power over the persons and estates of His Subjects than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm : Yet considering the present Distractions require more , and trusting in His two Houses of Parliament that they will make no further use of the power therein mentioned , after the present Distempers setled , than shall be agreeable to the legal exercise thereof in times past , or just necessity shall require , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , or such as they shall appoint , during the space of ten years , shall arm , train and discipline , or cause to be armed , trained or disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land service ; and shall from time to time during the space of ten years raise , levy , arm , train , and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined any other Forces for Land and Sea service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time during the said spaceof ten years think fit to appoint ; and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any other but such as shall Act by the Authority or approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall during the said space of ten years exercise any of the powers aforesaid : That Monies be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time during the said space of ten years think fit and appoint , and not otherwise : That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time during the said space of ten years be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons , or such as they shall appoint , during the said space of ten years shall have power , 1. To suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any foreign Forces who shall invade or indeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . And after the expiration of the said ten years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , power , deputation , or authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall without the consent of the said Lords and Commons raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband , or dispose any the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed ; nor exercise any of the said powers or authorities herein before-mentioned , and expressed to be during the space of ten years in the said Lords and Commons ; nor do any act or any thing concerning the execution of the said powers or authorities , or any of them , without the consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained : And with the same Provisoes for saving the ordinary legal power of Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , as is set down in your Propositions : and with a Declaration , That if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in a warlike manner or otherwise , to the number of thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disperse themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose , then such person or persons not so dispersing themselves shall be guilty , and incur the pains of high Treason , being first declared guilty of such offence by the said Lords and Commons , any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding : and he or they that shall so offend herein to be uncapable of any pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors . And likewise that it be provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties , &c. in raising and imploying the Forces of that City in such sort as is mentioned in the said Proposition . With these Provisoes following to be inserted in the said Act. First , That none be compelled to serve in the War against their Wills , but in case of coming in of strange Enemies into this Kingdom . And that the powers above-mentioned as concerning the Land-Forces , other than for keeping up and maintenance of Forts and Garrisons , and the keeping up , maintaining , and pay of this present Army so long as it shall be thought fit by both Houses of Parliament , be exercised to no other purposes than for the suppressing of Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , or for suppressing of any Foreign Forces which shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms , Dominions or places aforesaid . And that the Monies be raised by general and equal Taxations , saving that Tunnage and Poundage , and such Imposts as have been applyed to the Navy , be raised as hath been usual . And that all Patents , Commissions and other Acts concerning the premisses be made and acted in His Majesties name by Warrant , signified by the Lords and Commons , or such others as they shall authorize for that purpose . If it shall be more satisfactory to His two Houses to have the Militia and powers thereupon depending during the whole time of His Majesty's Reign , rather than for the space of ten years , His Majesty gives them the election . Touching Ireland , His Majesty having in the two preceding Propositions given His consent concerning the Church and the Militia there in all things as in England ; as to all other matters relating to that Kingdom , after advice with His two Houses , He will leave it to their determination , and give His consent accordingly , as is herein hereafter expressed . Touching publick Debts , His Majesty will give His consent to such an Act for raising of Monies by general and equal Taxations , for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army , publick Debts and engagements of the Kingdom , as shall be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament , and shall be audited and ascertained by them , or such persons as they shall appoint , within the space of twelve Months after the passing of an Act for the same . His Majesty will consent to an Act , that during the said space of ten years the Lord Chancellour , or Lord Keeper , Commissioners of the Great Seal , or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , Chancellour of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolls , Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of England , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quam diu se bene gesserint ; and in the intervals of Parliament , by such others as they shall authorize for that purpose . His Majesty will consent that the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof , during the space of ten years , may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons in the Common Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint ( whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time , during the said space of ten years , in such manner as shall be agreed upon and appointed by both Houses of Parliament ; and that no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Officers of the said City , shall be drawn forth , or compelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof for Military service , without their own free consent . That an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters , Customs , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Mis-user , or Abuser . And that during the said ten years , the Tower of London may be in the government of the City of London , and the Chief Officer and Governour from time to time during the said space to be nominated , and removeable by the Common Council as are desired in your Propositions . His Majesty having thus far expressed His consent for the present satisfaction and security of His two Houses of Parliament , and those that have adhered unto them touching your four first Propositions , and other the particulars before specified ; as to all the rest of your Propositions delivered to Him at Hampton-Court , ( not referring to those heads ) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered , as also to the remaining Propositions concerning Ireland , His Majesty desires only , when He shall come to Westminster , personally to advise with His two Houses , and to deliver His Opinion and the reasons of it ; which being done , He will leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of His two Houses , which shall prevail with Him for His consent accordingly . And His Majesty doth ( for His Own particular ) only propose that He may have liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster , and be restored to a condition of absolute Freedom and Safety , ( a thing which He shall never deny to any of His Subjects ) and to the possession of His Lands and Revenues ; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass , to extend to all persons for all matters relating to the late unhappy Differences : which being agreed by His two Houses of Parliament , His Majesty will be ready to make these His Concessions binding , by giving them the Force of Laws by His Royal assent . HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS . I. His MAJESTIES DECLARATION After the Votes of no further Address . Carisbrook , Jan. 18. MDCXLVII . To all My People , of whatsoever Nation , Quality or Condition . AM I thus laid aside ? and must I not speak for My self ? No : I will speak , and that to all My People , ( which I would have rather done by the way of My two Houses of Parliament , but that there is a publick Order , neither to make Addresses to , or receive Messages from Me. ) And who but you can be judge of the differences betwixt Me and My two Houses ? I know none else : for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the Happiness , or feel the Misery of good or ill Government ; and we all pretend who should run fastest to serve you , without having a regard ( at least in the first place ) to particular Interests . And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time , and whether My Actions have more tended to the Publick or My own particular good . For whosoever will look upon Me barely as I am a Man , without that liberty ( which the meanest of My Subjects enjoys ) of going whither and conversing with whom I will ; as a Husband and Father , without the comfort of My Wife and Children ; or lastly as a King , without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect My distressed Subjects ; must conclude Me not onely void of all Natural Affection , but also to want common understanding , if I should not most cheerfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms . As also on the other side , do but consider the form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me , and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty , ye will conclude , that the same Spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace , hath had a powerful influence on this Message : For though I was ready to grant the substance , and comply with what they seem to desire ; yet as they had framed it , I could not agree thereunto , without deeply wounding My Conscience and Honour , and betraying the Trust reposed in Me , by abandoning My People to the Arbitrary and Unlimited Power of the two Houses for ever , for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea Forces , without distinction of quality or limitation for Money-Taxes . And if I could have passed them in terms , how unheard-of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter ? How ineffectual were that Debate like to prove , wherein the most potent Party had nothing of moment left to ask , and the other nothing more to give ? so , consequently , how hopeless of mutual compliance ? without which a settlement is impossible . Besides , if after My Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot depart , how desperate would the condition of these Kingdoms be , when the most proper and approved remedy should become ineffectual ? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience , Honour or Prudence , pass those four Bills ; I onely endeavoured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World , as they do to me , intending to give as little dis-satisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament ( without betraying My own Cause ) as the matter would bear : I was desirous to give My Answer of the 28 th of December last to the Commissioners sealed , ( as I had done others heretofore , and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners ) chiefly , because when My Messages or Answers were publickly known before they were read in the Houses , prejudicial interpretations were forced on them , much differing , and sometimes contrary to My meaning . For example , My Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations , because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom : And this last suffers in a contrary sense , by making Me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom ( than which nothing was , nor is , further from my thoughts ) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions , as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two Kingdomes . Indeed , if I had not mentioned their dissent , an Objection , not without some probability , might have been made against Me , both in respect the Scots are much concern'd in the Bill for the Militia , and in several other Propositions ; and My silence might , with some Justice , have seemed to approve of it : But the Commissioners refusing to receive My Answer sealed , I ( upon the engagement of their and the Governor's Honour , that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen ) read and delivered it open unto them ; whereupon what hath since passed , either by the Governour , in discharging most of My Servants , redoubling the Guards , and restraining Me of My former Liberty , ( and all this , as himself confess'd , merely out of his own dislike of My Answer , notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement ) or afterwards by the two Houses , ( as the Governour affirms ) in confining Me within the Circuit of this Castle , I appeal to God and the World , whether My said Answer deserved the reply of such proceedings ; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King. That by the permission of Almighty God I am reduced to this sad condition , as I no way repine ; so I am not without hope , but that the same God will in due time convert these Afflictions into My advantage . In the mean time , I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience , and a great Equality of Mind . But by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in My Affairs , I am utterly to seek ; especially when I consider , that I have sacrificed to My two Houses of Parliament , for the Peace of the Kingdome , all but what is much more dear to Me than My life , My Conscience and Honour ; desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way , a Personal Treaty . But that which makes Me most at a loss is , the remembring My signal compliance with the Army and their Interests : and of what importance My compliance was to them , and their often-repeated Professions and Engagements for My just Rights in general , at Newmarket and S. Albans , and their particular explanation of those Generals by their voted , and re-voted Proposals , which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from Me , and that in some things therein I should be eased ; ( herein appealing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army , if what I have said be not punctually true ) and how I have failed of their expectations , or My professions to them , I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason . And now I would know what it is that is desired . Is it Peace ? I have shewed the way , ( being both willing and desirous to perform My part in it ) which is , a just compliance with all chief Interests . Is it Plenty and Happiness ? They are the inseparable effects of Peace . Is it Security ? I , who wish that all Men would forgive and forget like Me , have offered the Militia for My time . Is it Liberty of Conscience ? He who wants it is most ready to give it . Is it the right administration of Justice ? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of My two Houses of Parliament . Is it frequent Parliaments ? I have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . Is it the Arrears of the Army ? Upon a settlement they will certainly be payed with much ease , but before there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility , in it . Thus all the World cannot but see my reall and unwearied endeavours for Peace , the which ( by the grace of God ) I shall neither repent Me of nor ever be slackned in , notwithstanding My past , present , or future sufferings : but if I may not be heard , let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do . What is it that Men are afraid to hear from Me ? It cannot be Reason , ( at least , none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it : ) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses ; for thereby , peradventure , I might more justifie this My Restraint than the causers themselves can do : so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to Me. But it may be easily gathered how those men intend to govern who have used Me thus . And if it be My hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom , I shall not blush for My self , but much lament the future Miseries of My People , the which I shall still pray to God to avert , whatever becomes of Me. CHARLES R. II. An Answer to a Pamphlet entitled , A Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled , expressing their Reasons and Grounds of passing the late Resolutions touching no farther Address or Application to be made to the KING . Published by His Majestie 's appointment . I Believe that it was never heard of until now , that heavy Imputations were laid on any man ( I speak not now of Kings , which I confess makes the case yet more strange and unjust ) and He not permitted to see , much less to answer them : but so it is now with the King ; which does ( though silently , yet ) subject Him to as great an Imputation as there is any in the said Declaration ; for those who know no better , may think that He cannot , because He does not , answer it . Wherefore I hold it my Duty ( knowing these things better than every ordinary man ) to do my best that the King should not be injured by the Ignorance of His People : and albeit I ( lying under Persecution for My Conscience and love to Regal Authority ) have not the means in every thing to make full Probations ; yet I am confident in all the most material Points so to make the truth of the King's Innocency appear , that I shall satisfie any impartial judicious Reader . What the Issue of former Addresses to the King hath been is most certainly known to all the World ; but where the fault rests whereby Peace hath not ensued , bare Asseverations without Proofs cannot , I am sure , satisfie any judicious Reader . And indeed , it seems to me that the Penner of these seeks more to take the ears of the ignorant Multitude with big words and bold Assertions , than to satisfie Rational men with real proofs or true Arguments . For at the very first he begs the Question , taking it for granted that the King could ease the Sighs and Groans , dry the Tears , and stanch the Blood of His distressed Subjects . Alas ! Is it He that keeps Armies on foot when there is none to oppose ? Is it He that will not lay down Excise , Taxations and Free-quarterings ? But it is He indeed who was so far from Power , even at that time , ( being far worse since ) that in most things He wanted the Liberty of any free-born man : It is He who never refused to ease His People of their Grievances ; witness more Acts of Grace passed in His Reign than ( to speak within my compass ) in any five Kings or Queens Times that ever were before Him : Moreover it is He who , to settle the present unhappy Distractions , and ( as the best means to it ) to obtain a Personal Treaty , hath offered so much , that ( to say truth ) during His own time He hath left Himself little more than the Title of a King ; as it plainly appears by His Message from the Isle of Wight , concerning the Militia , and chusing the Officers of State and Privy-Counsellours , besides other points of Compliance , which it is needless here to mention . Good God! are these Offers unfit for them to receive ? Have they tendred such Propositions , that might occasion the World to judge that they have yielded up not only their Wills and Affections , but their Reasons also and Judgments , for obtaining a true Peace or good Accommodation ? It is true , that if they can shew what reasonably they could have asked more , or wherein the King's Offers were deficient ( either in Point of Security , or by with-holding from any His Subjects a jot of their just Priviledges ) then they said somewhat to challenge Belief : But bare Asseverations , even against what a Man sees , will not get credit with any but such who abandon their Judgments to an implicite Faith : nor can the Determinations of all the Parliaments in the World make a thing Just or Necessary , if it be not so of it self . And can it be imagined , that any who were ever acquainted with the Passages at the Treaties of Oxford and Vxbridge will believe ( though it be said ) that the Propositions tendred at Newcastle were the same in effect which had been presented to the King before , in the midst of all His strength and Forces ? Indeed methinks such gross slips as these should at least make a man be wary how to believe such things for which He sees no Proofs : And yet it should seem that a man must either take their words for good payment , or remain unsatisfied ; for a little after it is said , that the Kings strange , unexpected and conditional Answers or Denials might justly have made them consider some other course for setling the Kingdom in Peace and Safety , without any farther Application ; but never shewn wherein the strangeness of His Answers or Denials consists . And I should think that those Reasons upon which the laying by of a King's Authority is grounded ( for it is no less ) ought to be particularly mentioned for the Worlds satisfaction , and not involved in general big words : for it thereby seems that it is their force of Arms , more than that of Reason which they trust to , for procuring of obedience to their Determinations , or belief to what they say : Otherways can it be imagined that their saying , that their last Propositions were so qualified , that ( where it might stand with the publick Safety ) the wonted Scruples and Objections were prevented or removed , can give satisfaction to any rational man , who hath seen all their former Propositions ? for it is most evident that their Demands have always encreased with their good Fortune . And for their great Condescension to a Personal Treaty ( which , under favour , can scarcely be called so ; for the King , though He had granted what was desired , was not to come either to or near London , but to stay in the Isle of Wight , and there to Treat with Commissioners ) upon signing the Four Bills ; surely they incurred therein but little danger : for it is most evident that they contain the very substance of the most essential parts of their Demands ; which being once granted , the King would neither have had power to deny , nor any thing left worth the refusing : for after He had confessed that He had taken up Arms to invade the Liberty of His People , ( whereas it was only for the Defence of His own Rights ) and had likewise condemned all those who had faithfully served Him , of Rebellion ; and that He had totally devested Himself , His Heirs and Successors for ever , of the power of the Sword , whereby the Protection of His Subjects ( which is one of the most essential and necessary Rights belonging to Regal Authority ) is totally torn away from the Crown ; and that by a silent Confession He had done Himself and Successors an irreparable prejudice concerning the great Seal ( I speak not of the other two Bills , neither of which are of little importance ) what was there more for Him to grant ( worth the insisting upon ) after such Concessions ? or , indeed , what power was left Him to deny any thing ? So that the King's necessity of giving the Answer He did ( for it was no absolute Refusal ) is most evident ; unless He had resolved to have lived in quiet without Honour , and to have given His People Peace without Safety , by abandoning them to an arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever , concerning the levying of Land or Sea-Forces , without stinting of numbers or distinction of persons ; and for Payments , to levy such summes of Monies , in such sort and by such ways and means , as they shall think fit and appoint . And now I cannot but ask , is this the Militia that the King contends for ? or did ever any King of England pretend to or seek for such a Power ? surely no ; but this is a new Militia : and take heed lest this should prove like the Roman Praetorian Cohorts , that what they did in chusing and changing Emperours , these do not to this Government , by moulding and altering it according to their Fancies . Now my eagerness to clear this Point concerning the four Bills had almost made me forget a most material Question . I wonder much wherein the Danger consists of a Personal Treaty with the King ever since He was last at Newcastle . Surely He cannot bring Forces along with Him to awe His two Houses of Parliament ; and it is as well known that He hath not Money to raise an Army ; and truly there is as little fear that the Eloquence of His Tongue should work Miracles : but on the contrary if He were so ill a man as you describe Him to be , whatsoever He shall say or write must more prejudice Him than You : for let Him never flatter Himself , it must be clear , not doubtful , Reason that can prevail against that great visible prevailing Power which now opposes Him ; nor do I say it will , but certainly less cannot do it . Where is then the Danger ? Believe it , Reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her . After this it is said , that they had cause enough to remember that the King sometimes denied to receive their humble Petitions : but they neither tell where nor when ; which I am most confident they cannot : but I am certain that the King hath sent divers Messages of Peace to them , unto which He hath yet had no Answer ; namely , His last from Oxford , of the 15. January 1645. and all the rest since . As for the Fight at Brainford , whosoever will read the Collection of the Declarations in print upon that subject , will clearly find that the King hath more reason to complain , that they under colour of Treaty sought to environ Him with their Forces , than they for what He then did : and His retreat was neither for Fear nor with Shame ; for the appearing of the Enemy made Him retard , not hasten His orders for retiring , which divers hours before their appearing He had given ; which He did without any loss at all , but ( on the contrary ) retreated with more Arms , eleven Colours , and fifteen pieces of Ordnance ( beside good store of Ammunition ) than He had before . And for Cruelty , there was not a drop of Blood shed but in the heat of the Fight , for I saw above five hundred Prisoners who ( only promising never after to bear Arms against the King ) were freely released . Again , they seem to have good Memories , saying , that the King once sent them a specious Message of renewing a Treaty , when at the same time His Messenger was instructed how to manage that bloody Massacre in London , which was then design'd by virtue of the King's Commission since published . And hath the King sent but one Message for the renewing of a Treaty ? Then what was that from Tavestock in August 1644. and * five others from Oxford the next year ? But indeed this that is here mentioned they knew not how to answer ( for at that time they knew not the way of silence ) but by this forged Accusation against the Messenger ; who , I dare say , knew nothing of that which might have been ( at that time ) intended for the King's service by some who had more Zeal than Judgment . But that there was a Massacre intended , or that any Commission from the King should countenance such a Design , is a most notorious Slander . As for the King 's mentioned Letter to the Queen , I am confident that any judicious Reader will find the Gloss made upon it very much wrested . And certainly after-Ages will think these Times very barbarous , wherein private Letters betwixt Man and Wife are published to open view : and in other Countries there is such respect carried to private Letters of Princes , that ( to my knowledge ) the last Emperour , in the greatest heat of the Bohemian War , having intercepted a Packet wherein were private Letters to King JAMES of blessed Memory ( who was then known no great Friend to the Emperour ) from His only Daughter , then avowedly the Emperour 's greatest Enemy ; yet He sent them to the King , without the least offer of violence to the Seals . And now I come to their Determination upon the whole matter , what Course they have resolved to take with the King : their words are , But notwithstanding this and other former Tenders , we have now received such a Denial , that we are in Despair of any good by Addresses to the King ; neither must we be so injurious to the People in further delaying their Settlement , as any more to press His Consent to these or any other Propositions . Besides , it is Resolv̄ed upon the Question , That they will receive no more any Message from the King ; and do enjoyn , That no persons do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Thus you see that the King is laid by : but that is not all ; for He must neither justifie His Innocency against Calumny , nor is there any way left Him to mend any Errour that He may have committed . Is this a Just way of proceeding , when Truth , though offered , must not be heard , and that no way must be left to recant an Errour ? And why all this Severity ? Because ( as I have already shewn you ) the King will not injure His Conscience or Honour , nor suffer His People to be oppressed ; to which they give the Term of such a Denial , though really it was none . But since they thus seek to hoodwink the People , it is no great Wonder that they forbid the King to repent Him of those Faults which He never committed : and I believe all Indifferent men will easily judge of the King's Innocency even by their way of accusation : for those who will lay such high Crimes to His charge , as the breach of Oaths , Vows , Protestations and Imprecations , would not spare to bring their Proofs if they had any . But on the contrary it is known to all the World , that He had not suffer'd as He has done , if He would have dispensed with that part of His Coronation-Oath which He made to the Clergy ; which is no great sign that He makes slight of His Engagements : of which it is so universally known that He has been so Religiously careful , as I hold it a wrong to His Innocency , to seek to clear Him of such Slanders for which there are no Proofs alledged ; for Malice being once detected , is best answered with Neglect and Silence . And was there ever greater or more apparent Malice , than to offer to put the horrid slander of Parricide upon Him , who was eminently known to be as obedient and loving a Son to His blessed Father as any History can make mention of ? But indeed the loss of Rochel doth fitly follow ; to shew how Malice , when it is at the height , is ordinarily accompanied : for there are none but ignorant or forgetful men , who know not that it was merely the want of Assistance from the Two Houses of Parliament ( contrary to their Publick General Engagement ) that lost Rochel ; and there is nothing more clear ( to any who hath known French Occurrences ) than that real Assistance , which the King , to the uttermost of His Power , gave to those of the Religion at that time , made the Cardinal Richelieu an irreconcileable enemy to the King. Wherefore I cannot but say , that it is a strange forgetful Boldness to charge the King with that which was evidently other mens faults . There are also other things that to any knowing man will rather seem Jeers than Accusations ; as the German Horse , and Spanish Fleet in the year 1639. But my Affection shall not so blind me , as to say that the King never erred ; yet , as when a just Debt is paid , Bonds ought to be cancell'd ; so Grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as Errours . And it is no Paradox to affirm , that Truths this way told are no better than Slanders : and such are the Catalogue of Grievances here enumerated ; which when they are well examined , every one of them , will not be found such as here they are described to be . Now as concerning those Discourses which mention the beginnings of these Troubles , ( which are in Two several places of this Declaration ) I will only say this , that what the King did upon those Occasions , was merely to defend the Rights of His Crown , which were and are evidently sought to be torn from Him. Nor can I acknowledge all those Relations to be true , such as Private Levies of men by Popish Agents , Arming of Papists in the North , Calling in of Danish Forces , and the like : And as for the stale Slander of calling up the Northern Army , now renewed , it is well known that the Two Houses ( even at that time ) were not so partial to the King , as to have conceal'd a Practice of that kind , if they could have got it sufficiently proved . But if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged upon the King , then I shall not blame any for believing all the rest of the Allegations against Him : only I protest against all Rebels Testimony as good Proof ; it being most certain by experience , that they who make no Conscience of Rebelling , will make less of Lying when it is for their Advantage . And it is no little wonder that so grave an Assembly as the House of Commons should so slightly examine a Business of that Great Weight , as to alledg that the Scots Great Seal did countenance the Irish Rebellion ; when I know it can be proved by Witnesses without exception , that for many months before , until the now Lord Chancellor had the keeping of it , there was nothing at all Sealed by it . Nor concerning this great point will I only say , that the King is Innocent , and bid them prove ( which to most Accusations is a sufficient Answer ) but I can prove , that if the King had been obeyed in the Irish Affairs before He went last into Scotland , there had been no Irish Rebellion ; and after it was begun , it had in few months been suppressed , if His Directions had been observed . For if the King had been suffered to have performed His Engagements to the Irish Agents , and had disposed of the discontented Irish Army beyond Sea ( according to His Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadours ) there is nothing more clear , than that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland ; because they had wanted both Pretence and Means to have made one . Then , when it was broken forth , if those vigorous courses had been pursued which the King proposed , ( first to the Scots , then to the English Parliament ) doubtless that Rebellion had been soon suppressed . But what He proposed took so little effect , that in many months after there was nothing sent into Ireland but what the King Himself sent ( assisted by the Duke of Richmond ) before He came from Scotland , unto Sir Rob. Steward ; which , though it were little , will be found to have done much service , as may be seen by the said Sir Robert's voluntary Testimony given in writing to the Parliament Commissioners then attending the King at Stoak . And certainly a greater Evidence for Constancy in Religion there cannot be , than the King shewed in His Irish Treaty ; for in the time that He most needed Assistance , it was in His Power to have made that Kingdom declare unanimously for Him , and have had the whole Forces thereof employed in His Service , if He would have granted their Demand in Points of Religion , they not insisting on any thing of Civil Government , which His Majesty might not have granted without prejudice to Regal Authority : and this can be clearly proved by the Marquess of Ormond's Treaties with the Irish , not without very good Evidence by some of the King's Letters to the Queen which were taken at Naseby , that are purposely concealed , lest they should too plainly discover the King's detestation of that Rebellion , and His rigid firmness to the Protestant Profession . Nor can I end this Point , without remarking with wonder , that Men should have so ill Memories as again to renew that old Slander of the King 's giving Passes to divers Papists , and Persons of Quality who headed the Rebels ; of which He so cleared Himself , that He demanded Reparation for it , but could not have it , albeit no shew of Proof could be produced for that Allegation : as is most plainly to be seen in the first book of the Collection of all Remonstrances , Declarations , &c. fol. 69 , & 70. Thus having given a particular Answer to the most material Points in this Declaration , the rest are such frivolous , malicious , and many of them groundless Calumnies , that Contempt is the best Answer for them . Yet one thing more I must observe , that they not only endeavour to make Fables pass for currant Coyn , but likewise seek to blind mens Judgements with false Inferences upon some Truths . For Example , it is true that the King hath said in some of His Speeches or Declarations , That He oweth an Accompt of His Actions to none but God alone ; and that the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate have no Power either to make or declare any Law : But that this is a fit foundation for all Tyranny , I must utterly deny . Indeed if it had been said , that the King without the Two Houses of Parliament could make or declare Laws , then there might be some strength in the Argument : but before this Parliament it was never so much as pretended , that either or both Houses without the King could make or declare any Law ; and certainly His Majesty is not the first ( and I hope will not be the last ) King of England , that hath not held Himself Accomptable to any Earthly Power . Besides , it will be found that this His Majesty's Position is most agreeable to all Divine and Humane Laws ; so far it is from being Destructive to a Kingdom , or a Foundation for Tyranny . To conclude , I appeal to God and the World , whether it can be parallel'd by Example , or warranted by Justice , that any man should be slander'd , yet denied the sight thereof , and so far from being permitted to answer , that if he have erred , there is no way left him to acknowledge or mend it : and yet this is the King 's present Condition ; who is at this time laid aside , because He will not consent that the old Fundamental Laws of this Land be changed , Regal Power destroyed , nor His People submitted to a new Arbitrary Tyrannical Government . III. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings , Nov. 22. MDCXLVIII . Delivered by His Majesty to one of His Servants at His departure from the Isle of Wight , and commanded to be published for satisfaction of all His Subjects . WHen large pretences prove but the shadows of weak performance , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects ; and when a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time under the burthen of Tyranny and Oppression ? and hath not all the blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon My head , who am the greatest sufferer , though the least guilty ? and was it not requisite to endeavour the stopping of that flux , which , if not stopt , will bring an absolute destruction to this Nation ? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those distractions than by a Personal Treaty , being agreed upon by My two Houses of Parliament , and condescended to by Me ? And I might declare , that I conceive it had been the best Physick , had not the operation been hindred by the interposition of this imperious Army , who were so audacious as to style Me , in their unparallel'd Remonstrance , their capital Enemy . But let the World judge whether Mine endeavours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty , and whether I was not as ready to grant as they were to ask ; and yet all this is not satisfaction to them , that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land. Were not the dying hearts of My poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a happiness from this Treaty ? and how suddenly are they frustrated in their expectations ? Have not I formerly been condemned for yielding too little to My two Houses of Parliament , and shall I now be condemned for yielding too much ? Have I not formerly been imprisoned for making War , and shall I now be condemned for making Peace ? Have I not formerly ruled like a King , and shall I now be ruled like a Slave ? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of My dear Wife and Children in peace and quietness , and shall I now neither enjoy them , nor Peace ? Have not My Subjects formerly obeyed Me , and shall I now be obedient to My Subjects ? Have I not been condemned for Evil Counsellors , and shall I now be condemned for having no Counsel but God ? These are unutterable miseries , that the more I endeavour for Peace , the less My endeavours are respected : And how shall I know hereafter what to grant , when your selves know not what to ask ? I refer it to your Consciences , whether I have not satisfied your desires in every particular since this Treaty ; if you find I have not , then let Me bear the burthen of the fault : but if I have given you ample satisfaction , ( as I am sure I have ) then you are bound to vindicate Me from the fury of those whose thoughts are filled with blood : though they pretend zeal , yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing . I must further declare , that there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for Peace of this Nation , than the illegal proceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters , and labour to bring in Democracy , and to abolish Monarchy . Needs must the total alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructive to others , but in conclusion to themselves : for they that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it ; for Faction is the Mother of Ruine : and it is the humour of those who are of this Weather-cock-like disposition , to love nothing but mutabilities , neither will that please them , but only pro tempore ; for the too much variety doth but confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . Time is the best cure for Faction , for it will at length ( like a spreading Leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and , like the Fish , for love of the bait , be catch'd with the hook . I once more declare to all My loving Subjects , and God knows whether or no this may be My last , that I have earnestly laboured for Peace , and that My thoughts were sincere and absolute , without any sinister ends , and there was nothing left undone by Me that My Conscience would permit Me to do . And I call God to witness , that I do firmly conceive that the interposition of the Army ( that cloud of Malice ) hath altogether eclipsed the glory of that Peace which began again to shine in this Land : And let the World judg , whether it be expedient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom , endeavouring , by pretending Laws and Liberties , to subvert both . Such Actions as these must produce strange consequences , and set open the floud-gates of ruine , to overflow this Kingdom in a moment . Had this Treaty been only Mine own seeking , then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it ; but I being importun'd by My two Houses , and they by most part of the Kingdom , could not but with a great deal of alacrity concur with them in their desires , for the performance of so commodious a work : and I hope by this time that the hearts and eyes of My People are opened so much , that they plainly discover who are the underminers of this Treaty . For Mine own part , I here protest before the face of Heaven , that Mine own Afflictions ( though they need no addition ) afflict Me not so much as My Peoples sufferings ; for I know what to trust to already , and they know not . God comfort both them and Me , and proportion our Patience to our Sufferings . And when the Malice of Mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thread , let them know that I will , by the grace of God , be as contented to suffer , as they are active to advance My sufferings : and Mine own Soul tells Me , that the time will come , when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the Proceedings of Peace : for if God hath proclaimed a blessing to the Peace-makers , needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads . I thank My God , I have armed My self against their fury : and now let the arrows of their Envy fly at Me , I have a breast to receive them , and a heart possest with patience to sustain them ; for God is My Rock and My Shield , therefore I will not fear what man can do unto Me. I will expect the worst ; and if any thing happen beyond My expectation , I will give God the glory , for vain is the help of man. Queries propounded by His MAJESTY , when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto Him at NEWPORT , concerning the intended Tryal of His MAJESTY . I. WHether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the former Declarations of the Army : and if not , whether the Parliament would make good their Votes , that after He had consented to what they desired , He should be in a capacity of Honour , Freedom , and Safety . II. Whether His acknowledgment of the bloud that hath been spilt in the late Wars , ( nothing being as yet absolutely concluded or binding ) could be urged so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against Him , or any of His Party . III. Whether the Arguments that He hath used in a free and Personal Treaty , to lessen or extenuate , and avoid the exactness of any of the Conditions , though in manner and form only , might be charged against Him as an act of Obstinacy , or wilful persistance in what is alledged against Him , in that He goes on in a destructive course of enmity against the People and the Laws of the Land , when He hath declared , that His Conscience was satisfied concerning divers particulars in the Propositions . IV. Whereas by the letter of the Law all persons charged to offend against the Law ought to be tryed by their Peers or Equals , what the Law is , if the Person questioned is without a Peer . And if the Law ( which of it self is but a dead letter ) seems to condemn Him , by what power shall Judgement be given , and who shall give it ? or from whence shall the administrators of such Judgement derive their power , which may ( by the same Law ) be deemed the supreme power , or authority of Magistracy in the Kingdom ? HIS MAJESTY'S LETTERS . I. To the House of Peers , about the Reprieve of the Earl of STRAFFORD : Sent by the PRINCE . From White-Hall , May 11. MDCXLI . My Lords , I Did yesterday satisfie the Justice of the Kingdom , by passing the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford : But Mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice , I desire at this time in some measure to shew that likewise , by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close Imprisonment ; yet so , that if ever he make the least offer to escape , or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of publick business , especially with Me , either by Message or Letter , it shall cost him his Life without further Process . This , if it may be done without the discontentment of My People , will be an unspeakable contentment to Me. To which end , as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation , and to endear it the more , have chosen Him to carry it that of all your House is most dear unto Me : So I desire , that by a Conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment ; likewise assuring you , that the exercise of Mercy is no more pleasing to Me , than to see both Houses of Parliament content for My sake , that I should moderate the severity of the Law in so important a case . I will not say that your complying with Me in this My intended Mercy shall make Me more willing , but certainly it will make Me more chearful , in granting your just Grievances . But if no less than his Life can satisfie My People , I must say , Fiat Justitia . Thus again recommending the consideration of My intentions to you , I rest , Your unalterable and affectionate Friend , C. R White-Hall May 11. 1641. If he must die , it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday . II. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , January 23. MDCXLII . III. Dear Heart , SAturday and Sunday last I received two from Thee , of the 29. of December , 9. of January , both which gave Me such contentment , as Thou maist better judg than I describe : the which that Thou maist the better do , know , I was full three weeks , wanting but one day , without hearing from Thee ; beside scurvy London news of Thy stay and lameness , which , though I did not believe , yet it vext Me so much the more , that I could not prove them lyars . So now I conjure Thee by the affection Thou bearest Me , not only to judg , but likewise participate with Me in the contentment Thou hast given Me by assuring Me of Thy health and speedy return . Concerning 45. 31. 7. 4. 132 300. I will answer Thee in Thy own words , Je be remetteray a vous respondre per bouche , being confident that way to give Thee contentment : In the mean time assure Thy self , that I neither have nor will lose any time in that business , and that I have not contented My self with generals . And though I hope shortly to have the happiness of Thy company , yet I must tell Thee of some particulars in which I desire both Thy opinion and assistance . I am persecuted concerning Places , and all desire to be put upon Thee , for the which I cannot blame them ; and yet Thou knowest I have no reason to do it . Newark desireth Savil's place , upon condition to leave it when his Father dieth ; Carenworth the same , being contented to pay for it , or give the profit to whom or how I please : Digby and Dunsmore for to be Captain of the Pensioners ; Hartford once looked after it , but now I believe he expects either to be Treasurer , or of My Bed-chamber ; I incline rather to the latter , if Thou like it , for I absolutely hold Cottington the fittest man for the other . There is one that doth not yet pretend , that doth deserve as well as any , I mean Capel ; therefore I desire thy assistance to find somewhat for him before he ask . One place I must fill before I can have Thy opinion ; it is the Master of the Wards . I have thought upon Nicholas , being confident that Thou wilt not mislike My choice : and if he cannot perform both , Ned Hyde must be Secretary , for indeed I can trust no other . Now I have no more time to speak of more , but to desire Thee not to engage Thy self for any . So I rest , Eternally thine , C. R. Oxford , 2. Feb. 23. Jan. III. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , February 13. MDCXLIII . Dear Heart , I Never till now knew the good of Ignorance , for I did not know the danger that Thou wert in by the storm , before I had certain assurance of Thy happy escape ; we having had a pleasing false report of Thy safe landing at Newcastle , which Thine of the 19. Jan. so confirmed us in , that we at least were not undeceived of that hope , till we knew certainly how great a danger Thou hast past , of which I shall not be out of apprehension , until I may have the happiness of Thy company ; for indeed I think it not the least of My misfortunes , that for My sake Thou hast run so much hazard : In which Thou hast expressed so much love to Me , that I confess it is impossible to repay by any thing I can do , much less by words : but My heart being full of affection for Thee , admiration of Thee , and impatient passion of gratitude to Thee , I could not but say something , leaving the rest to be read by Thee out of Thine own noble heart . The intercepting of Mine to Thee of the * 23. February has bred great discourse in several persons , and of several kinds : as My saying I was persecuted for places , is applied to all and only those that I there name to be Suitors ; whereas the truth is , I meant thereby the importunity of others whom at that time I had not time to name , as well as some there mentioned : for I confess 174. and 133. are not guilty of that fault . Some find fault with too much kindness to Thee ( Thou maist easily vote from what Constellation that comes ) but I assure such , that I want expression , not will , to do it ten times more to Thee on all occasions . Others press Me , as being brought upon the Stage : but I answer , that having profest to have Thy advice , it were a wrong to Thee to do any thing before I had it . As for our Treaty ( leaving the particulars to this inclosed ) I am confident Thou wilt be content with it as concerning My part in it ; for all the Souldiers are well pleased with what I have done : but expect no Cessation of Arms , for the lower House will have none without a disbanding , and I will not disband till all be agreed . Lastly , for our Military affairs , I thank God that here and in the West they prosper well : as for the North I refer Thee to 226. 140. information . So daily expecting and praying for good news from Thee — Oxford 13. Feb. 1643. Copy to My Wife , February 1643. IV. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Mar. 2. 12. MDCXLII . Dear Heart , THough ever since Sunday last I had good hopes of Thy happy landing , yet I had not the certain news thereof before yesterday ; when I likewise understood of Thy safe coming to York . I hope thou expectest not Welcome from Me in words ; but when I shall be wanting in any other way ( according to My wit and Power ) of expressing My Love to Thee , then let all honest Men hate and eschew Me like a Monster : And yet when I shall have done My part , I confess that I shall come short of what Thou deservest of Me. H. 3. 189. e. 3. 42. 17. 25. 27. 39. 21. 66. a. 1. 45. 31. 7. 4. 32. 18. 47. 46. 9. 3. d. 4. g. 4. 46. 35. 67. 48. 7. 40. 5. 43. 74. 3. 41. 7. 33. 62. 8. 63. 68. 50. 64. 34. 9. 51. 45. 69. 46. 37. deer . 45. 31. 7. 1. 33. 18. 49. 47. 19. 21. 10. 70. 13. 7. 45. 58. 8. 3. 41. 10. this a. 2. 324. in the mean time 46. 31. 7. 50. e. 3. 20. 3. 6. 8. 48. 75. 41. 9. 2. upon 60. 19. 50. 61. 27. 26. 7. 69. 12. 19. 47. 45. 8. 24. Yesterday there were Articles of a Cessation brought Me from London , but so unreasonable that I cannot grant them : Yet to undeceive the people by shewing it is not I , but those who have caused and fostered this Rebellion , that desire the continuance of this War and universal distraction ; I am framing Articles fit for that purpose ; both which , by My next , I mean to send Thee . 219. b. 3. 58. 51. 75. 46. 7. 3. 45. 37. 2. 189. 46. 38. 1. g. 1. 173. . 131. which I think fit to be done , a. 5. 4. 30. 3. n. 5. d. 3. 46. 31. 8. 10. 2. 32. 18. 64. 7. 3. 45. 31. 9. 66. 46. 32. 19. 41. 25. 48. k. 1. e. 4. 67. 69. 63. I am now confident that 173 is right for My Service . Since the taking of Cicester there is nothing of note done of either side ; wherefore that little news that is , I leave to others . Only this I assure Thee , that the distractions of the Rebels are such that so many fine designs are laid open to us , we know not which first to undertake . But certainly My first and chiefest care is and shall be to secure Thee , and hasten our meeting . So longing to hear from thee , I rest , eternally Thine , C. R. Oxford 2. 12. March 1642. The last I received of Thine was dated the 16. 6. Feb. And I believe none of My four last are come to Thee . Their Dates are 13. 3. 23. 13. 25. 15. Feb. and 20. Feb. or Mar. 2. V. The QUEEN to the KING . YORK , March 30. MDCXLIII . My Dear Heart , I Need not tell You from whence this Bearer comes ; only I will tell You that the Propositions which he brings You are good , but 260. I believe that it is not yet time to put them into execution : therefore find some means to send them back , which may not discontent them , and do not tell who gave You this advice . Sir Hugh Cholmely is come with a Troop of Horse to kiss My Hands ; the rest of his people he left at Scarborough , with a Ship laden with Arms , which the Ships of the Parliament had taken and brought thither : so she is ours . The Rebels have quitted Tadcaster upon our sending Forces to Wetherby , but they are returned with twelve hundred men : we send more forces to drive them out , though those we have already at Wetherby are sufficient : but we fear lest they have all their Forces thereabout , and lest they have some design ; for they have quitted Selby and Cawood , the last of which they have burnt . Between this and to morrow night we shall know the issue of this business , and I will send You an express . I am the more careful to advertise You of what we do , that You and we may find means to have pass-ports , to send : And I wonder that upon the Cessation You have not demanded that You might send in safety . This shews My Love. I understand to day from London , that they will have no Cessation , and that they treat at the beginning of the two first Articles , which is of the Forts , Ships , and Ammunition ; and afterwards of the disbanding of the Army . Certainly , I wish a Peace more than any , and that with greater reason ; but I would the disbanding of the perpetual Parliament first , and certainly the rest will be easily afterwards . I do not say this of My own head alone ; for generally both those who are for You and against You in this Country-wish an end of it : And I am certain that if You demand it at the first , in case it be not granted , Hull is ours , and all Yorkshire , which is a thing to consider of . And for My particular , if You make a Peace , and disband Your Army before there is an end to this perpetual Parliament , I am absolutely resolved to go into France , not being willing to fall again into the hands of those People , being well assured , that if the power remain with them , it will not be well for Me in England . Remember what I have written to You in three precedent Letters , and be more careful of Me than You have been , or at least dissemble it , to the end that no notice be taken of it . Adieu . The Man hastens Me , so that I can say no more . York , this 30. of March. VI. The QUEEN to the KING . YORK , Apr. 3. MDCXLIII . THIS Letter should have gone by a man of Mr Denedsdale , who is gone , and all the beginning of this Letter was upon this subject ; and therefore by this Man it signifies nothing : But the end was so pleasing that I do not forbear to send it to You. You now know by Elliot the issue of the business of Tadcaster : Since we had almost lost Scarborough ; whilst Cholmely was here , Brown Bushell would have rendred it up to the Parliament ; but Cholmely having had notice of it , is gone with our Forces , and hath re-taken it , and hath desired to have a Lieutenant and Forces of ours to put in it , for which we should take his . He hath also taken two Pinnaces from Hotham , which brought 44. men to put within Scarborough , 10 pieces of Cannon , 4 Barrels of Powder , 4 of Bullet . This is all our news . Our Army marches to morrow to put an end to Fairfax's Excellency . And I will make an end of this Letter , this third of April . I have had no news of You since Parsons . 30 March. 3 April . VII . The QUEEN to the KING . NEWARK , June 27. MDCXLIII . My Dear Heart , I Received just now Your Letter by My Lord Savile , who found Me ready to go away , staying but for one thing for which You will well pardon two days stop ; It is to have Hull and Lincoln . Young Hotham having been put in prison by Order of Parliament , is escaped , and hath sent to 260. that he would cast himself into His arms , and that Hull and Lincoln should be rendred . He is gone to his Father , and 260. writes for Your answer . So that I think I shall go hence Friday or Saturday , and shall go lye at Werton , and from thence to Ashby , where we will resolve what way to take ; and I will stay there a day , because that the march of the day before will have been somewhat great , and also to know how the Enemy marches , all their Forces of Nottingham at present being gone to Leicester and Derby , which makes us believe that it is to intercept our passage . As soon as we have resolved , I will send you word . At this present I think it fit to let You know the state in which we march , and what I leave behind Me for the safety of Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire . I leave 2000 foot , and wherewithal to arm 500 more ; 20 Companies of Horse : all this to be under Charles Cavendish , whom the Gentlemen of the Country have desired Me not to carry with Me against his will , for he desired extreamly not to go . The Enemies have left within Nottingham 1000. I carry with Me 3000 Foot , 30 Companies of Horse and Dragoons , 6 pieces of Cannon , and two Morters . Harry Jermyn commands the Forces which go with Me , as Colonel of My Guard , and Sir Alexander Lesley the Foot under Him , and Gerard the Horse , and Robin Legg the Artillery , and Her She-Majestie Generalissima , and extreamly diligent with 150 Waggons of Baggage to govern in case of a Battle . Have a care that no Troop of Essex's Army incommodate us , for I hope that for the rest we shall be strong enough , for at Nottingham we have had the experience , one of our Troops having beaten six of theirs , and made them fly . I have received Your Proclamation or Declaration , which I wish had not been made , being extreamly disadvantagious for You ; for You shew too much fear , and do not what You had resolved upon . Farewell , My Dear Heart . 27. June 1643. VIII . The QUEEN to the KING . BATH , Apr. 21. MDCXLIV . My Dear Heart , F Red. Cornwallis will have told You all our voyage as far as Adbury , and the state of My health . Since My coming hither I find My self ill , as well in the ill rest that I have , as in the increase of My Rheum . I hope that this days rest will do Me good . I go to morrow to Bristol , to send You back the Carts ; many of them are already returned . My Lord Dillon told Me , not directly from You , though he says You approve it , that it was fit I should write a Letter to the Commissioners of Ireland to this effect , That they ought to desist from those things for the present which they had put in their Paper ; and to assure them , that when You shall be in another condition than You are now , that You will give them contentment . I thought it to be a matter of so great engagement , that I dare not do it without Your command : Therefore if it please You that I should do so , send Me what You would have Me write , that I may not do more than what You appoint ; and also that it being Your command , You may hold to that which I promise : for I should be very much grieved to write any thing which I would not hold to ; and when You have promised it Me , I will be confident . I believe also , that to write to My Lord Muskery without the rest will be enough , for the Letter which I shall write to him shall be with My own hand ; and if it be to all Your Commissioners , it shall be by the Secretary . Farewel , My Dear Heart ; I cannot write any more , but that I am absolutely Yours . IX . To the Earl of ESSEX at LESTITHIEL . LISKARD , August 6. MDCXLIV . Essex , I Have been very willing to believe , that whenever there should be such a conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy settlement of this miserable Kingdom which all good men desire , you would lay hold of it . That season is now before you ; you have it at this time in your power to redeem your Country and the Crown , and to oblige your King in the highest degree , ( an Action certainly of the greatest Piety , Prudence and Honour ) such an opportunity as perhaps no Subject before you hath ever had , or after you shall have . To which there is no more required but that you join with Me heartily and really in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our only aims . Let us do this : and if any shall be so foolishly unnatural as to oppose their King's , their Country's , and their own good , we will make them happy ( by God's blessing ) even against their wills . The only impediment can be want of mutual confidence . I promise it you on My part , as I have endeavoured to prepare it on yours , by My Letter to Hertford from Evesholm . I hope this will perfect it , when ( as here I do ) I shall have engaged unto you the word of a King that you joyning with Me in that blessed work , I shall give both to you and your Army such eminent marks of My Confidence and value , as shall not leave room for the least distrust amongst you , either in relation to the Publick , or your self , unto whom I shall then be Liskard , Aug. 6. 1644. Your faithful Friend , C. R. If you like of this , hearken to this Bearer , whom I have fully instructed in particulars : But this will admit of no delay . X. To the Prince ELECTOR . TAVESTOCK , September 17. MDCXLIV . Nephew , IT being a Natural curiosity in Me to know the reason of your Actions , I had never so much reason as now to desire it . As I wondred at , so as yet I never knew the reason of your journey from York to Holland : But your coming at this time into the Kingdom is in all respects much more strange unto Me ; yet 't is possible that the latter may interpret the former . And believe Me , the consideration of your Mother's Son is the chief , I may say the only , cause of My curiosity : For as to My Affairs , your being here in the way you are , is not of that importance as to make Me curious to inquire upon your Actions . But the great affection I bear My Sister , being a sufficient reason for Me to desire that all who appertain to Her should give a fair account of their Actions , makes Me now ask you , first upon what invitation you are come , then the design of your coming : wishing by your Answer I may have the same cause and comfort I have heretofore had to be Tavestock , Sept. 17. 1644. Your Loving Uncle and faithful Friend , C. R. XI . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , December 15. MDCXLIV . Ormond , I Am sorry to find by Colonel Barry the sad condition of your particular fortune , for which I cannot find so good and speedy remedy as the Peace of Ireland , it being likewise most necessary to redress affairs here : wherefore I command you to dispatch it out of hand , for the doing of which I hope My publick Dispatch will give you sufficient Instruction and Power ; yet I have thought it necessary , for your more encouragement in this necessary work , to make this addition with My own hand . As for Poining's Act , I refer you to My other Letter : And for matter of Religion , though I have not found it fit to take publick notice of the Paper which Brown gave you , yet I must command you to give him , My L. Muskery and Plunket particular thanks for it , assuring them that without it there could have been no Peace ; and that sticking to it , their Nation in general and they in particular shall have comfort in what they have done . And to shew that this is more than words , I do hereby promise them , ( and command you to see it done ) that the Penal Statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not be put in execution , the Peace being made , and they remaining in their due obedience : and further , that when the Irish give Me that assistance which they have promised for the suppression of this Rebellion , and I shall be restored to My Rights , then I will consent to the Repeal of them by a Law ; but all those against Appeals to Rome and Praemunire must stand . All this in Cypher you must impart to none but those three already named , and that with injunction of strictest secrecy . So again recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the Peace of Ireland , and my necessary supply from thence , as I wrote to you in My last private Letter , I rest . XII . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS , January 6. December 27. MDCXLIV . V. Paris , January , I Have received one of Your Letters dated from Marleborow of an old date , having received many others more fresh , to which I have made answer . I will say nothing concerning this , but only concerning the affair of Gor. If it be not done , it is time , being very seasonable at this time , which I did not believe before . I understand that the Commissioners are arrived at London . I have nothing to say , but that You have a care of Your Honour ; and that if You have a Peace , it may be such as may hold ; and if it fall out otherwise , that You do not abandon those who have served You , for fear they do forsake You in Your need . Also I do not see how You can be in safety without a Regiment of Guard ; for My self , I think I cannot be , seeing the malice which they have against Me and My Religion , of which I hope You will have a care of both . But in My opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which You should treat : for if You do agree upon strictness against the Catholicks , it would discourage them to serve You and if afterwards there should be no Peace , You could never expect succours either from Ireland or any other Catholick Prince , for they would believe , You would abandon them after You have served Your self . I have dispatched an Express into Scotland to Montross , to know the condition he is in , and what there is to be done . This week I send to Mr of Lorrain , and into Holl. I lose no time . If I had more of Your news , all would go better . Adieu , My Dear Heart . My Wife , Dec. 27. Jan. 6. 1644. 5. XIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Decemb. MDCXLIV . Dear Heart , I Know Thy affection to Me so truly grounded , that Thou wilt be in as much ( if not more ) trouble to find My Reputation , as My Life in danger : Therefore lest the false sound of My offering a Treaty to the Rebels upon base and unsafe terms should disturb Thy thoughts , I have thought it necessary ( to assure Thy mind from such rumors ) to tell Thee the ways I have used to come to a Treaty , and upon what grounds . I shall first shew Thee My grounds , to the end Thou maiest the better understand and approve of My ways . Then know ( as a certain truth ) that all , even My party , are strangely impatient for Peace , which obliged Me so much the more ( at all occasions ) to shew My real intentions to Peace : And likewise I am put in very good hope ( some hold it a certainty ) that if I could come to a fair Treaty , the Ring-leading Rebels could not hinder Me from a good Peace ; First , because their own party are most weary of the War , and likewise for the great distractions which at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves , as Presbyterians against Independents in Religion , and General against General in point of Command . Upon these grounds a Treaty being most desirable ( not without hope of good success ) the most probable means to procure it was to be used , which might stand with Honour and Safety . Amongst the rest ( for I will omit all those which are unquestionably councelable ) the sound of My return to London was thought to have so much force of popular Rhetorick in it , that upon it a Treaty would be had , or if refused , it would bring much prejudice to them , and be advantageous to Me. Yet lest foolish and malicious people should interpret this as to proceed from fear or folly , I have joyned Conditions with the Proposition ( without which this sound will signifie nothing ) which Thou wilt find to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace . Then observe , If a Treaty at London with Commissioners for both sides may be had without it , it is not to be used ; nor in case they will treat with no body but My self : so that the Conditions save any aspersion of dishonour , and the treating at London the malignity which our factious spirits here may infuse into this Treaty upon this subject . This I hope will secure Thee from the trouble which otherwise may be caused by malicious rumours : and though I judge My self secure in Thy thoughts from suspecting Me guilty of any baseness ; yet I held this account necessary , to the end Thou maiest make others know as well as Thy self this certain truth , That no danger of death or misery ( which I think much worse ) shall make Me do any thing unworthy of Thy Love. For the state of My present affairs , I refer Thee to 92. concluding ( as I did in My last to Thee ) by conjuring Thee , as Thou lovest Me , that no appearance of Peace ( and I now add ) nor hopeful condition of Mine , make Thee neglect to haste succour for Him who is eternally Thine . Copy to My Wife , Decemb. 1644. by Tom. Elliot . XIV . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 1. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , I Receive it as a good Augury thus to begin this New year , having newly received Thine of the 30. Decemb. which I cannot stay to decypher , for not losing this opportunity , it likewise being a just excuse for this short account . This day I have dispatched Digby's Sec. fully relating the state of our affairs ; therefore I shall only now tell Thee , That the Rebels are engaged into an equal Treaty , without any of those disadvantages which might have been apprehended when Tom. Elliot went hence ; and that the distractions of London were never so great , or so likely to bring good effect , as now ; lastly , that assistance was never more needful , never so likely as now to do good to Him who is eternally Thine . Copy to My Wife , 1. Jan. 1644. by P. A. XV. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 2. Jan. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , HAving decyphered Thine which I received yesterday , I was much surprized to find Thee blame Me for neglecting to write to Thee , for indeed I have often complained for want , never mist any occasion of sending to Thee ; and I assure Thee , never any Dispatch went from either of My Secretaries without one from Me , when I knew of it . As for My calling those at London a Parliament , I shall refer Thee to Digby for particular satisfaction : this in general , If there had been but two ( besides My self ) of My opinion , I had not done it ; and the Argument that prevailed with Me was , that the calling did no ways acknowledge them to be a Parliament ; upon which condition and construction I did it , and no otherways , and accordingly it is registred in the Council-Books , with the Councils unanimous approbation . But Thou wilt find that it was by misfortune , not neglect , that Thou hast been no sooner advertised of it . As for the Conclusion of Thy Letter , it would much trouble Me , if Thou didst not know Thy desire granted before it was asked ; yet I wonder not at it , since that which may bear a bad construction hath been presented to Thee in the ugliest form , not having received the true reason and meaning of it . The fear of some such mischance made Me the more careful to give Thee a full account by Tom Elliot of the reasons of the D. of R. and E. of S. journey to London , which if it come soon enough , I am confident will free Thee from much trouble : But if Thou hast not the patience to forbear judging harshly of My Actions before Thou hearest the reasons of them from Me , thou maiest be often subject to be doubly vext , first with slanders , then with having given too much ear unto them . To conclude , esteem Me as Thou findest Me constant to those grounds Thou leftest Me withal . And so farewel , Dear Heart . 21. 13. Copy to my Wife , 2. Jan. 1645. by P. A. XVI . Copy to the D. of R. Richmond , I Thank you for the accompt you sent Me by this Bearer , and have nothing of new to direct you in , but only to remember you , that My going to Westm . is not to be mentioned but upon probable hopes of procuring a Treaty with Com. there or thereabouts , and that you mention the security I ask with My coming to Westm . And I hope I need not remember you to cajole well the Independents and Scots . This Bearer will tell you how well our Western and Northern Associations go on ; to whom I refer you for other things . I rest . XVII . To the Marquess of Ormond . OXFORD , 7. Jan. MDCXLIV . V. Ormond , UPON the great rumors and expectations which are now of Peace , I think it necessary to tell you the true state of it , lest mistaken reports from hence might trouble My affairs there . The Rebels here have agreed to Treat ; and most assuredly one of the first and chief Articles they will insist on will be , to continue the Irish War ; which is a point not Popular for Me to break on : of which you are to make a double use . First , to hasten ( with all possible diligence ) the Peace there , the timely conclusion of which will take off that inconvenience which otherwise I may be subject to by refusal of that Article , upon any other reason : Secondly , by dextrous conveying to the Irish the danger there may be of their total and perpetual exclusion from those favours I intend them , in case the Rebels here clap up a Peace with Me upon reasonable terms , and only exclude them ; which possibly were not counselable for Me to refuse , if the Irish Peace should be the only difference betwixt us , before it were perfected there . These I hope are sufficient grounds for you to perswade the Irish diligently to dispatch a Peace upon reasonable terms , assuring them , that you having once fully engaged to them My word , ( in the Conclusion of a Peace ) all the Earth shall not make Me break it . But not doubting of a Peace , I must again remember you to press the Irish for their speedy assistance to Me here , and their friends in Scotland ; My intention being to draw from thence into Wales ( the Peace once concluded ) as many as I can of My Armed Protestant Subjects , and desire that the Irish would send as great a Body as they can to land about Cumberland , which will put those Northern Countries in a brave condition . Wherefore you must take speedy order to provide all the Shipping you may , as well Dunkirk as Irish Bottoms ; and remember that after March it will be most difficult to transport men from Ireland to England , the Rebels being Masters of the Seas : So expecting a diligent and particular account in answer to this Letter , I rest , Your most assured constant Friend , C. R. XVIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , January 9. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SInce My last , which was by Talbot , the Scots Commissioners have sent to desire Me to send a Commission to the General Assembly in Edinburgh , which I am resolved not to do ; but to the end of making some use of this occasion , by sending an honest man to London , and that I may have the more time for the making an handsome negative , I have demanded a Passeport for Philip Warwick , by whom to return My answer . I forgot in My former to tell Thee , that Lenthall the Speaker brags that Cardinal Mazarin keeps a strict intelligence with him . Though I will not swear that Lenthall says true , I am sure it is fit for Thee to know . As for Sabrian , I am confident that either he or his instructions are not right for Him who is eternally Thine . Even now I am advertised from London , that there are three or four Lords and eight Commons ( besides four Scotch Commissioners ) appointed to treat , and they have named Vxbridge for the place , though not yet the particular persons . I am likewise newly advertised , that General Goring prospers well where he is , and since Monday last hath taken 80 of the Rebels Horse : and upon his advance they have quitted Peterfield and Coudry . POSTSCRIPT . The setling of Religion and the Militia are the first to be treated on : And be confident that I will neither quit Episcopacy , nor that Sword which God hath given into My hands . Copy to My Wife , 9. 19. January , 1644. 5. by P. A. XIX . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS January 17. 27. MDCXLIV . V. Paris , January 17. 27. MY Dear Heart , Tom Elliot two days since hath brought Me much joy and sorrow : the first , to know the good estate in which You are ; the other , the fear I have that You go to London . I cannot conceive where the wit was of those who gave You this Counsel , unless it be to hazard Your Person to save theirs . But thanks be to God , to day I received one of Yours by the Ambassadour of Portugal , dated in January , which comforted Me much , to see that the Treaty shall be at Vxbridge . For the Honour of God trust not Your self in the hands of these people : And if ever You go to London before the Parliament be ended , or without a good Army , You are lost . I understand that the Propositions for the Peace must begin by disbanding the Army . If You consent to this You shall be lost , they having the whole power of the Militia , they have done and will do whatsoever they will. I received yesterday Letters from the Duke of Lorrain , who sends Me word , if his service be agreeable to You , he will bring You ten thousand men . Dr. Goffe , whom I have sent into Holland , shall treat with him in his passage upon this business ; and I hope very speedily to send good news of this , as also of the Money . Assure Your self , I will be wanting in nothing You shall desire , and that I will hazard My Life , that is , to die by famine , rather than not to send to You. Send Me word always by whom You receive My Letters , for I write both by the Ambassadour of Portugal and the Resident of France . Above all , have a care not to abandon those who have served You , as well the Bishops , as the poor Catholicks . Adieu . You will pardon Me if I make use of another to write , not being able to do it ; yet My self in Cyphers shew to My Nephew Rupert , that I intreat You to impart all that I write to You , to the end that he may know the reason why I write not to him . I know not how to send great Packets . My Wife , 17. 27. Jan. 1644. 5. XX. To My Wife , 14. January MDCXLIV . V . by CHOQUEN . Dear Heart , POoly came the 12. 22. Jan. to whose great Dispatch though for some dayes I cannot give a full answer , I cannot but at this opportunity reply to something in Thy Letter , not without relating to something of his discourse . As I confess it a misfortune ( but deny it a fault ) Thy not hearing oftner from Me , so excuse Me to deny that it can be of so ill consequence as Thou mentionest , if their affections were so real as they make shew to Thee ; for the difficulty of sending is known to all , and the numbers of each Letter will shew My diligence ; and certainly there goes no great wit to find out waies of sending : wherefore if any be neglected more , then our wits are faulty . But to imagine that it can enter into the thought of any flesh living , that any body here should hide from Thee what is desired that every one should know , ( Excuse Me to say it ) is such a folly , that I shall not believe that any can think it , though he say it . And for My affection to Thee , it will not be the miscarrying of a Letter or two that will call it in question . But take heed that these discourses be not rather the effect of their weariness of thy company , than the true image of their thoughts : and of this is not the proposal of thy journey to Ireland a pretty instance ? for seriously of it self , I hold it one of the most extravagant proposition that I have heard ; Thy giving ear to it being most assuredly only to express Thy love to Me , and not Thy judgment in My Affairs . As for the business it self , ( I mean the Peace of Ireland ) to shew Thee the care I have had of it , and the fruits I hope to receive from it , I have sent Thee the last Dispatches I have sent concerning it , earnestly desiring Thee to keep them to Thy self : only Thou mayest in general let the Queen Regent and Ministers there understand , that I have offered My Irish Subjects so good satisfaction , that a Peace will shortly ensue , which I really believe . But for God's sake let none know the particulars of My Dispatches . I cannot but tell Thee , that I am much beholding to the Portugal Agent ( and little to the French ) it being by his means that I have sent Thee all My Letters ( besides Expresses ) since I came hither , though I expected most from Sabran . I will not trouble Thee with repetitions of News , Digby's dispatch , which I have seen , being so full . Yet I cannot but paraphrase a little upon that which he calls his superstitious observation : It is this ; Nothing can be more evident than that Strafford's innocent blood hath been one of the great causes of God's just Judgments upon this Nation by a furious civil War , both sides hitherto being almost equally punished , as being in a manner equally guilty ; but now this last crying blood being totally theirs , I believe it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them , and lighter upon us , looking now upon our Cause , having passed by our Faults . XXI . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS , March 13. MDCXLIV . V. Paris this 13. of March. MY Dear Heart , since My last I have received one of Your Letters marked 16. by which You signifie the receipt of My Letters by Pooly , which hath a little surprized Me , seeming to Me that You write as if I had in My Letter something which had displeased You. If that hath been , I am very innocent in My intention ; I only did believe that it was necessary You should know all . There is one other thing in Your Letter which troubles Me much , where You would have Me keep to My self Your Dispatches , as if you believe that I should be capable to shew them to any , only to Lord Jer. to uncypher them , My Head not suffering Me to do it My self ; but if it please You I will do it , and none in the world shall see them . Be kind to Me , or You kill Me ; I have already affliction enough to bear , which without You I could not do , but Your service surmounts all . Farewel , My Dear Heart : Behold the mark which You desire to have , to know when I desire any thing in earnest . And I pray begin to remember what I spake to You concerning Jack Barkly for Master of the Wards . I am not engaged , nor will not , for the places of L. Per. and others : Do You accordingly . 13. March 1644. XXII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 22. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SInce My last by Choquen I have had no means of writing , and as little new matter . That which is now , is the progress of the Treaty , of which these enclosed Papers will give Thee a full accompt ; but if Thou have them sooner from London than Me , Thou hast no reason to wonder , considering the length and uncertainty of the way I am forced to send by , in respect of the other . For the business it self , I believe Thou wilt approve of My choice of Treaters , and for My Propositions , they differ nothing in substance ( very little in words ) from those which were last ; wherefore I need to say nothing of them : and for My Instructions , they are not yet made , but by the next I hope to send them . Now upon the whole matter , I desire Thee to shew the Queen and Ministers there the improbability that this present Treaty should produce a Peace , considering the great strange difference ( if not contrariety ) of grounds that are betwixt the Rebels Propositions and Mine , and that I cannot alter Mine , nor will they ever theirs , until they be out of hope to prevail by force , which a little assistance by Thy means will soon make them be ; for I am confident , if ever I could put them to a defensive ( which a reasonable sum of money would do ) they would be easily brought to reason . Concerning our interferings here at Oxford , I desire Thee to suspend Thy Judgement , ( for I believe few but partial relations will come to Thee ) until I shall send some whom I may trust by word of mouth ; it being too much trouble to Us both to set them down in paper . Copy to My Wife , 22. Jan. 1644. XXIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 30. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SUnday last I received three Letters from Thee , one a Duplicate of the 30. Decemb. another of the 6. Jan. and the last of the 14. Jan. and even now one Petit is come with a Duplicate of the last : wherein as I infinitely joy in the expressions of Thy confident love of Me , so I must extreamly wonder that any who pretend to be a friend to Our Cause ( for I believe Thou wouldst not mention any information from the other side ) can invent such lyes , that Thou hast had ill offices done to Me by any , or that Thy care for My assistance hath been the least suspected ; it being so far from truth , that the just contrary is true . For I protest to God I never heard Thee spoken of , but with the greatest expressions of estimation for Thy love to Me , and particularly for Thy diligent care for My assistance : But I am confident that it is a branch of that root of knavery which I am now digging at ; and of this I have more than a bare suspicion . And indeed if I were to find fault with Thee , it should be for not taking so much care of Thine Own health as of My assistance , at least not giving Me so often account of it as I desire ; these three last making no mention of Thy self . Now as for the Treaty ( which begins this day ) I desire Thee to be confident , that I shall never make a Peace by abandoning My Friends , nor such a one as will not stand with My Honour and Safety : Of which I will say no more , because , knowing Thy Love , I am sure Thou must believe Me , and make others likewise confident of Me. I send Thee herewith My Directions to My Commissioners : But how I came to them My self , without any others , Digby will tell Thee , with all the News as well concerning Military as Cabalistical matters . At this time I will say no more , but that I shall in all things ( only not answering for words ) truly shew My self to be eternally Thine . The Portugal Agent hath made Me two Propositions : first , concerning the release of his Master's Brother , for which I shall have 50000 l. if I can procure his liberty from the King of Spain ; the other is for a Marriage betwixt My Son Charles and his Master's Eldest Daughter . For the first , I have freely undertaken to do what I can ; and for the other , I will give such an Answer as shall signifie nothing . I desire Thee not to give too much credit to Sabran's Relations , nor much countenance to the Irish Agents in Paris ; the particular reasons Thou shalt have by Pooly ( whom I intend for My next Messenger . ) In the last place I recommend to Thee the care of Jersey and Gernsey , it being impossible for us here to do much , though we were rich , being weak at Sea. To My Wife , 30. Jan. 1644. 5. by Legge . Directions for My Uxbridge Commissioners . First , concerning Religion . In this , the Government of the Church ( as I suppose ) will be the chief question : wherein two things are to be considered , Conscience , and Policy . For the first , I must declare unto you , that I cannot yield to the change of the Government by Bishops : not only as I fully concur with the most general opinion of Christians in all Ages , as being the best ; but likewise I hold My self particularly bound by the Oath I took at My Coronation , not to alter the Government of this Church from what I found it . And as for the Churches Patrimony , I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it , it being without peradventure Sacriledge , and likewise contrary to My Coronation Oath . But whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses , if any have crept in , or yet for the ease of tender Consciences ( so that it endamage not the foundation ) I am content to hear , and will be ready to give a gracious Answer thereunto . For the second , As the King's duty is to protect the Church , so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of His just Authority . Wherefore My Predecessors have been always careful ( and especially since the Reformation ) to keep the dependency of the Clergy entirely upon the Crown ; without which it will scarcely sit fast upon the King's Head. Therefore you must do nothing to change or lessen this necessary dependency . Next , concerning the Militia . After Conscience , this is certainly the fittest subject for a King's Quarrel , for without it the Kingly Power is but a shadow ; and therefore upon no means to be quitted , but to be maintained according to the ancient known Laws of the Land. Yet because ( to attain to this so much wished Peace by all good men ) it is in a manner necessary , that sufficient and real security be given for the performance of what shall be agreed upon , I permit you , either by leaving strong Towns or other Military force in the Rebels possession ( until Articles be performed ) to give such assurance for performance of Conditions as you shall judge necessary for to conclude a Peace : Provided always , that ye take ( at least ) as great care , by sufficient security , that Conditions be performed to Me ; and to make sure that , the Peace once setled , all things shall return into their ancient Chanels . Thirdly , for Ireland . I confess , they have very specious popular Arguments to press this point , the gaining of no Article more conducing to their ends than this ; and I have as much reason , both in Honour and Policy , to take care how to answer this as any . All the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused Me to make the Irish Cessation , and there remain yet as strong reasons for the concluding of that Peace : Wherefore ye must consent to nothing to hinder Me therein , until a clear way be shewn Me , how My Protestant Subjects there may probably ( at least ) defend themselves ; and that I shall have no more need to defend My Conscience and Crown from the injuries of this Rebellion . Oxford , Feb. 1644. Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Uxbridge . I. For Religion and Church-Government , I will not go one jot further than what is offered by you already . II. And so for the Militia , more than what ye have allowed by Me : but even in that you must observe , that I must have free nomination of the full half ; as if the total number , Scots and all , be thirty , I will name fifteen . Yet if they ( I mean the English Rebels ) will be so base as to admit of ten Scots to twenty English , I am contented to name five Scots and ten English ; and so proportionably to any number that shall be agreed upon . III. As for gaining of particular persons , besides security , I give you power to promise them rewards for performed services , not sparing to engage for places , so they be not of great trust , or be taken away from honest men in possession , but as much profit as you will. With this last you are only to acquaint Richmond , Southampton , Culpepper and Hide . XXIV . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Feb. 15. 25. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , 20. THE expectation of an Express from Thee ( as I find by Thine of the 4. Febr. ) is very good news to Me , as likewise that Thou art now well satisfied with My diligence in Writing . As for our Treaty , there is every day less hopes than other that it will produce a Peace : But I will absolutely promise Thee , that if we have one , it shall be such as shall invite Thy return , for I avow that without thy company I can neither have peace nor comfort within My self . The limited days for treating are now almost expired without the least agreement upon any one Article : wherefore I have sent for enlargement of days , that the whole Treaty may be laid open to the world . And I assure Thee , that Thou needest not doubt the issue of this Treaty , for My Commissioners are so well chosen ( though I say it ) that they will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds I have given them ; which ( upon My word ) is according to the little Note Thou so well remembrest : And in this not only their obedience , but their judgments concur . I confess in some respects Thou hast reason to bid Me beware of going too soon to London ; for indeed some amongst us had a greater mind that way than was fit : of which perswasion Percy is one of the chief , who is shortly like to see Thee ; of whom having said this , is enough to shew Thee how he is to be trusted , or believed by Thee concerning our proceedings here . In short , there is little or no appearance but that this Summer will be the hottest for War of any that hath been yet . And be confident , that in making Peace I shall ever shew My constancy in adhering to Bishops and all our Friends , and not forget to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament . But as Thou lovest Me , let none perswade Thee to slacken Thine assistance for Him who is eternally Thine C. R. Oxford , 15. 25. Feb. 1644. 5. 3. 20. To My Wife , 15. Feb. 1645. by P. A. XXV . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , 16 Feb. MDCXLIV . Ormond , I Should wrong My own service , and this Gentleman Sir Timothy Fetherston , if I did not recommend him and his business to you ; for the particulars of which I refer you to Digby . And now again I cannot but mention to you the necessity of hastening of the Irish Peace , for which I hope you are already furnished by Me with materials sufficient : But in case ( against all expectation and reason ) Peace cannot be had upon those terms , you must not by any means fall to a new rupture with them , but continue the Cessation ( according to a Postscript in a Letter by Jack Barry , a Copy of which Dispatch I herewith send you . ) So I rest . POSTSCRIPT . In case upon particular mens fancies the Irish Peace should not be procured upon powers I have already given you , I have thought good to give you this further Order ( which I hope will prove needless ) to seek to renew the Cessation for a year ; for which you shall promise the Irish ( if you can have it no cheaper ) to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchequin : for I hope by that time My condition may be such , as the Irish may be glad to accept less , or I be able to grant more . XXVI . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 19. Feb. MDCXLIV . V. 21. Oxford , 19. Feb. Old style . DEAR Heart , I cannot yet send Thee any certain word concerning the issue of our Treaty ; only the unreasonable stubbornness of the Rebels gives daily less and less hopes of any accommodation this way : wherefore I hope no rumours shall hinder Thee from hastning all Thou mayest all possible assistance to Me , and particularly that of the D. of Lorrain's , concerning which I received yesterday good news from Dr Goffe , that the P. of Orange will furnish Shipping for his Transportation ; and that the rest of his Negotiation goes hopefully on : by which , and many other ways , I find Thy affection so accompanied with dexterity , as I know not whether ( in their several kinds ) to esteem most . But I will say no more of this , lest Thou mayest think that I pretend to do this way what is but possible to be done by the continued actions of My Life . Though I leave news to others , yet I cannot but tell Thee that even now I have received certain intelligence of a great defeat given to Argyle by Montross , who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels , killed 1500 upon the place . Yesterday I received Thine of 27. Jan. by the Portugal Agent , the only way ( but Expresses ) I am confident on , either to receive Letters from Thee , or to send them to Thee . Indeed Sabrian sent Me word yesterday , besides some Complements , of the Imbargo of the Rebels Ships in France ( which I likewise put upon Thy score of kindness ) but is well enough content that the Portugal should be charged with Thy Dispatches . As for trusting the Rebels , either by going to London , or disbanding My Army before a Peace , do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foolishly ; for I esteem the interest Thou hast in Me at a far dearer rate , and pretend to have a little more wit ( at least by the Sympathy that is betwixt Us ) than to put My self into the reverence of perfidious Rebels . So impatiently expecting the Express Thou hast promised Me , I rest eternally Thine . I can now assure Thee that Hertogen the Irish Agent is an arrant knave , which shall be made manifest to Thee by the first opportunity of sending Pacquets . 11. 21. To My Wife , 19 Feb. 1645. by P. A. XXVII . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , Feb. 27. MDCXLIV . V. Ormond , THE impossibility of preserving My Protestant Subjects in Ireland by a continuation of the War , having moved Me to give you those powers and directions which I have formerly done for the concluding of a Peace there , and the same growing daily much more evident , that alone were reason enough for Me to enlarge your powers , and to make My commands in the point more positive . But besides these considerations , it being now manifest that the English Rebels have ( as far as in them lies ) given the command of Ireland to the Scots , that their aim is a total subversion of Religion and Regal Power , and that nothing less will content them , or purchase Peace here ; I think My self bound in Conscience not to let slip the means of setling that Kingdom ( if it may be ) fully under My obedience , nor to lose that assistance which I may hope from My Irish Subjects , for such scruples as in a less pressing condition might reasonably be stuck at by Me. For their satisfaction , I do therefore command you to conclude a Peace with the Irish whatever it cost , so that My Protestant Subjects there may be secured , and my Regal Authority preserved . But for all this , you are to make Me the best bargain you can , and not discover your inlargement of power till you needs must . And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you ; yet I cannot but tell you , that if the suspension of Poining's Act for such Bills as shall be agreed upon between you there , and the present taking away of the Penal Laws against Papists by a Law , will do it , I shall not think it a hard bargain ; so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in My assistance against My Rebels of England and Scotland , for which no conditions can be too hard , not being against Conscience or Honour . Copie to Ormond , 27. February 1644. 5. XXVIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Mar. 5. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , NOW is come to pass what I foresaw , the fruitless end ( as to a present Peace of this Treaty ; but I am still confident that I shall find very good effects of it : For besides that My Commissioners have offered , to say no more , full-measured reason , and the Rebels have stucken rigidly their demands , which I dare say had been too much , though they had taken Me Prisoner , so that assuredly the breach will light foully upon them ; We have likewise at this time discovered , and shall make it evidently appear to the world , that the English Rebels ( whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference ) have , as much as in them lies , transmitted the Command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots , which ( besides the reflection it will have upon these Rebels ) will clearly shew , that Reformation of the Church is not the chief , much less the only end of the Scotch Rebellion . But it being presumption , and no piety , so to trust to a good Cause , as not to use all lawful means to maintain it , I have thought of one means more to furnish Thee with for My assistance than hitherto Thou hast had . It is , that I give Thee power to promise in My Name ( to whom thou thinkest most fit ) that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England , as soon as God shall make Me able to do it ; so as by their means , or in their favours , I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour , and enable Me to do it . But if Thou ask what I call that assistance , I answer , that when Thou knowest what may be done for it , it will be easily seen if it deserve to be so esteemed . I need not tell Thee what secrecy this business requires ; yet this I will say , that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to Thee : for it is no thanks to Me to trust Thee in any thing else but in this , which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Us. And yet I know Thou wilt make as good a bargain for Me , even in this ; I trusting thee ( though it concern Religion ) as if Thou wert a Protestant , the visible good of My Affairs so much depending on it . I have so fully instructed this Bearer Pooly , that I will not say more to Thee now , but that herewith I send Thee a new Cypher , assuring Thee that none hath or shall have any Copy of it but My self , to the end Thou mayest use it when Thou shalt find fit to write any thing which Thou wilt judge worthy of Thy pains to put in Cypher , and to be decyphered by none but Me ; and so likewise from Him to Thee , who is eternally Thine . 20. 23. To My Wife , the 5. March , 1644. 5. by Pooly . XXIX . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 13 March , Old style . Dear Heart , WHAT I told thee last Week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Commons here , was on Monday last handsomly performed : and now if I do any thing unhandsom or disadvantageous to My self or Friends in order to a Treaty , it will be meerly My own Fault . For I confess , when I wrote last , I was in fear to have been pressed to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty , ( knowing that there were great labourings to that purpose : but now I promise Thee , if it be renewed , ( which I believe will not , without some eminent good success on My side ) it shall be to My honour and advantage , I being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions ( that is to say , our Mungrel Parliament here ) as of the chief causers , for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by Thee , for having suffered Thee to be vexed by them , Wilmot being already there , Percy on his way , and Sussex within few daies taking his journey to Thee ; but that I know thou carest not for a little trouble to free Me from great inconveniences . Yet I must tell Thee , that if I knew not the perfect stediness of Thy love to Me , I might reasonably apprehend that their repair to Thee would rather prove a change than an end of their Villanies ; and I cannot deny but My confidence in Thee was some cause of this permissive trouble to Thee . I have received Thine of the third of March , by which Thou puttest Me in hope of assistance of men and money ; and it is no little expression of Thy love to Me , that ( because of My business ) Festivals are troublesome to Thee : but I see that Assemblies in no Countries are very agreeable to Thee , and it may be done a purpose to make Thee weary of their companies : and excuse Me to tell Thee in earnest , that it is no wonder that mere Statesmen should desire to be rid of Thee . Therefore I desire Thee to think whether it would not advantage Thee much to make a personal Friendship with the Queen Regent ( without shewing any distrust of Her Ministers ; though not wholly trusting to them ) and to shew Her , that when Her Regency comes out ( and possibly before ) She may have need of Her Friends ; so that She shall but serve Her self by helping of Thee : and to say no more , but certainly , if this Rebellion had not begun to oppress Me when it did , a late great Queen had ended more glorious than She did . In the last place , I desire Thee to give Me a weekly account of Thy health , for I fear lest in that alone Thou takest not care enough to express Thy kindness to Him who is eternally Thine . The Northern news is rather better than what we first heard ; for what by Sir Langdale's and Montross's Victories Carlisle and the rest of our Northern Garrisons are relieved , and we hope for this year secured : and besides all this , the Northern Horse are already returned and joyned with My Nephew Rupert . To My Wife , 13. March 1644. 5. by P. A. XXX . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Thursday , 20. March. Dear Heart , UPON Saturday last I wrote to Thee by Sabran ( but this , I believe , may come as soon to Thee ) and I have received Thine of the seventh upon Monday last , which gave Me great contentment both in present and expectation , ( the quick passage being likewise a welcome circumstance : ) and yet I cannot but find a fault of omission in most of Thy latter Dispatches , there being nothing in them concerning Thy health : for though I confess that in this no news is good news , yet I am not so satisfied without a more perfect assurance ; and I hope Thou wilt by satisfying Me confess the justness of this My exception . I am now full fraught with expectation , ( I pray God send Me a good unlading ) for I look dayly for some blow of importance to be given about Taunton or Shrewsbury : And I am confidently assured of a considerable and sudden supply of men from Ireland . Likewise the Refractary Horse ( as the London Rebels call them ) may be reckoned in , for yet it is not known what fomenters they have , or whether they have none ; if the latter , there is the more hope of gaining them to Me : howsoever I doubt not but , if they stand out ( as it is probable ) good use may be made of them . Of this I believe to give Thee a perfecter account next Week , having sent to try their pulses . Petit came yesterday , but he having at London thrust his Dispatches into the States Ambassadours Pacquets , I have not yet received them ; and I would not stay to lengthen this in answer of them , nor give Thee half hopes of good Western news , knowing of an opportunity for writing to Thee within these three or four days : Only I congratulate with Thee for the safe arrival of Thy Tinne-adventure at Calis . And so farewel , Sweet heart . Thine of the 10. I have newly received , whereby I find that Thou much mistakest Me concerning Ir. for I desire nothing more than a Peace there , and never forbad Thy , commerce there : Only I gave Thee warning of some Irish in France , whom I then thought , and now know to be Knaves . To My Wife , 20. of March , 1644. 5. by P. A. XXXI . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Thursday , 27. March. Dear Heart , I Wrote to Thee yesterday by Sakefield , the subject of it was only kindness to Thee , which , I assure Thee , shall ever be visible in all My actions . And now I come to Jermin's account , given Me by Thy command , which is very clear , hopeful in most particulars , and absolutely satisfactory as concerning Thy care and industry . As for the main impediment in the D. of Lorrain's business ( which is his passage ) why mayest not Thou procure him passage through France ? ( if that of Holland be stuck at . ) It will much facilicate the Sea transportation in respect of landing on the Western Coast , which I believe will be found the best , there being not so many places to chuse on any where else . But this is an Opinion , not a Direction . The general face of My Affairs Me thinks begins to mend , the dissensions at London rather increasing than ceasing , Montross dayly prospering , My Western business mending apace , and hopeful in all the rest : So that if I had reasonable supplies of Money and Powder ( not to exclude any other ) I am confident to be in a better condition this year than I have been since this Rebellion began , and possibly I may put fair for the whole , and so enjoy Thy company again , without which nothing can be a contentment unto Me. And so Farewel , Dear Heart . I intend ( if Thou like it ) to bestow Percy 's place upon the M. of Newcastle , to whom yet I am no ways engaged , nor will be before I have Thy answer . As for Jack Barclay , I do not remember that I gave Thee any hopes of making him Master of the Wards ; for Cottington had it long ago before Thou wentest hence , and I intended it to Secr. Nich. if he then would have received it : and I am deceived if I did not tell Thee of it . I desire Thee to command Lo. Jer. to read to Thee the D ● Letter which goes herewith , and in it to mark well that part concerning the transportation of the D. of Lorrain's Army . 23. 30. To My Wife , 27. Mar. 1645. by P. A. XXXII . To the QUEEN . 31. Oxford , Sunday , 30. March. DEAR Heart , Since My last ( which was but 3. days ago ) there are no alterations happened of moment , preparations rather than actions being yet our chiefest business ; in which we hope that we proceed faster than the Rebels , whose Levies both of men and money ( for certain ) go on very slowly ; and I believe they are much weaker than is thought even here at Oxford . For instance ; A very honest Servant of Mine , and no fool , shewed Me a Proposition from one of the most considerable London Rebels , who will not let his name be known until he have hope that his Proposition will take effect : It is this , That since the Treaty is so broken off , that neither the Rebels nor I can resume it without at least a seeming total yielding to the other , the Treaty should be renewed upon Thy motion , with a pre-assurance that the Rebels will submit to reason . The answer that I permitted My Servant to give was , That Thou art much the fittest person to be the means of so happy and glorious a work as is the Peace of this Kingdom : but that upon no terms Thy name was to be prophaned , therefore he was to be satisfied of the Rebels willingness to yield to reason , before he would consent that any such intimation should be made to Thee ; and particularly concerning Religion and the Militia , that nothing must be insisted upon , but according to My former offers . This I believe will come to nothing , yet I cannot but advertise Thee of any thing that comes to My knowledge of this consequence . I must again tell Thee , that most assuredly France will be the best way for transportation of the D. of Lorrain's Army , there being divers fit and safe places of landing for them upon the Western coasts , besides the Ports under My Obedience , as Shelsey near Chichester , and others , of which I will advertise Thee when the time comes . By My next I think to tell Thee when I shall march into the Field , for which Money is now His greatest want ( I need say no more ) who is eternally Thine . 18. 31. To My Wife , 30. March , 1645. by Petit. XXXIII . To the QUEEN . The little that is here in Cypher is in that which I sent to Thee by Pooly . 33. OXFORD , Wednesday , 9. April , MDCXLV . Dear Heart , THough it be an uncomfortable thing to write by a slow Messenger , yet all occasions of this ( which is now the only ) way of conversing with Thee is so welcome to Me , as I shall be loth to lose any ; but expect ne●ther news nor publick business from Me by this way of conveyance : yet judging Thee by My self , even these nothings will not be unwelcome to Thee , though I should chide Thee , which if I could I would do , for Thy too sudden taking Alarms . I pray thee consider , since I love Thee above all earthly things , and that My contentment is unseparably conjoyned with Thine , must not all My actions tend to serve and please Thee ? If Thou knewest what a life I lead ( I speak not in respect of the common distractions ) even in point of conversation , which , in My mind , is the chief joy or vexation of ones life , I dare say Thou wouldest pity Me ; for some are too wise , others too foolish , some too busie , others too reserved , many fantastick . In a word , when I know none better ( I speak not now in relation to business ) than 359. 8. 270. 55. 5. 7. 67. 18. 294. 35. 69. 16. 54. 6. 38. 1. 67. 68. 9. 66. Thou maiest easily judge how My conversation pleaseth Me. I confess Thy company hath perhaps made Me in this hard to be pleased , but not less to be pitied by Thee , who art the only cure for this disease . The end of all is this , to desire Thee to comfort Me as often as Thou canst with Thy Letters : and dost not Thou think , that to know particulars of Thy health , and how Thou spendest the time , are pleasing subjects to Me , though Thou hast no other business to write of ? Believe Me , Sweet Heart , Thy kindness is as necessary to comfort My heart , as Thy assistance is for My Affairs . To My Wife , 9. April , 1645. by Binion . XXXIV . To the Lord JERMIN . Oxford , Thursday , 24. April . HArry , Lest My Wife should not yet be fit for any business , I write this to you , not to excuse My pains , but ease Hers : and that She may know , but not be troubled with My kindness , I refer to your discretion how far to impart My Letter to Her , or any other business , that so Her health in the first place be cared for , then My affairs . And now I must tell you , that undoubtedly if you had not trusted to Digby's sanguine complection ( not to be rebated from sending good news ) you would not have found fault with him for sending mistaken intelligence ; for if he should strictly tie himself to certain truths in this kind , you must have nothing from him but My Proclamations , or Ordinances from the pretended Houses . But tell Me , can you not distinguish between what we send you upon certainty , and what upon uncertain reports , without making an oath the mark of distinction ? And are you obliged to publish all the news we send you ? Seriously I think news may be sometimes too good to be told in the French Court ; and certainly there is as much dexterity in publishing of news , as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty : for as I would not have them think that all assistance bestowed upon Me were in vain ; so I would not have them believe that I needed no help , lest they should underhand assist any Rebels , to keep the balance of dissention amongst us equal . For matter of News and present state of My affairs I refer you to Digby ; only this in general , that if it please God to assist us this year but half so miraculously as He did the last ( My present state compared with what it was this time twelve-month ) I am very hopeful to see a joyful harvest before next Winter . Nor do I think this in any humane probability possible , except My Wife can procure Me considerable assistance both of men and money ; of which I conceive little reason to despair , your last giving Me good hope concerning Lorrain : and though I say not that for the other I have so good an Author as 196. yet I hope you will not much blame My confidence , when 149. in hers the 10. of March says , J'ay une Affaire assurée , que vous donnerez 40000. Pistoles , que Je vous eusse envoyé si J'eusse veu mon navire revenu avec l'estain . In the last place I will impose that upon you that is not reasonable to expect from My Wife , which is , to give Me a continual account what Letters She receives from Me , and what miscarry or come slowly ; to which end take notice , that all My Letters to Her are numerarily marked on the top , as this with 37. and likewise I now begin the same with you . So farewel . In your next let Me know particularly how My Wife is : which though it be not as I would have it , yet the perfect knowledge will hinder Me to imagine her worse than She is ; if well , then every word will please Me. I have commanded Digby to write to you freely concerning Will. Murry , which I hold to be necessary as concerning Montross's business . To the L. Jermin , 24. April , 1645. concerning France . XXXV . To the QUEEN . 39. Oxford , Sunday , 4. May. DEAR Heart , The Rebels new brutish General hath refused to meddle with forein Passes , so as yet I cannot dispatch Adrian May to Thee by the way of London ; which if I cannot very shortly , I will send him by the West . And now , it I could be assured of Thy recovery , I would have but few melancholy thoughts , for I thank God My Affairs begin to smile upon Me again ; Wales being well swept of the Rebels , Farrington having relieved it self , and now being secured by Goring's coming , My Nephews likewise having brought Me a strong party of Horse and Foot , these quarters are so free , that I hope to be marching within three or four daies , and am still confident to have the start of the Rebels this year . I am likewise very hopeful that My Son will shortly be in the head of a good Army ; for this I have the chearful assurance of Culpepper and Hyde . Of late I have been much pressed to make Southampton Master of My Horse , not more for good will to him , as out of fear that Hamilton might return to a capacity of re-cozening Me ; wherein if I had done nothing , both jealousie and discontents were like to arise : wherefore I thought fit to put My Nephew Rupert in that place , which will both save Me charge , and stop other mens grumbings . I have now no more to say , but praying for , and impatiently expecting of good news from Thee , I rest , eternally Thine . 39. To My Wife , 4. May , 1645. by Malin S. Ravy . XXXVI . To the QUEEN . Droitwich , Wednesday , 14. May. DEAR Heart ; Marching takes away the conveniency of sending My Letters so safe and quick to Thee as when I was at Oxford , however I shall not fail to do what I can to send often to Thee . There is so little news for the present , as I will leave that subject for others ; only upon Saturday last I received a Dispatch from Montross , which assures Me his condition to be so good , that he bids Me be confident that his Country-men shall do Me no great harm this year ; and if I could lend him but 500. Horse , he would undertake to bring Me 20000. men before the end of this Summer . For the general state of My affairs , we all here think it to be very hopeful ; this Army being of a good strength , well ordered , and increasing ; My Sons such , that Fairfax will not be refused to be fought with , of which I hope Thou wilt receive good satisfaction from himself . It 's true that I cannot brag of store of money , but a sharp sword alwaies hinders starving at least ; and I believe the Rebels Coffers are not very full ( and certainly we shall make as good shift with empty purses as they ) or they must have some greater defect , else their Levies could not be so backward as they are ; for I assure Thee that I have at this instant many more men in the Field than they . I am not very confident what their Northern Forces are , but except they are much stronger than I am made believe , I may likewise include them . Now I must make a complaint to Thee of My Son Charles , which troubles Me the more , that Thou maiest suspect I seek by equivocation to hide the breach of My word , which I hate above all things , especially to Thee . It is this , He hath sent to desire Me , that Sir John Greenvil may be sworn Gentleman of his Bed-chamber , but is already so publickly ingaged in it , that the refusal would be a great disgrace both to my Son and the young Gentleman , to whom it is not fit to give a just distaste , especially now , considering his Father's merits , his own hopefulness , besides the great power that Family has in the West . Yet I have refused the admitting of him until I shall hear from Thee . Wherefore I desire Thee , first to chide My Son for ingaging himself without one of Our consents ; then , not to refuse Thy own consent ; and lastly , to believe that directly or indirectly I never knew of this while yesterday at the delivery of My Son's Letter . So farewel , Sweet Heart , and God send Me good news from Thee . To My Wife , May 14. 1645. XXXVII . To the QUEEN . Daintry , Sunday , 9. June . DEAR Heart , Oxford being free , I hope this will come sooner to Thee than otherwise I could have expected , which makes Me believe that My good news will not be very stale , which in short is this : Since the taking of Leicester , My marching down hither to relieve Oxford made the Rebels raise their siege before I could come near them , having had their Quarters once or twice beaten up by that Garrison , and lost four hundred men at an assault before Bostol-House . At first I thought they would have fought with Me , being marched as far as Brackly , but they are since gone aside to Brickhill , so as I believe they are weaker than they are thought to be ; whether by their distractions , ( which are certainly very great , Fairfax and Brown having been at Cudgels , and his men and Cromwell's likewise at blows together , where a Captain was slain ) or wasting their men , I will not say . Besides Goring hath given a great defeat to the Western Rebels , but I do not yet know the particulars . Wherefore I may ( without being too much sanguine ) affirm , that ( since this Rebellion ) My Affairs were never in so fair and hopeful a way ; though among our selves we want not our own follies , which is needless , and I am sure tedious , to tell Thee , but such as I am confident shall do no harm , nor much trouble Me. Yet I must tell Thee , that it is Thy Letter by Fitz-Williams , assuring Me of Thy perfect recovery , with Thy wonted kindness , which makes Me capable of taking contentment in these good successes : For as divers men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and hazard in this Rebellion , so Thy Company is the only reward I expect and wish for . To My Wife , 9. June , 1645. XXXVIII . To Prince RUPERT . CAERDIFFE , Aug. 3. MDCXLV . C. R. NEphew , This is occasioned by a Letter of yours which the Duke of Richmond shewed Me yesterday . And first I assure you , I have been ( and ever will be ) very careful to advertise you of My resolutions so soon as they were taken ; and if I enjoyned silence to that which was no secret , it was not My fault , for I thought it one , and I am sure it ought to have been so . Now as for your opinion of My Business , and your Counsel thereupon , If I had any other quarrel but the defence of My Religion , Crown and Friends , you had full reason for your advice : For I confess that speaking either as a meer Souldier or Statesman , I must say there is no probability but of My Ruine ; yet as a Christian I must tell you , that God will not suffer Rebels and Traitors to prosper , nor this Cause to be overthrown . And whatsoever personal punishment it shall please Him to inflict upon Me , must not make Me repine , much less give over this quarrel : and there is as little question , that a composition with them at this time is nothing else but a submission , which by the grace of God I am resolved against , whatsoever it cost Me ; for I know My obligation to be , both in Conscience and Honour , neither to abandon God's Cause , injure My Successors , nor forsake My Friends . Indeed I cannot flatter My self with expectation of good success more than this , to end My days with Honour and a good Conscience , which obligeth Me to continue My endeavours , in not despairing that God may yet in due time avenge His own Cause ; though I must aver to all My Friends , that he that will stay with Me at this time , must expect and resolve either to die for a good Cause , or ( which is worse ) to live as miserable in maintaining it as the violence of insulting Rebels can make him . Having thus truly and impartially stated My Case unto you , and plainly told you My resolutions , which by the grace of God I will not alter , they being neither lightly nor suddenly grounded , I earnestly desire you not in any wise to hearken now after Treaties , assuring you , that as low as I am , I will do no more than was offered in My Name at Vxbridge ; confessing that it were as great a miracle that they should agree to so much reason , as that I should be within a month in the same condition that I was immediately before the Battel at Naseby . Therefore for God's sake let us not flatter our selves with these conceits . And believe Me , your very imagination that you are desirous of a Treaty will but lose Me so much the sooner : wherefore as you love Me , whatsoever you have already done , apply your discourse hereafter according to My resolution and judgement . As for the Irish , I assure you they shall not cheat Me ; but it is possible they may cozen themselves : for be assured , what I have refused to the English , I will not grant to the Irish Rebels , never trusting to that kind of people ( of what Nation soever ) more than I see by their Actions . And I am sending to Ormond such a Dispatch , as I am sure will please you and all honest men ; a Copy whereof by the next opportunity you shall have . Lastly , be confident I would not have put you nor My self to the trouble of this long Letter , had I not a great estimation of you , and a full confidence of your Friendship too . Caerdiffe , August 3. 1645. C. R. XXXIX . To Secretary NICHOLAS . CAERDIFFE , Aug. 4. MDCXLV . Nicholas , HAving commanded your fellow-Secretary to give you a full account as well of our proceedings here as resolutions , I will neither trouble you nor My self with repetitions , Only for My self , I must desire you to let every one know , that no distresses of Fortune whatsoever shall make Me , by the grace of God , in any thing recede from those grounds I laid down to you who were My Commissioners at Vxbridge , and which ( I thank them ) the Rebels have published in print . And though I could have wished their pains had been spared , yet I will neither deny that those things are Mine which they have set out in My Name ( only some words here and there are mistaken , and some Comma's misplaced , but not much material ) nor , as a good Protestant or honest man , blush for any of those Papers . Indeed as a discreet man I will not justifie My self ; and yet I would fain know him who would be willing that the freedom of all his private Letters were publickly seen , as Mine have now been . However , so that one clause be rightly understood , I care not much though the rest take their fortune : It is concerning the Mungrel Parliament . The truth is , that Sussex's factiousness at that time put Me somewhat out of patience , which made Me freely vent My displeasure against those of his party to My Wife ; and the intention of that phrase was , that his Faction did what they could to make it come to that , by their raising and fomenting of base Propositions . This is clearly evidenced by My following excuse to Her , for suffering those people to trouble Her , the reason being , to eschew those greater inconveniences which they had , and were more likely to cause here than there . I am now going to supper , and so I rest , Your most assured Friend , C. R. XL. For My Son the PRINCE . Charles , THis is rather to tell you where I am , and that I am well , than at this time to direct you any thing , I having wrote fully to your Mother what I would have you to do ; whom I command you to obey in every thing , except in Religion , concerning which I am confident She will not trouble you ; and see that you go not any whither without Her or My particular directions . Let Me hear often from you ; and so God bless you . Your loving Father , CHARLES R. Newcastle , June 2. 1646. If Jack Ashburnham come where you are , command him to wait upon you as he was wont , until I shall send for him , if your Mother and you be together ; if not , he must wait on Her. XLI . To the Duke of YORK . CAVERSHAM , July 4. MDCXLVII . C. R. JAmes , I am in hope that you may be permitted , with your Brother and Sister , to come to some place betwixt this and London , where I may see you . To this end therefore I command you to ask leave of the two Houses , to make a journey ( if it may be ) for a night or two . But rather than not to see you , I will be content that ye come to some convenient place to dine , and go back at night . And foreseeing the fear of your being brought within the power of the Army , as I am , may be objected to hinder this My desire ; I have full assurance from Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Chief Officers , that there will be no interruption or impediment made by them for your return , how and when you please . So God bless you . Your loving Father , CHARLES R. Casam , July 4. 1647. POSTSCRIPT . Send Me word as soon as you can , of the time and place where I shall have the contentment of seeing you , your Brother and Sister . XLII . To Colonel WHALEY . HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . COlonel Whaley , I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntington , that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under My Hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie , by your protecting of My Houshold-stuff and Moveables of all sorts which I leave behind Me in this House , that they be neither spoiled nor imbezeled . Only there are three Pictures here which are not Mine , that I desire you to restore : to wit , my Wife's Picture in blew , sitting in a Chair , you must send to Mrs Kirke ; My Eldest Daughters Picture copied by Belcam , to the Countess of Anglesey ; and My Lady Stanhop's Picture to Carey Raleigh . There is a fourth which I had almost forgot , it is the original of My Eldest Daughter ( it hangs in this Chamber over the Board next the Chimney ) which you must send to My Lady Aubigney . So being confident that you wish My preservation and restitution , I rest , Your Friend , CHARLES R. I assure you it was not the Letter you shewed Me yesterday that made Me take this resolution , nor any advertisement of that kind : But I confess that I am loth to be made a close Prisoner , under pretence of securing My life . I had almost forgot to desire you to send the black Grew-Bitch to the D. of Richmond . XLIII . To the Lord MOUNTAGUE , HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . Montague , FIRST , I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows thanks for the civilities and good conversation that I have had from you . Next I command you to send this My Message ( which you will find upon this Table ) to the two Houses of Parliament , and likewise to give a Copy of it to Colonel Whaley to be sent to the General . Likewise I desire you to send all My Saddle-Horses to My Son the Duke of York . As for what concerns the resolution that I have taken , My Declaratory Message saies so much , that I refer you to it ; and so I rest , Your assured Friend , CHARLES R. XLIV . For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX General . C. R. HAving left order at Our remove from Hampton-Court , that a Copy should be given you of what We had then written to both Houses of Parliament touching the causes of Our withdrawing , and the continuance of Our resolutions to improve every occasion of the satisfaction of all chief Interests , that so a happy Peace may be setled in Our Dominions ; in pursuance whereof We have lately sent a Message to both Houses from this place , and a Copy of it to you ; and being desirous , in order to that blessed work , to give you Our present sense upon the condition of affairs as they now stand : We have thought fit to appoint Sir John Barkley to repair unto you , and to communicate the same to you : And We shall be glad by him to receive a mutual communication of your sense also upon this subject ; not doubting but you easily perceive by the late disorders , into what a depth of confusion the Army and the Nation will fall , if timely and effectual preventions be not used . And therefore We have now again proposed ( as the only expedient ) a Personal Treaty , for the composing of all differences , and fulfilling the desires of all Interests . To which if you will employ your credit , as you cannot but expect the blessings of God upon your endeavours therein ; so may you justly look for the best return that ever Our condition shall be able to make you . Given at Carisbrook-Castle , Novemb. 26. 1647. XLV . For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , General . C. R. THE free liberty which you willingly afforded Us to have the use of Our Chaplains , makes us at this time not only to acknowledge your former Civilities , but likewise now to acquaint you that three of Our Chaplains , to wit , Dr Sheldon , Dr Holdsworth and Dr Haywood are newly landed in this Isle , not doubting but they shall have the same protection that formerly they had ; which still will shew the continuation of your good respect unto Us , which we upon all fitting occasions shall not be backward to acknowledge . So We bid you heartily farewel . Given at Carisbrook-Castle , Novemb. 27. 1647. XLVI . To the Lords , Gentlemen , and Committee of the Scotch Parliament , together with the Officers of the Army . CARISBROOK , July 31. MDCXLVIII . My Lords and Gentlemen , IT is no small comfort to Me , that My Native Country hath so true a sense of My present condition , as I find expressed by your Letter of the eighth of this Month , and your Declaration , both which I received upon Friday last . And the very same reason which makes you discreetly and generously at this time forbear to press any thing to Me , hinders Me likewise to make any particular professions unto you , lest it may be imagined that desire of Liberty should now be the only Secretary to My thoughts . Yet thus much I cannot but say , that as in all humane reason nothing but a free Personal Treaty with me can settle the unhappy distractions of these distressed Kingdoms ; so , if that could once be had , I would not doubt but that ( by the grace of God ) a happy Peace would soon follow : Such force ( I believe ) true reason has in the hearts of all men , when it may be clearly and calmly heard ; and I am not ashamed at all times to profess that it hath , and shall be alwaies want of Understanding , not of will , if I do not yield to reason , whensoever and from whomsoever I hear it : and it were a strange thing , if reason should be less esteemed because it comes from Me ; which ( truly ) I do not expect from you , your Declaration seeming to Me ( and I hope your Actions will prove that I am not deceived ) to be so well grounded upon Honour and Justice , that albeit , by way of opinion , I cannot give a Placet to every Clause in it , yet I am confident upon a calm and friendly debate we shall very well agree . To conclude , I cannot ( for the present ) better shew My thankfulness to you for the generous and loyal expressions of your Affections to Me , than by giving you My honest and sincere advice ; which is , really and constantly , without seeking private ends , to pursue the publick professions in your Declaration , as sincere Christians and good Subjects ought to do , always remembring , that as the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity , so true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty ; for without this reciprocation neither is truly what they pretend to be . But I am both confident that needs not to you , as likewise , that you will rightly understand this which is affectionately intended by your assured Friend , Carisbrook , Monday , 31. July , 1648. C. R. XLVII . To the PRINCE . NEWPORT , Nov. 29. MDCXLVIII . SON , BY what hath been said , you may see how long We have laboured in the search of Peace : Do not you be discouraged to tread those ways in all worthy means to restore your self to your Right , but prefer the way of Peace . Shew the greatness of your Mind , rather to conquer your Enemies by pardoning , than by punishing . If you saw how unmanly and unchristianly this implacable disposition is in our ill-willers , you would avoid that spirit . Censure Us not for having parted with too much of Our Own Right ; the price was great , the commodity was , Security to Us , Peace to Our People : And We are confident another Parliament would remember how useful a King's Power is to a Peoples Liberty ; of how much We have devested Our self , that We and they might meet again in a due Parliamentary way , to agree the bounds for Prince and People . And in this give belief to Our experience , never to affect more Greatness or Prerogative than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of your Subjects , ( not satisfaction of Favourites . ) And if you thus use it , you will never want means to be a Father to all , and a bountiful Prince to any you would be extraordinarily gracious unto . You may perceive all men trust their treasure where it returns them interest : And if Princes , like the Sea , receive and repay all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with , they will not grudge , but pride themselves to make them up an Ocean . These considerations may make you a great Prince , as your Father is now a low one : and your state may be so much the more established , as Mine hath been shaken . For Subjects have learnt ( We dare say ) that Victories over their Princes are but triumphs over themselves , and so will be more unwilling to hearken to changes hereafter . The English Nation are a sober People , however at present under some infatuation . We know not but this may be the last time We may speak to you or the world publickly : We are sensible into what hand We are fallen ; and yet We bless God We have those inward refreshments that the malice of Our Enemies cannot perturb . We have learnt to own Our self by retiring into Our self , and therefore can the better digest what befalls Us , not doubting but God can restrain Our Enemies Malice , and turn their fierceness unto His Praise . To conclude , If God give you success , use it humbly , and far from revenge : If he restore you to your Right upon hard conditions , whatever you promise , keep . Those men which have forced Laws which they were bound to observe , will find their triumphs full of troubles . Do not think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means . You are the Son of Our love ; and as We direct you to what We have recommended to you , so We assure You , We do not more affectionately pray for you , ( to whom We are a natural Parent ) than We do that the ancient glory and renown of this Nation be not buried in irreligion and fanatick humour ; and that all Our Subjects ( to whom We are a Politick Parent ) may have such sober thoughts , as to seek their Peace in the Orthodox Profession of the Christian Religion as it was established since the Reformation in this Kingdom , and not in new Revelations ; and that the ancient Laws , with the interpretation according to the known practices , may once again be an Hedge about them , that you may in due time govern , and they be governed , as in the fear of the Lord. C. R. The Commissioners are gone , the Corn is now in the Ground , We expect the harvest : if the fruit be Peace , We hope the God of Peace will in time reduce all to Truth and Order again : which that he may do , is he Prayer of C. R. XLVIII . For the KING . SIR , HAving no means to come to the knowledge of Your Majesties present condition but such as I receive from the Prints ; or ( which is as uncertain ) Report , I have sent this Bearer Seamour to wait upon Your Majesty , and to bring me an account of it ; that I may withal assure Your Majesty , I do not only pray for Your Majesty , according to my Duty , but shall alwaies be ready to do all which shall be in my power , to deserve that Blessing which I now humbly beg of Your Majesty upon , Sir , Your Majesties most humble and most obedient Son and Servant , CHARLES . Hague , January 23. 1648. HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECHES . I. To the Lords and Commons , at the opening of His First Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , June 18. MDCXXV . I Thank God that the business to be treated on at this time is of such a nature , that it needs no Eloquence to set it forth ; for I am neither able to do it , neither doth it stand with My Nature to spend much time in words . It is no new business , being already happily begun by My Father of blessed memory , who is with God ; therefore it needeth no Narrative : I hope in God you will go on to maintain it as freely as you advised My Father to it . It is true , He may seem to some to have been slack to begin so just and so glorious a Work ; but it was His Wisdom that made Him loth to begin a work , until He might find means to maintain it : But after that He saw how much He was abused in the confidence He had with other States , and was confirmed by your advice to run the course we are in , with your Engagement to maintain it , I need not press to prove how willingly He took your Advice ; for the Preparations that are made are better able to declare it than I to speak it : The assistance of those in Germany , the Fleet that is ready for action , with the rest of the Preparations which I have only followed My Father in , do sufficiently prove that He entred into this Action . My Lords and Gentlemen , I hope that you do remember that you were pleased to imploy Me to advise My Father to break off those two Treaties that were on foot ; so that I cannot say I came hither a free unengaged man. It 's true , I came into this business willingly and freely , like a young man , and consequently rashly ; but it was by your interest , your engagement : So that though it were done like a young man , yet I cannot repent Me of it ; and I think none can blame Me for it , knowing the love and fidelity you have born to your King , having My self likewise some little experience of your affections . I pray you remember that this being My first Action , and begun by your advice and entreaty , what a great dishonour it were to you and Me , if this Action so begun should fail for that assistance you are able to give Me. Yet knowing the constancy of your love both to Me and this Business , I needed not to have said this , but only to shew what care and sense I have of your Honours and Mine own . I must entreat you likewise to consider of the Times we are in , how that I must adventure your lives ( which I should be loth to do ) should I continue you here long ; and you must venture the Business , if you be slow in your resolutions . Wherefore I hope you will take such grave Counsel , as you will expedite what you have in hand to do ; which will do Me and your selves an infinite deal of Honour : You , in shewing your love to Me ; and Me , that I may perfect that Work which My Father hath so happily begun . Last of all , because some malicious men may , and , as I hear , have given out , that I am not so true a Keeper and Maintainer of the true Religion that I profess ; I assure you that I may with St Paul say , that I have been trained up at Gamaliel's feet : and although I shall never be so arrogant as to assume unto My self the rest , I shall so far shew the end of it , that all the World may see that none hath been , nor ever shall be , more desirous to maintain the Religion I profess than I shall be . Now because I am unfit for much speaking . I mean to bring up the fashion of My Predecessors , to have My Lord Keeper speak for Me in most things : Therefore I have commanded him to speak something unto you at this time , which is more for formality , than any great matter he hath to say unto you . II. To the Lords and Commons , in the Hall at CHRISTS-CHURCH in OXFORD , Aug. 4. MDCXXV . MY Lords , and you of the Commons , We all remember that from your Desires and Advice , My Father , now with God , brake off those two Treaties with Spain that were then in hand . Well you then foresaw , that as well for regaining My dispossessed Brothers Inheritance , as Home defence , a War was likely to succeed ; and that as your Counsels had let My Father into it , so your assistance in a Parliamentary way to pursue it should not be wanting . That Aid you gave Him by Advice was for succour of His Allies , the guarding of Ireland and the home part , supplie of Munition , preparing and setting forth of His Navy . A Councel you thought of , and appointed for the War , and Treasurers for issuing of the Moneys . And to begin this Work of your Advice , you gave three Subsidies , and as many Fifteens , which with speed were levied , and by direction of that Councel of War ( in which the preparation of this Navy was not the least ) disbursed . It pleased God at the entrance of this Preparation ( by your Advice begun ) to call My Father to His Mercy , whereby I entred as well to the care of your Design as His Crown . I did not then , as Princes do , of Custom and Formality re-assemble you , but that by your further Advice and Aid I might be able to proceed in that which by your Counsels My Father was ingaged in . Your love to Me and forwardness to further those Affairs you expressed by a grant of two Subsidies yet ungathered ; although I must assure you , by My self and others upon credit taken up , and aforehand disbursed , and far short as yet to set forth that Navy now preparing ; as I have lately the estimate of those of care , and who are still employed about it , whose particular of all expences about this Preparation shall be given you when you please to take an accompt of it . Another contracted Copy of the two foregoing Speeches . Other Copies having contracted the substance of both these Speeches foregoing into one , supposed to be spoken at Westminster , at the Opening of the Parliament , it was thought fit to represent both Copies , leaving it to the Memory of such as were then present to decide which is the true . MY Lords and Gentlemen , You are not ignorant that at your earnest entreaty , the twenty third of March sixteen hundred twenty three , My Father ( of Happy Memory ) first took up arms for the recovery of the Palatinate ; for which purpose , by your assistance , He began to form a considerable Army , and to prepare a goodly Armado and Navy Royal. But Death intervening between Him and the atchievement , the War , with the Crown , is devolved upon Me. To the prosecution whereof as I am obliged both in Nature and Honour ; so I question not but , the same necessity continuing , you will cherish the Action with the like affection , and further it with a ready Contribution . True it is , You furnished My Father with affectionate Supplies ; but they held no symmetrie or proportion with the charge of so great an Enterprise : for those your Donatives are all disburst to a peny ; and I am inforced to summon you hither , to tell you , that neither can the Army advance nor the Fleet set forth without farther Aid . Consider , I pray you , the eyes of all Europe are defixt upon Me ; to whom I shall appear ridiculous , as though I were unable to outgo Muster and Ostentation , if you now desert Me. Consider , it is My first attempt ; wherein if I sustain a foil , it will blemish all My future Honour . If Mine cannot , let your own Reputation move you : Deliver and expedite Me fairly out of this War wherewith you have incumbred ( let it never be said , whereinto you have betrayed ) Me. I desire therefore your speedy Supplie : Speedy I call it , for else it will prove no Supply . The Sun , you know , is entring into his declining point ; so it will be soon too late to set forth , when it will be rather not too soon to return . Again , I must mind you of the Mortality now regnant in this City , which should it ( as so it may , and no breach of Priviledge neither ) arrest any one Member of either House , it soon would put a period both to Consultation and Session : so that your own Periclitation necessitates an early Resolution . In summ , Three of the best Rhetoricians , Honour , Opportunity , and Safety , are all of a Plot , and plead , you see , for Expedition . Perhaps it may be expected I should say something in way of account of My Religion , as also of the temper and tenor of My future Government : But as I hope I have not been guilty of any thing which may justly start the least question in either ; so I desire you would repose in this assurance , that I will in neither vary from those Principles wherein I have been instituted at the feet of that eminent Gamaliel , My late Father . III. To the Speaker of the House of Commons of His Second Parliament , MDCXXV . VI. MAster Speaker , The Answer of the Commons delivered by you I like well of , and do take it for a full & satisfactory Answer , and I thank them for it ; and I hope you will with all expedition take a course for performance thereof , the which will turn to your own good as well as Mine . But for your Clause therein of presenting of Grievances , I take that but for a Parenthesis in your Speech , and not a Condition ; and yet , for answer to that part , I will tell you , I will be as willing to hear your Grievances as My Predecessors have been , so that you will apply your selves to redress Grievances , and not to inquire after Grievances . I must let you know , that I will not allow any of My Servants to be questioned among you ; much less such as are of eminent place and near unto Me. The old question was , What shall be done to the man whom the King will honour ? but now it hath been the labour of some , to seek what may be done against him whom the King thinks fit to honour . I see you specially aim at the Duke of Buckingham : I wonder what hath so altered your affections toward him . I do well remember that in the last Parliament in My Father's time , when he was an Instrument to break the Treaties , all of you ( and yet I cannot say all , for I know some of you are changed , but yet the House of Commons is always the same ) did so much honour and respect him , that all the honour conferred on him was too little : and what he hath done since to alter or change your minds I wote not ; but can assure you , he hath not medled or done any thing concerning the Publick or Commonwealth but by special directions and appointment , and as My Servant ; and is so far from gaining or improving his Estate thereby , that I verily think he hath rather impaired the same . I would you would hasten for My Supply , or else it will be worse for your selves ; for if any ill happen , I think I shall be the last shall feel it . IV. To the Lords and Commons , at WHITE-HALL , Mar. 29. MDCXXVI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I have called you hither to day , I mean both Houses of Parliament ; but it is for several and distinct reasons . My Lords , you of the Upper House , to give you thanks for your Care of the state of the Kingdom now ; and not only for the care of your own Proceedings , but for inciting your Fellow-House of the Commons to take that into their consideration . Therefore , My Lords , I must not only give you thanks , but I must also avow , that if this Parliament do not redound to the good of this Kingdom , which I pray God it may , it is not your faults . And you , Gentlemen of the House of Commons , I am sorry that I may not justly give the same thanks to you ; but I must tell you , that I am come here to shew you your Errors , and , as I may call it , Unparliamentary Proceedings in this Parliament . But I do not despair , because you shall see your faults so clearly by the Lord Keeper , that you may so amend your Proceeding , that this Parliament shall end comfortably and happily , though at the beginning it hath had some rubs . After the Lord Keeper had declared His MAJESTY's pleasure to them , Himself added , I must withal put you in mind a little of times past . You may remember that in the time of My Blessed Father you did with your Counsel and perswasion prevail with My Father and Me to break off the Treaties . I confess I was your Instrument for two Reasons : One was , the fitness of the time ; the other , because I was seconded by so great and worthy a Body as the whole Body of Parliament . Then there was no body in so great favour with you as this man whom you seem now to touch , but indeed , My Father's Government and Mine . Now that you have all things according to your wishes , and that I am so far ingaged that you think there is no retreat , now you begin to set the Dice , and make your own Game . But I pray you be not deceived ; it is not a Parliamentary way , nor is it a way to deal with a King. Master Coke told you , It was better to dye by a foreign Enemy than to be destroyed at home . Indeed I think it is more Honour for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a foreign Enemy , than to be despised by His Own Subjects . Remember that Parliaments are altogether in My Power for their Calling , Sitting , and Dissolution ; therefore as I find the fruits of them good or evil , they are to continue , or not to be . And remember that if in this time instead of mending your Errors , by delay you persist in your Errors , you make them greater and irreconcileable : whereas , on the other side , if you do go on chearfully to mend them , and look to the distressed state of Christendom , and the Affairs of the Kingdom as it lyeth now by this great Engagement , you will do your selves honour , you shall incourage Me to go on with Parliaments , and I hope all Christendom shall feel the good of it . V. To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , May 11. MDCXXVI . MY Lords , The Cause and only Cause of My coming to you this day is , to express the sense I have of all your Honours ; for he that toucheth any of you , toucheth Me in a very great measure . I have thought fit to take order for the punishing some insolent Speeches lately spoken : I have been too remiss heretofore in punishing such Speeches as concern My self . Not that I was greedy of their Monies , but that Buckingham through his importunity would not suffer Me to take notice of them , lest he might be thought to have set Me on , and that he might come the forwarder to his Trial. And to approve his Innocency as touching the matters against him , I My self can be a Witness to clear him in every one of them . I speak not this to take any thing out of your hands , but to shew the reason why I have not hitherto punished those insolent Speeches against My self . And now I hope you will be as tender of My Honour , when time shall serve , as I have been sensible of yours . VI. To the French Servants of the QUEEN , at Somerset-House , July 1. MDCXXVI . GEntlemen and Ladies , I am driven to that extremity , as I am personally come to acquaint you that I very earnestly desire your return into France . True it is , the deportment of some amongst you hath been very inoffensive to Me : But others again have so dallied with My Patience , and so highly affronted Me , as I cannot , I will no longer endure it . VII . To the Lords and Commons , at the opening of His Third Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , Mar. 17. MDCXXVII . VIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The Times are now for Action : for Action , I say , not for Words ; therefore I shall use but a few : And ( as Kings are said to be exemplary to Their Subjects , so ) I wish you would imitate Me in this , and use as few , falling upon speedy Consultation . No man is , I conceive , such a Stranger to the Common Necessity as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting , and not to think Supply to be the end of it . And as this Necessity is the product and consequent of your Advice ; so the true Religion , the Laws and Liberties of this State , and just Defence of our Friends and Allies , being so considerably concerned , will be , I hope , arguments enough to perswade Supply : For if it be , as most true it is , both My Duty and yours to preserve this Church and Common-wealth , this Exigency certainly requires it . In this time of Common danger I have taken the most antient speedy and best way for Supply , by calling you together . If ( which God forbid ) in not contributing what may answer the quality of My occasions you do not your duties , it shall suffice I have done Mine ; in the Conscience whereof I shall rest content , and take some other course , for which God hath impowered Me , to save that which the folly of particular men might hazard to lose . Take not this as a Menace , ( for I scorn to threaten any but My Equals , ) but as an Admonition from Him who is tied both by Nature and Duty to provide for your preservations . And I hppe , though I thus speak , your Demeanours will be such as shall not only make Me approve your former Counsels , but oblige Me in thankfulness to meet you oftner ; than which nothing can be more pleasing to Me. I will only add one thing more , and then leave My Lord Keeper to make a short Paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you ; which is , to Remember a thing to the end we may forget it . Remembring the Distractions of our last Meeting , you may suppose I have no Confidence of good success at this time . But be assured , I shall freely forget and forgive what is past , hoping you will follow that sacred advice lately inculcated , to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace . VIII . To the Lords and Commons , at WHITE-HALL , April 4. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I do very well approve the Methods of your Proceedings in this Parliament , A Jove Principium , hoping that the rest of your Consultations will succeed the happier : And I like the Preamble of My Lord Keeper , otherwise I should a little have suspected that you thought Me not so careful of Religion as I have and ever shall be , wherein I am as forward as you can desire . As for your Petition , I answer first in general , that I like that well ; and will use these as well as all other means for the maintenance and propagation of that Religion wherein I have lived , and do resolve to die . But for the particulars , you shall receive more full Answer hereafter . And now I will only add this , That as we pray to God to help us , so we must help our selves ; for we can have no assurance of his assistance , if we do lie in a Bed and only pray , without using other means : And therefore I must remember you , that if we do not make provision speedily , we shall not be able to put a Ship to Sea this year . Verbum sat sapienti est . IX . To the Speaker and House of Commons , April 14. MDCXXVIII . MAster Speaker , and you Gentlemen , When I sent to you My last Message , I did not expect to Reply ; for I intended to hasten you , not to find fault with you . I told you , at your first meeting , that this time was not to be spent in Words ; and I am sure it is less fit for Disputes : which if I had a desire to entertain , Master Speaker's Preamble might have given Me ground enough . The Question is not now , What Liberty you have in disposing of matters handled in the House ; but rather , at this time what is fit to be done . Therefore I hope you will follow My example in eschewing Disputations , and fall to your important business . You make a Protestation of your affection and zeal to My Prerogative , grounded upon so good and just reasons , that I must believe you : But I look that you use Me with the like charity , to believe what I have declared more than once since your meeting , which is , that I am as forward as you for the preservation of your true Liberties . Let us not spend so much time in this that may hazard both My Prerogative and your Liberties to our Enemies . To be short , Go on speedily with your business , without any fear or more Apologies , for time calls fast upon you , which will neither stay for you nor Me : Wherefore it is My Duty to press you to hasten , as knowing the necessity of it ; and yours to give credit to what I shall say , as to Him that sits at the Helm . For what concerns your Petition , I shall answer it in a convenient time . X. To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Petition of Right , June 11. MDCXXVIII . GEntlemen , I am come hither to perform My Duty ; and I think no man can think it long , since I have not taken so many daies in answering of the Petition as you have spent weeks in framing it : And I am come hither to shew you , that as well in formal things as in essential I desire to give you as much content as in Me lieth . The Lord Keeper having added somewhat in explanation and pursuance of the former , the Petition was read , and the King's Answer . The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customs of the Land , and that the Statutes be put in due execution , that the Subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression , contrary to their just Rights and Liberties , to the preservation whereof He holdeth Himself obliged as well as of His Prerogative . XI . To the Lords and Commons ; His second Answer to their Petition , in the House of Lords , June 7. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The Answer I have already given you was made with so good deliberation , and approved by the judgments of so many wise men , that I could not have imagined but that it should have given you full satisfaction : But to avoid all ambiguous interpretations , and to shew you that there is no doubleness in My meaning , I am willing to please you in words as well as in substance . Read your Petition , and you shall have an Answer that I am sure will please you . The Petition being read by the Clerk of the Crown , the Clerk of the Parliament read the King's Answer ; LE DROICT SOIT FAIT COMME IL EST DESIRE . C. R. Which done , His Majesty added , This I am sure is full , yet no more than I granted you in My first Answer : for the meaning of that was , to confirm all your Liberties ; knowing , according to your own Protestations , that you neither meant nor can hurt My Prerogative : And I assure you , My Maxime is , The Peoples Liberty strengthens the King's Prerogative , and that the King's Prerogative is to defend the Peoples Liberties . You see now how ready I have shewed My self to satisfie your Demands ; so that I have done My part : Wherefore if this Parliament have not an happy Conclusion , the sin is yours , I am free of it . XII . To the House of Commons , at the reading of their Remonstrance , in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL , June , 11. MDCXXVIII . GEntlemen , Upon My Answer to your Petition of Right I expected no such Declaration from you , which containeth divers points of State touching the Church and Common-wealth ; and I do conceive , you do believe I understand them better than your selves . But since the Reading thereof , I perceive you understand these things less than I imagined : Notwithstanding I will take them into My Consideration as they deserve . XIII . To the Lords and Commons at the Prorogation of His Third Parliament , June 26. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , It may seem strange that I come so suddenly to end this Session ; therefore before I give My Assent to the Bills , I will tell you the cause ; though I must avow , I ow an account of My Actions to none but God alone . It is known to every one , that a while ago the House of Commons gave Me a Remonstrance , how acceptable every man may judge ; and for the merit of it I will not call that in question , for I am sure no wise man can justifie it . Now since I am certainly informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for Me , to take away My profit of Tonnage and Poundage , ( one of the chief Maintenances of the Crown ) by alledging , that I have given away My Right thereof by My Answer to your Petition : This is so prejudicial unto Me , that I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it ; being not willing to receive any more Remonstrances , to which I must give a harsh Answer . And since I see that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constructions of what I granted in your Petition , lest it be worse interpreted in the Countrey , I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof . The Profession of both Houses in the time of hammering this Petition was , no waies to trench upon My Prerogative , saying , they had neither intention , nor power to hurt it . Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no New , but only confirmed the Antient Liberties of My Subjects . Yet to shew the clearness of My intentions , that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I have promised you , I do here declare that those things which have been done , whereby men had some cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be intrench'd upon ( which indeed was the first and true ground of the Petition ) shall not hereafter be drawn into example to your prejudice : and in time to come , in the word of a King , you shall not have the like cause to complain . But as for Tonnage and Poundage , it is a thing I cannot want , and was never intended by you to ask , never meant ( I am sure ) by Me to grant . To conclude , I command you all that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time , to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your Petition : but especially you , My Lords the Judges ; for to you only , under Me , belongs the interpretation of the Laws : For none of the Houses of Parliament , joynt or separate , ( what new Doctrine soever may be raised ) have any power either to make or declare a Law , without My Consent . XIV . To the Lords and Commons , in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL , January 24. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The care I have to remove all Obstacles that may hinder the good correspondencie between Me and this Parliament , is the cause I have called you hither at this time ; the particular occasion being a complaint lately made in the Lower-House . And for you , My Lords , I am glad to take this and all other occasions whereby you may clearly understand both My Words and Actions : for as you are nearest in degree , so are you the fittest Witnesses for Kings . The Complaint I speak of is , for staying mens Goods that denied Tonnage and Poundage : And this may have an easy and short Conclusion , if My Words and Actions be rightly understood . For by passing the Bill , as Mine Ancestors have had it , My by-past Actions will be included , and My future Actions authorized : Which certainly would not have been stuck upon , if men had not imagined that I had taken this duty as appertaining to My Hereditary Prerogative : In which they are much deceived ; for it ever was , and still is My meaning , by the gift of My People to enjoy it ; and My intent in My Speech at the end of the last Session was , not to challenge Tonnage and Poundage as of Right , but de bene esse , shewing you the Necessity , not the Right , by which I was to take it , until I had it granted unto Me , assuring My self ( according to your general professions ) that you wanted time , not will , to grant it unto Me. Wherefore now having opportunity , I expect that without loss of time you make good your professions , and so by passing the Bill , put an end to all Questions arising from this subject ; especially since I have cleared all scruples that may trouble you in this business . To conclude , Let us not be jealous of one anothers Actions ; for if I had been easily moved at every occasion , the Order made on Wednesday last might have made Me startle , there being some shew to suspect that you had given your selves the liberty to be Inquirers after Complaints , the words of your Order being somewhat largely penned : but looking into your Actions , I find you here only Complainers , not seeking Complaints ; for I am certain you neither intend nor desire the liberty to be Inquisitors after mens Actions before particular Complaints be made . This I have spoken , to shew how slow I am to believe harshly of your Proceedings : likewise to assure you , that the Houses Resolution , not particular mens speeches , shall make Me judge well or ill : Not doubting but , according to mine example , you will be deaf to ill reports concerning Me , until My Words and Actions speak for themselves ; but , this Session beginning with Confidence one towards the other , it may end with a perfect good understanding between us ; which God grant . XV. To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Petition for a Publick Fast , January 31. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords and Gentlemen , the chiefest motive of your Fast being the deplorable estate of the Reformed Churches abroad , is too true ; and our duties are ( so much as in us possibly lyeth ) to give them help : But certainly Fighting will do them more good than Fasting . Though I do not wholly disallow the latter , yet I must tell you , that this Custom of Fasts every Sessions is but lately begun , and I confess I am not so fully satisfied with the necessity of it at this time . Yet to shew you how smoothly I desire our business to go on , eschewing ( as much as I can ) Questions and Jealousies , I do willingly grant your request herein . But with this note , that I expect that this shall not hereafter be brought into Precedent for frequent Fasts , except upon great occasions . As for the Form and Time , I will advise with My Lords the Bishops , and then send you a particular to both Houses . XVI . To the House of Commons , in Answer to their Declaration concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. MDCXXVIII . IX . YOur Declaration being somewhat long , may by reason require some time to reply unto it , since ( as most of you cannot but judge ) that this giveth Me no satisfaction . Therefore I shall give you some short Notes upon it . I cannot think that , whereas you alledge that the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was brought in against the Priviledge of your House , that you will offer to take so much Priviledge from any one of your Members , as not to allow them the liberty to bring in any Bill whatsoever ; though it be in your power when it is brought in , to do with it what you think good . And I cannot imagine how , coming hither only by My Power , and to treat of things I propound unto you , you can deny Me that Prerogative to recommend or offer any Bill unto you . Though in this particular I must profess , that this Bill was not to have been offered you in My Name , as that Member of your House can bear Me witness . As for the cause of delay of My business being Religion , there is none of you shall have a greater care for the true preservation of it than My self ; which since it is confessed by your Answer , ye must either think I want Power , ( which cannot be ) or that I am very ill-counselled , if it be in such danger as you affirm . Though I may say much of this point , I will say no more , but that for all this I shall not stop My Ears unto you upon this subject , so that in form and matter you transgress not your limits . As for Tonnage and Poundage , I do not desire it out of greediness ( being perswaded you will make no stop in it when you take it in hand ) as out of a desire to put an end to all Questions that daily arise between Me and some of My Subjects ; thinking it a strange thing , if you should give ear unto those Complaints , and not take the sure and speedy way to decide them . Besides , I must think it strange , that this business of Religion should be only a hinderer of My Affairs , whereas I am certainly informed , that all other things go on according to their ordinary course . Therefore I must still be instant with you , that you proceed with this business of Tonnage and Poundage with diligence ; not looking to be denied in so just a desire . And you must not think it much , if finding you slack , I shall give you such further quickening as I find cause . XVII . To the House of Lords , at the Dissolving of His Third Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , Mar. 10. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords , I never came here upon so unpleasing an occasion , it being the Dissolution of a Parliament . Therefore men may have some cause to wonder , why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission , it being a general Maxime of Kings , to leave harsh Commands to their Ministers , Themselves only executing pleasing things . Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice , I thought it necessary to come here to day , to declare to you , My Lords , and all the world , that it was merely the undutiful and seditious carriage of the Lower House that hath caused the Dissolution of this Parliament ; and that You , My Lords , are so far from being causes of it , that I take as much Comfort in your dutiful demeanours as I am justly distasted with their Proceedings . Yet to avoid mistakings , let Me tell you , that it is so far from Me to adjudge all that House guilty , that I know there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world ; it being but some few Vipers among them that cast this Mist of undutifulness over most of their Eyes . Yet to say truth , there was a good number there that would not be infected with this Contagion : insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking , which was the general fault of the House the last day . To conclude , As these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment ; so you , My Lords , may justly expect from Me that Favour and Protection that a Good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . XVIII . To the Speaker of the House of Commons , April , MDCXL . MAster Speaker , I will only say one word to you ; Now that you are the Speaker , I command you to do the office of a Speaker , which is faithfully to report the great Cause of the Meeting , that My Lord Keeper in My Name did represent unto you the last day : with this assurance , That you giving Me your timely help in this great Affair , I shall give a willing ear to all your just Grievances . XIX . To the House of Lords at WESTMINSTER , April 24. MDCXL . His Majesty said , THAT the cause of His coming was to put them in mind of what had been delivered by the Lord Keeper , in His Name , unto both Houses the first day of the Parliament , and after at White-Hall . How , contrary to His expectation , the House of Commons having held Consultation of matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and voted some things concerning those three Heads , had therefore given them the precedence before the matter of His Supply . That His Necessities were such , they could not bear delay . That whatsoever He had by the Lord Keeper promised , He would perform , if the House of Commons would trust Him. For Religion , that His Heart and Conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England ; and He would give Order to His Arch-Bishops and Bishops , that no Innovation in matter of Religion should creep in . For the Ship-money , that He never made or intended to make any profit to Himself of it , but only to preserve the Dominion of the Seas ; which was so necessary , that without it the Kingdom could not subsist : But for the way and means , by Ship-money , or otherwise , He left it to them . For Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , He ever intended His People should injoy them , holding no King so Great as he that was King of a rich and free People ; and if they had not Property of Goods and Liberty of Persons , they could be neither rich nor free . That if the House of Commons would not first trust Him , all His Affairs would be disordered , and His business lost . That though they trusted Him in part at first , yet before the Parliament ended He must totally trust them ; and in conclusion , they must , for execution of all things , wholly trust Him. Therefore since the matter was no more than who should be first trusted , and that the trust of Him first was but a trust in part ; He desired the Lords to take into their consideration His and their own Honour , the Safety and Welfare of this Kingdom , with the great Danger it was in , and that they would by their Advice dispose the House of Commons to give His Supply the precedence before the Grievances . XX. To the Lords and Commons , at the Dissolving of His Fourth Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , May 5. MDCXL . MY Lords , There can no occasion of My coming to this House be so unpleasing to Me as this is at this time . The fear of doing that which I am to do at this day made Me not long agoe come to this House , where I expressed as well My fears , as the remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it . Unto which I must confess and acknowledge that you , My Lords of the Higher House , did give me so willing an ear , and with such affection did shew your selves thereafter , that certainly I may say , if there had been any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament , you took it : So that it was neither your Lordships fault nor Mine , that it is not so . Therefore in the first place I must give your Lordships thanks for your good endeavours . I hope you remember what My Lord Keeper said to you the first day of the Parliament , in My Name ; what likewise he said in the Banquetting-House in White-Hall ; and what I lately said to you in this place My self . I name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not well remember it , but to shew , that I never said any thing in way of favour to My People , but that , by the Grace of God , I will really and punctually perform it . I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances , and I will not say but that there may be some ; though I will confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many as the publick voice doth make them . Wherefore I desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of Parliament I shall be as ready ( if not more willing ) to hear and redress any just Grievances as in Parliament . There is one thing which is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is Religion : Concerning which albeit I expressed My self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships , yet I think it fit again on this occasion to tell you , that as I am most concerned , so I shall be most careful to preserve that purity of Religion which , I thank God , is so well established in the Church of England ; and that as well out as in Parliament . My Lords , I shall not trouble you long with words , it being not My fashion : wherefore to conclude , What I offered the last day to the House of Commons I think is well known to you all , as likewise how they accepted it ; which I desire not to remember , but wish that they had remembred , how at first they were told , in My Name , by My Lord Keeper , That Delay was the worst kind of Denial . Yet I will not lay this fault on the whole House , for I will not judge so uncharitably of those whom for the most part I take to be Loyal and well-affected Subjects ; but that it hath been the malicious cunning of some few seditiously-affected men that hath been the cause of this Misunderstanding . I shall now end as I began , in giving your Lordships thanks for your affection shewed to Me at this time ; desiring you to go on to assist Me in the maintaining of that Regal Power that is truly Mine . And as for the Liberty of the People , that they now so much seem to startle at , know , My Lords , that no King in the World shall be more careful to maintain them in the Property of their Goods , Liberty of their Persons , and true Religion , than I shall be . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . XXI . To the Great Council of Lords at YORK , September 24. MDCXL . MY Lords , Upon sudden Invasions , where the dangers are near and instant , it hath been the custom of My Predecessors to assemble the Great Council of the Peers , by their Advice and Assistance to give a timely remedy to such evils as cannot admit a delay , so long as must of necessity be allowed for the assembling the Parliament . This being our condition at this time , and an Army of Rebels lodged within the Kingdom , I thought it most fit to conform My self to the practice of My Predecessors in like cases , that with your advice and assistance we might joyntly proceed to the chastisement of their Insolencies , and securing of Our good Subjects . In the first place I must let you know , that I desire nothing more than to be rightly understood of My People ; and to that end I have of My self resolved to call a Parliament , having already given order to My Lord Keeper to issue out the Writs instantly , so that the Parliament may be assembled by the third of November next : Whither if My Subjects bring the like good affections as I do , it shall not fail on My part to make it a happy Meeting . In the mean time there are two points to be considered , wherein I shall desire your Advice , which indeed is the chief cause of your Meeting . First , What Answer to give to the Petition of the Rebels , and in what manner to treat with them . Of which that you may give a sure judgement , I have ordered that your Lordships shall be clearly and truly informed of the state of the whole business ; and upon what reasons the Advices that My Privy Counsel unanimously gave Me were grounded . Secondly , How My Army shall be kept on foot and maintained till the supplies of a Parliament may be had . For so long as the Scots Army remains in England , I think no man will counsel Me to disband Mine : for that would be an unspeakable loss to all this part of the Kingdom , by subjecting them to the greedy appetite of the Rebels ; beside the unspeakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon this Nation . XXII . To the Lords and Commons , at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , November 3. MDCXL . MY Lords , The knowledge that I had of the Designs of My Scotish Subjects was the cause of My calling the last Assembly of Parliament ; wherein had I been believed , I sincerely think that things had not fallen out as now we see . But it is no wonder that men are so slow to believe that so great a Sedition should be raised on so little ground . But now , My Lords and Gentlemen , the Honour and Safety of this Kingdom lying so nearly at stake , I am resolved to put My self freely and clearly on the love and affections of My English Subjects , as those of My Lords that did wait on Me at York very well remember I there declared . Therefore , My Lords , I shall not mention Mine own Interest , or that Support I might justly expect from you , till the Common Safety be secured : Though I must tell you , I am not ashamed to say , those charges I have been at have been meerly for the securing and good of this Kingdom , though the success hath not been answerable to My desires . Therefore I shall only desire you to consider the best way both for the safety and security of this Kingdom ; wherein are two things chiefly considerable : First , the chasing out of the Rebels ; and secondly , that other in satisfying your just Grievances ; wherein I shall promise you to concur so heartily and clearly with you , that all the world may see , My intentions have ever been , and shall be , to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . There are only Two things more that I shall mention to you . The one is , to tell you , that the lone of Money which I lately had from the City of London , wherein the Lords that waited on Me at York assisted Me , will only maintain My Army for two months , from the beginning of that time it was granted . Now , My Lords and Gentlemen , I leave it to your considerations , what dishonour and mischief it might be , in case for want of Money My Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of this Kingdom . Secondly , the securing the Calamities the Northern People endure at this time , and so long as the Treaty is on foot : And in this I may say , not only they , but all this Kingdom will suffer the harm . Therefore I leave this also to your Consideration . For the ordering of these Great Affairs whereof you are to treat at this time , I am so confident of your love to Me , and that your care is such for the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom , that I shall freely and willingly leave to you where to begin : Only this , that you may the better know the state of all the Affairs , I have commanded My Lord Keeper to give you a short and free account of those things that have happened in this interim ; with this Protestation , that if his account be not satisfactory as it ought to be , I shall , whensoever you desire it , give you a full and perfect account of every particular . One thing more I desire of you , as one of the greatest means to make this an happy Parliament , That you on your parts , as I on Mine , lay aside all suspicion one of another . As I promised My Lords at York , it shall not be My fault , if this be not a happy and good Parliament . XXIII . To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , Nov. 5. MDCXL . MY Lords , I do expect that you will hastily make Relation to the House of Commons of those Great Affairs for which I have called you hither at this time , and of the trust I have reposed in them , and how freely I put My self on their love and affections at this time : And that you may know the better how to do so , I shall explain My self concerning one thing I spake the last day . I told you , the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdom . 'T is true , I must needs call them so , so long as they have an Army that does invade us , although I am under Treaty with them , and under My Great Seal do call them Subjects ; and so they are too . But the state of My Affairs in short is this : It 's true , I did expect , when I did will My Lords and Great ones to be at York , to have given a gracious Answer to all their Grievances ; for I was in good hope by their Wisdoms and Assistances to have made an end of that business : but I must tell you that My Subjects of Scotland did so delay them , that it was not possible to end there . Therefore I can no ways blame My Lords that were at Rippon , that the Treaty was not ended ; but must thank them for their pains and industry . And certainly , had they as much power as affections , I should by this time have brought these distempers to a happy period . So that now the Treaty is transported from Rippon to London ; where I shall conclude nothing without your knowledge , and I doubt not but by your approbation : for I do not desire to have this great Work done in a corner ; for I shall lay open all the steps of this Misunderstanding , and the causes of the great Differences between Me and My Subjects of Scotland . And I doubt not but by your assistance to make them know their Duty , and also by your assistance to make them return whether they will or no. XXIV . To the Lords and Commons , at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL , Jan. 25. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , and you the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses , The principal cause of My coming here at this time is by reason of the slow proceedings in Parliament , touching which is a great deal of inconvenience : Therefore I think it very necessary to lay before you the state of My Affairs as they now stand , thereby to hasten , not to interrupt , your proceedings . First , I must remember you that there are two Armies in the Kingdom , in a manner maintained by you ; the very naming of which doth more clearly shew the inconvenience thereof than a better tongue than Mine can express . Therefore in the first place I shall commend unto you the quick dispatch of that business . In the next place , I must recommend unto you the state of My Navy and Forts ; the condition of both which is so well known unto you , that I need not tell you the particulars : Only thus much , they are the walls and defence of this Kingdom , which if out of order , all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies , and what disheartning to our Friends . Last of all , and not the least to be considered , I must lay before you the Distractions that are at this present occasioned through the connivence of Parliament : for there are some men that , more maliciously than ignorantly , will put no difference between Reformation and Alteration of Government . Hence it cometh that Divine Service is irreverently interrupted ; and Petitions in an ill way given in , neither disputed nor denied . But I will enter into no more particulars , but shew you a way of Remedy , by shewing you My clear intentions , and some Rocks that may hinder this Good Work. I shall willingly and chearfully concur with you for the Reformation of all Innovations both in Church and Commonwealth ; and consequently , that all Courts of Justice may be reformed according to Law. For My intention is clearly to reduce all things to the best and purest times , as they were in the time of Queen Elizabeth . Moreover , whatsoever part of My Revenue shall be found illegal or heavy to My Subjects , I shall be willing to lay down , trusting in their Affections . Having thus clearly and shortly set down My intentions , I will shew you some Rubs ; and must needs take notice of some very strange ( I know not what term to give them ) Petitions , given in in the names of divers Counties against the present established Government of the Church , and of the great threatnings against the Bishops , that they will make them to be but Cyphers , or at least their Voices to be taken away . Now I must tell you , that I make a great difference between Reformation and Alteration of Government : Though I am for the first , I cannot give way to the latter . If some of them have overstretched their power , and incroached too much upon the Temporalty , if it be so , I shall not be unwilling these things should be redressed and reformed , as all other Abuses , according to the wisdom of former times : So far I shall go with you . Nay further , if upon serious debate you shall shew Me that Bishops have some Temporal Authority inconvenient to the State , and not so necessary for the Government of the Church and upholding Episcopal Jurisdiction , I shall not be unwilling to desire them to lay it down . But this must not be understood , that I shall any way consent that their Voices in Parliament should be taken away : For in all the times of My Predecessors , since the Conquest and before , they have enjoyed it ; and I am bound to maintain them in it , as one of the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom . There is another Rock you are on , not in Substance , but in Form ; yet the Form is so essential , that unless it be reformed , it will marr the Substance . There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments . The thing I like well , to have frequent Parliaments : But to give power to Sheriffs and Constables , and I know not whom , to use My Authority , that I cannot yield unto . But to shew you that I am desirous to give you contentment ●n Forms which destroy not the Substance , you shall have a Bill for this purpose , so that it trench neither against My Honour , nor against the ancient Prerogative of the Crown concerning Parliaments . To which purpose I have commanded My Learned Counsel to wait on you , My Lords , with such Propositions as I hope will give you content . For I ingenuously confess that frequent Parliaments are the best means to keep a right understanding between Me and My People , which I so much desire . To conclude , I have now shewed you the state of My Affairs , My Own clear intentions , and the Rocks I wish you to eschew : in all which you may perceive the desire I have to give you content ; as you shall find also by those Ministers I have or shall have about Me , for the effecting of these My good intentions , which I doubt not will bring peace and happiness to My Subjects , and contentment to you All. Concerning the Conference , you shall have a direct Answer on Monday , which shall give you satisfaction . XXV . To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Remonstrance about Papists , Feb. 3. MDCXL . XLI . HAving taken into My serious Consideration the late Remonstrance of the Houses of Parliament , I give you this Answer : That I take in good part your care of the true Religion established in this Kingdom , from which I will never depart ; as also your tenderness of My Safety , and the Security of this State and Government . It is against My mind that Popery or Superstition should any way increase within this Kingdom ; I will restrain the same by causing the Laws to be put in execution . I am resolved to provide against the Jesuits and Papists , by setting forth a Proclamation with all speed , commanding them to depart the Kingdom within one Month : of which if they fail , or shall return , then they shall be proceeded against according to the Laws . Concerning Rosetti , I give you to understand that the Queen hath always assured Me , that to Her knowledge he hath no Commission , but only to retain a Personal Correspondence between Her and the Pope in things requisite for the exercise of Her Religion , which is warranted to Her by the Articles of Marriage , which gave Her a full liberty of Conscience . Yet I have perswaded Her , that since the misunderstanding of that Persons condition gives offence , She will within a convenient time remove him . Moreover , I will take a special care to restrain My Subjects from resorting to Mass at Denmark-House , Saint James's , and the Chappels of Ambassadors . Lastly , concerning John Goodman the Priest , I will let you know the reason why I reprieved him , that as I am informed , neither Queen Elizabeth nor My Father did ever avow , that any Priest in their times was executed merely for Religion , which to Me seems to be this particular Case . Yet seeing that I am pressed by both Houses to give way to this , because I will avoid the inconvenience of giving so great discontent to My People as I conceive this Mercy may produce , therefore I do remit this particular case to both the Houses . But I desire them to take into their Considerations the inconveniences ( as I conceive ) that may upon this occasion fall upon My Subjects and other Protestants abroad , especially since it may seem to other States to be a severity . Which having thus represented , I think My self discharged from all ill consequences that may ensue upon the Execution of this person . XXVI . To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , Feb. 10. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , That freedom and confidence which I expressed at the beginning of this Parliament to have of your love and fidelity towards My Person and Estate , hath made Me at this time come hither to acquaint you with that Alliance and Confederacy which I intend to make with the Prince of Orange and the States ; which before this time I did not think expedient to do , because that part I do desire your Advice and Assistance upon was not ready to be treated on . I will not trouble you with a long digression , by shewing the steps of this Treaty , but leave you to be satisfied in that by those who under Me do manage that Affair . Only I shall shew you the reasons which have induced Me to it , and in what I expect your Assistance and Counsel . The Considerations that have induced Me to it are these . First , the matter of Religion : Here needs no Dispensation ; no fear that My Daughter's Conscience may be any way perverted . Secondly , I do esteem that a strict Alliance and Confederacy with the States will be as useful to this Kingdom as that with any of My Neighbou●● ; especially considering their Affinity , Neighbourhood , and way of their Strength . And lastly , ( which I must never forget in these occasions ) the use I may make of this Alliance towards the establishing of My Sister and Nephews . Now to shew you in what I desire your Assistance , You must know that the Articles of Marriage are in a manner concluded , but not to be totally ratified until that of Alliance be ended and agreed ; which before I demanded your assistance , I did not think fit to enter upon . And that I may not leave you too much at large how to begin that Counsel , I present you here the Propositions which are offered by Me to the States Ambassadours for that intent . And so , My Lords , I shall only desire you to make as much expedition in your Counsels , as so great a business shall require , and shall leave your Lordships to your own free debate . XXVII . To the Lords and Commons , at His Passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments , at WESTMINSTER , Feb. 15. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , and you the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons : You may remember , when both Houses were with Me at the Banquetting-House at White-Hall , I did declare unto you two Rocks I wished you to eschew : This is one of them , and of that consequence , that I think never Bill passed here in this House of more favour to the Subject than this is . And if the other Rock be as happily passed over as this shall be at this time , I do not know what you can ask , for ought I can see , at this time , that I can make any question to yield unto . Therefore I mention this , to shew unto you the sense that I have of this Bill , and the Obligation , as I may say , that you have to Me for it . For hitherto , to speak freely , I had no great incouragement to do it ; if I should look to the outward face of your Actions or Proceedings , and not to the inward Intentions of your hearts , I might make question of doing it . Hitherto you have gone on in that which concerns your selves to amend , and not in those things that nearly concern the strength of this Kingdom , neither for the State , nor My Own particular . This I mention , not to reproach you , but to shew you the state of things as they are . You have taken the Government all in pieces , and I may say it is almost off the Hinges : A skilful Watch-maker , to make clean his Watch , will take it asunder , and when it is put together it will go the better ; so that he leave not out one pin of it . Now as I have done all this on My part , you know what to do on yours : And I hope you shall see clearly , that I have performed really what I expressed to you at the beginning of this Parliament , of the great trust I have of your affections to Me. And this is the great expression of trust , that before you do any thing for Me , I do put such a Confidence in you . XXVIII . To the Lords and Commons , about Disbanding the Armies in Ireland and England at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL , April 28. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , For Answer to your Desires , I say , First , Concerning the removal of Papists from Court , I am sure you all know what legal trust the Crown hath in this particular : and therefore I need not say any thing to give you assurance that I shall use it so that there shall be no just cause of Scandal . Secondly , For disarming of Papists , I am very well content it shall be done according to Law. Thirdly , For the Irish Army , you must understand , I am already upon Consultation how to disband it ; but I find many difficulties in it : therefore I hold it not only fit to wish it , but to shew the way how it may be conveniently done . This is not all I desire ; but since you have mentioned the disbanding of Armies , it is My Duty to My Country , to wish for disbanding of all Armies , and to restore the same Peace to all My three Kigndoms that the King My Father did leave them in : And I conjure you , as you will answer the same to God and to your Country , to join with Me heartily and speedily for the disbanding of the two Armies in England . This is a very good time to speak of it ; and there are but two waies to do it . One is , to answer their Petitions : and the second is , to provide Monies . You are Masters of the one , and , with Me , you are Judges of the other . And you shall not be readier ( nor so ready ) to bring this to a happy Conclusion , than I My self shall be . XXIX . To the House of Lords , concerning the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of STRAFFORD , at WESTMINSTER , May 1. MDCXLI . MY Lords , I had no intention to have spoken to you of this business this day , which is the great business concerning My Lord of Strafford , because I would do nothing that might serve to hinder your occasions . But now it comes so to pass , that seeing of necessity I must have part in the Judgment , I think it most necessary for Me to declare My Conscience therein . I am sure you all know , I have been present at the hearing of this great Case from the one end to the other : And I must tell you , that in My Conscience I cannot condemn him of High Treason . It is not fit for Me to argue this business ; I am sure you will not expect that : A Positive Doctrine best becomes the Mouth of a Prince . Yet I must tell you three Truths , which I am sure no man can tell so well as My self . First , That I had never any intention of bringing over the Irish Army into England , nor ever was advised by any body so to do . Secondly , That there was never any debate before Me , either in Publick Counsel or Private Committee , of the disloyalty of my English Subjects , nor ever had I any suspicion of them . Thirdly , That I never was counselled by any to alter the least of any of the Laws of England , much less to alter all the Laws . Nay , I tell you this , I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it : For if they had , I should have made them such an Example , and put such a mark upon them , that all Posterity should know My intentions by it ; for My intention was ever to govern by the Law , and no otherwise . I desire to be rightly understood : for though I tell you in My Conscience I cannot condemn him of High Treason , yet I cannot say I can clear him of Misdemeanours . Therefore I hope you may find out a way to satisfie Justice and your own fears , and not oppress My Conscience . My Lords , I hope you know what a tender thing Conscience is ; and I must declare unto you , that to satisfie the People I would do great matters : but in this of Conscience , neither Fear nor any other respect whatsoever shall ever make Me go against it . Certainly I have not deserved so ill of this Parliament at this time , that they should press Me in this tender ; therefore I cannot suspect you will go about it . Nay , for Misdeameanours I am so clear in them , that , though I will not chalk out the way , yet I will shew you , that I think My Lord of Strafford is not fit hereafter to serve Me or the Common-wealth in any place of Trust , no not so much as a Constable . Therefore I leave it to you , My Lords , to find out some such way as to bring Me out of this Streight , and keep your selves and the Kingdom from such inconveniences . XXX . To the Lords and Commons , at His passing the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage , Jun. 22. MDCXLI . I Do very willingly accept your offer made at this time as a testimony of your Love and beginning of your dutiful affections to Me ; and I no waies doubt but that you will perform that which you have intimated unto Me , and that in due time you will perform the rest , when you have leisure . I do not doubt likewise , but that in passing this Bill you will see a testimony of the trust and confidence I have in your affections ; as also that I omit no occasion whereby I may shew that affection to My People that I desire My People would shew to Me : as in this Parliament hitherto , no body can say but that I have sought occasions both to shew My affections unto them , and to remove disputes . And therefore in this particular Bill I hope you will know , that I do freely and frankly give over the Right that My Predecessors have ever challenged unto Them , though , I confess , disputed , but yet they did never yield in Their times . Therefore you will understand this but a mark of My confidence , to put My self wholly upon the love and affection of My People for My Subsistence . And therefore I hope that in prosecution of this you will go on as you have said ; and that though you have rumours of jealousies and suspitions , by flying and idle discourses that have come to My ears , concerning the extraordinary way , I confess I never understood it otherwise than as having relation to the Scotish Army and preventing insurrection , which vanished as soon as they were born . And therefore now you see My clearness , I leave that to you , and will not meddle with it one way or other ; for I never had other design , but to win the affections of My People by My Justice in My Government . XXXI . To the Lords and Commons , at His passing the Bills for taking away the High Commission and Star-Chamber , and regulating the Council-Table , July 5. MDCXLI . I Come to do the Office which I forbore to do on Saturday last , to give determination to these two Bills . But before I do it , I must tell you , that I cannot but be very sensible of those reports of discontent that I hear some have taken for not giving My consent on Saturday . Me thinks it seems strange that any one should think , I could pass two Bills of that importance that these were without taking some fit time to consider of them ; for it is no less than to alter , in a great measure , those Fundamental Laws , Ecclesiastical and Civil , which many of My Predecessors have established . If you consider what I have done this Parliament , discontent will not sit in your hearts : For I hope you remember that I have granted , That the Judges hereafter shall hold their places quam diu se bene gesserint ; I have bounded the Forests , not according to My Right , but according to late Customs ; I have established the Property of the Subjects , witness the free giving , not taking away , the Ship-money ; I have established by Act of Parliament the Property of the Subject in Tonnage and Poundage , which never was done in any of My Predecessors times ; I have granted a Law for Triennial Parliaments , and given way to an Act for the securing of Moneys advanced for the disbanding of the Armies ; I have given free course of Justice against Delinquents ; I have put the Law in execution against Papists : Nay , I have given way to every thing that you have asked of Me ; and therefore Me thinks you should not wonder if in some things I begin to refuse . But I hope it shall not hinder your progress in your great affairs , and I will not stick upon trivial matters to give you content . I hope you are sensible of these beneficial favours bestowed on you at this time . To conclude , You know that by your consent there is a prefixed time set for my going into Scotland , and there is an absolute necessity for it ; I do not know but that things may so fall that it may be shortned : Therefore I hope you will hasten the dispatching of those great businesses that now are necessary to be done , and leave trivial and superficial matters to another meeting . For My part , I shall omit nothing that may give you just contentment , and study nothing more than your happiness , and thereof I hope you shall see a very good testimony by passing these two Bills . LE ROY LE VEULT . I have one word more to speak to you , and I take now an occasion to present it unto both Houses , that thereby all the world shall see that there is a good understanding between Me and My People . It is concerning My Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine , who having desired Me and the King of Denmark to give way to a Writing concerning the Deit at Ratisbone with the Emperour , I could not but send My Ambassador to assist him , though I am afraid I shall not have so good an Answer as I expect ; which My Nephew foreseeing , hath desired Me , for the better countenance of the same , to make a Manifesto in My Name : which is a thing of great consequence , and should I do it alone , without the advice of My Parliament , it would rather be a scorn than otherwise : Therefore I do propose it unto you , that if you will advise Me to it , I think it were very fit to be published in My Name . XXXII . To the Scotish Parliament , at EDINBURGH , Aug. 19. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , There hath nothing been so displeasing to Me as those unlucky Differences which have happened between Me and My People ; and nothing that I have more desired than to see this day , wherein I hope not only to settle these unhappy mistakings , but rightly to know and to be known of My Native Countrey . I need not tell you ( for I think it is well known to most ) what difficulties I have passed through and overcome to be here at this present : Yet this I will say , If Love to My Native Countrey had not been a chief motive to this journey , other respects might easily have found a shift to do that by a Commission which I am come to perform My self . And this considered , I cannot doubt of such real testimonies of your affections for the maintenance of that Royal Power which I enjoy after an hundred and eight Descents , and which you have professed to maintain , and to which your own National Oath doth oblige you , that I shall not think any pains ill-bestowed . Now the end of My coming is shortly this , to perfect whatsoever I have promised , and withal to quiet the Distractions which have and may fall out amongst you : And this I mind not superficially , but fully and chearfully to perform . For I assure you that I can do nothing with more chearfulness , than to give My People a general satisfaction . Wherefore not offering to endear My self unto you in words ( which indeed is not My way ) I desire in the first place to settle that which concerns the Religion and just Liberties of this My Native Countrey , before I proceed to any other Act. XXXIII . To the Lords and Commons , after His return out of Scotland , at WESTMINSTER , Dec. 2. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I think it fit after , so long absence , at this first occasion to speak a few words unto you : but it is no ways in answer to Master Speaker's Learned Speech . Albeit I have stayed longer than I expected to have done when I went away ; yet in this I have kept My promise with you , that I have made all the hast back again that the setling of My Scotch affairs couldany ways permit . In which I have had so good success , that I will confidently affirm to you , that I have left that Nation a most peaceable and contented People : So that although I have a little misreckoned in Time , yet I was not deceived in My End. But if I have deceived your expectations a little in the time of My return , yet I am assured that My expectation is as much and more deceived in the condition wherein I hoped to have found some businesses at My return . For since that before My going I setled the Liberties of My Subjects , and gave the Law a free and orderly course , I expected to have found My People reaping the fruits of these benefits , by living in quietness and satisfaction of mind : But in stead of this , I find them disturbed with Jealousies , Frights , and Alarms of dangerous designs and plots ; in consequence of which Guards have been set to defend both Houses . I say not this as in doubt that My Subjects affections are any way lessened to Me in this time of My absence , for I cannot but remember to My great comfort , the joyful reception I had now at My Entry into London ; but rather , as I hope that My presence will easily disperse these fears . For I bring as perfect and true affections to My People as ever Prince did , or as good Subjects can possibly desire . And I am so far from repenting Me of any Act I have done this Session for the good of My People , that I protest if it were to do again , I would do it ; and will yet grant what else can be justly desired for satisfaction in point of Liberties , or in maintenance of the true Religion that is here established . Now I have but one particular to recommend unto you at this time , It is Ireland ; for which though I doubt not your care , yet Me thinks the preparations for it go but slowly on . The occasion is the fitter for Me now to mention it , because of the arrival of two Lords from Scotland , who come instructed from My Council there ( who now by Act of Parliament have full power for that purpose ) to answer that Demand which it pleased both Houses to make of Me by way of Petition that met Me at Barwick , and which the Duke of Richmond sent back by My Command to My Scotch Council : Therefore My desire is , that both Houses would appoint a select Committee to end this business with these Noblemen . I must conclude in telling you , that I seek My Peoples Happiness ; for their flourishing is My greatest glory , and their affections My greatest strength . XXXIV . To the Lords and Commons , concerning IRELAND , and the Bill for Pressing Souldiers , Decemb. 14. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The last time I was in this place , and the last thing that I recommended unto you was the business of Ireland ; whereby I was in good hope that I should not have needed again to have put you in mind of that business . But still seeing the slow proceedings therein , and the dayly Dispatches that I have out of Ireland , of the lamentable estate of My Protestant Subjects there , I cannot but again earnestly commend the dispatch of that Expedition unto you ; for it is the chief business that at this time I take to heart , and there cannot almost be any business that I can have more care of . I might now take up some of your time in expressing My detestation of Rebellions in general , and of this in particular . But knowing that Deeds and not Declarations must suppress this great insolency , I do here in a word offer you whatsoever My power , pains , or industry can contribute to this good and necessary work of reducing the Irish Nation to their true and wonted obedience . And that nothing may be omitted on My part , I must here take notice of the Bill for Pressing of Souldiers , now depending among you , My Lords : concerning which , I here declare , that in case it come so to Me as it may not infringe or diminish My Prerogative , I will pass it . And further , seeing there is a dispute raised ( I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it ) concerning the bounds of this antient and undoubted Prerogative , to avoid further debate at this time , I offer that the Bill may pass with a salvo jure both for King and People , leaving such debates to a time that may better bear them . If this be not accepted , the fault is not Mine that this Bill pass not , but theirs that refuse so fair an offer . To conclude , I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to you or Me , that laying away all disputes , you go on chearfully and speedily for the reducing of Ireland . XXXV . To the House of Commons , about the Five Members , January 4. MDCXLI . II. GEntlemen , I am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you . Yesterday I sent a Serjeant at Arms upon a very important occasion , to apprehend some that by My Command were accused of High Treason ; whereunto I did expect Obedience , and not a Message . And I must declare unto you here , that albeit no King that ever was in England shall be more careful of your Priviledges , to maintain them to the uttermost of His Power , than I shall be ; yet you must know , that in cases of Treason no person hath a Priviledge . And therefore I am come to know if any of those persons that were accused are here . For I must tell you , Gentlemen , that so long as those persons that I have accused ( for no slight crime , but for Treason ) are here , I cannot expect that this House can be in the right way that I do heartily wish it . Therefore I am come to tell you , that I must have them wheresoever I find them . Well , sithence I see all the Birds are flown , I do expect from you , that you shall send them unto Me as soon as they return hither . But I assure you in the word of a King , I never did intend any force , but shall proceed against them in a legal and fair way , for I never meant any other . And now sithence I see I cannot do what I came for , I think this no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly , That whatsoever I have done in favour and to the good of My Subjects , I do mean to maintain it . I will trouble you no more , but tell you , I do expect , as soon as they do come to the House , you will send them to Me ; otherwise I must take My Own course to find them . XXXVI . To the Citizens of LONDON , at GUILD-HALL , January 5. MDCXLI . II. GEntlemen , I am come to demand such Prisoners as I have already attained of High Treason , and do believe they are shrowded in the City . I hope no good man will keep them from Me ; their offences are Treason and Misdemeanours of an high nature . I desire your loving assistance herein , that they may be brought to a Legal Trial. And whereas there are divers suspicions raised that I am a favourer of the Popish Religion , I do profess in the name of a King , that I did and ever will , and that to the utmost of My power , be a prosecutor of all such as shall any ways oppose the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom , either Papist or Separatist ; and not only so , but I will maintain and defend that true Protestant Religion which My Father did profess , and I will still continue in during Life . XXXVII . To the Committe of both Houses , at the delivery of the Petition for the Militia , at THEORALDS , Mar. 1. MDCXLI . II. I Am so amazed at this Message , that I know not what to answer . You speak of Jealousies and Fears ; lay your hands to your hearts , and ask your selves whether I may not likewise be disturbed with Fears and Jealousies : and if so , I assure you , this Message hath nothing lessened them . For the Militia , I thought so much of it before I sent that Answer , and am so much assured that the Answer is agreeable to what in justice or reason you can ask , or I in Honour grant , that I shall not alter it in any point . For my residence near you , I wish it might be so safe and honourable , that I had no cause to absent My self from White-Hall : Ask your selves whether I have not . For My Son , I shall take that care of him which shall justifie Me to God as a Father , and to My Dominions as a King. To conclude , I assure you upon My Honour that I have no thought but of Peace and Justice to My People : which I shall by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain , relying upon the goodness and providence of God for the preservation of My Self and Rights . XXXVIII . To the Committee of both Houses , at the presenting of their Declaration , at NEW-MARKET , March 9. MDCXLI . II. I Am confident that you expect not I should give you a speedy Answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration : And I am sorry ( in the Distractions of this Kingdom ) you should think this way of Address to be more convenient than that proposed by My Message of the 20th of Jan. last to both Houses . As concerning the grounds of your Fears and Jealousies , I will take time to answer particularly ; and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world . God in his good time will , I hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all Plots and Treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of all My People . In the mean time I must tell you , that I rather expected a vindication from the imputation laid on Me in Master Pym's Speech , than that any more general Rumours and Discourses should get credit with you . For My Fears and Doubts , I did not think they should have been thought so groundless or trivial , while so many seditious Pamphlets and Sermons are looked upon , and so great Tumults remembred , unpunished , uninquired into . I still confess My Fears , and call God to witness , that they are greater for the true Protestant Profession , My People and Laws , than for My own Rights or Safety ; though I must tell you , I conceive that none of these are free from danger . What would you have ? Have I violated your Laws ? Have I denied to pass any one Bill for the ease and security of My Subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for Me. Have any of My People been transported with Fears and Apprehensions ? I have offered as free and general a Pardon as your selves can devise . All this considered , There is a Judgment from Heaven upon this Nation if these Distractions continue . God so deal with Me and Mine , as all My thoughts and intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession , and for the Observation and Preservation of the Laws of this Land : And I hope God will bless and assist those Laws for My preservation . As for the Additional Declaration , you are to expect an Answer to it when you shall receive the Answer to the Declaration it self . Some Passages that happened Mar. 9. between His Majesty and the Committee of both Houses , when the Declaration was delivered . When His Majesty heard that part of the Declaration which mentioned Master Jermin's Transportation , His Majesty interrupted the Earl of Holland in reading , and said , That 's false : which being afterwards touch'd upon again , His Majesty then said , 'T is a lie : And when He was informed , it related not to the Date , but the Execution of the Warrant , His Majesty said , It might have been better expressed then ; and that it was a high thing to tax a King with breach of Promise . As for this Declaration , I could not have believed the Parliament would have sent Me such an one , if I had not seen it brought by such persons of Honour . I am sorry for the Parliament , but glad I have it : For by that I doubt not to satisfie My People ; though I am confident the greater part is so already . Ye speak of ill Counsels ; but I am confident the Parliament hath had worse Informations than I have had Counsels . His Majesty asking what he had denied the Parliament ; the Earl of Holland instanced that of the Militia : His Majesty replyed , That was no Bill . The Earl then said , It was a necessary request at this time : His Majesty also replied , He had not denied it . What passed next day , when His Majesty delivered His Answer . The Earl of Holland having read His Majesty's Answer to the rest of the Committee , endeavoured to perswade His Majesty to come near the Parliament . To which His Majesty answered , I would you had given Me cause ; but I am sure this Declaration is not the way to it : and in all Aristotle's Rhetoricks there is no such Argument of Perswasion . The Earl of Pembrook thereupon telling His Majesty , that the Parliament had humbly besought His Majesty to come near them , as aforesaid ; His Majesty replyed , He had learnt by their Declaration that words were not sufficient . The Earl again moving His Majesty to express what He would have , His Majesty said , He would whip a Boy in Westminster - School that could not tell that by His Answer : And , That they were much mistaken , if they thought His Answer of that a Denial . The Earl of Pembrook then asking , whether the Militia might not be granted as was desired by the Parliament , for a time ; His Majesty answered , Not for an hour . You have ask'd that of Me in this was never ask'd of a King , and with which I will not trust My Wife and Children . His Majesty also said , The business of Ireland will never be done in the way that you are in : Four hundred will never do that work : it must be put into the hands of One. If I were trusted with it , I will pawn My Head to end that work . And though I am a Begger My self , yet ( speaking with a strong asseveration ) I can find Money for that . XXXIX . To the Gentry of Yorkshire , when they presented their Petition ; April 5. MDCXLII . MAster Sheriff , and Gentlemen , I believe you expect not a present and particular answer to your Petition , because it is new to Me. Only in general I must tell you , that I see by it that I am not deceived in the Confidence I have in the affections of this County to my Person and State : And I assure you , that I will not deceive your Confidence , which at this time you have declared in your Petition to have in Me , and I am glad to see that it is not upon mistaken grounds , as other Petitions have been to Me since I came to this place . Concerning which let Me observe unto you , that my Answers were to clear those mistakings : for I never did go about to punish or discourage them from Petitioning to Me in an humble way , though the subject did not agree with My sense ; albeit within the memory of man people have been discouraged and threatned to be punished for Petitions . I observe that your Petition is so modest , that it doth not mention any particular for your own good ; which indeed I expected , as knowing that in some particulars you have great reason to do it . And therefore that you may not fare the worse for your Modesty , I will put you in mind of three particulars which I conceive to be for the good of this Country . The first is concerning your trained Bands , to reduce them to a lesser number ; for which I confess to stand ingaged by promise to you , which I had performed long since ; if I had been put in mind of it . And now I tell you , shew Me but the way , and , when you shall think fit , I shall instantly reduce them to that number which I promised you two years ago . The second is , that which is owing to this Countrey for Billet-money . The truth is , that for the present I cannot repay it : Only I will say this , that if all the water had gone to the right Mill , upon My word you had been long ago satisfied in this particular . And so I leave to your discretions , which way you will advise and assist Me to comply with the engagements to you in this point . The third is , that for which I was petitioned as I came up the last year both by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of this City , and likewise by divers others of this County as I went Southward , and that is concerning the Court of York . And first let me tell you , that as yet I know no legal Dissolution of it , for hitherto formally there is nothing come to me , either directly or indirectly , for the taking of it away : therefore I may say , it is rather shaken in pieces than dissolved . Now my desire is , in compliance to what I answered the last year unto the several Petitions delivered to me upon this subject , that you would consult and agree among your selves , in what manner you would have the Court established most to your own contentments , and to the good of all these Northern parts , in such a Legal way as that it may not justly be excepted against ; and I assure you in the word of an honest man , that you shall not blame me if you have not full satisfaction in it . Within a day or two ye shall have a particular Answer to your Petition , which shall be such an one as I am confident will give you good satisfaction , and put you into such away as , I hope , may produce good effects to the good of all this Kingdom . XL. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , at YORK , May 12. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , I have cause of adding , not altering what I meant to say , when I gave out the summons for this daies appearance . I little thought of these Messengers , or of such a Message as they brought : The which , because it confirms me in what I intend to speak , and that I desire you should be truly informed of all Passages between me and the Parliament , you shall hear read ; first , my Answer to the Declaration of both Houses concerning Hull ; the Answer of the Parliament to my two Messages concerning Hull , together with my reply to the same ; and my Message to both Houses , declaring the Reasons why I refused to pass the Bill concerning the Militia . All which being read , His Majesty proceeded ; I will make no Paraphrases upon what ye have heard ; it is more befitting a Lawyer than a King. Only this observation , Since Treason is countenanced so near me , it is time to look to my Safety . I avow , it was part of my wonder , that men whom I thought heretofore discreet and moderate should have undertaken this imployment ; and that , since they came , I having delivered them the Answer you have heard , and commanded them to return personally with it to the Parliament , they should have flatly disobeyed Me , upon pretence of the Parliament's Command . My end in telling you this is , to warn you of them ; for since these men have brought me such a Message , and disobeyed so lawful a Command , I will not say what their intent of staying here is : Only I bid you take heed , not knowing what Doctrine of Disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the Parliament . Hitherto I have found and kept you quiet , the enjoying of which was a chief cause of My coming hither , Tumults and Disorders having made Me leave the South ; and not to make this a seat of War , as Malice would ( but , I hope , in vain ) make you believe . Now if Disturbances come , I know whom I have reason to suspect . To be short , You see that my Magazine is going to be taken from me , being my Own proper Goods , directly against my will ; the Militia , against Law and my Consent , is going to be put in execution ; and lastly , Sir Hotham's Treason is countenanced . All this considered , none can blame me to apprehend Dangers . Therefore I have thought fit upon these real grounds to tell you , that I am resolved to have a Guard ( the Parliament having had one all this while upon imaginary Jealousies ) only to secure my Person . In which I desire your concurrence and assistance , and that I may be able to protect you , the Laws , and the true Protestant Profession , from any affront or injury that may be offered ; which I mean to maintain my self , without charge to the Countrey ; intending not longer to keep them on foot than I shall be secured of my just apprehensions , by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . XLI . To the Inhabitants of Nottinghamshire , at NEWARK , July 4. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Your honest Resolutions and Affections to Me and your Country , for the defence of My Person and the Laws of the Land , have been and are so notable , that they have drawn Me hither only to thank you : I go to other places to confirm and undeceive my Subjects , but am come hither only to thank and incourage you . You have made the best judgment of happiness , by relying on that Foundation which the experience of so many hundred years hath given such proof of , The Assurance and Security of the Law. And assure your selves , when Laws shall be altered by any other Authority than that by which they were made , your Foundations are destroyed : and though it seems at first but to take away my Power , it will quickly swallow all your Interest . I ask nothing of you , though your demeanure gives Me good evidence that you are not willing to deny , but to preserve your own affections to the Religion and Laws established . I will justifie and protect those affections , and will live and die with you in that quarrel . XLII . To the Inhabitants of Lincolnshire , at LINCOLN , July 15. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , If I could have suspected your Affections , or have censured the Duty of this County by some late Actions in it , I should not have taken this pains to have given you a testimony of my Affection to you , and to remove those Objections , which being raised by a Malignant party , may , by their cunning and industry , get credit even with honest minds . The truth is , I come to you to assure you of My purposes and Resolutions for the defence of whatever is and should be dear unto you , your Religion , your Liberty , your common Interest , and the Laws of the Land ; and to undeceive you of that opinion which I hear hath mis-led many of you , that the pretended Ordinance of the Militia is warranted by my Consent and Authority . As I have already informed you by my several Declarations and Messages , that the same is against the known Law , and an invasion of my unquestionable Right , and of your Liberty and Property ; so I do now declare unto you , that the same is imposed upon you against my express Consent , and in contempt of my Regal Authority : And therefore whosoever shall henceforth presume to execute or obey the same , I shall proceed against them as against such who promote Rebellion , and actually levy War against Me. And I doubt not but you will sadly consider , that if any Authority without and against my Consent may lawfully impose such burthens upon you , it may likewise take away all that you have from you , and subject you to their lawless Arbitrary Power and Government . And how far they are like to exercise that jurisdiction towards you , you may guess by the insolence of Sir John Hotham at Hull , who , being a Subject , not only presumes to keep his Sovereign by force of Arms out of His Town ; but murthers his fellow-Subjects , imprisons them , burns their houses , drowns their land , takes them captive , and commits such Outrages and acts of Hostility , as the most unequal and outragious Enemies practise in any Country : That you may see how impossible it is for your Liberties and Properties to be preserved , when your King is oppressed , and His just Rights taken from Him. Who hath brought these Calamities upon your Neighbours at Hull every man sees ; and they only can bring the same upon you . I will not believe you to be so insensible of the benefits you have received from Me , that I need put you in mind of the Gracious Acts passed by Me this Parliament on your behalfs : And if there be any thing wanting to the making you the happiest Subjects in the world , I am sure it is not My fault that you have not that too . Be not deceived with words and general expressions : It is not in your power to name one particular which might make you happy , that I have refused to grant . Be not frighted with apprehensions that this Country is like to be the seat of War. The seat of a War will be only where persons rise in Rebellion against Me : that will not , I hope , be here ; and then you shall be sure of My Protection ; I will live and dye in your defence . And that you may be in a readiness and a posture to defend your selves and Me against any Invasion or Rebellion , I have armed several Persons of Honor , Quality and Reputation amongst you , and of your own Country , with a Commission of Array to that purpose . There is no honest end declared in that Ordinance which is not provided for by this Commission ; which being according to the old known Law , is fit for your obedience , and I doubt not but you will find it . In a word , I assure you upon the Faith and Honor of a Christian King , I will be always as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion , protect and preserve the Laws of the Land , and defend the just Privilege and Freedom of Parliament , as of My Life or My Crown : And when I fail in either of these , I will not look for your assistance . Till then you are concerned not to see Me suffer . XLIII . To the Inhabitants of Leicester , at LEICESTER , July 20. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Since I have found My Presence so very acceptable amongst My Good Subjects in these Northern parts , and that the Errors and Mistakes among them have wholly proceeded from misinformation , and are removed with more satisfaction and ease to them than they were received ; I hold it a piece of My Duty , to take the utmost pains I can fully to inform and undeceive My People , and rather to prevent Crimes than to punish them . In this Errand I am come to you , amongst whom there hath not been the least misunderstanding , to shew you that I do not suspect any malice in the Place or in the People , though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it and amongst you as in any County in England , and such who have taken as great pains to do mischief and to bring confusion , as good men should for Peace and happiness : Though 't is as true , that very many worthier Persons amongst you have appeared of contrary affections , which I shall always acknowledge . I am come to you in a time too when nothing could invite Me to such a journey but My affection to and good esteem of you ; having sent such Propositions of Peace and Accommodation to My two Houses of Parliament , that I hope to have no other use of your affections but in your Prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with alacrity , if the unexcusable enemies of the Peace of the Kingdom be not strong enough to prevail . And then you will find your selves so much concerned ( for I have required nothing that with more justice can be denied Me , if it be duly weighed , than My Crown or My Life may be taken from Me ) that I shall not need to ask your assistance , I know you will bring Horse , Men , Money , and Hearts worthy such a Cause . Your Religion , your Liberties , your Laws , which I will defend with My Life , ( I mean the good known Laws of the Land ; not Ordinances without My Consent , which till within these twelve months were never heard of from the Foundation of this Kingdom ) will be the Quarrel : and in such a Cause the taking away My Towns , Ships , Arms and Money from Me shall not dishearten Me. The concurrence and affection of My People , with God's blessing , will supply and recover all . XLIV . To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , when I directed that Summons should be sent out for your meeting here this day , My principal end was , That I might give you thanks for the great forwardness and expressions you have made of your affections to Me since I came into this Country ; and to assure you , that as the whole Kingdom hath great reason to value you exceedingly for it , so I shal be ever unsatisfied with My self till I have found some way to fix a mark of favour and estimation upon this County and this People , which may tell Posterity how good Subjects you have been , and how much Gentlemen ; and I am confident the memory of it will grow up with My Sons too in a just acknowledgment . This was the most I intended to say to you . But there is an unquiet spirit abroad , which every day throws in new accidents to disturb and confound the publick Peace . How I was driven from London when I chose this place for My Safety , is so notorious , that all men know it who know any thing . With what strange violence and indignities I have been pursued since I came hither , needs no other evidence than Sir Hotham's behaviour at Hull , who is now arrived to that insolence , that he will not suffer his Treason to be longer confined within those walls , but makes Sallies out of the Town upon his fellow-Subjects , drowns their land , burns and plunders their Houses , murthers and ( with unheard of cruelty ) torments their persons : and this with so much delight , that he would not have the patience to wait what Answer should be sent to My just Demands , though in that respect I engaged My self to forbear to use any force , and kept My word ; but chose the night before that came , as if he knew well what Answer I was to receive , to act those outrages . Ye see the sad effects of Fears and Jealousies , the miseries they have produced : no man can tell you the least good they have brought forth , or the least evil they have prevented . What inconvenience and burthen My Presence hath been here , what disturbance it hath brought upon the Publick , or grievance upon any private person , your selves are best judges . And whatever scandal some men have pleased to cast upon the Cavaliers , ( which they intend should reach all My Retinue , and by degrees shall involve all Gentlemen ) I am confident there hath not been any eminent disorder or damage befallen any man by any person of My Train or under My protection . I am sure My directions have been very strict in that point ; and if they had not been observed , I think I should have heard of it by nearer complaints than from London . I pray God the same care may be taken there : I am sure it hath not been . And to give you the fullest testimony of My affection to you and to the Peace of this County , and to shew you that no provocation shall provoke Me to make this place to be the seat of the War , I have for your sakes passed over the considerations of Honor , and notwithstanding the reproaches every day laid on Me , laid no siege to that place , that they may not have the least pretence of doing you mischief , but resolve by God's help to recover Hull some other way ; for that I will ever sit down under so bold and unexcusable a Treason no honest man can imagine . But it seems other men are not of My mind , but resolve to make a War at your own doors , whatsoever you do or I suffer . To what purpose else is their new General armed with an Authority to kill and destroy all My good Subjects ; their levies of Horse and Foot , some whereof are upon their march towards you with Canon mounted ; and the sending so many new Soldiers into Hull , when there is no approach made towards it , but to sally out , and to commit rapine , and by degrees to pour out an Army upon you ? In this I must ask you advice , what you would do for your selves , and what you would have Me do for you . You see how I am stript of my Navy at Sea , which is employed against Me ; of My Forts and Towns at Land , which are filled with armed men to destroy Me ; My Money and Provisions of My House taken from Me , and all My Subjects forbid and threatned if they come near Me , that I may be Famine or Solitariness be compelled to yield to the most dishonourable Propositions , and to put My self and Children into the hands of a few Malignant persons , who have entred into a Combination to destroy Us. And all this done under pretence of a Trust reposed by the People . How far you are from committing any such Trust , most of the persons trusted by you and your own expressions of Duty to Me have manifested to all the world ; and how far the whole Kingdom is from avowing such a Trust , hath already in a great measure , and I doubt not will more every day appear by the professions of every County : For I am wholly cast upon the affections of My People , and have no hope but in the blessing and assistance of God , the justness of My Cause , and the Love of My Subjects , to recover what is taken from Me and them , for I may justly say they are equal losers with Me. Gentlemen , I desire you to consider what course is to be taken for your own security from the excursions from Hull , and the violence which threatens you from thence : I will assist you any way you propose . Next , I desire you , out of the publick provision or your private store , to furnish Me with such a number of Arms ( Muskets and Corslets ) as you may conveniently spare ; which I do promise to see fully repay'd to you . These Arms I desire may be speedily delivered to the custody of My Lord Mayor of York for my use , principally for those parts which , by reason of their distance from Hull , are least subject to the fear of violence from thence . And whosoever shall so furnish Me , shall be excused from their attendance and service at Musters , till their Arms shall be restored ; which may well be sooner than I can promise , or you expect . I desire nothing of you , but what is necessary to be done for the preservation of God's true Religion , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty of the Subject , and the very Being of this Kingdom of England ; for 't is too evident all these are at stake . For the compleating of My Son's Regiment for the Guard of His Person under the Command of my Lord of Cumberland , I referr it wholly to your selves , who have expressed such forwardness in it . XLV . To His Army , after the Reading of His Orders , between Stafford and Wellington , September 19. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , You have heard these Orders read ; it is your part in your several places to observe them exactly . The time cannot be long before we come to Action , therefore you have the more reason to be careful : And I must tell you , I shall be very severe in the punishing of those , of what condition soever , who transgress these Instructions . I cannot suspect your Courage and Resolution . Your Conscience and your Loyalty hath brought you hither to fight for your Religion , your King , and the Laws of the Land : You shall meet with no enemies but Traitors , most of them Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , such who desire to destroy both Church and State , and who have already condemned you to ruine for being Loyal to Us. That you may see what use I mean to make of your Valour , if it please God to bless it with success , I have thought fit to publish My Resolution to you in a Protestation , which when you have heard Me make , you will believe you cannot fight in a better Quarrel ; in which I promise to live and die with you . I do promise in the presence of Almighty God , and as I hope for His Blessing and Protection , that I will to the utmost of My Power defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England ; and , by the Grace of God , in the same will live and die . I desire to govern by the known Laws of the Land ; and that the Liberty and Property of the Subject may be by them preserved with the same care as My own just Rights . And if it please God , by his blessing upon this Army raised for My necessary Defence , to preserve Me from this Rebellion , I do solemnly and faithfully promise in the sight of God , to maintain the just Privileges and Freedom of Parliament , and to govern by the known Laws of the Land to My utmost power , and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented to by Me this Parliament . In the mean while , if this time of War , and the great necessity and streights I am now driven to , beget any violation of those , I hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of this War , and not to Me , who have so earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom . When I willingly fail in these particulars , I will expect no aid or relief from any Man , or protection from Heaven : But in this Resolution I hope for the chearful assistance of all good men , and am confident of God's Blessing . XLVI . To the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flint , at WREXHAM , September 27. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , I am willing to take all occasions to visit all My good Subjects , in which number I have cause to reckon you of these two Counties , having lately had a good expression of your Loyalty and Affections to Me , by those Levies which at your charge have been sent Me from your parts ; which forwardness of yours I shall alwayes remember to your advantage ; and to let you know how I have been dealt with by a powerful Malignant party in this Kingdom , whose designs are no less than to destroy my Person and Crown , the Laws of the Land , and the present Government both of Church and State. The Leaders of these men , by their subtilty and cunning practices , have so prevailed upon the meaner sort of people about London , that they have called them up into frequent and dangerous tumults , and thereby have chased from thence My self and the greatest part of the Members of both Houses of Parliament . Their power and secret Plots have had such influence upon the small remaining part of both Houses , that under colour of Orders and Ordinances made without the Royal Assent , a thing never heard of before this Parliament , I am robb'd and spoiled of my Towns , Forts , Castles and Goods , my Navy forcibly taken from me , and imployed against me , all my Revenues stopt and seised upon ; and at this time a powerful Army is marching against me . I wish this were all : They have yet further laboured to alienate the affections of my good People , they have most injuriously vented many false reproaches against my Person and Government , they have dispersed in print many notorious false scandals upon my actions and intentions , and in particular have laboured to cast upon me some aspersions concerning the horrid , bloody and impious Rebellion in Ireland . They tell the People that I have recalled two Ships appointed for the Guard of these Seas . 'T is true : but they conceal that at the same time I sent my Warrants to the Downs , commanding four as good Ships to attend that service instead of those should be recalled ; which Warrant by their means could not find obedience . They forget that they then imployed forty Ships ( many of them my Own , and all of them set forth at the publick charge of this and that Kingdom ) to rob and pillage me of my Goods , to chase my good Subjects , and maintain my own Town of Hull against me ; and that by the absence of those Ships from the Irish Seas , the Rebells have had opportunity to bring store of Arms , Ammunition and Supplies to their succours , to which we may justly impute the Calamities which have over whelmed my poor Protestant Subjects there . They cry out upon a few suits of cloaths appointed , as they say , for Ireland , which some of my Forces took ; but conceal that they were taken as entring into Coventry , then in open Rebellion against me , where I had reason to believe they would have been disposed of amongst their Soldiers who then bore Arms against me . They talk of a few horses which I have made use of for my Carriages ; concealing that they were certified to be useless for the service of Ireland ; when they themselves have seised an hundred thousand pounds particularly appointed by Act of Parliament for the relief of Ireland , where my Army is ready to perish for want of it , and imployed it , together with such part of the four hundred thousand pound Subsidie as they have received , to maintain an unnatural Civil War at home . Neither have they used their fellow-Subjects better than they have done me their King. By their Power the Law of the Land , your birth-right , is trampled upon , and in stead thereof they govern my People by Votes and Arbitrary Orders . Such as will not submit to their unlimited power are imprisoned , plundered , and destroyed : such as will not pay such exactions as they require toward this Rebellion , are threatned to be put out of Protection , as they call it of the Parliament : such as conscientiously remember their Duty and Loyalty to me their Soveraign , are reviled , persecuted , and declared Traitors : such as do desire to maintain the true Protestant Religion as it is established by the Laws of the Land , are traduced and called Popish and Superstitious , and on the contrary , such as are known Brownists , Anabaptists , and publick depravers of the Book of Common Prayer , are countenanced and incouraged . They exact and receive Tonnage and Poundage and other great duties upon Merchandises , not only without Law , but in the face of an Act of Parliament to the contrary , past this present Parliament , which puts all men into the condition of a Praemunire that shall presume so to oppress the People . If you desire to know who are the Contrivers of these wicked designs , you shall find some of their names in particular , and their actions at large , in my Declaration of the twelfth of August , to which I shall refer you . I wish their craft and power were not such , that few of those Copies can come to the view of my good People . Since that time these men so thirst after the destruction of this Kingdom , that they have prevailed to make all my offers of Treaty ( which might bring Peace to this Kingdom , and beget a good understanding between Me and my Parliament ) fruitless . In this distress into which these men have brought Me and this Kingdom , my confidence is in the Protection of Almighty God and the affections of my good People . And that you may clearly see what my Resolutions are , I shall cause my voluntary Protestation lately taken to be read to you : And I desire that the Sheriffs of these two Counties will dispose Copies of that and what I now deliver unto you , having no other way to make it publick ; these men having restrained the use of my Presses at London and the Universities . XLVII . To the Inhabitants of Shropshire , at SHREWSBURY , Sept. 28. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , It is some benefit to me from the insolencies and misfortunes which have driven Me about , that they have brought Me to so good a part of my Kingdom , and to so faithful a part of my People . I hope neither you nor I shall repent My coming hither : I will do My part that you may not , and of you I was confident before I came . The residence of an Army is not usually pleasant to any place ; and Mine may carry more fear with it , since it may be thought ( being robbed and spoiled of all My Own , and such terror used to fright and keep all men from supplying Me ) I must only live upon the aid and relief of My People . But be not afraid ; I would to God my poor Subjects suffered no more by the insolence and violence of that Army raised against Me , though they have made themselves wanton even with Plenty , than you shall do by Mine . And yet I fear I cannot prevent all Disorders : I will do my best ; and this I will promise you , No man shall be a loser by Me , if I can help it . I have sent hither for a Mint : I will melt down all my own Plate , and expose all my Land to Sale or Morgage , that , if it be possible , I may not bring the least pressure upon you . In the mean time , I have summoned you hither , to invite you to do that for Me and your selves , for the maintenance of your Religion , and the Law of the Land , by which you enjoy all that you have , which other men to against us . Do not suffer so good a Cause to be lost for want of supplying Me with that which will be taken from you by those who pursue Me with this violence . And whilst these ill men sacrifice their Mony , Plate , and utmost Industry to destroy the Commonwealth , be you no less liberal to preserve it . Assure your selves , if it please God to bless Me with success , I shall remember the Assistance every particular man here gives Me , to his Advantage . However , it will hereafter , how furiously soever the minds of some men are now possessed , be honor and comfort to you , that with some charge and trouble to your selves , you did your part to support your King , and preserve the Kingdom . I desire Master Sheriff and the rest of the Gentlemen to distribute themselves in that method , that they may best receive the expressions which you shall make of your affections , the which I will have particularly represented to Me. XLVIII . To the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , at OXFORD , Nov. 2. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Though you see My Army marching from hence , I do not intend to leave you ; My Residence shall be so near , that My Power shall have an influence upon this place ( of which I will besides take a particular care ) for your preservation : Therefore fear not to express your affections to Me with that courage which becomes you . I know how and by whom the Countrey hath been awed ; but I hope no man shall have more power to fright you from your Loyalty than I have to restore you to it ; and I shall guess by the evidence of this day at your natural dispositions . In assisting Me you defend your selves ; for , believe it , the Sword which is now drawn against Me will destroy you , if I defend you not . I have and will venture My Life for you : 't will be a shame for you to venture nothing . Whatsoever you shall be willing freely to contribute , I will take kindly of you ; and whatsoever you shall lend Me , I will , in the word of a King , see justly repayed to you . I appoint the Sheriff to receive such Money or Plate as you , Gentlemen , shall be willing to assist Me with , and to return their names to Me : And you of the Clergy shall repair to Master Vice-Chancellor , who shall do the like . And I expect that you should advance this Service throughout the Countrey , and return your Collections suddenly to Me by the hand of the Sheriff . And I assure you , I shall take especial notice of such who shall be backward in this time of so visible Necessity . XLIX . To the Lords and Commons assembled at OXFORD , Jan. 22. MDCXLIII , IV. MY Lords and Gentlemen , When I consider your publick Interests and Concernments in the Happiness and Honor of this Nation , and your particular sufferings in this Rebellion for your affection and Loyalty to Me , I must look upon you as the most competent Considerers and Counsellers how to manage and improve the Condition we are all in : for sure our Condition is so equal , that the same Violence hath oppressed us all . I have therefore called you together to be witnesses of my Actions , and privy to my Intentions : and certainly if I had the least thought disagreeing with the happiness and security of this Kingdom , I would not advise with such Counsellors . And I doubt not but your Concurrence with Me will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of this whole Kingdom , who must look upon you as persons naturally and originally trusted by and for them , that it will be above the reach and Malice of those who have hitherto had too great an influence upon the People , to discredit my most intire Actions and sincere Promises . You will be the best witnesses for the one , and security for the other . Very many of you can bear me witness , with what unwillingness I suffered my self first to take up these Defensive Arms : indeed with so great , that I was first almost in the power of those who in two set Battels have sufficiently informed the world how tender they have been of the safety of my Person . I foresaw not only the rage and oppression which would every day break out upon my Subjects , as the Malice of these ill men increased , and their purposes were detected ; but also the great inconveniences my best Subjects would suffer even by my own Army , raised and kept for their preservation and protection . For I was not so ill a Souldier , as not to foresee how impossible it was to keep a strict discipline , I being to struggle with so many defects and necessities : and I assure you , the sense I have of their sufferings who deserve well of Me by my Forces , hath been a greater grief to me than any thing to my own particular . My hope was , that either by Success on my part , or Repentance on theirs , God would have put a short end to this great storm . But guilt and despair have made these men more wicked than I imagine they at first intended to be : for instead of removing and reconciling these bloudy Distractions , and restoring Peace to this languishing Countrey , they have invited a Forein power to invade this Kingdom , and that in your names , and challenge this Invasion from them as a debt to the Commonwealth . You , My Lords , have , like your selves , as good Patriots , expressed your dissent , and vindicated your selves from that imputation : and I doubt not but you , Gentlemen , will let your Countreys know how far you are from desiring such assistance ; and how absolute and peremptory a breach this raising of Arms of my Scotish Subjects is of that Pacification which was so lately and solemnly made by you , and can intend nothing but a conquest of you and your Laws . I shall send you all the advertisements I have of that business which is threatned from Scotland , and what is already acted from thence ; and shall desire your speedy advice and assistance , what is to be said or done both with reference to this and that Kingdom . Our ends being the same , I am sure there will be no other difference in the way than what upon debate and right understanding will be easily adjusted . Let our Religion , in which we are all most nearly concerned , and without care of which we must not look for God's blessing , be vindicated and preserved ; let my Honor and Rights , which you find to have an inseparable relation with your own Interests , be vindicated and restored ; let your Liberties , Properties , Priviledges , without which I would not be your King , be secured and confirmed ; there is nothing you can advise Me to I will not meet you in . And I doubt not but we shall together inform Posterity , how much our trust and confidence in each other is a better expedient for the Peace and preservation of the Kingdom , than Fears and Jealousies . I shall keep you no longer from consulting together , than in telling you that I have prepared fit places for your Meetings , to which I desire you to repair this night ; assuring you that I shall be always ready to receive any thing from you , admitting you to Me , or coming to you My self , whensoever you shall desire . And so God direct you the best way . L. To the Lord Primate of Ireland and the Congregation at Christ-Church in OXFORD , MDCXLIII . HIS Majesty being to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Lord Archbishop of Armagh , rising up from His knees , and beckening to the Archbishop for a short forbearance ; said , My Lord , I espy here many resolved Protestants , who may declare to the world the Resolution I do now make . I have to the utmost of My power prepared My Soul to become a worthy Receiver : and may I so receive comfort by the Blessed Sacrament , as I do intend the establishment of the true Reformed Protestant Religion as it stood in its beauty in the happy days of Queen Elizabeth , without any connivence at Popery . I bless God , that in the midst of these publick Distractions I have still liberty to communicate : And may this Sacrament be My Damanation , if My Heart do not joyn with My Lips in this Protestation . LI. To the Lords and Commons , at OXFORD , February 7. MDCXLIII . IV. MY Lords and Gentlemen , I have hardly thus long forborn to give you thanks for the care and pains you have taken for the publick safety since your coming together . And first I thank you for your inclination to Peace ; to which as My willingness of complying shewed the constancy of My endeavours in the best way for the publick good ; so the Rebels , by their scornfully rejecting your Overtures , as they have done heretofore Mine , have shewed their constancy in their way . Next , I must thank every one of you for so chearfully applying your selves to the maintenance and recruiting of My Army , which I hope God will so bless , that thereby these enemies of Peace shall have their due reward . And truly , My Lords and Gentlemen , this alacrity of yours in providing for My Army doth please Me in no consideration so much , as that it is the best way for Peace ; for certainly this strange arrogance of refusing to treat with you can proceed from nothing but their contempt of our Forces . But it is your present Honor , and will be more to posterity , that God hath made you instruments to defend your Sovereign , and to preserve your Country ; to see that Religion and Law to flourish which you have rescued from the violence of Rebellion ; for which I hope in time to recompense every one of you : but if I shall not , here is one I hope will ; in which He shall but perform My Commands : For I have no greater sadness for those who are My ill Subjects , than I have joy and comfort in your affections and fidelities . And so God prosper your proceedings . LII . To the Lords and Commons , at their Recess , OXFORD , April 16. MDCXLIV . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I am now brought to you by your selves ; for I should not so soon have parted with you , if you had not desired it : and I believe that the same zeal and affection to Me and your Country which hath brought and stai'd you here , hath caused you to seek this Recess , that so by distributing your selves into your several Countries , we may all the better reap the fruits of our Consultations . Wherefore in God's name dispose of your selves as you think fit . I heartily thank you for what you have done , and fully approve of what you desire . I think most , if not all , of you are ingaged in My Service , either in a Civil or Martial way . To you that have charge in My Armies I recommend the diligent attendance on your Commands , that so by your good example and discipline you may suppress Licence and Disorder , which will discredit , and may destroy the best Cause . And to you who are ingaged in the Civil Affairs , I must recommend these few particulars : That you expedite those supplies of Monies which , by your advice , I have sent for , whether by Subscription or Excise ; remembring that Monies are the Nerves of War. Likewise that you use your best diligence for the pressing of men , and incouragement of Voluntiers , by shewing them , that now the only way to preserve themselves from Slavery and their Country from Ruine , is freely to ingage their persons . But chiefly , and with all possible care , to inform all My Subjects of the barbarity and odiousness of this Rebellion , how solicitous I have been for Peace , and how insolently and scornfully rejected ; assuring them , that My Arms are raised and kept only for the defence of their Religion , Laws , and Liberties , which being once secured and vindicated , I shall most chearfully lay them down , I having , God knows , with much unwillingness taken them up . Lastly , assure them that these extraordinary ways which necessity hath produced , and most of them not without your consent or advice , for My supply , shall not hereafter be brought in example to their prejudice ; and I shall in the mean time do My best to prevent and punish all exorbitancies and disorders . To conclude , My Lords and Gentlemen , I do now again , yet never enough , thank you for your great and unanimous expressions of your affections to Me , which hath laid an unexpressible obligation upon Me : and be assured that there is no profession which I have made for the defence and maintenance of our Religion , Laws , and Liberties , which I will not inviolably observe . Now God , who hath blessed this Meeting with an unexpected unanimity , which I esteem as one not of his least Blessings , will , I hope , bring us all safe together again the eight day of October next . In the mean time I shall be ready to receive any thing from your Committees that shall be desired . LIII . To the Inhabitants of Somerset , at KING'S-MORE , July 23. MDCXLIV . GEntlemen , I have often desired before these Troubles to visit these Western parts , that I might with joy have been an eye-witness of the blessings of Peace which you then enjoyed , and have been welcom'd with the hearty and unanimous affections of My good People here : But the malicious designs of the Authors of this most unnatural War have made those My intentions impossible ; yet My coming to you in this posture may sufficiently express what value I set upon these Associated Counties . I am now come to relieve you from the violence of a Rebellious Army sent hither by those that have plunged this whole Kingdom into these desperate Distractions . They have got footing in your Country , and under the false pretences they carry with them ( wherewith they have abused too many of My People ) are ready to devour you , and bring destruction to your Religion , Property and Liberty . These I am come to defend ; and shall refuse no danger that may conduce to your deliverance from this Slavery attempted on you by those men . All that I ask of you is , that you will not be wanting to your selves , but will heartily joyn with Me in this good work , by contributing your chearful assistance to My Army , and by performing your Duty in bearing Arms with Me in this good Cause , wherein whoever shall fall carrieth this comfort with him , that he falleth in defence of the true Protestant Religion , his King , his Countrey , and the Law of the Land. And he that will not venture his life for these , I had rather have his room than his company . Upon these grounds I shall lead you on : Follow Me with courage , and the God of Power give us his Blessing . I shall further remember you of this , that if by your assistance it shall please God to inable Me to reduce this Army now in the bowels of your Country , you will not only thereby free these Associated Counties from those Miseries which threaten you ; but it may please God in mercy so to look upon this poor Kingdom , that the fruits of this Victory may be a means to restore Peace to us all , that blessed Peace which I have so often and so importunately sought for from them at Westminster , and which they have so scornfully rejected , as if the blood of their fellow-Subjects were their delight . God turn their hearts : neither shall I despair of it , if the success of that Army , the chiefest strength on which they rely , shall fail their expectation ; for then it may have such an influence upon them , that I hope they may be prevailed with to give you leave to be happy again ; and , which I have so often desired , to have all that is in question between them and Me determined in a full and free convention of Parliament . Then I shall not fear but the united power of this Kingdom will easily free us from that Northern Invasion , which making use of our Divisions , threatneth no less than the Conquest of this whole Nation . This I assure you , that no success shall make Me less zealously seek for Peace , well knowing whose blood is to be spilt in this unhappy quarrel ; but rather I shall more fervently encrease My desires , by how much I may have better grounded hopes to attain what I so earnestly desire . When I mention Peace , I would be understood to intend that Peace which is built upon such foundations as are most likely to render it firm and stable , wherein God's true Religion may be best secured from the danger of Popery , Sectaries and Innovations ; the Crown may possess those just Prerogatives which may inable Me to protect and govern My People according to Law ; and the Subject be confirmed in those Rights which they have derived from their Forefathers , and which I have granted to them in Parliament , to which I shall always be ready to add such new Graces as I shall find most to conduce to their Happiness . This is the Peace which I labour for , wherein I may justly expect your best assistance , with your hearts , and hands , and purses . Neither shall I be more burthensome to you with My Army than of necessity I must for its support ( so far I must desire your help , being violently robb'd of all My Revenues . ) I have and shall use all possible means to suppress the disorders of the Souldiers . The best way to do it is , by taking order that they be not provoked with want of necessary Provisions . That being done by you , Master Sheriff and the Commissioners of this County , which I most earnestly commend to your care , you shall find Me very strict in such discipline as may best secure you . This night I hope to have joyned to Me other considerable Forces , which are upon their march towards Me ; and tomorrow morning we shall humbly ask God's blessing on us , and begin the Work. This care I shall further take for you , that as soon as possibly I can , other men to be levied by Impress shall supply the place of such of you , as I shall then give liberty to return to your Harvest . I shall conclude with this promise to you , that I shall look upon your chearfulness in this Service as the greatest expression of your Loyalty and Affections that you can make or I receive ; which I shall require if it be in My power . If I live not to do it , I hope this young man , My Son , your fellow-Souldier in this Expedition , will ; to Whom I shall particularly give it in charge . LIV. To the Committee of both Houses , at the delivery of the Votes for a Personal Treaty , at CARISBROOK Castle , Aug. 7. MDCXLVIII . ON Monday the seventh of August , the Commissioners being admitted into the King's presence , the Votes were first read , and then presented to His Majesty by the Earl of Middlesex , who desired His Majestie 's speedy Answer , for that their return was limited to ten days . The King then asked , Whether the ten days were not to be counted from that of the delivery of the Message . The Earl answering , No , Sir ; they are to be counted from the day of our setting forth : The King replied , I have not then five days allowed Me to consider of My Answer , which I presume you expect in writing ; and I have none to help Me , no not so much as a Clerk to transcribe . However I will really contribute My best endeavours to an happy Peace . After a short pause He added , I would have sent to the Parliament : but I desire them to take notice that My long Silence proceeds not from a dull stupid Laziness , or My being insensible of My Own or the Kingdoms condition ; but from the incapacity that lay on Me by reason of former Votes . But now a way is opened to a Treaty , which I ever apprehended as the only means to a durable Peace , I shall chearfully embrace it , and none shall more speedily run to it than My Self . And for My part , as being more concerned than any one in this Kingdom , nay , should I say more than all , I speak it without vanity , I hope it will be thought no Hyperbolical expression , for I am assured , whosoever gains , I shall be a loser , — His Majesty then read the Votes to Himself ; after which He said , I like them well , My desires being included in these Votes ; for what can I desire more than to treat with Honor , Freedom and Safety , upon the Propositions , and such other things as either I or the two Houses shall offer ? Then asking Whether the Commissioners to treat were yet nominated : The Earl of Middlesex answered , No , Sir. And the King added , In a Treaty two sorts of things are considerable ; some Necessary , others convenient , — Then breaking off He said , I will go and apply my Self to my Answer , that I may not delay a minute to promote so good a Work. And so withdrew , dismissing the Commissioners . Thursday , Aug. 10. THe Commissioners coming to receive His Majestie 's Answer , upon their entrance he told them , He was sorry He was limited to so short a time , and had so little helps for dispatch , yet notwithstanding He had prepared His Answer . Before the reading of it , He added , That the last Message He sent to the Houses was delivered to the Commissioners sealed ; and had it been so presented , it would have been better for Him : But now he thought it fit to send this open , because He could not be in a worse condition , being under so close a Restraint , none being suffered to speak a word to Him without suspicion . Then producing His Answer , He read it aloud in the Presence-Chamber , being full of company : Which done , he said , That He hoped He had therein endeavoured to give satisfaction to His Parliament , there being nothing in it but but what He conceived was implied in their Votes . And further added , That there might be some that would oppose this Treaty , as being gainers by these Wars , and therefore desired the continuance of it . Others might think Him revengeful ; but He said , He was so far from seeking Revenge , that if a Straw lay in their way to hurt them , He would stoop and take it up to prevent it . God forgive them , for I do . Then the Commissioners coming to take their leaves , His Majesty asked them , How they liked His Answer . They answered , They thought and hoped it would produce a sudden and happy well-grounded Peace . LV. To the Commissioners of both Houses , at the first Close of the Treaty at NEWPORT , Nov. 4. MDCXLVIII . HIS Majesty said , That He hoped they were now sensible that none was more desirous of a good and lasting Peace than Himself ; That He had gone very far to give His two Houses satisfaction ; That He thought , though the time for the Treaty was ended , yet the Treaty it self was not ; That He expected to hear from His two Houses about His own Propositions ; and would be ready to make His Concessions binding , by giving them the force of Laws . He desired , That they would put a good interpretation upon His vehement expressions in some of His Debates , there being nothing in His intentions but Kindness : and that as they had taken abundance of freedom , and shewed great Abilities in their Debates , which have taken His Majesty off from some of His Own Opinions ; so He doubted not , had they had power to recede , some of His Reasons would have prevailed with them , as He is confident , had it been with His two Houses , it would have done with them : and therefore beseeches them to take the same freedom with His two Houses , to press them to a compliance with Him in those things His Conscience is not yet satisfied in , which more time may do , His Opinion not being like the Laws of the Medes and Persians , unalterable , or infallible . He added His very hearty thanks for the pains they had taken to satisfie Him , professing that He wanted Eloquence to commend their Abilities . He desired them candidly to represent all the Transactions of this Treaty to His two Houses , that they might see , Nothing of His Interest , how near or dear soever , but that wherein His Conscience is unsatisfied , can hinder on His part a happy conclusion of this Treaty . LVI . To the Lords Commissioners , at their taking leave , NEWPORT , Nov. MDCXLVIII . MY Lords , You are come to take your leave of Me ; and I believe we shall scarce never see each other again : but God's Will be done . I thank God , I have made my Peace with Him , and shall without fear undergo what He shall be pleased to suffer man to do unto Me. My Lords , you cannot but know that in My Fall and Ruine you see your own , and that also near to you : I pray God send you better Friends than I have found . I am fully informed of the whole carriage of the Plot against Me and Mine ; and nothing so much afflicts Me , as the sense and feeling I have of the Sufferings of my Subjects , and the Miseries that hang over my three Kingdoms , drawn upon them by those who upon pretences of Good violently pursue their own Interests and Ends. LVII . His MAJESTIE's Speeches to the pretended High Court of Justice ; with the History of His Tryal . Jan. MDCXLVIII , IX . Westminster-Hall , Jan. 20. ON Saturday the twentieth of January afternoon Serjeant John Bradshaw , President of the pretended Court , with about fifty seven of his fellow-Commissioners , came into Westminster-Hall , having sixteen men with Partisans , and their Officers , with a Sword and Mace , marching before them ; ( thus profaning the Name , the Place , and the Ensigns of Justice , in the perpetration of the most enormous and unexampled Villany : ) And at the West end of the Hall , prepared for their purpose , Bradshaw seated himself in a Crimson-Velvet Chair in the midst , having a Desk with a Crimson-Velvet Cushion before him , and at his feet a Table covered with a Turkey Carpet , whereon the Sword and Mace were laid ; the rest were placed on each side upon Benches hung with Scarlet ; and the Partisans divided themselves on each hand before them . Being thus sate , and Silence made , the great Gate of the Hall was set open , and all persons promiscuously let in , so that the Hall was presently filled , and Silence again ordered . Then Colonel Matthew Tomlinson was commanded to bring the Prisoner ( their King ) into the Court : which he did , within a quarter of an hour , with about twenty Officers with Partisans marching before Him , and others behind . Their Serjeant at Arms with his Mace received Him , and brought Him to the Bar , where a Crimson-Velvet Chair was set . His Majesty , with an unconcerned Look upon his pretended Judges and the People in the Galleries on each side , sate down , without taking notice of their Court ; but presently rose up again , and turned about , looking down upon the Guards placed on the left side , and the multitude of Spectators on the right side of the Hall. After Silence made , the pretended Act for His Trial was read by their Clerk , sitting at the side of the Table where the Sword and Mace lay . An Act of Parliament of the House of Commons , for Trial of Charles Stuart King of England . WHereas it is notorious that Charles Stuart , the now King of England , not content with the many incroachments which his Predecessors had made upon the People in their Rights and Freedom , hath had a wicked Design to subvert the Ancient and Fundamental Laws and Liberties of this Nation , and in their place to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government ; and that besides all evil ways to bring his Design to pass , he hath prosecuted it with Fire and Sword , levied and maintained a Civil War in the Land against the Parliament and Kingdom , whereby this Country hath been miserably wasted , the publick Treasure exhausted , Trade decaied , thousands of People murthered , and infinite other mischiefs committed ; for all which high Offences the said Charles Stuart might long since have been brought to exemplary and condign Punishment : Whereas also the Parliament , well hoping that the Restraint and Imprisonment of his Person , after it had pleased God to deliver him into their hands , would have quieted the Distempers of the Kingdom , did forbear to proceed judicially against him ; but found by sad experience , that such their Remissenss served only to encourage him and his Complices in the continuance of their evil practices , and in raising new Commotions , Rebellions , and Invasions : For prevention of the like and greater inconveniences , and to the end no Chief Officer or Magistrate may hereafter presume Traiterously and maliciously to imagine or contrive the enslaving or destroying of the English Nation , and to expect impunity , Be it Enacted and Ordained by the Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and it is hereby Enacted and Ordained , that Thomas Lord Fairfax , General , Oliver Cromwell , Lieutenant-General , Commissary General Henry Ireton , Major General Philip Skippon , Sir Hardresse Waller , Colonel Valentine Walton , Colonel Thomas Harrison , Colonel Edward Whaley , Colonel Thomas Pride , Colonel Isaac Ewer , Colonel Richard Ingoldsby , Sir Henry Mildmay , Sir Thomas Honywood , Thomas Lord Grey , Philip Lord Lisle , William Lord Mounson , Sir John Danvers , Sir Thomas Maleverer , Sir John Bourchier , Sir James Harrington , Sir William Brereton , Robert Wallop Esq William Heveningham Esquire , Isaac Pennington Alderman , Thomas Atkins Alderman , Colonel Rowland Wilson , Sir Peter Wentworth , Colonel Henry Marten , Colonel William Purefoy , Colonel Godfrey Bosvile , John Trenchard Esquire , Colonel Herbert Morley , Colonel John Berkstead , Colonel Matthew Tomlinson , John Blakeston Esq ; Gilbert Millington Esquire , Sir William Constable , Colonel Edward Ludlow , Colonel John Lambert , Colonel John Hutchinson , Sir Arthur Hasilrig , Sir Michael Livesey , Richard Salway Esquire , Humphrey Salway Esquire , Colonel Robert Tichborne , Colonel Owen Roe , Colonel Robert Manwaring , Colonel Robert Lilborn , Colonel Adrian Scroope , Colonel Richard Dean , Colonel John Okey , Colonel Robert Overton , Colonel John Harrison , Colonel John Disborough , Colonel William Goffe , Colonel Robert Duckenfield , Cornelius Holland Esquire , John Carew Esquire , Sir William Armyne , John Jones Esquire , Miles Corbet Esquire , Francis Allen Esquire , Thomas Lister Esquire , Benjamin Weston Esquire , Peregrine Pelham Esq ; John Gourdon Esquire , Serjeant Francis Thorp , John Nutt Esquire , Thomas Chaloner Esq ; Colonel Algernon Sidney , John Anlaby Esquire , Colonel John Moore , Rich. Darley Esq ; William Say Esquire , John Aldred Esquire , John Fagge Esquire , James Nelthrop Esquire , Sir William Roberts , Colonel Francis Lassels , Colonel Alexander Rigby , Henry Smith Esq ; Edmond Wilde Esquire , James Chaloner Esquire , Josias Barners Esquire , Dennis Bond Esq ; Humphry Edwards Esquire , Gregory Clement Esquire , John Fry Esquire , Thomas Wogan Esq ; Sir Gregory Norton , Serjeant John Bradshaw , Colonel Edmund Harvey , John Dove Esq ; Colonel John Venne , John Foulk Alderman , Thomas Scot Esquire , Thomas Andrews Alderman , William Cawley Esquire , Abraham Burrell Esquire , Colonel Anthony Stapely , Roger Gratwicke Esquire , John Downes Esquire , Colonel Thomas Horton , Colonel Thomas Hammond , Colonel George Fenwick , Serjeant Robert Nichols , Robert Reynolds Esquire , John Liste Esquire , Nicholas Love Esquire , Vincent Potter , Sir Gilbert Pickering , John Weaver Esquire , John Lenthal Esquire , Sir Edward Baynton , John Corbet Esquire , Thomas Blunt Esquire , Thomas Boone Esquire , Augustine Garland Esquire , Augustine Skinner Esquire , John Dixwel Esquire , Colonel George Fleetwood , Simon Maine Esquire , Colonel James Temple , Colonel Peter Temple , Daniel Blagrave Esquire , Sir Peter Temple , Colonel Thomas Waite , John Brown Esquire , John Lowry Esquire , shall be and are hereby appointed , Commissioners and Judges for the hearing , Trying , and Judging of the said Charles Stuart : And the said Commissioners , or any twenty or more of them , shall be , and are hereby Authorized and constituted , an High Court of Justice , to meet at such convenient times and places as by the said Commissioners , or the major part , or twenty or more of them , under their hands and seals shall be appointed , and notified by publick Proclamation in the great Hall or Palace-yard of Westminster ; and to adjourn from time to time , and from place to place , as the said High Court or the major part thereof meeting shall hold fit ; and to take order for the charging of him , the said Charles Stuart , with the Crimes above mentioned , and for the receiving His Personal Answer thereunto , and for examination of Witnesses upon Oath ( if need be ) concerning the same ; and thereupon , or in default of such Answer , to proceed to final Sentence , according to Justice and the merit of the Cause , to be executed speedily and impartially . And the said Court is hereby Authorized and required to chuse and appoint all such Officers , Attendanrs and other circumstances , as they or the major part of them shall in any sort judge necessary or useful for the orderly and good managing of the premisses : and Thomas Lord Fairfax the General , with all Officers of Justice and other well-affected persons , are hereby Authorized and required to be aiding and assisting unto the said Commissioners in the due execution of the Trust hereby committed unto them . Provided that this Ordinance , and the Authority hereby granted do continue for the space of one Month from the Date of the making hereof , and no longer . After the reading of this , the several Names of the Commissioners were called over ; every one who was present rising up , and answering to his call . The King having again placed Himself in the Chair with His face towards the Commissioners , Silence was again ordered , and Bradshaw , with Impudence befitting his person and his place , stood up and said , CHARLES STUART , King of England , The Commons of England assembled in Parliament being deeply sensible of the Calamities that have been brought upon this Nation , which is fixed upon you as the principal Author of it , have resolved to make inquisition for Blood ; and according to that Debt and Duty they owe to Justice , to God , the Kingdom , and themselves , and according to the Fundamental Power that rests in themselves , they have resolved to bring you to Trial and Judgment , and for that purpose have constituted this High Court of Justice , before which you are brought . Then their Solicitor John Cook standing within a Bar on the right hand began ; My Lord , in behalf of the Commons of England , and of all the People thereof , I do accuse CHARLES STUART , here present , of high Treason and high Misdemeanures ; and I do , in the name of the Commons of England , desire the Charge may be read unto him . As he was speaking , the King held up his Staffe , and laying it on his shoulders two or three times , bid him , Hold a little . But Bradshaw ordered him to go on ; and the Charge being delivered to their Clerk , Bradshaw told the King , Sir , the Court Commands the Charge to be read : If you have any thing to say afterwards , you may be heard . Then the Clerk being ordered to read , began . The Charge of the Commons of England against CHARLES STUART King of England , of High Treason and other High Crimes , exhibited to the High Court of Justice . THat the said CHARLES STUART being admitted King of England , and therein trusted with a limited Power , to govern by and according to the Laws of the Land , and not otherwise , and by his Trust , Oath and Office , being obliged to use the Power committed to him for the good and benefit of the People , and for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties : yet nevertheless , out of a wicked Design to erect and uphold in himself an unlimited and Tyrannical Power , to Rule according to his Will , and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the People , yea , to take away and make void the Foundations thereof , and of all redress and remedy of Mis-government , which by the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom were reserved on the Peoples behalf in the Right & Power of frequent and successive Parliaments , or National Meetings in Council ; he , the said Charles Stuart , for accomplishment of such his Designs , and for the protecting himself and his Adherents in his and their wicked practices to the same Ends , hath traiterously and maliciously levied War against the present Parliament , and the People therein Represented : Particularly , upon or about the thirtieth day of June , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and two , at Beverly in the County of York ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of July , in the year aforesaid , in the County of the City of York ; and upon or about the twenty fourth day of August , in the same year , at the County of the Town of Nottingham , ( when and where he set up his Standard of War ; ) and upon or about the twenty third day of October , in the same year , at Edge-Hill and Kineton field in the County of Warwick ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the same year , at Brainford in the County of Middlesex ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of August , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and three , at Cavesham Bridge near Reading in the County of Berks ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of October , in the year last mentioned , at or near the City of Gloucester ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbury in the County of Berks ; and upon or about the one and thirtieth day of July , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and four , at Croperdy Bridge in the County of Oxon ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of September , in the year last mentioned , at Bodmin and other places near adjacent in the County of Cornwall ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbury aforesaid ; and upon or about the eighth day of June , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and five , at the Town of Leicester ; and also upon the fourteenth day of the same month , in the same year , at Naseby-field in the County of Northampton : At which several times and places , or most of them , and at many other places in this Land , at several other times within the years aforementioned , and in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and six , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath caused and procured many thousands of the Free People of the Nation to be slain , and by Divisions , Parties and Infurrections within this Land , by Invasions from Forein Parts , endeavoured and procured by him , and by many other evil ways and means , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath not only maintained and carried on the said War both by Land and Sea , during the years before mentioned , but also hath renewed , or caused to be renewed , the said War against the Parliament and good People of this Nation in this present year one thousand six hundred forty and eight , in the Counties of Kent , Essex , Surry , Sussex , Middlesex , and many other places in England and Wales , and also by Sea ; and particularly , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath for that purpose given Commission to his Son , the Prince , and others , whereby , besides multitudes of other persons , many such as were by the Parliament intrusted and imployed for the safety of the Nation , being by him or his Agents corrupted to the betraying of their Trust , and revolting from the Parliament , have had entertainment and Commission for the continuing and renewing of War and Hostility against the said Parliament and People , as aforesaid . By which cruel and unnatural Wars by him , the said Charles Stuart , levied , continued and renewed , as aforesaid , much innocent blood of the Free People of this Nation hath been spilt , many Families have been undone , the publick Treasury wasted and exhausted , Trade obstructed and miserably decayed , vast expence and damage to the Nation incurred , and many parts of the Land spoiled , some of them even to Desolation . And for further prosecution of his said evil Designs , he , the said Charles Stuart , doth still continue his Commissions to the said Prince , and other Rebels and Revolters , both English and Foreiners , and to the Earl of Ormond , and to the Irish Rebels and Revolters associated with him , from whom further Invasions upon this Land are threatned , upon the procurement and on the behalf of the said Charles Stuart . All which wicked Designs , Wars , and evil Practices of him , the said Charles Stuart , have been and are carried on for the advancing and upholding of the Personal Interest of Will and Power , and pretended Prerogative to himself and his Family , against the Publick Interest , Common Right , Liberty , Justice , and Peace of the People of this Nation , by and for whom he was intrusted , as aforesaid . By all which it appeareth that he , the said Charles Stuart , hath been and is the Occasioner , Author and Contriver of the said unnatural , cruel and bloody Wars , and therein guilty of all the Treasons , Murders , Rapines , Burnings , Spoils , Desolations , Damage and Mischief to this Nation , acted or committed in the said Wars , or occasioned thereby . And the said John Cook ( by Protestation saving on the behalf of the People of England the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Charge against the said Charles Stuart , and also of replying to the Answers which the said Charles Stuart shall make to the Premisses or any of them , or any other Charge that shall be so exhibited ) doth for the said Treasons and Crimes , on the behalf of the said People of England , impeach the said Charles Stuart as a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and a publick and implacable Enemy to the Commonwealth of England ; and pray that the said Charles Stuart , King of England , may be put to answer all and every the Premisses , that such Proceedings , Examinations , Tryals , Sentence and Judgment may be thereupon had , as shall be agreeable to Justice . His Majesty with His wonted Patience heard all these Slanders and Reproaches , sitting in the Chair , and looking sometimes on the pretended Court , sometimes up to the Galleries ; and rising again turned about to behold the Guards and Spectators : then he sate down with a Majestick and unmoved countenance , and sometimes smiling , especially at those words [ Tyrant , Traitor ] and the like . Also the silver head of His Staff happened to fall off ; at which He wondred , and seeing none to take it up , He stooped for it Himself . The Charge being read , Bradshaw began . Sir , you have now heard your Charge read , containing such matters as appear in it : you find that in the close of it , it is prayed to the Court , in the behalf of the Commons of England , that you answer to your Charge : The Court expects your Answer . KING . I would know by what Power I am called hither . I was not long ago in the Isle of Wight ; how I came there , is a longer story than I think is fit at this time for Me to speak of : but there I entred into a Treaty with both Houses of Parliament , with as much publick Faith as it 's possible to be had of any People in the World. I treated there with a number of Honourable Lords and Gentlemen , and treated honestly and uprightly ; I cannot say but they did very nobly with Me : we were upon a conclusion of the Treaty . Now I would know by what Authority ( I mean , lawful ; there are many unlawful Authorities in the world , Thieves and Robbers by the high-ways ; but I would know , by what Authority ) I was brought from thence , and carried from place to place , and I know not what . And when I know by what lawful Authority , I shall answer . Remember , I am your King , your lawful King , and what sins you bring upon your heads , and the Judgment of God upon this Land : Think well upon it , I say , think well upon it , before you go further from one sin to a greater . Therefore let Me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I shall not be unwilling to answer . In the mean time I shall not betray My Trust : I have a Trust committed to Me by God , by old and lawful Descent ; I will not betray it , to answer to a new unlawful Authority . Therefore resolve Me that , and you shall hear more of Me. Bradshaw . If you had been pleased to have observed what was hinted to you by the Court at your first coming hither , you would have known by what Authority : which Authority requires you , in the name of the People of England , of which you are elected King , to answer . KING . No , Sir , I deny that . Bradshaw . If you acknowledge not the Authority of the Court , they must proceed . KING . I do tell them so : England was never an Elective Kingdom , but an Hereditary Kingdom for near these thousand years : therefore let Me know by what Authority I am called hither . I do stand more for the Liberty of My People than any here that come to be My pretended Judges : and therefore let Me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I will answer it ; otherwise I will not answer it . Bradshaw . Sir , how really you have managed your Trust , is known : your way of Answer is to interrogate the Court , which beseems not you in this Condition . You have been told of it twice or thrice . KING . Here is a Gentleman , Lieutenant Colonel Cobbet , ask him if he did not bring Me from the Isle of Wight by force . I do not come here as submitting to the Court. I will stand as much for the Privilege of the House of Commons , rightly understood , as any man here whatsoever : I see no House of Lords here , that may constitute a Parliament ; and the King too should have been . Is this the bringing of the King to His Parliament ? Is this the bringing an end to the Treaty in the Publick Faith of the World ? Let Me see a Legal Authority , warranted by the Word of God , the Scriptures , or warranted by the Constitutions of the Kingdom , and I will answer . Bradshaw . Sir , you have propounded a Question , and have been answered . Seeing you will not answer , the Court will consider how to proceed . In the mean time , those that brought you hither are to take charge of you back again . The Court desires to know whether this be all the Answer you will give , or no. KING . Sir , I desire that you would give Me and all the World satisfaction in this . Let Me tell you , It is not a slight thing you are about , I am sworn to keep the Peace , by that Duty I owe to God and My Countrey ; and I will do it to the last breath of My body : And therefore you shall do well to satisfie , first God , and then the Country , by what Authority you do it . If you do it by an usurped Authority , you cannot answer it : There is a God in Heaven that will call you , and all that give you Power , to account . Satisfie Me in that , and I will answer ; otherwise I betray My Trust , and the Liberties of the People : and therefore think of that , and then I shall be willing . For I do avow , That it is as great a Sin to withstand Lawful Authority , as it is to submit to a Tyrannical , or any otherways unlawful Authority . And therefore satisfie God , and Me , and all the World in that , and you shall receive My Answer . I am not afraid of the Bill . Bradshaw , The Court expects you should give them a final Answer . Their purpose is to adjourn till Monday next : If you do not satisfie your self , though we do tell you our Authority , we are satisfied with our Authority , and it is upon God's Authority and the Kingdoms ; and that Peace you speak of will be kept in the doing of Justice , and that 's our present Work. KING . For Answer , let Me tell you , you have shewn no Lawful Authority to satisfie any reasonable man. Bradshaw . That 's in your apprehension ; we are satisfied that are your Judges . KING . 'T is not My apprehension , nor yours neither , that ought to decide it . Bradshaw . The Court hath heard you , and you are to be disposed of as they have commanded . So commanding the Guard to take Him away , His Majesty only replied . Well , Sir. And at His going down , pointing with His Staff toward the Ax , He said , I do not fear that . As He went down the stairs , the People in the Hall cried out , God save the King ; notwithstanding some were there set by the Faction to lead the clamour for Justice . O yes being called , they adjourn . Westminster-Hall , Monday , Jan. 22. Afternoon . SVnday being spent in Fasting and Preaching , ( according to their manner of making Religion a pretence and prologue to their Villanies ) on Monday afternoon they came again into the Hall , and after Silence commanded , called over their Court , where Seventy persons being present answered to their Names . His Majesty being brought in , the People gave a shout . Command given to the Captain of their Guard to fetch and take into his custody those who make any Disturbance . Then their Solicitor Cook began , May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , I did at the last Court , in the behalf of the Commons of England , exhibite and give into this Court a Charge of High Treason and other high Crimes against the Prisoner at the Bar , whereof I do accuse him in the name of the People of England ; and the Charge was read unto him , and his Answer required . My Lord , he was not then pleased to give an Answer ; but in stead of answering , did there dispute the Authority of this High Court. My humble motion to this High Court , in behalf of the Kingdom of England , is , That the Prisoner may be directed to make a Positive Answer , either by way of Confession , or Negation ; which if he shall refuse to do , that the matter of Charge may be taken pro confesso , and the Court may proceed according to Justice . Bradshaw . Sir , you may remember , at the last Court you were told the occasion of your being brought hither , and you heard a Charge read against you , containing a Charge of High Treason and other high Crimes against this Realm of England ; you heard likewise , that it was prayed in the behalf of the People , that you should give an Answer to that Charge , that thereupon such proceedings might be had as should be agreeable to Justice : you were then pleased to make some scruples concerning the Authority of this Court , and knew not by what Authority you were brought hither : you did divers time propound your Questions , and were as often answer'd , That it was by the Authority of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , that did think fit to call you to account for those high and capital Misdemeanours wherewith you were then charged . Since that , the Court hath taken into consideration what you then said : they are fully satisfied with their own Authority , and they hold it fit you should stand satisfied with it too ; and they do require it , that you do give a positive and particular Answer to this Charge that is exhibited against you . They do expect you should either confess , or deny it : If you deny , it is offered , in the behalf of the Kingdom , to be made good against you . Their Authority they do avow to the whole World , that the whole Kingdom are to rest satisfied in , and you are to rest satisfied with it ; and therefore you are to lose no more time , but to give a positive Answer thereunto . KING . When I was here last , 't is very true , I made that Question ; and if it were only My own particular Case , I would have satisfied My self with the Protestation I made the last time I was here against the Legality of this Court , and that a King cannot be tried by any superior Jurisdiction on Earth : But it is not My Case alone , it is the Freedom and the Liberty of the People of England ; and do you pretend what you will , I stand more for their Liberties . For if Power without Law may make Laws , may alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , I do not know what Subject he is in England that can be sure of his Life , or any thing that he calls his own . Therefore , when that I came here , I did expect particular Reasons , to know by what Law , what Authority you did proceed against Me here ; and therefore I am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular , because the Affirmative is to be proved , the Negative often is very hard to do . But since I cannot perswade you to do it , I shall tell you My Reasons as short as I can . My Reasons why in Conscience , and the Duty I owe to God first , and My People next , for the preservation of their Lives , Liberties and Estates ; I conceive I cannot answer this , till I be satisfied of the Legality of it . All proceedings against any man whatsoever — Bradshaw . Sir , I must interrupt you ; which I would not do , but that what you do is not agreeable to the proceedings of any Court of Justice . You are about to enter into Argument and Dispute concerning the Authority of this Court , before whom you appear as a Prisoner , and are charged as an high Delinquent : If you take upon you to dispute the Authority of the Court , we may not do it , nor will any Court give way unto it : you are to submit unto it , you are to give a punctual and direct Answer ; whether you will answer your Charge or no , and what you Answer is . KING . Sir , by your favour , I do not know the Forms of Law ; I do know Law and Reason , though I am no Lawyer profess'd , but I know as much Law as any Gentleman in England ; and therefore , under favour , I do plead for the Liberties of the People of England more than you do : and therefore if I should impose a belief upon any man without Reasons given for it , it were unreasonable : but I must tell you , that that Reason that I have as thus informed , I cannot yield unto it . Bradshaw . Sir , I must interrupt you ; you may not be permitted . You speak of Law and Reason , it is fit there should be Law and Reason ; and there is both against you . Sir , the Vote of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , it is the Reason of the Kingdom ; and they are these too that have given that Law according to which you should have ruled and reigned . Sir , you are not to dispute our Authority ; you are told it again by the Court : Sir , it will be taken notice of , that you stand in contempt of the Court , and your Contempt will be recorded accordingly . KING . I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent : but by any Law that ever I heard of , all men ( Delinquents , or what you will ) let Me tell you , they may put in Demurrers against any proceeding as Legal ; and I do demand that , and demand to be heard with My Reasons : If you deny that , you deny Reason . Bradshaw , Sir , you have offered something to the Court ; I shall speak something unto you the sense of the Court. Sir , neither you nor any man are permitted to dispute that point ; you are concluded , you may not demurr to the Jurisdiction of the Court ; if you do , I must let you know that they over-rule your Demurrer : They sit here by the Authority of the Commons of England , and all your Predecessors and you are responsible to them . KING . I deny that ; shew Me one Precedent . Bradshaw , Sir , you ought not to interrupt while the Court is speaking to you . This point is not to be debated by you , neither will the Court permit you to do it . If you offer it by way of Demurrer to the Jurisdiction of the Court , they have considered of their Jurisdiction , they do affirm their own Jurisdiction . KING . I say , Sir , by your favour , that the Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature ; I would know how they came to be so . Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to be permitted to go on in that speech and these discourses . Then the Clerk of the Court read , Charles Stuart , King of England , you have been accused on the behalf of the People of England of High Treason and other High Crimes , the Court have determined that you ought to answer the same . KING . I will answer the same , so soon as I know by what Authority you do this . Bradshaw , If this be all that you will say , then , Gentlemen , you that brought the Prisoner hither , take charge of him back again . KING . I do require that I may give in My Reasons why I do not answer , and give Me time for that . Bradshaw . Sir , 't is not for Prisoners to require . KING . Prisoners , Sir ? I am not an ordinary Prisoner . Bradshaw . The Court hath considered of their Jurisdiction , and they have already affirmed their Jurisdiction : If you will not answer , we shall give order to record your Default . KING . You never heard My Reasons yet . Bradshaw , Sir , your Reasons are not to be heard against the Highest Jurisdiction . KING . Shew Me that Jurisdiction where Reason is not to be heard . Bradshaw . Sir , we shew it you here , the Commons of England : and the next time you are brought , you will know more of the pleasure of the Court ; and , it may be , their final Determination . KING . Shew Me where ever the House of Commons was a Court of Judicature of that kind . Bradshaw . Serjeant , take away the Prisoner . KING . Well , Sir , remember that the King is not suffered to give in His Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all His Subjects . Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to have liberty to use this language . How great a Friend you have been to the Laws and Liberties of the People , let all England and the World judge . KING . Sir , under favour , it was the Liberty , Freedom , and Laws of the Subject that ever I took — defended My self with Arms : I never took up Armes against the People , but for the Laws . Bradshaw . The Command of the Court must be obeyed . No Answer will be given to the Charge . KING . Well , Sir. Then Bradshaw ordered the Default to be recorded , and the Contempt of the Court , and that no Answer would be given to the Charge . The King was guarded forth to Sir Robert Cotton's house . The Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber on Tuesday at twelve of Clock , and from thence they intend to adjourn to Westminster-Hall , at which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance . His Majesty not being suffered to deliver His Reasons against the Jurisdiction of their pretended Court by word of mouth , thought fit to leave them in writing to the more impartial judgment of Posterity , as followeth ; HAving already made My Protestations , not only against the Illegality of this pretended Court , but also That no Earthly Power can justly call Me ( who am your King ) in question as a Delinquent ; I would not any more open My mouth upon this occasion , more than to referr My self to what I have spoken , were I in this Case alone concerned . But the Duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of My People will not suffer Me at this time to be silent . For , how can any free-born Subject of England call Life , or any thing he possesseth his own , if Power without Right daily make new , and abrogate the old Fundamental Law of the Land ? which I now take to be the present Case . Wherefore when I came hither , I expected that you would have endeavoured to have satisfied Me concerning these grounds which hinder Me to answer to your pretended Impeachment : But since I see that nothing I can say will move you to it , ( though Negatives are not so naturally proved as Affirmatives ) yet I will shew you the Reason why I am confident you cannot Judge Me , nor indeed the meanest man in England : For I will not , ( like you ) without shewing a Reason , seek to impose a belief upon My Subjects . There is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by God's Laws or the Municipal Laws of the Countrey where he lives . Now I am most confident this dayes proceeding cannot be warranted by God's Law ; for , on the contrary , the authority of Obedience unto Kings is clearly warranted and strictly commanded both in the Old and new Testament ; which if denyed , I am ready instantly to prove . And for the question now in hand , there it is said , That where the Word of a King is , there is Power ; and who may say unto him , What dost thou ? Eccl. 8. 4. Then for the Law of this Land , I am no less confident that no learned Lawyer will affirm that an Impeachment can lye against the King , they all going in His Name ; and one of their Maxims is , That the King can do no wrong . Besides , the Law upon which you ground your proceedings must either be old or new : if old , shew it ; if new , tell what Authority warranted by the Fundamental Laws of the Land hath made it , and when . But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature , which was never one it self ( as is well known to all Lawyers ) I leave to God and the world to judge : And it were full as strange , that they should pretend to make Laws without King or Lords House , to any that have heard speak of the Laws of England . And admitting , but not granting , that the People of England's Commission could grant your pretended Power , I see nothing you can shew for that ; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man in the Kingdom ; and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest Plough-man , if you demand not his free consent : nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission without the consent at least of the major part of every man in England , of whatsoever quality or condition , which I am sure you never went about to seek ; so far are you from having it . Thus you see that I speak not for My own Right alone , as I am your King , but also for the true Liberty of all My Subjects , which consists not in the power of Government , but in living under such Laws , such a Government , as may give themselves the best assurance of their Lives and propriety of their Goods . Nor in this must or do I forget the Privileges of both Houses of Parliament , which this days Proceedings do not only violate , but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their publick Faith that ( I believe ) ever was heard of : with which I am far from charging the two Houses ; for all pretended Crimes laid against Me bear Date long before this late Treaty at Newport , in which I having concluded as much as in Me lay , and hopefully expecting the Houses agreement thereunto ; I was suddenly surprized , and hurried from thence as a Prisoner , upon which account I am against My will brought hither ; where since I am come , I cannot but to My power defend the ancient Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , together with My own just Right . Then , for any thing I can see , the Higher House is totally excluded . And for the House of Commons , it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deterred from sitting ; so as , if I had no other , this were sufficient for Me to protest against the Lawfulness of your pretended Court. Besides all this , the Peace of the Kingdom is not the least in My thoughts ; and what hopes of Settlement is there , so long as Power reigns without Rule or Law , changing the whole frame of that Government under which this Kingdom hath flourished for many hundred years ? ( nor will I say what will fall out , in case this Lawless unjust proceeding against Me do go on . ) And believe it , the Commons of England will not thank you for this Change , for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , the King My Father , and My self , until the beginning of these unhappy Troubles , and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under any new . And by this time it will be too sensibly evident , that the Arms I took up were only to defend the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom , against those who have supposed My Power hath totally changed the ancient Government . Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons why I cannot submit to your pretended Authority , without violating the Trust which I have from God for the Welfare and Liberty of My People ; I expect from you either clear Reasons to convince My Judgment , shewing Me that I am in an Error ( and then truly I will answer ) or that you will withdraw your proceedings . This I intended to speak in Westminster-Hall on Monday 22. January , but against Reason was hindred to shew My Reasons . Westminster-Hall , Tuesday , Jan. 23. Afternoon . O Yes made , Silence commanded . The Court called ; Seventy one present . The King brought in by the Guard , looks with a Majestick Countenance upon his pretended Judges , and sits down . After the second O yes , and Silence commanded , Cooke began more insolently ; May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , this is now the third time that , by the great grace and favour of this High Court , the Prisoner hath been brought to the Bar , before any Issue joyned in the Cause . My Lord , I did at the first Court exhibite a Charge against him , containing the Highest Treason that ever was wrought upon the Theatre of England , That a King of England , trusted to keep the Law , that had taken an Oath so to do , that had Tribute pay'd him for that end , should be guilty of a wicked Design to subvert and destroy our Laws , and introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government , in the * defence of the Parliament and their Authority , set up his Standard for War against the Parliament and People : and I did humbly pray , in the behalf of the People of England , that he might speedily be required to make an Answer to the Charge . But , My Lord , in stead of making any Answer , he did then dispute the Authority of this High Court. Your Lordship was pleased to give him a further day to consider , and to put in his Answer ; which day being yesterday , I did humbly move , that he might be required to give a direct and positive Answer , either by denying or confession of it : But , my Lord , he was then pleased for to demur to the Jurisdiction of the Court , which the Court did then over-rule , and command him to give a direct and positive Answer . My Lord , besides this great delay of Justice , I shall now humbly move your Lordship for speedy Judgment against him . My Lord , I might press your Lordship upon the whole , that according to the known rules of the Law of the Land , That if a Prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt , and shall not put in an issuable Plea , guilty or not guilty of the Charge given against him , whereby he may come to a fair Tryal , that as by an implicite confession it may be taken pro confesso , as it hath been done to those who have deserved more favour than the Prisoner at the Bar has done . But besides , my Lord , I shall humbly press your Lordship upon the whole fact . The House of Commons , the Supreme Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kingdom , they have declared , That it is notorious that the matter of the Charge is true ; as it is in truth , my Lord , as clear as Crystal , and as the Sun that shines at noon day : which if your Lordship and the Court be not satisfied in , I have notwithstanding , on the People of England's behalf , several Witnesses to produce . And therefore I do humbly pray , ( and yet I must confess it is not so much I , as the innocent blood that hath been shed , the Cry whereof is very great for Justice and Judgment , and therefore I do humbly pray ) that speedy Judgment be pronounced against the Prisoner at the Bar. Bradshaw went on in the same strain , Sir , you have heard what is moved by the Counsel on the behalf of the Kingdom against you . Sir , you may well remember , and if you do not , the Court cannot forget , what dilatory dealings the Court hath found at your hands . You were pleased to propound some Questions ; you have had your Resolution upon them . You were told over and over again , that the Court did affirm their own Jurisdiction ; That it was not for you nor any other man to dispute the Jurisdiction of the supreme and highest Authority of England , from which there is no Appeal , and touching which there must be no dispute : yet you did persist in such carriage , as you gave no manner of Obedience , nor did you acknowledge any authority in them , nor the High Court that constituted this Court of Justice . Sir , I must let you know from the Court , that they are very sensible of these delays of yours , and that they ought not , being thus authorized by the supreme Court of England , to be thus trifled withal , and that they might in Justice , if they pleased , and according to the rules of Justice , take advantage of these delays , and proceed to pronounce Judgment against you : yet nevertheless they are pleased to give direction , and on their behalfs I do require you , that you make a positive Answer unto this Charge that is against you . Sir , in plain terms , ( for Justice knows no respect of Persons ) you are to give your positive and final Answer in plain English , whether you be guilty or not guilty of these Treasons laid to your Charge . The King , after a little pause , said , When I was here yesterday , I did desire to speak for the Liberties of the People of England : I was interrupted : I desire to know yet whether I may speak freely or not . Bradshaw , Sir , you have had the Resolution of the Court upon the like Question the last day , and you were told , That having such a Charge of so high a nature against you , your work was , that you ought to acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court , and to answer to your Charge . Sir , if you answer to your Charge , which the Court gives you leave now to do , though they might have taken the advantage of your Contempt , yet if you be able to answer to your Charge , when you have once answered , you shall be heard at large , make the best Defence you can . But , Sir , I must let you know from the Court , as their Commands , that you are not to be permitted to issue out into any other discourses , till such time as you have given a positive Answer concerning the matter that is charged upon you . KING . For the Charge , I value it not a rush . It is the Liberty of the People of England that I stand for . For Me to acknowledge a new Court that I never heard of before , I that am your King , that should be an Example to all the People of England for to uphold Justice , to maintain the old Laws ; indeed I do not know how to do it . You spoke very well the first day that I came here , on Saturday , of the Obligations that I had laid upon Me by God to the maintenance of the Liberties of My People ; the same Obligation you spake of I do acknowledge to God , that I owe to Him and to My People to defend , as much as in Me lies , the ancient Laws of the Kingdom : therefore until that I may know that this is not against the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , by your favour , I can put in no particular * Charge . If you will give Me time , I will shew you My Reasons why I cannot do it , and this — Here being interrupted , He said , By your favour , you ought not to interrupt Me. How I came here , I know not ; there 's no Law for it , to make your King your Prisoner . I was in a Treaty upon the Publick Faith of the Kingdom , that was the known — two Houses of Parliament that was the Representative of the Kingdom ; and when that I had almost made an end of the Treaty , then I was hurried away , and brought hither ; and therefore — Bradshaw . Sir , you must know the pleasure of the Court. KING . By your favour , Sir. Bradshaw . Nay , Sir , by your favour , you may not be permitted to fall into those discourses : you appear as a Delinquent ; you have not acknowledged the Authority of the Court. The Court craves it not of you ; but once more they command you to give your positive Answer . Clerk , Do your Duty . KING . Duty , Sir ! The Clerk reads ; Charles Stuart , King of England , you are accused , in the behalf of the Commons of England , of divers high Crimes and Treasons , which Charge hath been read unto you : the Court now requires you to give your positive and final Answer by way of Confession or Denial of the Charge . KING . Sir , I say again to you , so that I might give satisfaction to the People of England of the clearness of My Proceeding , not by way of Answer , not in this way , but to satisfie them that I have done nothing against that Trust that hath been committed to Me , I would do it : but to acknowledge a new Court against their Privileges , to alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , Sir , you must excuse Me. Bradshaw . Sir , this is the third time that you have publickly disown'd this Court , and put an Affront upon it . How far you have preserv'd the Privileges of the People , your Actions have spoke it ; but truly , Sir , mens Intentions ought to be known by their Actions : you have written your meaning in bloody Characters throughout the whole Kingdom . But , Sir , you understand the pleasure of the Court. Clerk , record the Default . And , Gentlemen , you that took charge of the Prisoner , take him back again . KING . I will only say this one word more to you ; If it were only My own particular , I would not say any more nor interrupt you . Bradshaw . Sir , you have heard the pleasure of the Court , and you are ( notwithstanding you will not understand it ) to find that you are before a Court of Justice . Then the King went forth with the Guard. And Proclamation was made , That all persons which had then appeared , and had further to do at the Court , might depart into the Painted Chamber , to which place the Court did forthwith adjourn , and intended to meet in . Westminster-Hall by ten of the Clock next morning . Cryer . God bless the Kingdom of England . Westminster-Hall , Saturday , Jan. 27. Afternoon . TWo or three dayes being spent in a formal Examination of Witnesses , and preparing themselves for the last scene of this Mock-shew , at length , on Saturday the twenty seventh of January , Bradshaw in his Scarlet Robes appeared in the Hall , and Sixty * seven others answered to their Names . As the King came in ( in His wonted posture , with his Hat on ) and passed toward them , some few Souldiers began a clamour for Justice , Justice , and Execution . O yes made , and Silence commanded , the Captain of their Guard ordered to take into Custody such as made any disturbance . His Majesty began ; I desire a word , to be heard a little ; and I hope I shall give no occasion of interruption . Bradshaw saucily answered , You may answer in your time ; hear the Court first . His Majesty patiently replied , If it please you , Sir , I desire to be heard , and I shall not give any occasion of interruption ; and it is only in a word . A sudden Judgment — Bradshaw . Sir , you shall be heard in due time ; but you are to hear the Court first . KING . Sir , I desire it , it will be in order to what I believe the Court will say ; and therefore , Sir , — A hasty Judgment is not so soon recalled . Bradshaw . Sir , you shall be heard before the Judgment be given ; and in the mean time you may forbear . KING . Well , Sir , shall I be heard before the Judgment be given ? Bradshaw . Gentlemen , it is well known to all or most of you here present , that the Prisoner at the Bar hath been several times convented and brought before this Court , to make Answer to a Charge of Treason and other high Crimes exhibited against him in the name of the People of England . To which Charge being required to answer , he hath been so far from obeying the Commands of the Court , by submitting to their Justice , as he began to take upon him to offer Reasoning and Debate unto the Authority of the Court , and to the highest Court , that appointed them to try and judge him : But being over-ruled in that , and required to make his Answer , he was still pleased to continue Contumacious , and to refuse to submit to Answer . Hereupon the Court , that they might not be wanting to themselves nor the Trust reposed in them , nor that any man's wilfulness prevent Justice , they have thought fit to take the matter into their consideration ; they have considered of the Charge , they have considered of the Contumacy , and of that Confession which in Law doth arise upon that Contumacy ; they have likewise considered of the Notoriety of the Fact charged upon this Prisoner : and , upon the whole matter , they are resolved and are agreed upon a Sentence to be pronounced against this Prisoner . But in respect he doth desire to be heard before the Sentence be read and pronounced , the Court hath resolved that they will hear him . Yet , Sir , thus much I must tell you beforehand , which you have been minded of at other Courts , That if that which you have to say be to offer any debate concerning the Jurisdiction , you are not to be heard in it . You have offered it formerly , and you have struck at the Root , that is , the Power and Supreme Authority of the Commons of England ; which this Court will not admit a debate of , and which indeed it is an irrational thing in them to do , being a Court that acts upon Authority derived from them . But , Sir , if you have any thing to say in defence of your self concerning the matter charged , the Court hath given me in command to let you know they will hear you . KING . Since I see that you will not hear any thing of Debate concerning that which I confess I though most material for the Peace of the Kingdom and for the Liberty of the Subject , I shall wave it , I shall speak nothing to it . But only I must tell you , that this many-a day all things have been taken away from Me , but that that I call dearer to Me than My Life , which is , My Conscience and My Honor : And if I had a respect to My Life more than the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , certainly I should have made a particular Defence for My Self ; for by that at leastwise I might have delayed an ugly Sentence , which I believe will pass upon Me. Therefore certainly , Sir , as a man that hath some understanding , some knowledge of the World , if that My true Zeal to My Countrey had not overborn the care that I have for My own Preservation , I should have gone another way to work than that I have done . Now , Sir , I conceive that an hasty Sentence once past may sooner be repented of than recalled : and truly the self-same desire that I have for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , more than my own particular Ends , makes Me now at last desire , That I having something to say that concerns both , I desire , before Sentence be given , that I may be heard in the Painted Chamber before the Lords and Commons . This Delay cannot be prejudicial unto you , whatsoever I say . If that I say no Reason , those that hear Me must be Judges : I cannot be Judge of that that I * have . If it be Reason , and really for the welfare of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , I am sure on it , it is very well worth the hearing . Therefore I do conjure you , as you love that that you pretend , ( I hope it is real ) the Liberty of the Subject , the Peace of the Kingdom , that you will grant me this hearing before any Sentence be past . I only desire this , That you will take this into your Consideration : it may be you have not heard of it before-hand . If you will , I will retire , and you may think of it : but if I cannot get this Liberty , I do protest , That these fair shews of Liberty and Peace are pure shews , and that you will not hear your King. Bradshaw . Sir , you have now spoken . KING . Yes , Sir. Bradshaw . And this that you have said is a further declining of the Jurisdiction of this Court , which was the thing wherein you were limited before . KING . Pray excuse Me , Sir , for My interruption , because you mistake Me. It is not a declining of it ; you do judge Me before you hear Me speak . I say it will not , I do not decline it ; though I cannot acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court , yet , Sir , in this , give Me leave to say , I would do it , though I did not acknowledge it ; in this , I do protest , it is not the declining of it , since , I say , if that I do say any thing but that that is for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , then the shame is Mine . Now I desire that you will take this into your Consideration ; if you will , I will withdraw . Bradshaw . Sir , this is not altogether new that you have moved unto us , not altogether new to us , though the first time in person you have offered it to the Court. Sir , you say you do not decline the Jurisdiction of the Court. KING . Not in this that I have said . Bradshaw . I understand you well , Sir ; but nevertheless , that which you have offered seems to be contrary to that saying of yours ; for the Court are ready to give a Sentence . It is not as you say , That they will not hear their King ; for they have been ready to hear you , they have patiently waited your pleasure for three Courts together , to hear what you would say to the Peoples Charge against you : to which you have not vouchsafed to give any Answer at all . Sir , this tends to a further Delay . Truly , Sir , such Delays as these neither may the Kingdom nor Justice well bear . You have had three several days to have offered in this kind what you would have pleased . This Court is founded upon that Authority of the Commons of England , in whom rests the Supreme Jurisdiction . That which you now tender is to have another Jurisdiction , and a co-ordinate Jurisdiction : I know very well you express your self , Sir , That notwithstanding that you would offer to the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , yet nevertheless you would proceed on here ; I did hear you say so . But , Sir , that you would offer there , whatever it is , must needs be in delay of the Justice here ; so as if this Court be resolved and prepared for the Sentence , this that you offer they are not bound to grant . But , Sir , according to that you seem to desire , and because you shall know the further pleasure of the Court upon that which you have moved , the Court will withdraw for a time . This he did to prevent the disturbance of their Scene by one of their own Members Colonel John Downes , who could not stifle the reluctance of his Conscience , when he saw his Majesty press so earnestly for a short hearing , but declaring himself unsatisfied , forced them to yield to the King's Request . KING . Shall I withdraw ? Bradshaw . Sir , You shall know the pleasure of the Court presently . The Court withdraws for half an hour into the Court of Wards . Serjeant at Arms. The Court gives command that the Prisoner be withdrawn ; and they give order for his return again . Then withdrawing into the Chamber of the Court of Wards , their business was not to consider of his Majesties desire , but to Chide Downes , and with reproaches and threats to harden him to go through the remainder of their Villany with them . Which done , they return ; and being sate , Bradshaw commanded , Serjeant at Armes , send for your Prisoner . Who being come , Bradshaw proceeded : Sir , you were pleased to make a motion here to the Court , to offer a desire of yours touching the propounding of somewhat to the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber for the Peace of the Kingdom . Sir , you did in effect receive an Answer before the Court adjourned : truly , Sir , their withdrawing and adjournment was pro forma tantùm , for it did not seem to them that there was any difficulty in the thing . They have considered of what you have moved , and have considered of their own Authority , which is founded , as hath been often said , upon the supreme Authority of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament : the Court acts accordingly to their Commission . Sir , the return I have to you from the Court is this , That they have been too much delayed by you already , and this that you now offer hath occasioned some little further Delay , and they are Judges appointed by the highest Authority , and Judges are no more to delay than they are to deny Justice : they are good words in the Great old Charter of England , Nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , & nulli deferemus Justitiam ; there must be no delay . But the truth is , Sir , and so every man here observes it , that you have much delayed them in your Contempt and Default , for which they might long since have proceeded to Judgment against you ; and notwithstanding what you have offered , they are resolved to proceed to Sentence and to Judgment , and that is their unanimous Resolution . KING . Sir , I know it is in vain for Me to dispute ; I am no Sceptick for to deny the Power that you have ; I know that you have Power enough . Sir , I must confess , I think it would have been for the Kingdoms Peace , if you would have taken the pains for to have shewn the Lawfulness of your Power . For this Delay that I have desired , I confess it is a Delay , but it is a Delay very important for the Peace of the Kingdom ; for it is not My Person that I look at alone , it is the Kingdoms Welfare , and the Kingdoms Peace . It is an old Sentence , That we should think on long before we resolve of great matters suddenly . Therefore , Sir , I do say again , that I do put at your doors all the inconveniency of a hasty Sentence . I confess I have been here now , I think , this Week , this day eight dayes was the day I came here first ; but a little Delay of a day or two further may give Peace , whereas a hasty Judgment may bring on that Trouble and perpetual Inconveniency to the Kingdom , that the Child that is unborn may repent it . And therefore again , out of the Duty I owe to God and to My Country , I do desire that I may be heard by the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , or any other Chamber that you will appoint Me. Bradshaw . You have been already answered to what you even now moved , being the same you moved before , since the Resolution and the Judgment of the Court in it : And the Court now requires to know whether you have any more to say for your self than you have said , before they proceed to Sentence . KING . I say this , Sir , That if you hear Me , if you will give Me but this Delay , I doubt not but I shall give some satisfaction to you all here , and to My People after that ; and therefore I do require you , as you will answer it at the dreadful Day of Judgment , that you will consider it once again . Bradshaw . Sir , I have received direction from the Court. KING . Well , Sir. Bradshaw . If this must be re-inforced , or any thing of this nature , your Answer must be the same ; and they will proceed to Sentence , if you have nothing more to say . KING . I have nothing more to say ; but I shall desire that this may be entred what I have said . Bradshaw . The Court then , Sir , hath something to say unto you , which although I know it will be very unacceptable , yet notwithstanding they are willing and are resolved to discharge their Duty . Then Bradshaw went on in a long Harangue , endeavouring to justifie their proceedings , misapplying Law and History , and raking up and wresting whatsoever he thought fit for his purpose , alleging the Examples of former Treasons and Rebellions , both at home and abroad , as authentick proofs ; and concluding that the King was a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and publick Enemy to the Commonwealth of England . His Majesty having with His wonted Patience heard all these Reproaches , answered , I would desire only one word before you give Sentence , and that is , That you would hear Me concerning those great Imputations that you have laid to My charge . Bradshaw . Sir , you must give me now leave to go on , for I am not far from your Sentence , and your time is now past . KING . But I shall desire you will hear Me a few words to you ; for , truly whatever Sentence you will , put upon Me , in respect of those heavy Imputations that I see by your speech you have put upon Me. Sir , it is very true that — Bradshaw . Sir , I must put you in mind : truly , Sir , I would not willingly , at this time especially , interrupt you in any thing you have to say that is proper for us to admit of ; but , Sir , you have not owned us as a Court , and you look upon as a sort of people met together , and we know what Language we receive from your Party . KING . I know nothing of that . Bradshaw . You disavow us as a Court , and therefore for you to address your self to us , not to acknowledge us as a Court to judge of what you say , it is not to be permitted . And the truth is , all along from the first time you were pleased to disavow and disown us , the Court needed not to have heard you one word ; for unless they be acknowledged a Court , and engaged , it is not proper for you to speak . Sir , we have given you too much Liberty already , and admitted of too much Delay , and we may not admit of any further . Were it proper for us to do , we should hear you freely , and we should not have declined to have heard you at large , what you could have said or proved on your behalf , whether for totally excusing , or for in part excusing , those great and hainous Charges that in whole or in part are laid upon you . But , Sir , I shall trouble you no longer ; your Sins are of so large a dimension , that if you do but seriously think of them , they will drive you to a sad consideration , and they may improve in you a sad and serious repentance . And that the Court doth heartily wish , that you may be so penitent for what you have done amiss , that God may have mercy at least-wise upon your better part . Truly Sir , for the other , it is our parts and duties to do that that the Law prescribes . We are not here Jus dare , but Jus dicere : we cannot be unmindful of what the Scripture tells us , For to acquit the guilty is of equal abomination as to condemn the innocent ; we may not acquit the guilty . What sentence the Law affirms to a Traitor , Tyrant , a Murtherer , and a publick enemy to the Countrey , that Sentence you are now to hear read unto you , and that is the Sentence of the Court. Make an O yes , and command Silence while the Sentence is read . Which done , their Clerk , Broughton , read the Sentence , drawn up in Parchment . WHereas the Commons of England in Parliament had appointed them an High Court of Justice for the Trial of Charles Stuart King of England , before whom he had been three times convented , and at the first time a Charge of High Treason , and other Crimes and Misdemeanours , was read in the behalf of the Kingdom of England . [ Here the Charge was repeated . ] Which Charge being read unto him as aforesaid , he , the said Charles Stuart , was required to give his Answer ; but he refused so to do : [ Expressing the several passages of His refusing in the former Proceedings : ] For all which Treasons and Crimes this Court doth adjudge , That he , the said Charles Stuart , as a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and a publick Enemy , shall be put to death by the severing of his Head from his Body . Which being read , Bradshaw added , This Sentence now read and published , it is the Act , Sentence , Judgment and Resolution of the whole Court. To which they all expressed their Assent by standing up , as was before agreed and ordered . His Majesty then said , Will you hear Me a word , Sir ? Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to be heard after the Sentence . KING . No , Sir ? Bradshaw . No , Sir ; by your favour , Sir. Guard , withdraw your Prisoner . KING . I may speak after Sentence , by your favour , Sir , I may speak after Sentence , ever . By your favour , hold : The Sentence , Sir , — I say , Sir , I do — I am not suffered to speak ; expect what Justice other People will have . The Persons that sate when Judgment was given upon the Life of their KING , were these . Serjeant John Bradshaw . Lieutenant General Cromwell . Commissary General Ireton . John Lisle , Esquire . William Say , Esquire . Sir Hardresse Waller . Colonel Valentine Walton . Colonel Thomas Harrison . Colonel Edward Whaley . Colonel Thomas Pride . Colonel Isaac Ewer . Thomas Lord Gray of Groby . Sir John Danvers , Knight . Sir Thomas Maleverer , Baronet . Sir John Bourchier , Knight . William Heveningham , Esquire . Isaac Ponnington , Alderman . Colonel Henry Marten . Colonel William Poresoy . Colonel John Berksted . John Blakeston , Esquire . Gilbert Millington . Sir William Constable , Baronet . Colonel Edmund Ludlow . Colonel John Hutchinson . Sir Michael Livesey , Baronet . Colonel Robert Tichburne . Colonel Owen Rowe . Colonel Robert Lilburne . Colonel Adrian Scroope . Colonel Richard Deane . Colonel John Okey . Colonel John Hewson . Colonel William Goffe . Cornelius Holland , Esquire . John Carew , Esquire . Colonel John Jones . Miles Corbet , Esquire . Francis Allen , Esquire . Peregrine Pelham , Esquire . Colonel John More . Colonel John Alured . Colonel Henry Smith . Humphrey Edwards , Esquire . Gregory Clement , Esquire . Thomas Wogan , Esquire . Sir Gregory Norton , Baronet . Colonel Edmund Harvey . Colonel John Venne . Thomas Scot. Esquire . Thomas Andrewes , Alderman . William Cawley , Esquire . Antony Stapely , Esquire . Colonel John Downes . Colonel Thomas Horton . Colonel Thomas Hammond . Nicholas Love , Esquire . Vincent Potter . Augustine Garland , Esquire . John Dixwell , Esquire . Colonel George Fleetwood . Simon Mayne , Esquire . Colonel James Temple . Peter Temple . Daniel Blagrave , Esquire . Colonel Thomas Waite . Counsellors Assistant to draw up the Charge , Doctor Isaac Dorislaw . — Aske . William Steele , who excused himself by sickness . John Cooke , Solicitor . Dendy Serjeant , Mace-bearer . Broughton and Phelps , Clerk● . His Majesty being taken away by the Guard , as He passed down the Stairs the insolent Souldiers scoffed at Him , casting the smoak of their Tobacco ( a thing very distastful to Him ) in His Face , and throwing their Pipes in his way : And one more insolent than the rest , spitting in His Face , His Majesty , according to His wonted Heroick Patience took no more notice of so strange and barbarous an indignity , than to wipe it off with His Handkerchief . As He passed along , hearing the rabble of Souldiers crying out Justice , Justice , He said , Poor souls , for a piece of Money they would do so for their commanders . Being brought first to Sir Cotton's , and thence to White Hall , the Souldiers continued their brutish carriage toward Him , abusing all that seemed to shew any respect or even pity to Him ; not suffering Him to rest in his Chamber , but thrusting in , and smoaking their Tobacco , and disturbing His Privaty . But through all these Trials ( unusual to Princes ) He passed with such a calm and even temper , that He let fall nothing unbeseeming His former Majesty and Magnanimity . In the Evening a Member of the Army acquainted the Committee with His Majestie 's desire , That seeing they had passed a Sentence of Death upon Him , and His time might be nigh , He might see His Children , and Doctor Juxon Bishop of London might be admitted to assist Him in His private Devotions , and receiving the Sacrament . Both which at length were granted . And the next day , being Sunday , He was attended by the Guard to Saint James ' s , where the Bishop preached before Him upon these words , In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel . LVIII . His MAJESTIE's Speech to the Lady ELIZABETH , and HENRY Duke of GLOUCESTER . Jan. 29. MDCXL VIII . IX . Of His MAJESTIE's discourse to His Children , there being several Relations , it is thought fit to represent the several Copies . I. A true Relation of the King's Speech to the Lady ELIZABETH and the Duke of GLOUCESTER the day before His Death . HIS Children being come to meet Him , He first gave His Blessing to the Lady Elizabeth , and bade Her Remember to ●ell Her Brother James , whenever She should see Him , that it was his Fathers last ●●sire , that he should no more look upon Charles as his Eldest Brother only , but be obedient unto Him as his Sovereign : And that they should love one another , and forgive their Fathers Enemies . Then said the King to Her , Sweet Heart , you will forget this . No , said She , I shall never forget it whilst I live : and pouring forth abundance of tears , promised Him to write down the particulars . Then the King taking the Duke of Gloucester upon His Knee , said , Sweet Heart , now they will cut off thy Fathers Head ( upon which words the Child looked very stedfastly on Him ) Mark , Child , what I say ; They will cut off My Head , and perhaps make thee a King : But mark what I say , You must not be a King so long as your Brothers CHARLES and JAMES do live ; for they will cut off your Brothers Heads ( when they can catch them ) and cut off thy Head too at last : and therefore I charge you do not be made a King by them . At which the Child sighing , said , I will be torn in pieces first . Which falling so unexpectedly from one so young , it made the King rejoyce exceedingly . II. Another Relation from the Lady ELIZABETHS own Hand . WHat the King said to me the 29. of Jan. 1648. being the last time I had the Happiness to see Him. He told me , He was glad I was come ; and although He had not time to say much , yet somewhat He had to say to Me which He had not to another , or leave in writing , because He feared their Cruelty was such as that they would not have permitted Him to write to me . He wished me not to grieve and torment my self for Him , for that would be a glorious Death that He should die , it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land , and for maintaining the true Protestant Religion . He bid me read Bishop Andrewes Sermons , Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity , and Bishop Laud's Book against Fisher , which would ground me against Popery . He told me , He had forgiven all his Enemies , and hoped God would forgive them also ; and commanded us , and all the rest of my Brothers and Sisters , to forgive them . He bid me tell my Mother , that His thoughts had never strayed from Her , and that His Love should be the same to the last . Withal He commanded me and my Brother to be obedient to Her , and bid me send His Blessing to the rest of my Brothers and Sisters , with commendation to all His Friends . So after He had given me his Blessing , I took my leave . Further , He commanded us all to forgive those People , but never to trust them , for they had been most false to Him , and to those that gave them Power ; and He feared also to their own Souls : And desired me not to grieve for Him , for He should die a Martyr ; and that He doubted not but the Lord would settle His Throne upon His Son , and that we should be all happier than we could have expected to have been if he had lived . With many other things which at present I cannot remember . ELIZABETH . III. Another Relation from the Lady ELIZABETH . THE King said to the Duke of Glocester , that He would say nothing to him but what was for the good of his Soul. He told him that He heard the Army intended to make him King ; but it was a thing not for him to take upon him , if he regarded the welfare of his Soul , for he had two Brothers before him : and therefore commanded him upon his Blessing never to accept of it , unless it redounded lawfully upon him : and commanded him to fear the Lord , and he would provide for him . LIX . His MAJESTIE's Speech upon the Scaffold before White-Hall ; with the Manner of His Martyrdom , Jan. 30. MDCXLVIII . IX . IN pursuance of the bloody Sentence passed upon His Sacred Majesty , the same Sixty four persons met the same day in the Painted Chamber , and appointed Waller , [ Harrison , ] Ireton , Deane and Okey , a Committee to consider of the time and place for the Execution . Painted Chamber , Lunae , Jan. 29. 1648. Forty eight of the Commissioners met , and Upon Report made from the Committee for considering of the Time and Place of the Executing of the Judgment against the King , That the said Committee have Resolved , That the open Street before White-Hall is a fit place ; and that the said Committee conceive it fit , That the King be there executed to morrow , the King having already notice thereof : The Court approved thereof , and ordered a Warrant to be drawn for that purpose ; which Warrant was accordingly drawn and agreed unto , and ordered to be ingrossed , which was done , and Signed and Sealed accordingly , as followeth . At the High Court of Justice for the Trying and Judging of CHARLES STUART King of England , Januar. 29. 1648. WHereas Charles Stuart , King of England , is , and standeth Convicted , Attainted , and Condemned of High Treason and other high Crimes , and Sentence upon Saturday last was pronounced against him by this Court , to be put to death by the severing of his Head from his Body ; of which Sentence Execution yet remains to be done : These are therefore to will and require you to see the said Sentence executed in the open Street before White-hall upon the morrow , being the 30. day of this instant Month of January , between the hours of Ten in the Morning and Five in the Afternoon of the same day , with full effect : And so doing this shall be your sufficient Warrant . And these are to require all Officers and Souldiers , and other the good People of this Nation of England , to be assisting unto you in this Service . To Colonel Francis Hacker , Colonel Huncks , and Lieutenant Colonel Phayre , and to every of them . Given under our hands and seals . John Bradshaw . Thomas Gray . Ol. Cromwel . Edw. Whaley . Mi. Livesey . John Okey . Jo. Danvers . Jo. Bourchier . Rich. Ingoldsby . W. Cawley . J. Barkestead . Isaac Ewer . J. Dixwell . Val. Wauton . Symon Meyne . Tho. Horton . H. Ireton . Tho. Maleverer . John Blakeston . Jo. Hutchinson . Will. Goffe . Tho. Pride . Pe. Temple . Tho. Harrison . Hen. Smith . Per. Pelham . Ri. Dean . Rob. Tichburne . Hum. Edwards . Dan. Blagrave . Owen Rowe . William Purefoy . Ad. Scroope . James Temple . A. Garland . Edm. Ludlow . Hen. Marten . Vincent Potter . W. Constable . Jo. Jones . Jo. Moore : Ha. Waller . Gilb. Millington . G. Fleetwood . J. Alured . Rob. Lilburne . W. Saye . Anth. Stapeley . Gre. Norton . Tho. Chaloner . Tho. Wogan . Jo. Venne . Greg. Clement . Jo. Downes . Tho. Waite . Tho. Scott . Jo. Carew . Miles Corbet . Tuesday the thirtieth of January , the Fatal Day being come , the Commissioners met , and ordered four or five of their Ministers to attend upon the King at James's , where they then kept Him : but his Majesty well knowing what miserable comforters they were like to prove , refused to have conference with them . That Morning , before his Majesty was brought thence , the Bishop of London ( who with much ado was permitted to wait upon Him a day or two before , and to assist Him in that sad instant ) read Divine Service in his presence , in which the 27th of Saint Matthew ( the History of our Saviour's Crucifixion ) proved the second Lesson . The King supposing it to have been selected on purpose , thank'd him afterwards for his seasonable choice . But the Bishop modestly declining that undue thanks , told him that it was the Lesson appointed by the Calendar for that day . He also then and there received of the Bishop the holy Sacrament , and performed all His Devotions in preparation to His Passion . Which ended , about ten of the clock His Majesty was brought from Saint James's to White-Hall by a Regiment of Foot , with Colours flying and Drums beating , part marching before and part behind , with a private guard of Partisans about Him , the Bishop on the the one hand , and Colonel Tomlinson ( who had the charge of Him ) on the other , both bare-headed . His Majesty walking very fast , and bidding them go faster , added , That He now went before them to strive for an Heavenly Crown with less solicitude than He had often incouraged His Souldiers to fight for an Earthly Diadem . Being come to the end of the Park , He went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall , and so into the Cabinet Chamber , where He used formerly to lodge . There , finding an unexpected delay in being brought upon the Scaffold , which they had not as then fitted , He past the time , at convenient distances , in Prayer . About twelve of the clock , His Majesty refusing to dine , only eat a bit of Bread and drank a Glass of Claret : and about an hour after Colonel Hacker with other Officers and Souldiers brought Him , with the Bishop and Colonel Tomlinson , through the Banqueting-house , to the Scaffold , to which the passage was made through a Window . Divers Companies of Foot and Troups of Horse were placed on each side of the Street , which hindred the approach of the very numerous Spectators , and the King from speaking what He had premeditated and prepared for them to hear . Whereupon His Majesty finding Himself disappointed , omitted much of His intended matter , and for what He meant to speak directed Himself chiefly to Colonel Tomlinson . I Shall be very little heard of any body here ; I shall therefore speak a word unto you here . Indeed I could hold My peace very well , if I did not think that holding My peace would make some men think that I did submit to the Guilt as well as to the Punishment : But I think it is My Duty , to God first , and to My Country , for to clear My self both as an honest Man , and a good King , and a good Christian . I shall begin first with My Innocency . In troth , I think it not very needful for Me to insist long upon this , for all the World knows that I never did begin a War first with the two Houses of Parliament ; and I call God to witness , to whom I must shortly make an account , that I never did intend for to incroach upon their Privileges : they began upon Me ; it is the Militia they began upon : they confest that the Militia was Mine ; but they thought it fit for to have it from Me. And to be short , if any body will look to the Dates of Commissions , of their Commissions and Mine , and likewise to the Declarations , they will see clearly that they began these unhappy Troubles , not I. So that as to the guilt of these enormous Crimes that are laid against Me , I hope in God that God will clear Me of it . I will not , ( I am in Charity ) God forbid that I should lay it on the two Houses of Parliament ; there is no necessity of either : I hope they are free of this Guilt . For I do believe that ill Instruments between them and Me have been the chief cause of all this blood-shed . So that by way of speaking , as I find my self clear of this , I hope , and pray God , that they may too . Yet for all this , God forbid that I should be so ill a Christian as not to say that God's Judgments are just upon Me ; many times he does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence ; that is ordinary . I will only say this , That an unjust Sentence that I suffered for to take effect is punished now by an unjust Sentence upon Me. That is — So far I have said , to shew you that I am an innocent man. Now for to shew you that I am a good Christian ; I hope there is a good man that will bear Me witness that I have forgiven all the World , and even those in particular that have been the chief causers of My Death : Who they are , God knows , I do not desire to know ; I pray God forgive them . But this is not all . My Charity must go further ; I wish that they may repent ; for indeed they have committed a great Sin in that particular : I pray God , with Saint Stephen , that this be not laid to their charge . Nay , not only so , but that they may take the right way to the Peace of the Kingdom : For My Charity commands me not only to forgive particular men , but My Charity commands Me to endeavour to the last gasp the Peace of the Kingdom . So , Sirs , I do wish with all My Soul , ( and I do hope there is some here will carry it further ) that they may endeavour the Peace of the Kingdom . Now , Sirs , I must shew you both how you are out of the way , and will put you in a way . First , you are out of the way . For certainly all the way you ever have had yet , as I could find by any thing , is in the way of Conquest . Certainly this is an ill way : For Conquest , Sir , in My opinion , is never just , except there be a good just Cause , either for matter of Wrong , or just Title ; and then if you go beyond it , the first quarrel that you have to it , that makes it unjust at the end that was just at the first . But if it be only matter of Conquest , then it is a great Robbery , as a Pirate said to Alexander , that He was the great Robber , he was but a petty Robber . And so , Sir , I do think the way that you are in is much out of the way . Now , Sir , for to put you in the way ; believe it , you will never do right , nor God will never prosper you , until you give God his Due , the King his Due , ( that is , My Successors ) and the People their Due : I am as much for them as any of you . You must give God his due , by regulating rightly his Church according to his Scripture , which is now out of order . For to set you in a way particularly , now I cannot ; but only this , A National Synod , freely called , freely debating among themselves ; must settle this , when that every Opinion is freely and clearly heard . For the King , indeed I will not , — ( Then turning to a Gentleman that touched the Axe , He said , Hurt not the Axe , that may hurt Me. ) For the King , the Laws of the Land will clearly instruct you for that ; therefore , because it concerns My Own particular , I only give you a touch of it . For the People ; And truly I desire their Liberty and Freedom as much as any body whomsoever : but I must tell you , that their Liberty and Freedom consists in having of Government , those Laws by which their Life and their Goods may be most their own . It is not for having share in Government , Sir ; that is nothing pertaining to them ; a Subject and a Soveraign are clear different things . And therefore until they do that , I mean , that you do put the People in that Liberty as I say , certainly they will never enjoy themselves . Sirs , It was for this that now I am come here : If I would have given way to an Arbitrary way , for to have all Laws changed according to the power of the Sword , I needed not to have come here ; and therefore I tell you , ( and I pray God it be not laid to your charge ) that I am the Martyr of the People . In troth , Sirs , I shall not hold you much longer ; for I will only say this to you , That in truth I could have desired some little time longer , because that I would have put this that I have said in a little more order , and a little better digested than I have done ; and therefore I hope you will excuse Me. I have delivered My Conscience : I pray God that you do take those courses that are best for the good of the Kingdom and your own Salvation . Then the Bishop said , Though it be very well known what Your Majesty's affections are to the Protestant Religion , yet it may be expected that You should say somewhat for the Worlds satisfaction in that particular . Whereupon the King replied , I thank you very heartily , My Lord , for that ; I had almost forgotten it . In troth , Sirs , My Conscience in Religion , I think , is very well known to all the World ; and therefore I declare before you all , That I die a Christian , according to the Profession of the Church of England , as I found it left Me by My Father : and this honest man , I think , will witness it . Then turning to the Officers he said , Sirs , Excuse Me for this same . I have a good Cause , and I have a gracious God. I will say no more . Then to Colonel Hacker He said , Take care that they do not put Me to pain . And , Sir , this , and it please you — But a Gentleman coming near the Axe , the King said , Take heed of the Axe ; pray take heed of the Axe . And to the Executioner , He said , I shall say but very short Prayers , and when I thrust out My hands — Then He called to the Bishop for His Cap , and having put it on , asked the Executioner , Does My Hair trouble you ? Who desired Him to put it all under His Cap ; which as he was doing by the help of the Bishop and the Executioner , He turned to the Bishop , and said , I have a good Cause , and a gracious God on My side . The Bishop said , There is but one Stage more ; which though turbulent and troublesome , yet is a very short one . You may consider it will soon carry You a very great way ; it will carry You from Earth to Heaven ; and there You shall find , to Your great joy , the prize You hasten to , a Crown of Glory . The King adjoyns , I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown ; where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . Bishop . You are exchanged from a Temporal to an Eternal Crown : A good Exchange . Then the King asked the Executioner , Is My Hair well ? And taking off His Cloak and George , He delivered His George to the Bishop , saying , Remember . Then putting off His Doublet , and being in His Wast-coat , He put on His Cloak again , and looking upon the Block , said to the Executioner , You must set it fast . Execut. It is fast , Sir. KING . It might have been a little higher . Execut. It can be no higher , Sir. KING . When I put out My hands this way , then — Then having said a few words to Himself , as He stood , with hands and eyes lift up , immediately stooping down He laid His Neck upon the Block ; and the Executioner again putting His Hair under His Cap , His Majesty thinking he had been going to strike , bad him Stay for the Sign . Execut. Yes , I will , and it please Your Majesty . After a very short pause , His Majesty stretching forth his hands , the Executioner at one blow severed His Head from His Body : Which being held up and shewed to the People , was with His Body put into a Coffin covered with black Velvet , and carried into His Lodging . His Blood was taken up by divers persons for different ends ; by some as Trophies of their Villany , by others as Reliques of a Martyr ; and in some hath had the same effect , by the blessing of God , which was often found in His Sacred Touch when living . The Malice of His Enemies ended not with His Life ; For when His Body was carried to Saint James's to be opened , they directed their Empericks to search for such Symptomes as might disgrace His Person or His Posterity . But herein they were prevented by an honest Intruder , who gave a true account of His sound and excellent Temperament . Being imbalmed , and laid in a Coffin of Lead to be seen , for some days , by the People , at length , upon Wednesday the seventh of February , it was delivered to four of His Servants , Herbert , Mildmay , Preston and Joyner , who , with some others , in mourning equipage attended the Herse that night to Windsore , and placed it in the Room which was formerly the Kings Bed-chamber . Next day it was removed into the Deans Hall , which was hung with black and made dark , and Lights were set burning round the Herse . About three afternoon , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Harford , the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey , and the Bishop of London , ( others that were sent to refusing that last Service to the best of Princes ) came thither with two Votes passed that Morning , whereby the ordering of the King's Burial was committed to the Duke , provided that the Expences thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds . This Order they sheved to Colonel Whichcot the Governor of the Castle , desiring that the Interrment might be in Saint George's Chappel , and according to the form of the Common-Prayer . The latter Request the Governour denied , saying , That it was improbable the Parliament would permit the use of what they had so solemnly abolished , and therein destroy their own Act. The Lords replied , That there was a difference betwixt destroying their own Act , and dispensing with it ; and that no Power so binds its own hands , as to disable it self in some cases . But all prevailed not . The Governour had caused an ordinary Grave to be digged in the body of the Church of Windsore for the Interment of the Corps ; which the Lords disdaining , found means by the direction of an honest man , one of the old Knights , to use an artifice to discover a Vault in the middle of the Quire , by the hollow sound they might perceive in knocking with a Staff upon that place ; that so it might seem to be their own accidental finding out , and no person receive blame for the discovery . This place they caused to be opened , and entring saw one large Coffin of Lead in the middle of the Vanlt covered with a Velvet Pall , and a lesser on one side ( supposed to be Henry the Eighth , and His beloved Queen Jane Saint-Maure ) on the other side was room left for another ( probably intended for Queen Katherine Parre , who survived Him ) where they thought fit to lay the King. Hither the Herse was born by the Officers of the Garrison , the four Lords bearing up the Corners of the Velvet Pall , and the Bishop of London following . And in this manner was this Great King , upon Friday the ninth of February , about three afternoon , silently , and without other Solemnity than of Sighs and Tears , committed to the Earth , the Velvet Pall being thrown into the Vault over the Coffin ; to which was fastened an Inscription in Lead of these words , KING CHARLES 1648. CAROLI Primi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epitaphium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . SIstas sacrilegum Pedem , Viator , Nè forsan temeres sacros sepulchri Augusti Cineres . Repôc est In Terrae Gremio Decor Stupórque Humani Generis ; Senex , & Infans ; Prudens scilicet Innocésque Princeps : Regni Praesidium , Ruina Regni ; Vitâ Praesidium , Ruina Morte . Quem Regem potiùs , Patrémve dicam ? O Patrem priùs , & deinde Regem ! Regem quippe Suî , Patrémque Regni . Hic Donúmque Dei , Deíque Cura , ( Quem , Vitáque refert , refértque Morte , ) Ringente Satanâ , Canente Coelo , Diro in Pegmate [ Gloriae Theatro ] Et Christi Cruce , Victor , & Securi Baptistae emicuit . Ruina Felix ! Quâ Divum Carolus secutus Agnum , Et postliminiò domum vocatus Primaevae Patriae fit Inquilinus . Sic Lucis priùs Hesperus Cadentis Resplendet modò Phosphorus Reversae . Hic Vindex Fidei sacer Vetustae , Cui par est nihil , & nihil secundum , Naturae Typus absolutioris , Fortunae Domitor ferendo suae ; Qui quantum Calicis bibit tremendi , Tatundem sibi Gloriae reportat ; Regum Maximus , unicúsque Regum , In quo Res minima est , fuisse Regem . Solus , qui superâ locatus Arce Vel Vitâ poterit frui priore . Quum sint Relliquiae , Cadaver , Umbra Tam sacri Capitis vel ipsa sacra , Ipsis Eulogiis coinquinata , Quiaeque ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophanat ; Sistas sacrilegum Pedem , Viator . Tho. Pierce D. D. Coll. Magd. apud Oxon. Praeses . An Elegy upon the Death of Our Dread Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the MARTYR . COme , come , let 's Mourn ; all eyes that see this Day , Melt into Showts , and weep your selves away . O that each private head could yield a Floud Of Tears , whil'st Britain's Head streams out His Bloud ! Could we pay what His Sacred Drops might claim , The World must needs be drowned once again . Hands cannot write for Trembling ; let our Eye Supply the Quill , and shed an Elegy . Tongues cannot speak ; this Grief knows no such vent : Nothing but Silence can be Eloquent . Worlds are not here significant ; in This Our Sighs , our Groans bear all the Emphasis . Dread SIR ! What shall we say ? Hyperbole Is not a Figure , when it speaks of Thee . Thy Book is our best Language ; what to this Shall e're be added is Thy Meiosis : Thy Name 's Text too hard for us ; no men Can write of it , without Thy Parts and Pen. Thy Prisons , Scorns , Reproach , and Poverty How could'st Thou bear ? Thou Meeker Moses , how ? Was ever Lion bit with Whelps till now And did not roar ? Thou England's David , how Did Shimei's Tongue not move Thee ? Where 's the Where is the King ? CHARLES is all Christian . ( Man ? Rebell'd , Thou mad'st Thy Passions to obey . Hadst Thou regain'd Thy Throne of State by Power , Thou hadst not then been more a Conqueror . But Thou , thine own Soul's Monarch , art above Revenge and Anger : Canst Thou tame Thy Love ? How could'st Thou bear Thy Queen's Divorce ? must She At once Thy Wife , and yet Thy Widow be ? Where are Thy tender Babes once Princely bred , Thy choicest Jewels ? are they Sequestred ? Where are Thy Nobles ? Lo , in stead of these , Base savage Villains , and Thy Enemies . Egyptian Plague ! 't was only Pharaoh's doom , To see such Vermin in His Lodging-room . What Guards are set ? what Watches do they keep ? They do not think Thee safe though lock'd in Sleep . Would they confine Thy Dreams within to dwell , Nor let Thy Fancy pass their Centinel ? Are Thy Devotions dangerous ? Or do Thy Prayers want a Guard ? These faulty too ? Varlets , 't was only when they spake for You. But lo a Charge is Drawn , a Day is set , The silent LAMB is brought , the Wolves are met . Law is arraign'd of Treason , Peace of War , And Justice stands a Prisoner at the Bar. This Scene was like the Passion-Tragedy : His Saviour's Person none could Act but He. Behold , what Scribes were here , what Pharisees ! What Bands of Souldiers ! what false Witnesses ! Here was a Priest , and that a Chief one , who Durst strike at God , and His Vicegerent too . Here Bradshaw , Pilate there : This makes them twain , Pilate for Fear , Bradshaw condemn'd for Gain . Wretch ! couldst not thou be rich till Charles was dead ? Thou might'st have took the Crown , yet spar'd the Head , Th' hast justifi'd that Roman Judge ; He stood And washt in Water , thou hast dipt in Blood. And where 's the Slaughter-House ? White-hall must be , Lately His Palace , now His Calvary . Great CHARLES , is this Thy dying-place ? And where Thou wer 't our KING , art Thou our MARTYR there ? Thence , thence Thy Soul took flight ; and there will we Not cease to Mourn , where Thou didst cease to Be. And thus , blest Soul , He 's gone : a Star , whose fall , As no Eclipse , proves Oecumenical . That Wretch had skill to sin , whose Hand did know How to behead three Kingdoms at one blow . England hath lost the Influence of her KING . No wonder that so backward was her Spring . O dismal Day ! but yet how quickly gone ? It must be short , Our SUN went down at Noon . And now , ye Senators , is this the Thing So oft declar'd ? is this your Glorious King ? Did you by Oaths your God and Country mock ? Pretend a Crown , and yet prepare a Block ? Did you , that swore you 'd Mount CHARLES higher yet , Intend the Scaffold for His Olivet ? Was this , Hail Master ? Did you bow the knee That you might murther Him with Loyalty ? Alas ! two Deaths ! what Cruelty was this ? The Axe design'd , you might have spar'd the Kiss . London , didst thou Thy Prince's Life betray ? What ? could Thy Sables vent no other way ? Or else didst thou bemoan His Cross ? then , ah ! Why would'st thou be the cursed Golgotha ? Thou once hadst Men , Plate , Arms , a Treasury To bind thy KING , and hast thou none to free ? Dull beast ! thou should'st , before thy Head did fall , Have had at least thy Spirits Animal . Did You , Ye Nobles , envy CHARLES His Crown ? Jove being fal'n the Puny-gods must down : Your Raies of Honour are eclip'st in Night , The Sun is set from whence You drew your Light. Religion Veils her self , and Mourns that she Is forc'd to own such horrid Villany . The Church and State do shake ; that Building must Expect to fall , whose Prop is turn'd to Dust . But cease from Tears-CHARLES is most blest of men ; A God on Earth , more than a Saint in Heav'n . THE END . A COLLECTION OF DECLARATIONS , TREATIES , AND OTHER Principal Passages concerning the DIFFERENCES BETWIXT King Charles I. AND HIS TWO HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT . Clearly Manifesting The Justice of His Cause . His Sincerity in Religion . His Constant Endeavours for Peace . Bona agere , & mala pati , Regium est . LONDON Printed , MDCLXXXVII . THE PREFACE TO THE NOBILITY and GENTRY OF ENGLAND . I Might call this Collection , A Complete Body of English Politicks , as comprehending both the Duty and the Interest of all true English-men ; and those largely set forth in some of the most excellent Discourses that were ever written in this kind : Which , for their own sakes , might claim some better respect from the present Age , than to be cast aside as out-dated Pamphlets , or , at the best , confusedly scattered like the Leaves of Sibylla , without any care of conserving and transmitting them to Posterity . The sad Experience of so many years hath taught this Nation to their cost , how miserable even the greatest Subjects make themselves , by incroaching upon that Soveraignty which alone can protect them from the Injuries and the Scorn of their Inferiours . Here you will discover the Arts , the Means , and the Degrees , by which those Mischiefs were attempted and atchieved ; Which whensoever you see repeated , you will know , the Plot is as well against your Privilege , and the Liberty of your Countrey , as the Prerogative of your Prince . Indeed , If it were as easie to root out the remembrance of the ill Examples , as it is to remit the punishment of the Crimes , by Acts of Grace , and Pardon , and Oblivion ; it were perhaps no Imprudence to let those Mischiefs sleep with their Authors , and leave their Memories buried in the Ruines they have made . But since many that are content to take the utmost advantage of a Pardon , are yet too good to acknowledge they ever stood in need of any ; since most will remember only What hath been done , and few trouble themselves to inquire How , or Why : it cannot be thought impertinent , together with the Actions , to represent also the true Causes that have produced such Effects , and the Circumstances that attended them ; which may remain as Marks to warn Posterity of those Errors which have cost the present Age so dear . This is here done , not from the private phancies or observations of any one Person or Party , but from the Publick and Authentick Writings of Both , digested in such order , that the Reader may compare what both sides had to say for themselves , and thereby discern , whose Designs and what Counsels tended most to the Peace and Welfare of the Nation : A study most proper for those Ranks of men whom the Favour of Princes hath raised above the Common Multitude , to this one End , that they may assist Them in the administration of Their Government , and in keeping Peace and good order in their Countries . To have Collected all that passed in these great Contests , would have been the Work of many Volumes : But the most material , and most necessary to carry on the Series of Times and Things ( which , in a manner , comprehend the Sum , or at least shew the Result of all the rest ) are here disposed according to their most natural order of time , under these few heads . I. His Majesties Declarations concerning His Proceedings in His Four first Parliaments . p. 217. II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament . p. 241. III. Declarations and Paper concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII . III. p. 325. IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland . Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . p. 401. V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Vxbridge . p. 437. VI. Messages , Propositions , and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . p. 547. HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS CONCERNING HIS PROCEEDINGS IN HIS FOUR FIRST PARLIAMENTS . A Declaration of the true Causes which moved His MAJESTY to Assemble , and after inforced Him to Dissolve the First and Second Meetings in Parliament . THE King 's most Excellent Majesty , since His happy access to the Imperial Crown of this Realm , having by His Royal Authority summoned and assembled two several Parliaments , the first whereof was in August last by adjournment held at Oxford , and there dissolved , and the other begun in February last , and continued until the fifteenth day of this present month of June , and then to the unspeakable grief of Himself and ( as He believeth ) of all His good and well-affected Subjects , dissolved also ; although He well knoweth the the calling , adjourning , proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments , being His Great Council of the Kingdom , do peculiarly belong unto Himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably united to His Imperial Crown , of which , as of His other Regal Actions , He is not bound to give an account to any but to God only , whose immediate Lieutenant and Vicegerent He is in these His Realms and Dominions , by the Divine Providence committed to His Charge and Government : yet forasmuch as , by the assistance of the Almighty , His purpose is so to order Himself and all His Actions , especially the great and publick Actions of State concerning the weal of His People , as may justifie themselves not only to His own Conscience and to His own People , but to the whole World ; His Majesty hath thought it fit and necessary , as the Affairs now stand both at home and abroad , to make a true , plain and clear Declaration of the causes which moved His Majesty to assemble , and after inforced Him to dissolve these Parliaments ; that so the mouth of Malice it self may be stopped , and the doubts and fears of His own good Subjects at home , and of His Friends and Allies abroad , may be satisfied , and the deserved blame of so unhappy accidents may justly light upon the Authors thereof . When His Majesty , by the death of His dear and Royal Father of ever-blessed memory , first came to the Crown , He found himself ingaged in a War with a potent Enemy , not undertaken rashly , nor without just and honourable grounds , but inforced , for the necessary defence of Himself and His Dominions , for the support of His Friends and Allies , for the redeeming of the ancient honour of this Nation , for the recovering of the Patrimony of His dear Sister , her Consort and their Children , injuriously and under colour of Treaties and Friendship taken from them , and for the maintenance of the true Religion ; and invited thereunto and incouraged therein by the humble advice of both the Houses of Parliament , and by their large promises and protestations to His late majesty , to give Him full and real assistance in those Enterprises which were of so great importance of this Realm , and to the general Peace and Safety of all His Friends and Allies . But when His majesty entred into a view of His Treasure , He found how ill provided He was to proceed effectually with so great an Action , unless He might be assured to receive such Supplies from His loving Subjects as might inable Him to manage the same . Hereupon His majesty being willing to tread in the steps of His Royal Progenitors , for the making of good and wholsome Laws for the better government of His people , for the right understanding of their true Grievances , and for the supply of moneys to be imployed for those publick services , He did resolve to summon a Parliament with all convenient speed He might ; and finding a former Parliament already called in the life of His Father , He was desirous , for the speedier dispatch of His weighty affairs and gaining of time , to have continued the same without any alteration of the members thereof , had He not been advised to the contrary by His Judges and Counsel at Law , for that it had been subject to question in Law , which He desired to avoid . But as soon as possibly He could , He summoned a new Parliament , which He did with much confidence and assurance of the love of His People , that those who not long before had with some importunity won his Father to break off his former Treaties with Spain , and to effect it had used the mediation of his now majesty , being then Prince and a member of the Parliament , and had promised in Parliament their uttermost assistance for the inabling of his late majesty to undergo the War which they then foresaw might follow , would assuredly have performed it to his now majesty , and would not have suffered him in his first Enterprise of so great an expectation to have run the least hazard through their defaults . This Parliament ( after some adjournment by reason of his majestie's unavoidable occasions interposing ) being assembled on the eighteenth day of June , it is true that his Commons in Parliament , taking into their due and serious consideration the manifold occasions which at his first entry did press his majesty , and his most important affairs which both at home and abroad were then in action , did with great readiness and alacrity , as a pledge of their most bounden Duty and Thankfulness , and as the first-fruits of the most dutiful affections of his loving and loyal Subjects devoted to his service , present his majesty with the free and chearful gift of two entire Subsidies ; which their gift , and much more the freeness and heartiness expressed in the giving thereof , his majesty did thankfully and lovingly accept . But when he had more narrowly entred into the consideration of his great affairs wherein he was imbarked , and from which he could not without much dishonour and disadvantage withdraw his hand , He sound that this summe of money was much short of that which of necessity must be presently expended for the setting forward of those great actions which by advice of his Council he had undertaken , and were that Summer to be pursued . This his majesty imparted to his Commons House of Parliament : but before the same could receive that debate and due consideration which was fit , the fearful visitation of the Plague in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , where the Lords and the principal Gentlemen of quality of his whole Kingdom were for the time of this their service lodged and abiding , did so much increase , that his majesty , without extream peril to the lives of His good Subjects , which were dear unto him , could not continue the Parliament any longer in that place . His Majesty therefore on the eleventh day of July then following adjourned the Parliament from Westminster until the first day of August then following , to the City of Oxford ; and his Highness was so careful to accommodate his Lords and Commons there , that , as He made choice of that place , being then the freest of all others from the danger of that grievous Sickness , so He there fitted the Parliament-men with all things convenient for their entertainment : and his Majesty himself being in his own heart sincere and free from all ends upon his people ( which the Searcher of hearts best knoweth ) He little expected that any misconstruction of His Actions would have been made , as He there found . But when the Parliament had been a while there assembled , and His Majestie 's Affairs opened unto them , and a further supply desired , as necessity required , He found them so slow and so full of delays and diversions in their resolutions , that before any thing could be determined , the fearful Contagion daily increased , and was dispersed into all the parts of this Kingdom , and came home even their doors where they were assembled . His Majesty therefore rather preferred the safety of His People from that present and visible danger , than the providing for that which was more remote , but no less dangerous to the state of this Kingdom , and of the affairs of that part of Christendom which then were and yet are in friendship and alliance with His Majesty ; and thereupon His Majesty , not being then able to discern when it might please God to stay His hand of Visitation , nor what place might be more secure than other at a time convenient for their re-assembling , His Majesty dissolved that Parliament . That Parliament being now ended , His Majesty did not therewith cast off His Royal care of His great and important affairs ; but by the advice of His Privy Council and of His Council of War , He continued His preparations and former resolutions , and therein not only expended those moneys which by the two Subsidies aforesaid were given unto Him for His own private use , whereof He had too much occasion , as He found the state of His Exchequer at His first entrance ; but added much more of His own , as by His credit and the credit of some of His Servants He was able to compass the same . At last , by much disadvantage by the retarding of provisions and uncertainty of the means , His Navy was prepared and set to Sea , and the designs unto which they were sent and specially directed were so probable and so well advised , that had they not miscarried in the execution , His Majesty is well assured they would have given good satisfaction not only to His own people , but to all the world , that they were not lightly or unadvisedly undertaken and pursued . But it pleased God , who is the Lord of Hosts , and unto whose Providence and good pleasure His Majesty doth and shall ever submit Himself and all His endeavours , not to give that success which was desired . And yet were those attempts not altogether so fruitless as the envy of the Times hath apprehended , the Enemy receiving thereby no small loss , and our party no little advantage ; and it would much avail to further His Majestie 's great affairs and the Peace of Christendom , which ought to be the true end of all hostility , were these first beginnings , which are most subject to miscarry , well seconded and pursued , as His Majesty intended , and as , in the judgment of all men conversant in actions of this nature , were fit not to have been neglected . These things being thus acted , and God of his infinite Goodness , beyond expectation , asswaging the rage of the Pestilence , and in a manner of a sudden restoring health and safety to the Cities of London and Westminster , which are the fittest places for the resort of His Majesty , His Lords and Commons , to meet in Parliament , His Majesty in the depth of Winter , no sooner descried the probability of a safe assembling of His people , and in His Princely Wisdom and Providence foresaw , that if the opportunity of seasons should be omitted , preparations both defensive and offensive could not be made in such sort as was requisite for their common safety , but He advised and resolved of the summoning of a new Parliament , where He might freely communicate the necessities of the State , and by the counsel and advice of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , who are the representative body of the whole Kingdom , and the great Counsel of the Realm , He might proceed in these enterprises , and be inabled thereunto , which concern the common good , safety and honour both of Prince and People ; and accordingly the sixth of February last a new Parliament was begun . At the first meeting His Majesty did forbear to press them with any thing which might have the least appearance of His own Interest , but recommended unto them the care of making of good Laws , which are the ordinary subject for a Parliament : His Majesty believing that they could not have suffered many days , much less many weeks , to have passed by , before the apprehension and care of the common safety of this Kingdom , and of the true Religion prosessed and maintained therein , and of Our Friends and Allies , who must prosper or suffer with us , would have led them to a due and a timely consideration of all the means which might best conduce to those ends : which the Lords of the higher House by a Committee of that House did timely and seasonably consider of , and invited the Commons to a Conference concerning that great business ; at which Conference there were opened unto them the great occasions which pressed His Majesty : which making no impression with them , His majesty did , first by message , and after by Letters , put the House of Commons in mind of that which was most necessary , the defence of the Kingdom , and due and timely preparations for the same . The Commons House after this , upon the seven and twentieth of March last , with one unanimous consent at first agreed to give unto His Majesty three intire Subsidies and three Fiteens for a present supply unto Him ; and upon the six and twentieth of April after , upon second cogitations they added a fourth Subsidy , and ordered the days of payment for them all ; whereof the first should have been on the last day of this present month of June . Upon this , the King of Denmark and other Princes and States being ingaged with His Majesty in this Common Cause , His Majesty fitted His occasions according to the times which were appointed for the payment of those Subsidies and Fifteens , and hastned on the Lords Committees and His Council at War to perfect their resolutions for the ordering and setting of His designs : which they accordingly did , and brought them to that maturity , that they found no impediment to a final conclusion of their Counsels , but want of money to put things into Action . His Majesty hereupon , who had with much patience expected the real performance of that which the Commons had promised , finding the time of the year posting away , and having intelligence , not only from His own Ministers and Subjects in forein parts , but from all parts of Christendom , of the great and powerful preparations of the King of Spain , and that His design was upon this Kingdom , or the Kingdom of Ireland , or both , ( and it is hard to determine which of them would be of worst consequence ) He acquainted the House of Commons therewith , and laid open unto them truly and clearly how the state of things then stood , and yet stand , and at several times and upon several occasions re-iterated the same . But that House being abused by the violent and ill-advised Passions of a few members of the House , for private and personal ends , ill beseeming publick persons trusted by their Country , as then they were , not only neglected , but wilfully refused to hearken to all the gentle admonitions which His Majesty could give them , and neither did nor would intend any thing but the prosecution of one of the Peers of this Realm ; and that in such a disordered manner , as being set at their own instance into a Legal way , wherein the proofs on either part would have ruled the cause , which His Majesty allowed , they were not therewith content , but in their intemperate passions and desires to seek for errors in another , fell into a greater error themselves , and not only neglected to give just satisfaction to His Majesty in several cases which happened concerning His Regality , but wholly forgot their ingagements to His Majesty for the publick defence of the Realm : whereupon His Majesty wrote a Letter to the Speaker , dated the ninth day of June , 1626. in these words . TRusty and well-beloved , We greet you well . Our House of Commons cannot forget how often and how earnestly We have called upon them for the speeding of that aid which they intend unto Vs for Our great and weighty Affairs , concerning the safety and honour of Vs and Our Kingdoms ; and now the time being so far spent , that unless it be presently concluded , it can neither bring Vs money nor credit by the time which themselves have prefixed , which is the last of this month , and being further deferred would be of little use , We being daily advertised from all parts of the great preparation of the Enemy ready to assail us , We hold it necessary by these Our Letters to give them Our last and final admonition , and to let them know , that We shall account all further delays and excuses to be express denials : and therefore We will and require you to signifie unto them , that We do expect that they forthwith bring forth their Bill of Subsidy to be passed without delay or condition , so as it may fully pass that House by the end of the next week at the furthest ; which if they do not , it will force Vs to take other resolutions . But let them know , that if they finish this according to Our desire , that We are resolved to let them sit together for the dispatch of their other affairs , and after their recess to bring them together again the next Winter . And if by their denial or delay any thing of ill consequence shall fall out either at home or abroad , We may call God and man to witness , that We have done Our part to prevent it , by calling Our people together to advise with Vs , by opening the weight of Our occasions unto them , and by requiring their timely help and assistance in those Actions wherein We stand ingaged by their own Counsels . And We will and command you , that this Letter be publickly read in the House . Notwithstanding which Letter read in the House , being a clear and gracious manifest of His Majesty's resolutions , they never so much as admitted one reading to the Bill of Subsidies ; but in stead thereof they prepared and voted a Remonstrance or Declaration , which they intended to prefer to His Majesty , containing ( though palliated with glosing terms ) as well many dishonourable aspersions upon His Majesty , and upon the Sacred memory of His deceased Father , as also dilatory excuses for their not proceeding with the Subsidies , adding thereto also coloured conditions , crossing thereby His Majestie 's direction , which His Majesty understanding , and esteeming ( as He had cause ) to be a denial of the promised Supply , and finding that no admonitions could move , no reasons or perswasions could prevail , when the time was so far spent , that they had put an impossibility upon themselves to perform their promises , when they esteemed all gracious Messages unto them to be but interruptions ; His Majesty upon mature advisement discerning that all further patience would prove fruitless , on the fifteenth day of this present month He hath dissolved this unhappy Parliament : the acting whereof as it was to his Majesty an unexpressible grief ; so the memory thereof doth renew the hearty sorrow which all His good and well-affected Subjects will compassionate with Him. These passages his Majesty hath at the more length and with the true Circumstances thereof expressed , and published to the world , lest that which hath been unfortunate in it self , through the Malice of the authors of so great a mischief , and the malevolent Report of such as are ill-affected to this State or the true Religion here professed , or the fears or jealousies of Friends and dutiful Subjects , might be made more unfortunate in the Consequences of it , which may be of worse effect than at the first can be well apprehended . And his Majesty , being best privy to the integrity of His own heart , for the constant maintaining of the sincerity and unity of the true Religion professed in the Church of England , and to free it from the open contagion of Popery and secret infection of Schism , of both which by His publick Acts and Actions He hath given good testimony , and with a single heart , as in the presence of God , who can best judge thereof , purposeth resolutely and constantly to proceed in the due execution of either ; and observing the subtilty of the adverse party , He cannot but believe that the hand of Joab hath been in this disaster , that the common Incendiaries of Christendom have subtilly and secretly insinuated those things which unhappily ( and , as his Majesty hopeth , beyond the intentions of the Actors ) have caused these diversions and distractions : and yet notwithstanding His most Excellent Majesty , for the comfort of His good and well-affected Subjects , in whose loves He doth repose Himself with confidence , and esteemeth it as his greatest riches ; for the assuring of his Friends and Allies , with whom , by God's assistance , He will not break in the substance of what he hath undertaken ; for the discouraging of his Adversaries , and the adversaries of his Cause , and of his Dominions and Religion , hath put on this resolution , which He doth hereby publish to all the world ; That as God hath made him King of this great People and large Dominions , famous in former Ages both by Land and Sea , and trusted him to be a Father and Protector both of their persons and fortunes , and a Defender of the Faith and true Religion : so He will go on chearfully and constantly in the defence thereof , and ( notwithstanding so many difficulties and discouragements ) will take his Scepter and Sword into his hand , and not expose the persons of the people committed to his charge to the unsatiable desires of the King of Spain , who hath long thirsted after an universal Monarchy , nor their Consciences to the yoke of the Pope of Rome ; and that at home he will take care to redress the just Grievances of his good Subjects as shall be every way fit for a good King. And in the mean time his Majesty doth publish this to all his loving Subjects , that they may know what to think with truth , and speak with duty , of his Majesties Actions and Proceedings in these two last dissolved Parliaments . Given at His Majestie 's Palace at White-Hall , this thirtieth day of June , in the Second year of His Majestie 's Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , of the Causes which moved Him to dissolve His Third Parliament . Published by His Majestie 's special command . By the KING . A Proclamation about the dissolving of the Parliament . WHereas We , for the general good of Our Kingdom , caused Our High Court of Parliament to assemble and meet by Prorogation the twentieth day of January last past , sithence which time the same hath been continued : and although in this time , by the malevolent dispositions of some ill-affected persons of the House of Commons , We have had sundry just causes of offence and dislike of their proceedings ; yet We resolved with patience to try the uttermost , which We the rather did , for that We found in that House a great number of sober and grave persons , well affected to Religion and Government , and desirous to preserve Unity and Peace in all parts of Our Kingdom ; and therefore having on the five and twentieth day of February last , by the uniform Advice of Our Privy Council , caused both Houses to be adjourned until this present day , hoping in the mean time that a better and more right understanding might be begotten between Us and the Members of that House , whereby this Parliament might have an happy end and issue ; and for the same intent , We did again this day command the like Adjournment to be made until the tenth day of this month : It hath so happened by the disobedient and seditious carriage of those said ill-affected persons of the House of Commons , that We and Our Regal authority and Commandment have been so highly contemned , as Our Kingly Office cannot bear , nor any former Age can parallel . And therefore it is Our full and absolute resolution to dissolve the same Parliament ; whereof We thought good to give notice unto all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and to the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses of this present Parliament , and to all others whom it may concern , that they may depart about their needful affairs , without attending any longer here . Nevertheless We will that they and all others should take notice , that We do and ever will distinguish between those who have shewed good affection to Religion and Government , and those that have given themselves over to Faction , and to work disturbance to the Peace and good order of our Kingdom . Given at Our Court at White-hall , this second day of March , in the fourth year of Our Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . God save the KING . His MAJESTIE's Speech at the Dissolving of the Parliament . My Lords , I Never came here upon so unpleasant an occasion , it being the Dissolution of a Parliment . Therefore men may have some cause to wonder why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission , it being a general Maxim of Kings , to leave harsh commands to their Ministers , Themselves only executing pleasing things . Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice ; I thought it necessary to come here to day , to declare to you and all the world , that it was meerly the undutiful and seditious carriage in the lower House that hath made the Dissolution of this Parliament . And you , my Lords , are so far from being causes of it , that I take as much comfort in your dutiful demeanors , as I am justly distasted with their proceedings . Yet to avoid mistakings , let me tell you , that it is so far from me to adjudge all the House alike guilty , that I know that there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world ; it being but some few Vipers amongst them that did cast this mist of undutifulness over most of their eyes : yet to say truth , there was a good number there that could not be infected with this contagion ; insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking ; which was the general fault of the House the last day . To conclude , as these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment ; so you , my Lords , may justly expect from Me that favour and protection that a good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility . And now , my Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , of the Causes which moved Him to Dissolve the Parliament . HOwsoever Princes are not bound to give account of their Actions but to God alone ; yet for the satisfaction of the minds and affections of Our loving Subjects , We have thought good to set down thus much by way of Declaration , that We may appear to the world in the truth and sincerity of Our own Actions , and not in those colours in which We know some turbulent and ill-affected Spirits ( to masque and disguise their own wicked intentions , dangerous to the State ) would represent Us to the publick view . We assembled Our Parliament the seventeenth day of March , in the third year of Our Reign , for the safety of Religion , for securing Our Kingdoms and Subjects at home , and Our Friends and Allies abroad : and therefore at the first sitting down of it We declared the miserable afflicted estate of those of the Reformed Religion in Germany , France and other parts of Christendom ; the distressed extremities of Our dearest Uncle the King of Denmark , chased out of a great part of his Dominions ; the strength of that party which was united against Us ; that ( besides the Pope and house of Austria and their ancient Confederates ) the French King professed the rooting out of the Protestant Religion ; that of the Princes and States on Our party some were over run , others diverted , and some disabled to give assistance . For which and other important motives We propounded a speedy supply of Treasure , answerable to the necessities of the Cause . These things in the beginning were well resented by the House of Commons , and with much alacrity and readiness they agreed to grant a liberal aid : But before it was brought to any perfection they were diverted by a multitude of questions raised amongst them concerning their Liberties and Priviledges , and by other long disputes , that the Bill did not pass in a long time ; and by that delay Our affairs were put into far worse case than at the first , Our forein actions then in hand being thereby disgraced and ruined for want of timely help . In this , as We are not willing to derogate from the merit and good intentions of those wise and moderate men of that House ( to whose forwardness We attribute it that it was propounded and resolved so soon , ) so We must needs say , that the delay of passing it when it was resolved , occasioned by causless jealousies stirred up by men of another temper , did much lessen both the reputation and reality of that supply : and their spirit infused into many of the Commissioners and Assessors in the Country , hath returned up the Subsidies in such a scanty proportion as is infinitely short , not only of Our great Occasions , but of the precedents of former Subsidies , and of the intentions of all well-affected men in that House . In those large disputes , as We permitted many of Our high Prerogatives to be debated , which in the best times of Our Predecessors had never been questioned without punishment or sharp reproof ; so We did endeavour to have shortned those debates , for winning of time , which would have much advantaged Our great Affairs both at home and abroad : And therefore both by Speeches and Messages We did often declare Our gracious and clear resolution to maintain , not only the Parliament , but all Our People , in their ancient and just liberties , without either violation or diminution ; and in the end , for their full satisfaction and security , did by an answer , framed in the from by themselves desired , to their Parliamentary Petition , confirm their ancient and just Liberties and Rights ; which We resolve with all Constancy and Justice to maintain . This Parliament , howsoever , besides the setling Our necessary Supply and their own Liberties , they wasted much time in such proceedings ( blasting Our Government ) as We are unwilling to remember , yet We suffered to sit until themselves desired us to appoint a time for their recess , not naming either Adjournment or Prorogation . Whereupon , by advice of Our Council , We resolved to Prorogue , and make a Session : and to that end prefixed a day , by which they might ( as was meet in so long a sitting ) finish some profitable and good Laws ; and withal gave order for a gracious pardon to all Our Subjects : which , according to the use of former Parliaments , passed the higher House , and was sent down to the Commons . All which being graciously intended by Us , was ill entertained by some disaffected persons of that House , who by their artifices in a short time raised so much heat and distemper in the House , for no other visible cause , but because We had declared Our resolution to prorogue , as Our Counsel advised , and not to adjourn , as some of that House ( after Our resolution declared , and not before ) did manifest themselves to affect ; that seldom hath greater passion been seen in that House upon the greatest occasions . And then some glances in the House , but open rumors abroad , were spread , that by the Answer to the Petition We had given away not only Our Impositions upon goods exported and imported , but the Tonnage and Poundage : whereas in the debate and hammering of that Petition there was no speech or mention in either House concerning those Impositions , but concerning Taxes and other charges within the Land ; much less was there any thought thereby to debar Us of Tonnage and Poundage , which both before and after the Answer to that Petition , the House of Commons , in all their Speeches and Treaties , did profess they were willing to grant . And at the same time many other misinterpretationss were raised of that Petition and Answer , by men not well distinguishing between well-ordered liberty and licentiousness ; as if by Our Answer to that Petition We had let loose the Reins of Our Government . And in this distemper , the House of Commons laying aside the pardon ( a thing never done in any former Parliament ) and other businesses fit to have been concluded that Session , some of them went about to frame and contrive a Remonstrance against Our receiving of Tonnage and Poundage ; which was so far proceeded in , the night before the prefixed time for concluding the Session , and so hastened by the contrivers thereof , that they meant to have put it to the Vote of the House the next morning , before We should prorogue the Session . And therefore finding Our gracious favaours in that Session afforded to Our people so ill requited , and such sinister strains made upon Our Answer to that Petition , to the diminution of Our Profit , and ( which was more ) to the danger of Our Government ; We resolved to prevent the finishing of that Remonstrance , and other dangerous intentions of some ill-affected persons , by ending the Session the next morning some few hours sooner than was expected , and by Our own mouth to declare to both Houses the causes thereof ; and , for hindring the spreading of those sinister interpretations of that Petition and Answer , to give some necessary directions for setling and quieting Our Government until another meeting , which We performed accordingly the six and twentieth of June last . The Session thus ended and the Parliament risen , that intended Remonstrance gave Us occasion to look into that business of Tonnage and Poundage . And therefore , though Our necessities pleaded strongly for Us , yet We were not apt to strain that point too far , but resolved to guide Our self by the practice of former Ages , and examples of Our most Noble Predecessors ; thinking those Counsels best warranted , which the wisdom of former Ages concurring with the present occasions did approve : And therefore gave order for a diligent search of Records ; upon which it was found , that although in the Parliament holden in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth , the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not granted unto that King , but was first granted unto him by Parliament in the third year of his Reign ; yet the same was accounted and answered to that King from the first day of his Reign , all the first and second years of his Reign , and until it was granted by Parliament : and that in the succeeding times of King Richard the Third , King Henry the Seventh , King Henry the Eighth , King Edward the Sixth , Queen Mary , and Queen Elizabeth , the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not only enjoyed by every of those Kings and Queens , from the death of each of them deceasing , until it was granted by Parliament unto the Successor ; but in all those times , ( being for the most part peaceable , and not burthen'd with like charges and necessities as these modern times ) the Parliament did most readily and chearfully , in the beginning of every of those Reigns , grant the same , as a thing most necessary for the guarding of the Seas , safety and defence of the Realm , and supportation of the Royal Dignity . And in the time of Our Royal Father , of blessed memory , He enjoyed the same a full year , wanting very few days , before his Parliament began , and above a year before the Act of Parliament for the grant of it was passed : and yet when the Parliament was assembled , it was granted without difficulty . And in Our own time , We quietly received the same three years and more , expecting with patience in several Parliaments the like grant thereof as had been made to so many of Our Predecessors ; the House of Commons still professing , that multitude of other business , and not want of willingness on their part , had caused the setling thereof to be so long deferred . And therefore finding so much reason and necessity for the receiving of the ordinary duties in the Custom-House to concur with the practice of such a Succession of Kings and Queens , famous for Wisdom , Justice and Government , and nothing to the contrary , but that intended Remonstrance hatched out of the passionate brains of a few particular persons ; We thought it so far from the wisdom and duty of a House of Parliament , as We could not think that any moderate and discreet man ( upon composed thoughts , setting aside passion and distemper ) could be against receiving of Tonnage and Poundage ; especially since We do and still must pursue those ends , and undergo that Charge , for which it was first granted to the Crown ; it having been so long and constantly continued to Our Predecessors , as that in four several Acts of Parliament for the granting thereof to King Edward the Sixth , Queen Mary , Queen Elizabeth , and Our blessed Father , it is in express terms mentioned to have been had and enjoyed by the several Kings named in those Acts , time out of mind , by authority of Parliament . And therefore , upon these reasons , We held it agreeable to Our Kingly Honour , and necessary for the safety and good of Our Kingdom , to continue the receipt thereof , as so many of Our Predecessors had done . Wherefore when a few Merchants ( being at first but one or two ) fomented , as it is well known , by those evil Spirits that would have hatched that undutiful Remonstance , began to oppose the payment of Our accustomed duties in the Custom-house , We gave order to the Officers of Our Customs to go on ; notwithstanding that opposition in the receiving of the usual duties ; and caused those that refused to be warned to attend at the Council-board , that by the wisdom and authority of Our Council they might be reduced to obedience and duty : where some of them , without reverence or respect to the honour and dignity of that presence , behaved themselves with such boldness and insolency of speech , as was not to be endured by a far meaner Assembly ; much less to be countenanced by a House of Parliament , against the body of Our Privy Council . And as in this We did what in honour and reason was fit for the present ; so Our thoughts were daily intentive upon the re-assembling of Our Parliament , with full intention on Our part to take away all ill understanding between Us and Our people , whose loves as We desired to continue and preserve , so We used Our best endeavours to prepare and facilitate the way to it . And to this end , having taken a strict and exact survey of Our Government both in the Church and Commonwealth , and what things were most fit and necessary to be reformed , We found in the first place , that much exception had been taken at a book intituled Appello Caesarem , or An Appeal to Caesar , and published in the year 1625. by Richard Mountague , then Batchelour of Divinity , and now Bishop of Chichester : and because it did open the way to those Schisms and Divisions which have since ensued in the Church , We did , for remedy and redress thereof , and for satisfaction of the Consciences of Our good people , not only by Our publick Proclamation call in that Book , which ministred matter of offence ; but , to prevent the like danger for hereafter , reprinted the Articles of Religion established in the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory ; and , by a Declaration before those Articles , We did tie and restrain all Opinions to the sense of those Articles , that nothing might be left for private fancies and innovation . For We call God to record , before whom We stand , that it is , and always hath been , Our hearts desire to be found worthy of that Title which We accompt the most glorious in all Our Crown , Defender of the Faith : neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any Innovation may steal or creep into the Church , but preserve that unity of Doctrine and Discipline established in the time of Queen Elizabeth , whereby the Church of England hath stood and flourished ever since . And as We were careful to make up all breaches and rents in Religion at home ; so did We , by Our Proclamation and Commandment for the execution of Laws against Priests and Popish Recusants , fortifie all ways and approaches against that foreign Enemy : which if it have not succeeded according to Our intention , We must lay the fault where it is , in the subordinate Officers and Ministers in the Country , by whose remissness Jesuites and Priests escape without apprehension , and Recusants from those convictions and penalties which the Laws and Our Commandment would have inflicted on them . For We do profess that , as it is Our duty , so it shall be our care , to command and direct well ; but it is the part of others to perform the Ministerial Office. And when We have done Our Office , We shall account Our Self , and all charitable men will accompt Us , innocent both to God and Men : and those that are negligent , We will esteem as culpable both to God and Us ; and therefore will expect that hereafter they give Us a better accompt . And as We have been careful for the setling of Religion and quieting the Church , so were We not unmindful of the preservation of the just and ancient Liberties of Our Subjects ; which We secured to them by Our gracious Answer to the Petition in Parliament , having not since that time done any Act whereby to infringe them ; but Our care is , and hereafter shall be , to keep them intire and inviolable , as We would do Our own Right and Sovereignty ; having for that purpose enrolled the Petition and Answer in Our Courts of Justice . Next to the care of Religion and of Our Subjects Rights , We did Our best for the provident and well ordering of that aid and supply which was granted Us the last Session ; whereof no part hath been wastfully spent , nor put to any other use than those for which it was desired and granted , as upon payment of Our Fleet and Army : wherein Our care hath been such , as We chose rather to discontent Our dearest Friends and Allies , and Our nearest Servants , than to leave Our Souldiers and Mariners unsatisfied , whereby any vexation or disquiet might arise to Our people . We have also with part of those Moneys begun to supply Our Magazines and stores of Munition , and to put Our Navy into a constant form and order . Our Fleet likewise is fitting , and almost in a readiness ; whereby the Narrow Seas may be guarded , Commerce maintained , and Our Kingdom secured from all forein attempts . These Acts of Ours might have made this impression in all good minds , that We were careful to direct Our counsels and dispose Our actions so as might most conduce to the maintenance of Religion , honour of Our Government , and safety of Our People . But with mischievous men once ill-affected , Seu bene , seu malè facta premunt : and whatsoever once seemed amiss , is ever remembred ; but good endeavours are never regarded . Now all these things , that were the chief complaints the last Session , being by Our Princely care so seriously reformed , the Parliament re assembled the twentieth of January last : We expecting , according to the candor and sincerity of Our own thoughts , that men would have framed themselves for the effecting a right understanding between Us and Our people . But some few malevolent persons , like Empiricks and lewd Artists , did strive to make new work , and to have some Disease on foot to keep themselves in request , and to be imployed and entertained in the Cure. And yet , to manifest how much offences have been diminished , the Committees for Grievances , Committees for Courts of Justice , and Committees for Trade have since the sitting down of the Parliament received few complaints ; and those such , as they themselves have not thought to be of that moment or importance with which Our ears should be acquainted . No sooner therefore was the Parliament set down , but these ill-affected men began to sow and disperse their Jealousies , by casting out some glances and doubtful speeches , as if the Subject had not been so clearly and well dealt with touching their Liberties , and touching the Petition answered the last Parliament . This being a plausible Theme , thought on for an ill purpose , easily took hold on the minds of many that knew not the practice : And thereupon the second day of the Parliament a Committee was appointed to search , whether the Petition and Our Answer thereunto were enrolled in the Parliament Roll and in the Courts at Westminster , and in what manner the same was done . And a day was then also appointed on which the House , being resolved into a Committee , should take into consideration those things wherein the Liberty of the Subject had been invaded , against that Petition . This , though it produced no other effect of moment or importance , yet was sufficient to raise a jealousie against Our Proceedings in such as were not well acquainted with the sincerity and clearness of them . There followed another of no less skill : for although Our proceeding before the Parliament about matters of Religion might have satisfied any moderate men of Our zealous care thereof ( as We are sure it did the most ; ) yet , as bad stomachs turn the best things into their own nature for want of good digestion , so those distempered persons have done the like of Our good intents , by a bad and sinister interpretation . For when they did observe that many honest and Religious minds in that House did complain of those dangers that did threaten the Church ; they likewise took the same word in their mouth , and their cry likewise was Templum Domini , Templum Domini , when the true care of the Church never came into their hearts : and what the one did out of zeal unto Religion , the other took up as a plausible Theme to deprave Our Government ; as if We , Our Clergy and Council , were either senseless or careless of Religion . And this wicked practice hath been to make Us seem to walk before Our people as if We halted before God. Having by these Artifices made a jealous impression in the hearts of many , and a day being appointed to treat of the Grant of Tonnage and Poundage ; at the time prefixed all express great willingness to grant it : but a new strain is found out , that it could not be done without great peril to the Right of the Subject , unless We should disclaim any right therein but by Grant in Parliament ; and should cause all those goods to be restored which upon Commandment from Us or Our Council were stayed by Our Officers , until those duties were payed ; and consequently should put Our self out of possession of the Tonnage and Poundage before they were granted : for else it was pretended the Subject stood not in fit case to grant it . A fancy and cavil raised of purpose to trouble the business ; it being evident that all the Kings before named did receive that duty , and were in actual possession of it , before , and at the very time when it was granted to them by Parliament . And although We , to remove all difficulties , did from Our own mouth , in those clear and open terms that might have satisfied any moderate and well-disposed minds , declare , that it was Our meaning by the gift of Our people to enjoy it , and that We did not challenge it of right , but took it de bene esse , shewing thereby not the right , but the necessity by which We were to take it ; wherein We descended for their satisfaction so far beneath Our self , as We are confident never any of Our Predecessors did the like , nor was the like ever required or expected from them : yet for all this the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was laid aside , upon pretence they must first clear the right of the Subject therein ; under colour whereof they entertain the complaints not only of John Rolls , a member of their House , but also of Richard Chambers , John Fowkes and Bartholomew Gilman , against the Officers of Our Customs , for detaining their goods upon refusal to pay the ordinary duty accustomed to be paid for the same . And upon these complaints they send for the Officers of the Customs , enforcing them to attend day after day by the space of a month together ; they cause them to produce their Letters Patents under Our great Seal , and the Warrants made by Our Privy Council for levying of those duties ; they examine the Officers upon what questions they please , thereby to entrap them for doing Our Service and Commandment . In these and other their Proceedings , because We would not give the least shew of interruption , We endured long with much patience both these and sundry other strange and exorbitant incroachments and usurpations , such as were never before attempted in that House . We are not ignorant how much that House hath of late years endeavoured to extend their Priviledges , by setting up general Committees for Religion , for Courts of Justice , for Trade , and the like ; a course never heard of until of late : so as where in former times the Knights and Burgesses were wont to communicate to the House such business as they brought from their Countries , now there are so many Charis erected to make enquiry upon all sorts of men , where complaints of all sorts are entertained , to the unsufferable disturbance and scandal of Justice and Government ; which having been tolerated a while by Our Father and Our self , hath daily grown to more and more height ; insomuch as young Lawyers sitting there take on them to decry the Opinions of the Judges , and some have not doubted to maintain that the resolutions of that House must bind the Judges ; a thing never heard of in Ages past . But in this last Assembly of Parliament they have taken on them much more than ever before . They sent Messengers to examine Our Attorney General , who is an Officer of trust and secrecy , touching the execution of some Commandments of Ours ; of which , without Our leave first obtained , he was not to give account to any but to Our self . They sent a captious and directory message to the Lord Treasurer , Chancellor , and Barons of the Exchequer , touching some judicial proceedings of theirs in Our Court of Exchequer . They sent Messengers to examine upon sundry questions Our two chief Justices , and three other of Our Judges , touching their judicial proceedings at the Gaol-Delivery at Newgate ; of which they are not accomptable to the House of Commons . And whereas Suits were commenced in Our Court of Star-Chamber against Richard Chambers , John Fowkes , Bartholomew Gilman and Richard Philips , by Our Attorney General , for great misdemeanors , they resolved that they were to have Priviledge of Parliament against Us for their persons , for no other cause , but because they had Petitions depending in that House ; and ( which is more strange ) they resolved that a Signification should be made from that House , by a Letter to issue under the hand of their Speaker , unto the Lord Keeper of Our Great Seal , that no Attachments should be granted out against the said Chambers , Fowkes , Gilman , or Philips , during their said Priviledge of Parliament : whereas it is far above the power of that House , to give direction to any of Our Courts at Westminster to stop Attachments against any man , though never so strongly priviledged ; the breach of priviledge being not in the Court that grants , but in the party or Minister that puts in execution such Attachments . And therefore if any such Letter had come to the Lord Keeper , as it did not , he should have highly offended Us if he had obeyed it . Nay , they went so far , as they spared not the Honour of Our Council-board , but examined their proceedings in the case of Our Customers , interrogating what this or that man of Our Council said in direction of them in the business committed to their charge . And when one of the members of that House , speaking of Our Counsellers , said , We had wicked Counsel , and another said , That the Council and Judges sought to trample under feet the Liberty of the Subject , and a third traduced Our high Court of Star-Chamber for the sentence given against Savage ; they passed without check or censure by the House . By which may appear how far the members of that House have of late swollen beyond the rules of moderation , and the modesty of former times ; and this under pretence of priviledge and freedom of speech , whereby they take liberty to declare against all authority of Council and Courts at their pleasure . They sent for Our Sheriff of London , to examine him in a cause whereof they had no jurisdiction ; their true and ancient jurisdiction extending only to their own Members , and to the conservation of their Priviledges , and not to the censure of forein persons and causes , which have no relation to their Priviledges ; the same being but a late Innovation . And yet , upon an enforced strain of a contempt , for not answering to their satisfaction , they committed him to the Tower of London , using that outward pretext for a cause of their committing him ; the true and inward cause being , for that he had shewed himself dutiful to Us and Our Commandments in the matter concerning Our Customs . In these Innovations ( which We will never permit again ) they pretended , indeed , Our service ; but their drift was to break by this means through all respects and ligaments of Government , and to erect an universal overswaying power to themselves , which belongs only to Us , and not to them . Lastly , in their proceedings against Our Customers , they went about to censure them as Delinquents , and to punish them for staying some goods of some factious Merchants in Our Store-house , for not paying those duties which themselves had formerly payed , and which the Customers without interruption had received of all other Merchants many years before , and to which they were authorized both by Our great Seal , and by several directions and commandments from Us and Our Privy Council . To give some colour to their proceedings herein , they went about to create a new Priviledge , which We will never admit ; That a Parliament-man hath priviledge for his goods against the King : the consequence whereof would be , that he may not be constrained to pay any duties to the King during the time of Priviledge of Parliament . It is true , they would have made this case to have been between the Merchant and Our Farmers of Our Custom , and have severed them from Our Interest and Commandment , thereby the rather to make them liable to the censure and punishment of that House . But on the other side We , holding it both unjust and dishonourable to withdraw Our self from Our Officers in any thing they did by Our Commandment , or to disavow any thing that We had enjoyned to be done , upon Monday , the three and twentieth day of February , sent a Message unto them by Secretary Coke , thanking them for the respect they had shewed in severing the Interest of Our Farmers from Our own Interest and Commandment : nevertheless We were bound in Honour to acknowledge as truth , that what was done by them was done by Our express direction and commandment ; and if for doing thereof Our Farmers should suffer , it would highly concern Us in Honour . Which Message was no sooner delivered unto them , but in a tumultuous and discontented manner they called , Adjourn , Adjourn ; and thereupon , without any cause given on Our part , in a very unusual manner adjourned themselves until the Wednesday following : on which day , by the uniform advice of Our Privy Council , We caused both Houses to be adjourned until the second day of March ; hoping that in the mean time a better and more right understanding might be begotten between Us and the members of that House , whereby the Parliament might come to an happy issue . But understanding by good advertisement that their discontent did not in that time digest and pass away , We resolved to make a second Adjournment until the tenth of March ; which was done as well to take time to Our self to think of some means to accommodate those difficulties , as to give them time to advise better : and accordingly We gave commandment for a second Adjournment in both Houses , and for cessation of all businesses till the day appointed . Which was very dutifully obeyed in the Higher House , no man contradicting or questioning it . But when the same commandment was delivered in the House of Commons by their Speaker , it was straightways contradicted : and although the Speaker declared unto them , it was an absolute Right and power in Us to adjourn , as well as to prorogue or dissolve , and declared and read unto them divers precedents of that House to warrant the same , yet Our commandment was most contemptuously disobeyed ; and some rising up to speak , saying they had business to do before the House should be adjourned , the Speaker again declared Our express and peremptory command to adjourn , and that himself should presently leave the House , and come unto Us : which he offered to do , but was withstood by two that had of purpose placed themselves , one on either side of the Speaker's Chair , and by force held him in for a time : yet the Speaker finding means to get out of the Chair , and purposing to come to Us , as We had commanded , those two and divers others caught hold of him , and by strong hand brought him back , and set him in the Chair against his will ; and then a member of that House cast out a most seditious paper , framed by himself and his Adherents , without any warrant from the House , and containing a proscription of such as in duty and obedience to Us should advise or assist Us in the receipt of Tonnage and Poundage , or should pay that duty , as Enemies to the State ; and required it to be read . A most audacious insolency , for any to presume to do that of their own heads , which if the whole House had done in that manner , had been above their power , and had deserved the highest censure . But the Speaker refusing to read it , the Author of it took on him most seditiously and factiously to declare the contents of it , and he and other his Adherents required it should be put to the question . Which being misliked by many grave and wise men in the House , and refused by the Speaker ( as We doubt not but all good men will believe he had cause , and even abhor the memory of that insolent and seditious Act ) yet many bitter taunts and invectives were uttered against the Speaker by those factious persons , and the doors being fast locked , such as were well-affected to Our service were , against their wills , kept in the House all the time of this tumult and disorder . And when some Advertisement came to Us that the House was in great distemper , We first sent for the Serjeant of the House ; whom they , after they knew Our pleasure therein , presumptuously detained . And after We sent a Message unto them by the Gentleman-usher of the Higher House : but he coming to the door , and declaring that he had a Message from Us , was refused to be admitted ; and being kept at the door a long time , at last the House adjourned themselves without receiving Our Message . A proceeding so irregular as no Parliament can parallel ; when Our absolute Commands , warranted by Law and precedents of former times , were disobeyed , the Speaker violated , Our Messenger and message excluded , which ought to have been admitted if they were a House ; and if they were not a House , they ought not at all to have disputed , much less to blast , the honour of Our Servants , to proscribe Our best Subjects , and give Law to Sovereignty , striking at the very essence of Monarchy . By all which it appears , that there wanted not men in that House that would get themselves a name by setting Diana's Temple on fire , and make themselves popular by putting all the Kingdom in combustion . For what other end could there be in that malicious speech , whereby a wicked Shimei at that time would make Us odious in the eyes of all Our people , as if it were meant to transfer all Trade , and give the fatness of the Land to Strangers ? A conceipt ( We call God to witness ) which never entred into Our Soul , and , We think , never harboured in any heart but that seditious heart which first broached it . For God forbid We should love any ends so well , as by any necessity to be driven to forget that indissoluble bond between Us and Our people . We could and would have expected longer , had We conceived any hope of their returning to their duty . Whilest the Duke of Buckingham lived , He was intituled to all the distempers and ill events of former Parliaments ; and therefore much endeavour was used to demolish him , as the only wall of separation between us and Our people . But now he is dead , no alteration was found amongst those envenomed spirits , which troubled then the blessed harmony between Us and Our Subjects , and continue still to trouble it . For now , under the pretence of publick care of the Common-wealth , they suggest new and causeless fears , which in their own hearts they know to be false ; and devise new engines of mischief , so to cast a blindness upon the good affections of Our people , that they may not see the truth and largeness of Our heart towards them : so that now it is manifest the Duke was not alone the mark that those men shot at , but was only , as a near Minister of Ours , taken upon the by , and in their passage to their more secret designs ; which only were to cast Our Affairs into a desperate condition , to abate the powers of Our Crown , and to bring Our Government into obloquy , that in the end all things may be overwhelmed with anarchy and confusion . We do not impute these disasters to the whole House of Commons , knowing that there were amongst them many religious , grave , and well-minded men ; but the sincerer and better part of the House being over-born by the practices and clamors of the other , who , careless of their duties , and taking advantage of the Times and Our Necessities , have forced Us to break off this meeting , which had it been answered with like duty on their parts as it was invited and begun with love on Ours , might have proved happy and glorious both to Us and this whole Nation . We have thus declared the manifold causes We had to dissolve this Parliament : whereby all the world may see how much they have forgotten their former ingagements at the entry into the War , themselves being perswaders to it , promising to make us feared by Our Enemies , and esteemed by Our Friends ; and how they turned the necessities grown by that War , to enforce Us to yield conditions incompetible with Monarchy . And now , that Our people may discern that these provocations of evil men ( whose punishment We reserve to a due time ) have not changed Our good intentions to Our Subjects , We do here profess to maintain the true Religion and Doctrine established in the Church of England , without admitting or conniving at any backsliding either to Popery or Schism . We do also declare , that We will maintain the ancient and just Rights and Liberties of Our Subjects with so much constancy and justice , that they shall have cause to acknowledge , that under Our Government and gracious protection they live in a more happy and free estate than any Subjects in the Christian world . Yet let no man hereby take the boldness to abuse that Liberty , turning it to licentiousness , nor misinterpret the Petition , by perverting it to a lawless liberty , wantonly or frowardly under that or any other colour to resist lawful and necessary Authority . For as We will maintain Our Subjects in their just Liberties ; so We do and will expect that they yield as much submission and duty to Our Royal Prerogatives , and as ready obedience to Our Authority and Commandments , as hath been performed to the greatest of Our Predecessors . And for Our Ministers , We will not that they be terrified by those harsh proceedings that have been strained against some of them . For as We will not command any thing unjust or dishonourable , but shall use Our Authority and Prerogatives for the good of Our People ; so We will expect that Our Ministers obey Us , and they shall assure themselves We will protect them . As for Our Merchants , We let them know , We shall always endeavour to cherish and enlarge the trade of such as be dutiful , without burthening them beyond that which is fitting ; but the duty of five in the hundred for the guarding of the Seas and defence of the Realm ( to which We hold Our selves still obliged , and which duty hath continued without interruption so many successions of Ages , ) We hold no dutiful or good Subject will deny it , being so necessary for the good of the whole Kingdom . And if any factious Merchant will affront Us in a thing so reasonable , and wherein We require no more nor in no other manner than so many of our Predecessors have done , and have been dutifully obeyed ; let them not deceive themselves , but be assured that We shall find Honourable and just means to support Our Estate , vindicate Our Sovereignty , and preserve that Authority which God hath put into Our hands . And now , having laid down the truth and clearness of Our proceedings , all wise and discreet men may easily judge of those rumors and jealous fears that are maliciously and wickedly bruited abroad ; and may discern by examination of their own hearts , whether in respect of the free passage of the Gospel , indifferent and equal administration of Justice , freedom from Oppression , and the great Peace and quietness which every man enjoyeth under his own vine and fig-tree , the Happiness of this Nation can be parallel'd by any other of Our neighbour Countries : and if not , then to acknowledge their own blessedness , and for the same be thankful to God , the Author of all goodness . By the KING . A Proclamation for suppressing of false Rumours touching Parliaments . WHereas , notwithstanding Our late Declaration for satisfying of the minds and affections of Our loving Subjects , some ill-disposed persons do spread false and pernicious Rumours abroad , as if the scandalous and seditious Proposition in the House of Commons , made by an outlawed man , desperate in mind and fortune , which was tumultuously taken up by some few after that by Our Royal Authority We had commanded their Adjournment , had been the Vote of the whole House , whereas the contrary is the truth ; for it was then decried by the wisest and best affected , and is since disavowed upon examination by such as were suspected to have consented thereunto , and affirmed , as well by them as others who served in the House that day , to be a thing of a most wicked and dangerous consequence to the good estate of this Kingdom : which appeareth to be so , by those impressions which this false Rumour hath made in mens minds , whereby , out of causeless fears , the Trade of the Kingdom is disturbed , and Merchants discouraged to continue in their wonted Traffique : We have thought it expedient , not only to manifest the truth hereof , but to make known Our Royal pleasure , that those who raise or nourish such false reports shall be severely punished , and such as chearfully go on with their Trade have all good incouragement , not purposing to overcharge Our Subjects by any new burthens , but to satisfie Our selves with those Duties that were received by the King Our Father of blessed memory : which We neither can nor will dispense withal , but shall esteem them unworthy of Our Protection who shall deny the same ; We intending to imploy it for defence of Our Kingdoms , Dominion of Our Seas , and safeguard of Our Merchants , specially by such Shipping as are now making ready , and such further preparation for aid of Our Friends and Allies as need shall require . And whereas , for several ill ends , the calling again of a Parliament is divulged ; howsoever We have shewed , by Our frequent meeting with Our People , Our love to the use of Parliaments ; yet the late abuse having for the present driven Us unwillingly out of that course , We shall accompt it presumption for any to prescribe any time unto Us for Parliaments , the Calling , Continuing , and Dissolving of which is always in Our own power : and We shall be more inclinable to meet in Parliament again , when Our People shall see more clearly into our Intents and Actions , when such as have bred this interruption shall have received their condign punishment , and those who are mis-led by them , and by such ill reports as are raised upon this occasion , shall come to a better understanding of Us and themselves . Given at Our Court of White-hall , this seven and twentieth day of March , in the fifth year of Our Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . God save the KING . MDCXXIX . His MAJESTIE's Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money . To Our Trusty and Well-beloved , Sir John Bramston , Knight , Chief Justice of Our Bench , Sir John Finch , Knight , Chief Justice of Our Court of Common Pleas , Sir Humphrey Davenport , Knight , Chief Baron of Our Court of Exchequer , and to the rest of the Judges of Our Courts of Kings Bench , Common Pleas , and the Barons of Our Court of Exchequer . CHARLES R. TRusty and Well-beloved , We greet you well . Taking into Our Princely consideration , that the Honour and Safety of this Our Realm of England , the preservation whereof is only entrusted to Our care , was and is more nearly concerned in late than former times , as well by divers counsels and attempts to take from us the Dominion of the Seas , of which We are sole Lord and rightful Owner , or Proprietor , and the loss whereof would be of greatest danger and peril to this Kingdom , and other Our Dominions , as many other ways ; We , for the avoiding of these and the like dangers , well weighing with Our self , that where the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , there the charge and defence ought to be born by all the Realm in general , did , for the preventing so publick a mischief , resolve with Our self to have a Royal Navy prepared , that might be of force and power ( with Almighty God's blessing and assistance ) to protect and defend this Our Realm and Our Subjects therein from all such perils and dangers : and for that purpose We issued forth Writs under Our Great Seal of England , directed to all Our Sheriffs of Our several Counties of England and Wales , commanding thereby all Our said Subjects in every City , Town and Village , to provide such a number of Ships , well furnisht , as might serve for this Royal purpose , and which might be done with the greatest equality that could be . In performance whereof , though generally throughout all the Counties of this Our Realm We have found in Our Subjects great chearfulness and alacrity , which We graciously interpret as a testimony as well of their dutiful affection to Us and Our service , as of the respect they have to the Publick , which well becometh every good Subject : nevertheless finding that some few , haply out of ignorance what the Laws and Customs of this Realm are , or out of a desire to be eased in their particulars , how general soever the charge be or ought to be , have not yet paid and contributed to the several Rates and Assessments that were set upon them ; and foreseeing in Our Princely Wisdom , that from thence divers Suits and Actions are not unlikely to be commenced and prosecuted in Our several Courts at Westminster ; We , desirous to avoid such inconveniences , and out of Our Princely love and affection to all Our People , being willing to prevent such errors as any of Our loving Subjects may happen to run into , have thought fit , in a case of this nature , to advise with you Our Judges , who We doubt not are well studied and informed in the Rights of Our Sovereignty : And because the Trials in Our several Courts by the formalities in pleading will require a long protraction , We have thought fit by this Letter directed to you all , to require your Judgment in the Case , as it is set down in the inclosed Paper ; which will not only gain time , but also be of more authority to over-rule any prejudicate opinions of others in the point . Given under Our Signet at Our Court of White-hall , the second day of February , in the twelfth year of Our Reign , 1636. C. R. CHARLES R. WHen the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , whether may not the King , by Writ under the Great Seal of England , command all the Subjects in His Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men , Victuals and Munition , and for such time as He shall think fit , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril ; and by Law compel the doing thereof , in case of refusal or refractoriness : And whether in such case is not the King the sole judge both of the Danger , and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided . The Answer of the Judges . MAY it please Your most Excellent Majesty , We have , according to Your Majestie 's command , severally and every man by himself , and all of us together , taken into serious consideration the Case and Questions signed by Your Majesty , and inclosed in Your Letter : And We are of opinion , That when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , Your Majesty may , by Writ under Your Great Seal of England , command all the Subjects of this Your Kingdom , at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men , Victual , Munition , and for such time as Your Majesty shall think fit , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such peril and danger : And that by Law Your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness . And we are also of opinion , that in such case Your Majesty is the sole judge both of the Danger , and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided . John Bramston . John Finch . Humphrey Davenport . John Denham . Richard Hutton . William Jones . George Crook . Thomas Trevor . George Vernon . Robert Barkly . Francis Crauley . Richard Weston . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects of the Causes which moved Him to dissolve His Fourth Parliament . THE King 's most Excellent Majesty well knoweth that the Calling , Adjourning , Proroguing and Dissolving of Parliaments , are undoubted Prerogatives inseparably annexed to His Imperial Crown , of which He is not bound to render any account but to God alone , no more than of His other Regal actions . Nevertheless His Majesty , whose Piety and Goodness have made Him ever so order and govern all things , that the clearness and Candor of His Royal heart may appear to all His Subjects , especially in those great and publick matters of State that have relation to the weal and safety of His People , and the Honour of His Royal Person and Government , hath thought fit , for avoiding and preventing all sinister constructions and misinter pretations , which the Malice of some persons ill-affected to His Crown and Soveraignty hath or may practise to infuse into the minds an ears of His good and faithful Subjects , to set down by way of Declaration the true Causes as well of His Assembling , as of His Dissolving the late Parliament . IT is not unknown to most of His Majestie 's loving Subjects , what discouragements He hath formerly had by the undutiful and seditious carriage of divers of the lower House in preceding Assemblies of Parliament , enough to have made Him averse to those ancient and accustomed ways of calling His People together , when in stead of dutiful expressions towards His Person and Government , they vented their own Malice and disaffections to the State , and by their subtle and malignant courses endeavoured nothing more than to bring into contempt and disorder all Government and Magistracy . Yet His Majesty well considering that but few were guilty of that seditious and undutiful behaviour , and hoping that time and experience had made His loving Subjects sensible of the distemper the whole Kingdom was in danger to be put into by the ill-govern'd actions of those men , and His Majesty being ever desirous to tread in the steps of His most noble Progenitors , was pleased to issue forth His Writs under the great Seal of England , for a Parliament to be holden on the thirteenth day of April last . At which day His Majesty by the Lord Keeper of His great Seal was graciously pleased to let both Houses of Parliament know , how desirous He was that all His people would unite their hearts and affections in the execution of those Counsels that might tend to the Honour of His Majesty , the Safety of His Kingdoms , and the good and preservation of all His people ; and withal how confident He was that they would not be failing in their duties and affections to Him and to the publick . He laid open to them the manifest and apparent mischiefs threatned to this and all His other Kingdoms by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of the Scotish nation , who had by their examples drawn many of His Subjects there into a course of disloyalty and disobedience , not fit for His Majesty in Honour , Safety , or Wisdom to endure . How , to strengthen themselves in their disloyal courses , they had addrest themselves to forein States , and treated with them to deliver themselves up to their protection and defence , as was made apparent under the proper hands of the prime Ring-leaders of that Rebellious Faction . These courses of theirs , tending so much to the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy , united by the descent of the Crown of England upon His Majesty and his Father of blessed Memory , His Majesty ( in His great Wisdom , and in discharge of the trust reposed in Him by God , and by the Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms , for the protection and government of them ) resolved to suppress , and thereby to vindicate that Sovereign power entrusted to Him. He had by the last Summers trial found that his Grace and Goodness was abused , and that , contrary to his expectation and their faithful promises , they had , since his being at Berwick and the Pacification there made , pursued their former rebellious designs ; and therefore it was necessary now for his Majesty by power to reduce them to the just and modest condition of their Obedience and subjection , which whenever they should be brought unto , or seeing their own Errors should put themselves into a way of Humility and Obedience becoming them , his Majesty should need no other Mediatours for Clemency and Mercy to them than his own Piety and Goodness , and the tender affection he hath ever born to that his native Countrey . This being of so great weight and consequence to the whole Kingdo , and the charge of an Army , fit to master such a business , amounting to so great a sum as his Majesty had no means to raise , having not only emptied his own coffers , but issued between three and four hundred thousand pounds , which he borrowed of his servants upon security out of his own estate , to provide such things as were necessary to begin such an action with ; his Majesty , after the example of his Predecessors , resorted to his People in their representative Body the Parliament , whom he desired ( with all the expressions of Grace and Goodness which could possibly come from him ) that taking into serious and dutiful consideration the nature of these bleeding evils , and how dangerous it was to lose the least minute of time , lest thereby those of Scotland should gain opportunity to frame their parties with forein States , that they would for a while lay aside all other debates , and pass an Act for the speedy payment of so many Subsidies as might enable his Majesty to put in readiness for this Summer those things which were to be prepared before so great an Army could be brought into the field . For further supply necessary for so great an undertaking , his Majesty declared that He expected it not till there might be a happy conclusion of that Session , and till their just Grievances might be first graciously heard and relieved . Wherein as His Majesty would most willingly have given them the precedence before matter of Supply , if the great necessity of his occasions could have permitted ; so he was graciously pleased , for their full assurance and satisfaction therein to give them His Royal word , That without determining the Session upon granting of the Subsidies , He would give them before they parted as much time as the season of the year and the great affairs in hand would permit , for considering all such Petitions as they should conceive to be good for the Commonwealth ; and what they could not now finish , they should have full time to perfect towards Winter : His Majesty graciously assuring them , that He would go along with them for their advantage through all the expressions of a gracious and pious King , to the end there might be such a happy conclusion of that as might be the cause of many more meetings with them in Parliament . From their first assembling until the 21 of April , the House of Commons did nothing that could give His Majesty any content or confidence in their speedy supplying of Him : whereupon He commanded both the Houses to attend Him in the Banquetting House at White-Hall in the afternoon of that 21 day of April . Where by the Lord Keeper His Majesty put them in mind of the end for which they were assembled , which was for His Majestie 's Supply ; that if it were not speedy , it would be of no use unto Him , part of the Army then marching at the charge of above a hundred thousand pounds a month , which would all be lost if His Majesty were not presently supplied , so as it was not possible to be longer forborn . Yet His Majestie then exprest , that the Supply He for the present desired was only to enable Him to go on with His designs for three or four months , and that He expected no further Supply till all their just Grievances were relieved . And because His Majesty had taken notice of some misapprehensions about the levying of the Shipping-money , His Majesty commanded the Lord Keeper to let them know , That He never had any intention to make any Revenue of it , nor had ever made any ; but that all the money collected had been paid to the Treasurer of the Navy , and by Him expended , besides great sums of money every year out of His Majestie 's own purse . That His Majesty had once resolved this year to have levied none ; but that He was forced to alter His resolution , in regard He was of necessity to send an Army for reducing those of Scotland , during which time it was requisite the Seas should be well guarded : And besides , His Majesty had knowledge of the great Fleets prepared by all neighbouring Princes this year , and of the insolencies committed by those of Algiers , with the store of Ships which they had in readiness . And therefore though His Majesty for this present year could not forbear it , but expected their concurrence in the levying of it ; yet for the future to give all His Subjects assurance how just and Royal His intentions were , and that all His aim was but to live like their King , able to defend Himself and them , to be useful to His friends and considerable to His enemies , to maintain the Soveraignty of the Seas , and so make the Kingdom flourish in trade and commerce , He was graciously pleased to let them know that the ordinary Revenue now taken by the Crown could not serve the turn , and therefore that it must be by Shipping-money or some other way , wherein He was willing to leave it to their considerations what better course to find out , and to settle it how they would , so the thing were done , which so much imported the honour and safety of the Kingdom ; and His Majesty for His part would most readily and chearfully grant any thing they could desire for securing them in the propriety of their Goods and Estates , and in the Liberty of their Persons . His Majesty telling them it was in their power to make this as happy a Parliament as ever was , and to be the cause of the King 's delighting to meet with His people , and His People with Him. That there was no such way to effect this as by putting obligations of trust and confidence upon Him : which as it was the way of good manners with a King , so it was a surer and safer course for themselves than any that their own jealousies and fears could invent ; His Majesty being a Prince that deserved their trust , and would not lose the honour of it , and a Prince of such a gracious nature that disdained His People should overcome Him by kindness . He had made this good to some other Subjects of His ; and if they followed His counsel , they should be sure not to repent it , being the people that were nearest and dearest to Him , and Subjects whom He did and had reason to value more than the Subjects of any His other Kingdoms . His Majesty having thus graciously expressed Himself unto them , He expected the House of Commons would have the next day taken into consideration the matter of Supply , and laid aside all other debates till that were resolved of according to His desire . But in stead of giving an Answer therein , such as the pressing and urgent occasions required , they fell into discourses and debates about their pretended Grievances and raised up so many , and of so several natures , that in a Parliamentary way they could not but spend more time than His Majestie 's great and weighty Affairs could possibly afford . His Majesty foreseeing in His great Wisdom that they were not in the way to make this an happy Parliament , which He so much desired and hoped ; that nothing might be wanting on His part to bring them into the right way for His Honour , the safety of the Kingdom , and their own good , He resolved to desire the assistance of the Lords of the higher House , as persons in rank and degree nearest to the Royal Throne , and who having received Honour from Him and His Royal Progenitors , He doubted not would for those and many other reasons be moved in honour and dutiful affection to His Person and Crown , to dispose the House of Commons to express their duties to His Majesty , in expediting the matter of Supply , for which they were called together , and which required so present a dispatch . For this purpose , His Majesty in His Royal Person came again to the Lords House on Wednesday the 24. day of April , where Himself declared to the Lords the cause of His coming , which was , to put them in mind of what had been by the Lord Keeper in His name delivered unto both Houses the first day of the Parliament , and after at White-Hall ; how contrary to His expectation the House of Commons , having held consultation of matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and voted some things concerning those three heads , had thereby given them the precedence before the matter of His Supply ; that His necessities were such they could not bear delay ; that whatever He had by the Lord Keeper promised He would perform , if the House of Commons would trust Him. For Religion , that His Heart and Conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England , and He would give order to His Archbishops and Bishops , that no Innovation in matter of Religion should creep in . For the Ship-money , that He never made or intended to make any profit to Himself of it , but only to preserve the Dominion of the Seas , which was so necessary , that without it the Kingdom could not subsist ; but for the way and means , by Ship-money or otherwise , He left it to them . For Property of Goods and Liberty of Parliament , He ever intended His People should enjoy them , holding no King so great as He that was King of a rich and free people ; and if they had not Property of Goods and Liberty of Persons , they could be neither rich nor free . That if the House of Commons would not first trust Him , all His affairs would be disordered , and His business lost . That though they trusted Him in part at first , yet before the Parliament ended He must totally trust them , and in conclusion they must for execution of all things wholly trust Him. Therefore since the matter was no more than who should be first trusted , and that the trust of Him first was but a trust in part , His Majesty desired the Lords to take into their considerations His and their own Honour , the Safety and welfare of this Kingdom , with the great danger it was in , and that they would by their advice dispose the House of Commons to give His Supply the precedence before the Grievances . His Majesty being departed , the Lords took into serious consideration what His Majesty had commended to their care ; and forthwith laying aside all other debates ( such was their Lordships dutiful and affectionate carriage ) they remembring well what had been formerly declared in His Majestie 's name to both Houses , His Majestie 's gracious promises and expressions then and at this time , with the pressing and urgent occasions which so much imported the Honour of His Majesty and the good of this Kingdom , their Lordship 's delivered their votes in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; and we think fit there shall be a Conference desired with the House of Commons to dispose them thereunto . Accordingly the next day , being Saturday the 25. day of April , a Conference was had in the Painted Chamber by a Committee of both Houses , where the Lord Keeper , by the Lords command , told the House of Commons of His Majestie 's being the day before in person in the higher House , how graciously he had expressed Himself in matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and that He would therein graciously hear and relieve them , and give them what in reason could be desired , with the effect of what else had been graciously delivered unto them by his Majesty , as well touching His constant Zeal and affection to the Religion established in the Church of England , as touching the Ship-money , and the necessity of His affairs , which was such , that delay was as prejudicial as denial , and that if time were lost , both Houses could not recover it : and therefore their Lordship's , though they would move nothing , nor give any advice concerning Subsidies , but decline it , as that which naturally was to begin with the House of Commons ; yet being alike interessed and concerned in the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom , they held it fit to let them know their opinions and desires , which was , That they should go first on with the matter of his Majestie 's Supply , as that which was most necessary and fit to have precedence ; and that being done , they would chearfully joyn with them in the presenting of their Grievances . The House of Commons having heard their Lordships opinion and desire , in stead of concurring with their Lordships in preferring the consideration of his Majestie 's Supply before their Grievances , they spent the whole day on Monday following , being the 27 of April , in taking causless exceptions to what had been at the Conference related to them : and the next day , being Tuesday the 28. of April , they desired a Conference with the Lords : and their Lordships meeting them presently in the Painted Chamber , they were so far from their expressing of any willingness to joyn with their Lordships in what had been upon so weighty reasons recommended unto them , that on the contrary they challenged the Lords for invading the Privileges of the House of Commons ; alledging , That the Lords having in the former Conference acknowledged that the matter of Subsidie and Supply ought to begin in the House of Commons , had in their voting that it was fit and most necessary that matter of Supply should have precedence before all other business , not only been transported beyond the bounds which their Lordships had formerly set to themselves , but by medling with matter of Supply had , as far as in them lay , concluded both the matter and order of proceeding , which the House of Commons took to be a breach of their Privilege , and for it desired reparation of their Lordships . And because the Lords had in the first Conference enumerated those three particulars , of Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Privilege of Parliament , the House of Commons collected they had taken notice of some proceedings in their House concerning those particulars , and thereby broken another great Privilege of the House of Commons established in Parliament , and called the Indempnity of the Commons . This , how strange and unexpected soever , the Lords heard with patience ; and being desirous to remove all impediments , and clear any mistakings that might retard or avert the resolutions of supplying his Majesty , they seriously debated in the higher House what had been objected by the House of Commons , and resolved , first , That their Lordships former voting , That in their opinions His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence before all other matters , was no breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons ; and secondly , That it was no breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons for their Lordships to hear what His Majesty declared to them , and thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons . And to the end the House of Commons might have a right understanding of their Lordships proceedings , their Lordships desired another Conference with them , which was accordingly had on Friday the first of May in the Painted Chamber ; where , by the Command of the Lords , the Lord Keeper declared to the House of Commons , That the Lords of the higher House had , as in duty and affection to his Majestie 's Crown and Government they were bound , taken into serious consideration the great and weighty motives of his Majestie 's calling this Parliament , the great evils and calamities that hung over their heads , and the apparent danger the Kingdom was like to run into , if by speedy and fitting supply his Majesty were not enabled to prevent it ; how insupportable delay and protraction was , and how impossible for both Houses to recover the loss of time in a matter of so pressing and urgent necessity ; that his Majesty had both in the higher House and in the banqueting house at White-Hall , expressed his gracious and Princely desire to do all that from a just and gracious King might be expected , whereby this Parliament might have a happy conclusion ; how his Majesty had promised all their just Grievances should be graciously heard and relieved , that their Lordships were witnesses His Majesty had given His Royal word herein , which their Lordships for their parts did as much trust and confide in as ever Subjects did . It was also then further declared unto them , That His Majesty had lately honoured their House with His presence again , and had there renewed the remembrance of what had before been delivered to both Houses , with the impossibility of admitting delay , and the clearness of His Majestie 's intentions and resolutions , to give all just satisfaction to what with reason could be desired of Him. That His Majesty had taken notice of somewhat voted in the House of Commons concerning Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , by which His Majesty conceived the matter of His Supply set aside , which He had so often and with such weight of reason desired might have precedence . That His Majesty after very gracious assurances of His constant affection and zeal for true Religion , and for preventing all Innovations therein , relterating His often promises for relieving all their just Grievances , with His Royal intentions in that particular of Ship-money which he found much stood upon , was pleased to desire their Lordships ( as persons in rank and degree nearest Him , in Honour as much or more concern'd than others , and in the safety and prosperity of the Kingdom at least equally interessed with others ) that in a case of this great and important weight , their Lordships would by their counsel and perswasion encline the House of Commons to give His Majesty a speedy answer and resolution in the matter of Supply . That their Lordships had taken His Majestie 's desire into serious and dutiful consideration , and upon great and solemn debate had only voted in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; and that they did think fit there should be a Conference d●sired with the House of Commons to dispose them thereunto : which as it was just and honourable for their Lordships to do , so it was no breach of any Privilege of the House of Commons . For though their Lordships did admit , that the Bill of Subsidies ought to begin in the House of Commons , and when it is agreed unto by the Lords , must be returned back , and be by their Speaker presented , and therefore their Lordships disclaimed to meddle with Subsidy or Supply by such beginning in the higher House , or by naming the number of Subsidies , times of payment , or any such circumstances incident to a Bill : yet their Lordships might confer and talk about Supplies in general , and give their advice therein , that being no whit derogatory to the Privileges of the House of Commons , their Lordships in all reason being likelier to communicate in the Counsels and secrets of State , as those that were nearer to the Royal Throne , and having just cause therein to impart their fears and foresight of dangers to the House of Commons . That such proceedings of their Lordships , as they were grounded upon just and weighty reason , so they were agreeable to ancient usage and custom , and were fully justified by that establishment in Parliament mentioned by the House of Commons at the last Conference , being made at Gloucester in the 9th year of Henry the Fourth , and styled , not The Indempnity of the Commons ( as had been said ) but The Indempnity of Lords and Commons . And for the other breach of Privilege which had been objected , their Lordships declared , That His Majesty had told them the House of Commons had resolved something concerning those three heads , of Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Privilege of Parliament . How His Majesty knew of this resolution , belonged not to their Lordships to enquire into , their Lordship 's not medling with any thing that others said to the King , but what the King said to them . And that their Lordships were so far from holding it any violation of the Privileges of the House of Commons for their Lordships to hear what the King declared to them , and for them thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons , that on the contrary in duty to His Majesty their Lordships could do no other ; and the communicating of it was an argument of affection and desire of good correspondence with the House of Commons , and merited no such misconstruction as had been made of it : neither did that establishment in Parliament 9 H. 4. contain any words that could be construed to make their Lordships proceedings in this behalf any breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons . Their Lordships proceedings and intentions being thus cleared , the Lord Keeper by their Lordships command added further , That their Lordships could not but return to their first grounds and resolutions , which were in all fair and affectionate manner to stir up in those of the House of Commons the just consideration of those great and imminent Dangers that threatned the Kingdom at this time , and how dangerous and irrecoverable delay was , and withal to dispose them to take into their first and best thoughts the matter of His Majestie 's Supply , and give Him a speedy answer therein . Which their Lordships were confident would be the means to make this a happy Parliament , and to avert the publick Calamities that menaced the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy . This having been delivered at that Conference in their Lordships names , was by His Majesty most gratiously interpreted as the noble testimony of their Lordships affections to His Person and Government ; for which His Majesty by the Lord Keeper the next day gave their Lordships hearty thanks . And withal , that nothing on His part might be left undone , His Majesty that morning also , being Saturday the second of May , sent a Message to the House of Commons , which was delivered to them in these words ; That His Majesty hath divers times and by sundry ways acquainted this House with the urgent necessity of Supply , and with the great danger inevitably to fall upon the whole State , upon His own Honour , and the Honour of this Nation , if more time shall be lost therein . That nevertheless His Majesty hither to hath received no answer at all . And therefore considering that as heretofore His Majesty hath told this House , that a delay of His Supply is as destructive as a denial , His Majesty doth again desire them to give Him a present answer concerning His Supply , His Majesty being still resolved on His part to make good whatsoever He hath promised by Himself or the Lord Keeper . After which Message delivered unto them , they spent from nine in the morning till six a clock at night in many discourses and debates touching their pretended Grievances , but never came to any resolution what Supply they would give His Majesty , or whether they would give Him any at all , but adjourned the farther debate till Monday following . At which time , because His Majesty had understood the matter of Shipping-money was that which was most insisted upon , and that the taking away of that not only for the present but for the future would be pleasing and acceptable unto them , His Majesty sent another Message unto them , which was before they entred into any debate delivered unto them in these words ; Whereas upon Saturday last His Majesty was pleased to send a Message to this House , desiring you to give a present answer concerning His Supply , to which as yet His Majesty hath had no other answer , but that upon this day you will take it into further consideration ; therefore His Majesty , the better to facilitate your resolutions this day , hath thought fit to let you know , That of His grace and favour He is pleased , upon your granting of twelve Subsidies to be presently passed , and to be paid in three years , with a Proviso that it shall not determine the Session , His Majesty will not only for the present forbear the levying of any Shipping-money , but will give way to the utter abolishing of it by any course that your selves shall like best . And for your Grievances , His Majesty will , according to His Royal Promise , give you as much time as may be now , and the rest at Michaelmas next . And His Majesty expects a present and positive answer upon which He may rely , His affairs being in such condition as can endure no longer delay . Notwithstanding this gracious Message , and all other His Majestie 's former Desires and Promises , and the Lords earnest perswasions , the House of Commons spent eight or nine hours more in debating the matter of Supply , without coming to any resolution at all ; and so mixed the consideration of that with other matters impertinent , and trenching highly to the diminution of His Majestie 's Royal Prerogative , that His Majesty plainly discerned they went about to weary and tire Him with delays : And though in words some did not deny to supply Him , yet in that also most moved to clog the Bill of Subsidies in such sort , that His Majesty could not have accepted it without great prejudice to His Prerogative ; and they were so far from declaring what they would do , that they entertained themselves with discourses tending to render odious to His people that gracious Government of His , under which all his People have during his happy Reign lived in such Peace and Felicity , when all the neighbouring Kingdoms and States were in Troubles and Combustions . His Majesty was hereupon enforced by the advice of his Privy Council to resolve to break up and dissolve the Parliament , from which he could hope for no other fruit than the hindring of his great Affairs , and disordering his happy Government . And therefore on Tuesday the fifth of May his Majesty came again in person to the Lords House , and sending for the Speaker and the House of Commons , when they were come up , said thus ; My LORDS , THere can no occasion of My coming to this House be so unpleasing to Me as this is at this time . The fear of doing that which I am to do this day made Me not long ago come to this House , where I expressed as well My Fears , as the Remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it : Vnto which I must confess and acknowledge that you ( My Lords of the Higher House ) did give Me so willing an ear , and with such affection did shew your selves thereafter , that certainly , I may say , if there had been any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament , you took it ; so that it was neither your Lordships fault , nor Mine , that it is not so . Therefore in the first place , I must give your Lordships thanks for your good Endeavours . I hope you remember what My Lord Keeper said to you the first day of the Parliament in My Name ; what likewise he said in the Banqueting-House in White Hall , and what I lately said to you in this place My self . I name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not well remember it , but to shew you , that I never said any thing in way of favour to My people , but that by the grace of God I will punctually and really perform it . I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances , and I will not say but that there may be some , ( though I will confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many as the publick voice doth make them . ) Wherefore I desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of Parliament I shall be as ready ( if not more willing ) to hear and redress any just Grievances , as in Parliament . There is one thing that is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is Religion ; concerning which , albeit I expressed My self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships , yet I think it fit again , on this occasion , to tell you , that ( as I am most concerned , so ) I shall be most careful to preserve that purity of Religion which , I thank God , is so well established in the Church of England , and that as well out of as in Parliament . My Lords , I shall not trouble you long with words , it being not My fashion : wherefore to conclude , what I offered the last day to the House of Commons , I think is well known to you all , as likewise how they accepted it ; which I desire not to remember , but wish that they had remembred how at first they were told in My Name by my Lord Keeper , That delay was the worst kind of denial . Yet I will not lay this fault on the whole House ( for I will not judge so uncharitably of those whom , for the most part , I take to be Loyal and well-affected Subjects ) but that it hath been the malicious cunning of some few seditiously-affected men that hath been the cause of this Misunderstanding . I shall now end as I began , in giving your Lordships thanks for your affection shewn to Me at this time ; desiring you to go on to assist me in the maintaining of that Regal power that is truly Mine : and as for the Liberty of the People , that they now so much seem to startle at , know , ( My Lords ) that no King in the world shall be more careful to maintain them in the Property of their Goods , Liberty of their Persons , and true Religion , than I shall be . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . Then the Lord Keeper added , My Lords , and you Gentlemen of the House of Commons , The King's Majesty doth dissolve this Parliament . BY all the proceedings herein declared , it is evident to all men how willing and desirous his Majesty hath been to make use of the ancient and noble way of Parliament , used and instituted by his Royal Predecessors , for the preservation and honour of this famous Monarchy ; and that on his Majestie 's part nothing was wanting that could be expected from a King , whereby this Parliament might have had an happy conclusion , for the comfort and content of all his Majesties Subjects , and for the good and safety of this Kingdom . On the contrary , it is apparent how those of the House of Commons ( whose sinister and malitious courses enforced his Majesty to dissolve this Parliament ) have vitiated and abused that ancient and noble way of Parliament , perverting the same to their own unworthy ends , and forgetting the true use and institution of Parliaments . For whereas these meetings and assemblies of his Majesty with the Peers and Commons of this Realm were in their first original , and in the practice of all succeeding ages , ordained and held as pledges and testimonies of Affection between the King and his People , the King for his part graciously hearing and redressing such Grievances as his People in humble and dutiful manner should represent unto Him , and the Subjects on their part , as Testimonies of their Duty , supplying His Majesty upon all extraordinary occasions , for the support of his Honour and Soveraignty , and for preserving the Kingdom in glory and safety ; those ill-affected Members of the House of Commons , instead of an humble and dutiful way of presenting their Grievances to his Majesty , have taken upon them to be the Guiders and Directors in all matters that concern his Majestie 's Government , both Temporal and Ecclesiastical , and ( as if Kings were bound to give an account of their Regal Actions and of their manner of Government to their Subjects assembled in Parliament ) they have in a very audacious and insolent way entred into examination and censuring of the present Government , traduced his Majestie 's administration of Justice , rendred ( as much as in them lay ) odious to the rest of his Majestie 's Subjects not only the Officers and Ministers of State , but even his Majestie 's very Government ; which hath been so just and gracious , that never did this or any other Nation enjoy more Blessings and Happiness than hath been by all his Majestie 's Subjects enjoyed ever since his Majestie 's access to the Crown , nor did this Kingdom ever so flourish in Trade and Commerce as at this present , or partake of more Peace and Plenty in all kinds whatsoever . And whereas the ordinary Revenues of the Crown not sufficing to defray extraordinary charges , it hath ever been the usage in all Parliaments to aid and assist the Kings of this Realm with free and fitting supply towards the maintenance of their Wars , and for making good their Royal undertakings , whereby the Kingdom intrusted to their protection might be held up in splendor and greatness ; those ill-affected persons of the House of Commons have been so far from treading in the steps of their Ancestors by their dutiful expressions in this kind , that contrarily they have introduced a way of bargaining and contracting with the King , as if nothing ought to be given Him by them but what He should buy and purchase of them , either by quitting somewhat of His Royal Prerogative , or by diminishing and lessening His Revenues . Which courses of theirs how repugnant they are to the duty of Subjects , how unfit for His Majesty in Honour to permit and suffer , and what hazard and dishonour they subject this Kingdom to , all men may easily judge that will but equally and impartially weigh them . His Majesty hath been by this means reduced to such streights and extremities , that were not His care of the Publick good and safety the greater , these men ( as much as in them lies ) would quickly bring ruine and confusion to the State , and render contemptible this glorious Monarchy . But this frowardness and undutiful behaviour of theirs cannot lessen His Majestie 's care of preserving the Kingdoms intrusted to His Protection and Government , nor His gracious and tender affection to His people ; for whose good and comfort His Majesty by God's gracious assistance will so provide , that all His loving Subjects may still enjoy the happiness of living under the blessed shade and protection of His Royal Scepter . In the mean time , to the end all His Majestie 's loving Subjects may know how graciously His Majesty is enclined to hear and redress all the just Grievances of His People , as well out of Parliament as in Parliament , His Majesty doth hereby further declare His Royal will and pleasure , that all His loving Subjects , who have any just cause to present or complain of any Grievances or Oppressions , may freely address themselves by their humble Petitions to His Sacred Majesty , who will graciously hear their complaints , and give such fitting redress therein , that all His people shall have just cause to acknowledge His Grace and Goodness towards them , and to be fully satisfied , that no persons or assemblies can more prevail with His Majesty than the Piety and Justice of His own Royal nature , and the tender affection He doth and shall ever bear to all His people and loving Subjects . THE PARABLE OF IOTHAN IUD . 9 And the Bramble sayd unto the Trees If in truth ye anoint me King over you , then come and put your trust in my shadow ; and if not , let Fire come out of the Bramble , and devour the Cedars of Lebanon . Iudg. 9. v. 15. Imperium Flagitio acquisitum nemo unquam bonis Artibus exercuit . Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. ( i. e. ) NO man ever used that Power Iustly which unjustly he did Usurp . ) Place this P. 241. The most high ruleth in the Kingdome of Men , and giueth it to Who●s●ever he will , and setteth up over it the Basest of men Dan 4. v. 17. Ph. Fruitiers deli● Iac. Nee●●s sculp 〈◊〉 DECLARATIONS AND PAPERS Concerning the Difference betwixt His MAJESTY AND HIS Fifth Parliament . MDCXLI Decemb. 1. The House of Commons PETITION , and Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom : with his Majesties Answers . The PETITION of the House of Commons which accompanied the Declaration of the state of the Kingdom , when it was presented to His MAJESTY at Hampton-Court . Most Gracious Sovereign , YOUR Majesties most humble and faithful Subjects , the Commoners in this present Parliament assembled , do with much thankfulness and joy acknowledge the great mercy and favour of God , in giving Your Majesty a safe and peaceable return out of Scotland into Your Kingdom of England , where the pressing Dangers and Distempers of the State have caused us with much earnestness to desire the comfort of Your gracious presence , and likewise the Unity and Justice of your Royal Authority to give more life and power to the dutiful and loyal Counsels and Endeavours of Your Parliament , for the prevention of that imminent Ruine and Destruction wherein Your Kingdoms of England and Scotland are threatned . The duty which we owe to Your Majesty and our Country cannot but make us very sensible and apprehensive , that the multiplicity , sharpness and malignity of those evils under which we have now many years suffered , are fomented and cherished by a corrupt and ill-affected party , who amongst other their mischievous devices for the alteration of Religion and Government , have sought by many false scandals and imputations cunningly insinuated , and dispersed among the People , to blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this Parliament , and to get themselves a party and faction amongst Your Subjects , for the better strengthening of themselves in their wicked courses , and hindering those provisions and remedies which might by the Wisdom of Your Majesty and Counsel of Your Parliament be opposed against them . For preventing whereof , and the better information of Your Majesty , Your Peers , and all other Your loyal Subjects , we have been necessitated to make a Declaration of the state of the Kingdom , both before and since the Assembly of this Parliament unto this time ; which we do humbly present to Your Majesty without the least intention to lay any blemish upon Your Royal Person , but only to represent how Your Royal Authority and trust have been abused , to the great prejudice and danger of Your Majesty and of all Your good Subjects . And because we have reason to believe that those malignant parties , whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for the advantage and increase of Popery , are composed , set up , and acted by the subtile practice of the Jesuites and other Engineers and Factors for Rome , and to the great danger of this Kingdom , and most grievous affliction of Your loyal Subjects , have so far prevailed , as to corrupt divers of Your Bishops , and others in prime places of the Church , and also to bring divers of these Instruments to be of Your Privy Council and other employments of trust and nearness about your Majesty , the Prince and the rest of Your Royal Children ; And by this means have had such an operation in Your Council , and the most important affairs and proceedings of Your Government , that a most dangerous division and chargeable preparation for War betwixt your Kingdoms of England and Scotland , the increase of Jealousies betwixt Your Majesty and Your most obedient Subjects , the violent distraction and interruption of this Parliament , the Insurrection of the Papists in Your Kingdom of Ireland , and bloody Massacre of Your People , have been not only endeavoured and attempted , but in a great measure compassed and effected : For preventing the final accomplishment hereof , Your poor Subjects are enforced to ingage their Persons and Estates to the maintaining of a very expenceful and dangerous War , notwithstanding they have already , since the beginning of this Parliament undergone the charge of 150000. pounds sterling , or thereabouts , for the necessary support and supply of Your Majesty in these present and perillous Designs . And because all our most faithful endeavours and engagements will be ineffectual for the peace , safety , and preservation of Your Majesty and Your People , if some present , real , and effectual course be not taken for suppressing this wicked and malignant party , We Your most humble and obedient Subjects do with all faithfulness and humility beseech Your Majesty . 1. That You will be graciously pleased to concurre with the humble desires of Your People in a Parliamentary way , for the preserving the peace and safety of the Kingdom from the malicious designs of the Popish party . For depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , and abridging their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy and other Your good Subjects , which they have most perniciously abused to the hazard of Religion , and great prejudice and oppression of the Laws of the Kingdom , and just Liberty of Your People . For the taking away such oppressions in Religion , Church-Government and Discipline , as have been brought in and fomented by them . For uniting all such Your loyal Subjects together , as joyn in the same Fundamental Truths against the Papists , by removing some oppressions and unnecessary Ceremonies , by which divers weak Consciences have been scrupled , and seem to be divided from the rest . For the due execution of those good Laws which have been made for securing the Liberty of Your Subjects . 2. That Your Majesty will likewise be pleased to remove from Your Council all such as persist to favour and promote any of those Pressures and Corruptions wherewith Your People have been grieved ; and that for the future Your Majesty will vouchsafe to employ such persons in Your great and publick Affairs , and to take such to be near You in places of trust , as Your Parliament may have cause to confide in ; that in Your Princely Goodness to Your People , You will reject and refuse all mediation and solicitation to the contrary , how powerful and near soever . 3. That You will be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the forfeited and escheated Lands in Ireland which shall accrue to Your Crown by reason of this Rebellion , that out of them the Crown may be the better supported , and some satisfaction made to Your Subjects of this Kingdom for the great expences they are like to undergo this War. Which humble desires of ours being graciously fulfilled by Your Majesty , we will by the blessing and favour of God , most chearfully undergo the hazard and expences of this War , and apply our selves to such other courses and counsels as may support Your Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home , with Power and Reputation abroad , and by our Loyal Affections , Obedience and Service , lay a sure and lasting foundation of the Greatness and Prosperity of Your Majesty , and Your Royal Posterity in future times . A REMONSTRANCE of the State of the Kingdom . THE Commons in this present Parliament assembled having with much earnestness , and faithfulness of affection and zeal to the publick good of this Kingdom , and His Majesties Honour and Service , for the space of twelve months wrastled with the great Dangers and Fears , the pressing Miseries and Calamities , the various Distempers and Disorders which had not only assaulted , but even overwhelmed and extinguisht the Liberty , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom , the comfort and hopes of all His Majesties good Subjects , and exceedingly weakned and undermined the foundation and strength of His own Royal Throne ; do yet find an abounding malignity and opposition in those Parties and Factions who have been the cause of those evils , and do still labour to cast aspersions upon that which hath been done , and to raise many difficulties for the hinderance of that which remains yet undone , and to foment Jealousies betwixt the King and the Parliament , that so they may deprive Him and His People of the fruit of his own gracious intentions , and their humble desires of procuring the publick Peace , Safety , and Happiness of this Realm . For the preventing of those miserable effects which such malicious endeavours may produce , We have thought good to declare , First , The Root and the growth of these mischievous Designs . Secondly , The Maturity and ripeness to which they have attained before the beginning of the Parliament . Thirdly , The effectual Means which have been used for the extirpation of those dangerous evils , and the Progress which hath therein been made by His Majesties Goodness and the wisdom of the Parliament . Fourthly , The ways of Obstruction and Opposition , by which that progress hath been interrupted . Fifthly , The courses to be taken for the removing those Obstacles , and for the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful intentions and endeavours of restoring and establishing the ancient Honour , Greatness , and Security of this Crown and Nation . The Root of all this mischief we find to be a malignant and pernicious design of subverting the Fundamental Laws and Principles of Government , upon which the Religion and Justice of this Kingdom are firmly establish'd . The Actors and Promoters hereof have been , First , The Jesuited Papists , who hate the Laws as the obstacles of that Change and subversion of Religion which they so much long for . Secondly , The Bishops and the corrupt part of the Clergy , who cherish Formality and Superstition , as the natural effects and more probable supports of their own Ecclesiastical Tyranny and Vsurpation . Thirdly , Such Counsellors and Courtiers as for private ends have engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign Princes or States , to the prejudice of His Majesty and the State at home . The Common Principles by which they moulded and governed all their particular Counsels and Actions were these . First , To maintain continual Differences and Discontents betwixt the King and the People , upon questions of Prerogative and Liberty , that so they might have the advantage of siding with Him , and under the notions of men addicted to His Service , gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest trust and power in the Kingdom . A Second , To suppress the purity and power of Religion , and such persons as were best affected to it ; as being contrary to their own ends , and the greatest impediment to that Change which they thought to introduce . A Third , to conjoyn those parties of the Kingdom which were most propitious to their own ends , and to divide those who were most opposite , which consisted in many particular observations ; to cherish the Arminian part in those Points wherein they agreè with the Papists , to multiply and enlarge the Differences betwixt the common Protestants and those whom they call Puritans , to introduce and countenance such Opinions and Ceremonies as are fittest for accommodation with Popery , to encrease and maintain ignorance , looseness and prophaneness in the People ; that of those three parties , Papists , Arminians and Libertines , they might compose a body fit to act such Counsels and resolutions as were most conducible to their own ends . A Fourth , To disaffect the King to Parliaments by Slanders and false Imputations , and by putting Him upon other waies of supply , which in shew and appearance were fuller of advantage then the ordinary course of Subsidies , though in truth they brought more loss than gain both to the King and People , and have caused the great Distractions under which we both suffer . As in all compounded bodies the Operations are qualified according to the predominant Element ; so in this mixt party the Jesuited Counsels being most active and prevailing , may easily be discovered to have had the greatest sway in all their determinations , and if they be not prevented , are likely to devour the rest , or to turn them into their own nature . In the beginning of His Majesties Reign the party begun to revive and flourish again , having been somewhat dampt by the breach with Spain in the last year of King James , and by His Majesties Marriage with France ; the Interests and Counsels of that State being not so contrary to the good of Religion and the prosperity of this Kingdom as those of Spain , and the Papists of England having been evermore addicted to Spain then France : yet they still retained a purpose and resolution to weaken the Protestant parties in all parts , and even in France , whereby to make way for the Change of Religion which they intended at home . The first effect and evidence of their recovery and strength was , the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford , after there had been given two Subsidies to His Majesty , and before they received relief in any one Grievance : many other more miserable effects followed . The loss of the Rochel Fleet , by the help of our Shipping , set forth and delivered over to the French , in opposition to the advice of Parliament ; which left that Town without defence by Sea , and made way not only to the loss of that important place , but likewise to the loss of all the strength and security of the Protestant Religion in France . The diverting of His Majesties course of Wars from the West - Indies , which was the most facile and hopeful way for this Kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard , to an expenceful and succesless attempt upon Cales ; which was so ordered , as if it had rather been intended to make us weary of War , then to prosper in it . The precipitate breach with France , by taking their Ships to a great value , without making recompence to the English , whose goods were thereupon imbarg'd and confiscate in that Kingdom . The Peace with Spain without consent of Parliament , contrary to the promise of King James to both Houses ; whereby the Palatine Cause was deserted , and left to chargeable and hopeless Treaties , which , for the most part , were managed by those who might justly be suspected to be no friends to that Cause . The charging of the Kingdom with billetted Souldiers in all parts of it , and that concomitant design of Germane horse ; that the Land might either submit with fear , or be enforced with rigour to such Arbitrary Contributions as should be required of them . The dissolving of the Parliament in the second year of His Majesties reign , after a Declaration of their intent to grant five Subsidies . The exacting of the like proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament dissolved , by Commission of Loan ; and divers Gentlemen and others imprisoned for not yielding to pay that Loan , whereby many of them contracted such Sicknesses as cost them their lives . Great sums of Money required and raised by privy Seals . An unjust and pernicious attempt to extort great payments from the Subject by way of Excise , and a Commission issued under Seal to that purpose . The Petition of Right , which was granted in full Parliament , blasted with an illegal Declaration , to make it destructive to it self , to the power of Parliament , to the Liberty of the Subject , and to that purpose printed with it ; and the Petition made of no use , but to shew the bold and presumptuous injustice of such Ministers as durst break the Laws , and suppress the Liberties of the Kingdom , after they had been so solemnly and evidently declared . Another Parliament dissolved 4 Car. the Priviledge of Parliament broken by imprisoning divers Members of the House , detaining them close Prisoners for many months together , without the liberty of using Books , Pen , Ink or Paper , denying them all the comforts of life , all means of preservation of health , not permitting their Wives to come unto them , even in time of their Sickness ; and for the compleating of that Cruelty , after years spent in such miserable durance , depriving them of the necessary means of Spiritual consolation , not suffering them to go abroad to enjoy God's Ordinances in God's House , or God's Ministers to come to them , to administer comfort unto them in their private Chambers : and to keep them still in this oppressed condition , not admitting them to be bailed according to Law , yet vexing them with Informations in inferiour Courts , sentencing and fining some of them for matters done in Parliament , and extorting the payments of those Fines from them ; enforcing others to put in Security of good behaviour , before they could be released . The imprisonment of the rest which refused to be bound still continued ; which might have been perpetual , if necessity had not the last year brought another Parliament to relieve-them ; of whom one died by the cruelty and harshness of his Imprisonment , which would admit of no relaxation , notwithstanding the imminent danger of his life did sufficiently appear by the declaration of his Physician , and his release , or at least his refreshment , was sought by many humble Petitions . And his blood still cries either for vengeance or repentance of those Ministers of State , who have at once obstructed the course both of His Majesties Justice and Mercy . Upon the dissolution of both these Parliaments , untrue and scandalous Declarations were published , to asperse their proceedings and some of their Members , unjustly to make them odious , and colour the violence which was used against them ; Proclamations set out to the same purpose , and to the great dejecting of the hearts of the people , forbidding them even to speak of Parliaments . After the breach of the Parliament , in the fourth year of His Majesty , Injustice , Oppression and Violence broke in upon us without any restraint or moderation : and yet the first project was the great sums exacted through the whole Kingdom for default of Knighthood , which seemed to have some colour and shadow of a Law ; yet if it be rightly examined by that obsolete Law which was pretended for it , it would be found to be against all the rules of Justice , both in respect of the persons charged , the proportion of the Fines demanded , and the absurd and unreasonable manner of their proceedings . Tonnage and Poundage hath been received without colour or pretence of Law ; many other heavy Impositions continued against Law ; and some so unreasonable , that the sum of the charge exceeds the value of the Goods . The Book of Rates lately inhanced to a high proportion ; and such Merchants as would not submit to their illegal and unreasonable payments , were vexed and oppressed above measure , and the ordinary course of Justice , the common Birth-right of the Subject of England , wholly obstructed unto them . And although all this was taken upon pretence of guarding the Sea , yet a new and unheard-of Tax of Ship-money was devised upon the same pretence . By both which there was charged upon the Subject near 700000 l. some years ; and yet the Merchants have been left so naked to the violence of the Turkish Pirats , that many great Ships of value and thousands of His Majesties Subjects have been taken by them , and do still remain in miserable slavery . The enlargement of Forests , contrary to Charta de Foresta and the composition thereupon . The exactions of Coat and Conduct-Money , and divers other Military charges . The taking away the Arms of the Trained Bands of divers Counties . The desperate design of engrossing all the Gun-powder into one hand , keeping it in the Tower of London , and setting so high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy it , nor could any have it without Licence ; thereby to leave the several parts of the Kingdom destitute of their necessary defence , and by selling so dear that which was sold , to make an unlawful advantage of it , to the great charge and detriment of the Subject . The general destruction of the Kings Timber , especially that in the Forest of Dean , sold to Papists , which was the best Store-house of this Kingdom for the maintenance of our Shipping . The taking away of mens Right , under colour of the Kings title to Land between high and low water-Marks . The Monopolies of Sope , Salt , Wine , Leather , Sea-coal , and in a manner , of all things of most common and necessary use . The restraint of the Liberties of the Subjects in their Habitation , Trades , and other Interest . Their vexation and oppression by Purveyors , Clarks of the Market , and Salt-Peter-men . The sale of pretended Nusanzes , as Buildings in and about London , conversion of Arable into Pasture , continuance of Pasture under the name of depopulation , have drawn many Millions out of the Subjects Purses , without any considerable profit to His Majesty . Large quantities of Common and several Grounds have been taken from the Subject by colour of the Statute of Improvement , and by abuse of the Commission of Sewers , without their consent and against it . And not only private Interest , but also publick Faith have been broken , in seizing of the Money and Bullion in the Mint ; and the whole Kingdom like to be robb'd at once in that abominable project of Brass Money . Great numbers of His Majesties Subjects , for refusing those unlawful charges , have been vext with long and expensive suits ; some fined and censured , others committed to long and hard imprisonments and confinements , to the loss of health in many , of life in some ; and others have had their Houses broken up , their Goods seized ; some have been restrained from their lawful Callings : Ships have been interrupted in their Voyages , surprized at Sea in an hostile manner by Projectors , as by a common Enemy ; Merchants prohibited to unlade their goods in such Ports as were for their own advantage , and forced to bring them to those places which were most for the advantages of the Monopolizers and Projectors . The Court of Star-Chamber hath abounded in extravagant Censures , not only for the maintenance and improvement of Monopolies and other unlawful Taxes , but for divers other Causes , where there hath been no offence , or very small ; whereby His Majesties Subjects have been oppressed by grievous Fines , Imprisonments , Stigmatizings , Mutilations , Whippings , Pillories , Gags , Confinements , Banishments , after so rigid a manner , as hath not only deprived men of the society of their Friends , exercise of their Professions , comfort of Books , use of Paper or Ink , but even violated that near Union which God hath establisht betwixt Men and their Wives , by forced and constrained separation ; whereby they have been bereaved of the comfort and conversation one of another for many years together , without hope of relief , if God had not by his over-ruling Providence given some interruption to the prevailing power and counsel of those who were the Authors and Promoters of such peremptory and heady courses . Judges have been put out of their places for refusing to do against their Oaths and Consciences : Others have been so awed , that they durst not do their duties ; and the better to hold a rod over them , the Clause Quamdiu se bene gesserit was left out of their Patents , and a new Clause Durante beneplacito inserted . Lawyers have been checkt for being faithful to their Clients ; Solicitors and Attorneys have been threatned , and some punished , for following lawful Suites : And by this means all the approaches to Justice were interrupted and fore-cluded . New Oathes have been forced upon the Subject against Law ; new Judicatories erected without Law. The Council-Table have by their Orders offered to bind the Subjects in their Free-holds , Estates , Suites and Actions . The pretended Court of the Earl-Marshal was Arbitrary and Illegal in its being and proceedings . The Chancery , Exchequer-Chamber , Court of Wards , and other English Courts have been grievous in exceeding their Jurisdiction : The estate of many Families weakned , and some ruined , by excessive Fines exacted from them for Compositions of Wardships : All Leases of above a hundred years made to draw on Wardship contrary to Law. Undue proceedings used in the finding of Offices , to make the Jury find for the King. The Common-Law Courts , seeing all men more inclined to seek Justice there where it may be fitted to their own desire , are known frequently to forsake the Rules of the Common-Law , and straining beyond their bounds , under pretence of Equity to do Injustice . Titles of Honour , Judicial places , Serjeantships at Law and other Offices , have been sold for great sums of money , whereby the common Justice of the Kingdom hath been much endangered ; not only by opening a way of employment in places of great Trust and advantage to men of weak parts , but also by giving occasion to Bribery , Extortion , Partiality ; it seldom hapning that places ill gotten are well used . Commissions have been granted for examining the excess of Fees : and when great Exactions have been discovered , Compositions have been made with Delinquents , not only for the time past , but likewise for immunity and security in offending for the time to come ; which under colour of remedy , hath but confirmed and encreased the Grievance to the Subject . The usual course of pricking Sheriffs not observed , but many times Sheriffs made in an extraordinary way : sometimes as a punishment and charge unto them ; sometimes such were pricked out as would be Instruments to execute whatsoever they would have to be done . The Bishops and the rest of the Clergy did triumph in the Suspensions , Excommunications , Deprivations and Degradations of divers painful , learned and pious Ministers , in the vexation and grievous oppression of great numbers of His Majesties good Subjects . The High-Commission grew to such excess of sharpness and severity , as was not much less then the Romish Inquisition ; and yet in many cases by the Arch-bishops power was made much more heavy , being assisted and strengthened by authority of the Council-Table . The Bishops and their Courts were as eager in the Country ; and although their Jurisdiction could not reach so high in rigor and extremity of punishment , yet were they no less grievous in respect of the generality and multiplicity of vexations , which lighting upon the meaner sort of Trades-men and Artificers , did impoverish many thousands , and so afflict and trouble others , that great numbers , to avoid their miseries , departed out of the Kingdom , some into New-England and other parts of America , others into Holland , where they have transported their Manufactures of Cloth ; which is not only a loss , by diminishing the present stock of the Kingdom , but a great mischief , by impairing and endangering the loss of that peculiar Trade of Cloathing , which hath been a plentiful fountain of Wealth and Honour to this Nation . Those were fittest for Ecclesiastical preferment , and soonest obtained it , who were most officious in promoting Superstition , most virulent in railing against Godliness and Honesty . The most publick and solemn Sermons before His Majesty were either to advance Prerogative above Law , and decry the Property of the Subject ; or full of such kind of Invectives whereby they might make those odious who sought to maintain the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom : and such men were sure to be weeded out of the Commission of the Peace , and out of all other imployments of power in the Government of the Countrey . Many noble Personnages were Councellors in name , but the power and authority remained in a few of such as were most addicted to this party ; whose resolutions and determinations were brought to the Table for countenance and execution , and not for debate and deliberation ; and no man could offer to oppose them without disgrace and hazard to himself . Nay all those that did not wholly concur and actively contribute to the furtherance of their designs , though otherwise persons of never so great Honour and Abilities , were so far from being employed in any place of trust and power , that they were neglected , discountenanced , and upon all occasions injured and oppressed . This Faction was grown to that height and entireness of power , that now they began to think of finishing their Work , which consisted of these three parts . 1. The Government must be set free from all restraint of Laws concerning our Persons and States . 2. There must be a Conjunction betwixt Papists and Protestants in Doctrine , Discipline and Ceremonies ; only it must not yet be called Popery . 3. The Puritans , ( under which name they include all those that desire to preserve the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , and to maintain Religion in the power of it ) must be either rooted out of the Kingdom with force , or driven out with fear . For the effecting of this , it was thought necessary to reduce Scotland to such Popish Superstitions and Innovations as might make them apt to joyn with England in that great Change which was intended . Whereupon new Canons and a new Liturgy were prest upon them ; and when they refused to admit of them , an Army was raised to force them to it , towards which the Clergy and the Papists were very forward in their Contribution . The Scots likewise raised an Army for their defence : and when both Armies were come together , and ready for a bloody encounter , His Majesties own Gracious Disposition , and the Counsel of the English Nobility , and Dutiful submission of the Scots , did so far prevail against the evil Counsel of others , that a Pacification was made , and His Majesty returned with Peace and much Honour to London . The unexpected Reconciliation was most acceptable to all the Kingdom , except to the malignant party ; whereof the Archbishop and the Earl of Strafford being heads , they and their faction begun to inveigh against the Peace , and to aggravate the proceeding of the States , which so incensed His Majesty , that He forthwith prepared again for War. And such was their confidence , that having corrupted and distempered the whole frame and Government of the Kingdom , they did now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to restore all to a right frame and temper again . To which end they perswaded His Majesty to call a Parliament , not to seek counsel and advice of them , but to draw countenance and Supply from them , and engage the whole Kingdom in their Quarrel : and in the mean time continued all their unjust Levies of Money , resolving either to make the Parliament pliant to their Will , and to establish mischief by a Law , or else to brake it ; and with more colour to go on by violence , to take what they could not obtain by consent . The ground alledged for the justification of this War was this , That the undutiful Demands of the Parliaments of Scotland was a sufficient reason for His Majesty to take Arms against them , without hearing the Reason of those Demands . And thereupon a new Army was prepared against them , their Ships were seized in all Ports both of England and Ireland , and at Sea , their Petitions rejected , their Commissioners refused Audience , this whole Kingdom most miserably distempered with Levies of Men and Money , and Imprisonments of those who denied to submit to those Levies . The Earl of Strafford past into Ireland , caused the Parliament there to declare against the Scots , to give four Subsidies towards that War , and to ingage themselves , their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of it ; and gave directions for an Army of eight thousand foot and one thousand horse to be levied there , which were for the most part Papists . The Parliament met upon the thirteenth of April one thousand six hundred and forty . The Earl of Strafford and Archbishop of Canterbury with their Party so prevailed with His Majesty , that the House of Commons was prest to yield to a Supply for maintenance of the War with Scotland , before they had provided any relief for the great and pressing Grievances of the people : which being against the fundamental Privilege and proceeding of Parliament , was yet in humble respect to His Majesty so far admitted , as that they agreed to take the matter of Supply into consideration , and two several days it was debated . Twelve Subsidies were demanded for the release of Ship-money alone . A third day was appointed for conclusion : when the Heads of that Party begun to fear the people might close with the King in satisfying his desire of money ; but that withal they were like to blast their malicious designs against Scotland , finding them very much indisposed to give any countenance to that War. Thereupon they wickedly advised the King to break off the Parliament , and to return to the ways of Confusion , in which their own evil intentions were most like to prosper and succeed . After the Parliament ended the fifth of May 1640. this Party grew so bold , as to counsel the King to supply Himself out of his Subjects states by His own Power , at His own will , without their consent . The very next day some Members of both Houses had their studies and cabinets , yea their pockets , searched : another of them not long after was committed close prisoner , for not delivering some Petitions which he received by authority of that House . And if harsher courses were intended ( as was reported ) it is very probable that the sickness of the Earl of Strafford , and the tumultuous rising in Southwark and about Lambeth , were the causes that such violent intentions were not brought to execution . A false and scandalous Declaration against the House of Commons was published in his Majesties Name ; which yet wrought little effect with the people , but only to manifest the impudence of those who were Authors of it . A forced Loan of money was attempted in the City of London . The Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their several Wards enjoyned to bring in a list of the names of such persons as they judged fit to lend , and of the summ they should lend . And such Aldermen as refused so to do , were committed to prison . The Archbishop and the other Bishops and Clergy continued the Convocation , and by a new Commission turned it to a Provincial Synod , in which , by an unheard of presumption , they made Canons that contain in them many matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative , to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm , to the Right of Parliaments , to the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous consequence , thereby establishing their own Usurpations , justifying their Altar-worship , and those other superstitious Innovations which they formerly introduced without warrant of Law. They imposed a new Oath upon divers of his Majesties Subjects , both Ecclesiastical and Lay , for maintenance of their own Tyranny , and laid a great tax upon the Clergy for supply of his Majesty ; and generally they shewed themselves very affectionate to the War with Scotland , which was by some of them styled Bellum Episcopale , and a Prayer composed , and enjoyned to be read in all Churches , calling the Scots Rebels , to put the two Nations into blood , and make them irreconcilable . All those pretended Canons and Constitutions were armed with the several Censures of Suspension , Excommunication , Deprivation , by which they would have thrust out all the good Ministers , and most of the well affected people of the Kingdom , and left an easie passage to their own design of reconciliation with Rome . The Popish party enjoyned such exemptions from the Penal Laws as amounted to a Toleration , besides many other encouragements and Court-favours : They had a Secretary of State , Sir Francis Windebank , a powerful Agent for the speeding of all their desires ; a Pope's Nuntio residing here to act and govern them according to such influences as he received from Rome , and to intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the foreign Princes of that Religion . By his authority the Papists of all sorts , Nobility , Gentry and Clergy were convocated after the manner of a Parliament , new Jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops , Taxes levied , another State moulded within this State independent in Government , contrary in Interest and affection , secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent Professours of our Religion , and closely uniting and combining themselves against such as were sound , in this posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope to seduce . For the effecting whereof they were strengthened with Arms and Munition , encouraged by superstitious Prayers enjoyned by the Nuntio to be weekly made for the prosperity of some great Design . And such power had they at Court , that secretly a Commission was issued out , intended to be issued to some Great men of that profession , for the levying of Souldiers , and to command and employ them according to private instructions , which we doubt were framed for the advantage of those who were the contrivers of them . His Majesties Treasure was consumed , His Revenue anticipated , His Servants and Officers compelled to lend great sums of mony ; Multitudes were called to the Council-Table , who were tired with long attendances there , for refusing illegal payments . The Prisons were filled with their Commitments ; many of the Sheriffs summoned into the Star-Chamber , and some imprisoned for not being quick enough in levying the Ship-money ; the people languished under grief and fear , no visible hope being left but in desperation . The Nobility began to be weary of their silence and patience , and sensible of the duty and trust which belongs to them : and thereupon some of the most eminent of them did petition His Majesty , at such a time when evil Counsels were so strong that they had reason to expect more hazard to themselves then redress of those publick evils for which they interceded . Whilest the Kingdom was in this agitation and distemper , the Scots , restrained in their Trades , impoverished by the loss of many of their Ships , bereaved of all possibility of satisfying His Majesty by any naked Supplication , entred with a powerful Army into the Kingdom , and without any hostile Act or spoil in the Countrey as they passed , more then forcing a passage over the Tyne at Newborne near Newcastle , possessed themselves of Newcastle , and had a fair opportunity to press on further upon the Kings Army : but duty and reverence to His Majesty , and brotherly love to the English Nation , made them stay there , whereby the King had leisure to entertain better Counsels ; wherein God so blessed and directed Him , that He summoned the great Council of Peers to meet at York upon the twenty fourth of September , and there declared a Parliament to begin the third of November then following . The Scots the first day of the great Council presented an humble Petition to His Majesty ; whereupon the Treaty was appointed at Rippon , a present Cessation of arms agreed upon , and the full conclusion of all Differences referred to the wisdom and care of the Parliament . At our first meeting all Oppositions seemed to vanish ; the mischiefs were so evident which those evil Counsellors produced , that no man durst stand up to defend them . Yet the work it self afforded difficulty enough . The multiplied evils and corruption of sixteen years , strengthned by Custome and Authority , and the concurrent interest of many powerful Delinquents , were now to be brought to judgment and Reformation . The Kings Houshold was to be provided for ; they had brought Him to that want , that He could not supply His ordinary and necessary Expences without the assistance of His People . Two Armies were to be payed , which amounted very near to thirty thousand pounds a month ; the people were to be tenderly charged , having been formerly exhausted with many burthensome Projects . The Difficulties seemed to be insuperable , which by the Divine Providence we have overcome ; the Contrarieties incompatible , which yet in a great measure we have reconciled . Six Subsidies have been granted , and a Bill of Poll-money , which , if it be duly levied , may equal six Subsidies more , in all six hundred thousand pounds . Besides , we have contracted a debt to the Scots of two hundred and twenty thousand pounds ; and yet God hath so blessed the endeavours of this Parliament , that the Kingdom is a great gainer by all these charges . The Ship-money is abolished which cost the Kingdom above 200000 pounds a year . The Coat and Conduct-money and other military charges are taken away , which in many Countries amounted to little less then the Ship-money . The Monopolies are all supprest , whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million yearly : the Soap an hundred thousand pounds , the Wine three hundred thousand pounds , the Leather must needs exceed both , and Salt could not be less then that ; besides the inferiour Monopolies , which , if they could be exactly computed , would make up a great sum . That which is more beneficial then all this is , that the root of these evils is taken away , which was the arbitrary power pretended to be in His Majesty , of taxing the Subject , or charging their estates without consent in Parliament , which is now declared to be against Law by the judgment of both Houses , and likewise by an Act of Parliament . Another step of great advantage is this , the living Grievances , the evil Counsellors and actors of these mischiefs have been so quelled by the Justice done upon the Earl of Strafford , the flight of the Lord Finch and Secretary Windebank , the accusation and imprisonment of the Archbishop of Canterbury , of Judge Bartlet , and the impeachment of divers other Bishops and Judges , that it is like not only to be an ease to the present times , but a preservation to the future . The discontinuance of Parliaments is prevented by the Bill for a Triennial Parliament , and the abrupt dissolution of this Parliament by another Bill ; by which it is provided it shall not be dissolved or adjourned without the consent of both Houses . Which two Laws well considered may be thought more advantageous then all the former , because they secure a full operation of the present remedy , and afford a perpetual Spring of remedies for the future . The Star-chamber , the High-Commission , the Courts of the President and Council in the North , were so many forges of Misery , Oppression , and Violence , and are all taken away ; whereby men are more secured in their Persons , Liberties and Estates , then they could be by any Law or Example for the regulation of those Courts , or Terror of the Judges . The immoderate power of the Council-Table and the excessive abuse of that power is so ordered and restrained , that we may well hope that no such things as were frequently done by them , to the prejudice of the publick Liberty , will appear in future times , but only in Stories , to give us and our posterity more occasion to praise God for his Majesties Goodness , and the faithful endeavours of this Parliament . The Canons and the power of Canon-making , are blasted by the Vote of both Houses . The exorbitant power of Bishops and their Courts are much abated , by some Provisions in the Bill against the High-Commission Court. The Authors of the many Innovations in Doctrine and Ceremonies , the Ministers that have been scandalous in their lives , have been so terrified in just Complaints and Accusations , that we may well hope they will be more modest for the time to come ; either inwardly convicted by the sight of their own folly , or outwardly restrained by the fear of punishment . The Forests are by a good Law reduced to their right bounds ; the encroachments and oppressions of the Stannary Courts , the Extortions of the Clark of the Market , and the Compulsion of the Subject to receive the Order of Knight-hood against his will , paying of Fines for not receiving it , and the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of those Fines , are by other beneficial Laws reformed and prevented . Many excellent Laws and provisions are in preparation for removing the inordinate power , vexation and usurpation of Bishops , for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the Clergy , for easing the people of unnecessary Ceremonies in Religion , for censuring and removing unworthy and unprofitable Ministers , and for maintaining godly and diligent Preachers through the Kingdom . Other things of main importance for the good of this Kingdom are in proposition ; though little could hitherto be done , in regard of the many other more pressing businesses , which yet before the end of this Session we hope may receive some progress and perfection . The establishing and ordering the Kings Revenue , that so the abuse of Officers and superfluity of expences may be cut off , and the necessary disbursements for His Majesties Honour , the defence and government of the Kingdom , may be more certainly provided for : The regulating of Courts of Justice , and abridging both the delaies and charges of Law-suits : The setling of some good courses for preventing the exportation of Gold and Silver , and the inequality of exchanges betwixt us and other Nations ; for the advancing of native Commodities , increase of our Manufactures , and well-balancing of Trade , whereby the stock of the Kingdom may be increased , or at least kept from impairing , as through neglect hereof it hath done for many years last past ; for improving the Herring-fishing upon our own Coasts , which will be of mighty use in the imployment of the poor , and a plentiful Nursery of Mariners for inabling the Kingdom in any great action . The Oppositions , Obstructions , and other Difficulties wherewith we have been encountred , and which still lye in our way with some strength and much obstinacy , are these : The malignant party , whom we have formerly described to be the Actors and Promoters of all our Misery , they have taken heart again : They have been able to prefer some of their own Factors and Agents to degrees of Honour , to places of Trust and imployment , even during the Parliament : They have indeavoured to work in His Majesty ill impressions and opinions of our proceedings , as if we had altogether done our own work , and not his , and had obtained from Him many things very prejudicial to the Crown , both in respect of Prerogative and Profit . To wipe out this Slander , We think good ouly to say thus much , That all that we have done is for His Majesty , His Greatness , Honour and Support . When we yielded to give twenty five thousand pounds a month for the relief of the Northern Countries , this was given to the King , for he was bound to protect His Subjects ; they were His Majesties evil Counsellors and their ill instruments that were actors in these Grievances which brought in the Scots : and if His Majesty please to force those who were the Authors of this War to make satisfaction , as He might justly and easily do , it seems very reasonable that the people might well be excused from taking upon them this burthen , being altogether innocent , and free from being any causes of it . When we undertook the charge of the Army , which cost above 50000 pound a month , was not this given to the King ? was it not His Majesties Army ? were not all the Commanders under contract with His Majesty at higher rates and greater wages then ordinary ? And have not we taken upon us to discharge all the brotherly assistance of three hundred thousand pounds which we gave the Scots ? was it not toward repair of those damages and losses which they received from the Kings Ships and from His Ministers ? These three particulars amount to above eleven hundred thousand pounds ; besides His Majesty hath received by Impositions upon Merchandise at least four hundred thousand pounds : so that his Majesty hath had out of the Subjects purse since the Parliament began one million and an half , and yet these men can be so impudent as to tell His Majesty that we have done nothing for Him. As to the second branch of this Slander , we acknowledge with much thankfulness that his Majesty hath passed more good Bills to the advantage of the Subjects then have been in many Ages : but withall we cannot forget that these venomous counsels did manifest themselves in some endeavours to hinder these good Acts. And for both Houses of Parliament we may with truth and modesty say thus much , That we have ever been careful not to desire any thing that should weaken the Crown , either in just Profit or useful Power . The Triennial Parliament , for the matter of it , doth not extend to so much as by Law we ought to have required , there being two Statutes still in force for a Parliament to be once a year ; and for the manner of it , it is in the Kings power that it shall never take effect , if he by a timely summons shall prevent any other way of assembling . In the Bill for continuance of this present Parliament , there seems to be some restraint of the Royal power in dissolving of Parliaments ; not to take it out of the Crown , but to suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion onely ; which was so necessary for the Kings own security and the publick Peace , that without it we could not have undertaken any of these great charges , but must have left both the Armies to disorder and confusion , and the whole Kingdom to blood and rapine . The Star-chamber was much more fruitful in oppression then in profit , the great Fines being for the most part given away , and the rest stalled at long times . The Fines of the High-Commission were in themselves unjust , and seldom or never came into the Kings purse . These four Bills are particularly and more specially instanced , in the rest there will not be found so much as a shadow of prejudice to the Crown . They have sought to diminish our reputation with the people , and to bring them out of love with Parliaments : the aspersions which they have attempted this way have been such as these : That we have spent much time and done little , especially in those Grievances which concern Religion . That the Parliament is a burthen to the Kingdom by the abundance of Protections , which hinder Justice and Trade ; and by many Subsidies granted , much more heavy then any they formerly endured . To which there is a ready answer : If the time spent in this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long growth and deep root of those Grievances which we have removed , to the powerful supports of those Delinquents which we have pursued , to the great necessities and other charges of the Commonwealth for which we have provided ; or if it be considered in relation forward to many advantages which not only the present but future ages are like to reap by the good Laws and other proceedings in this Parliament ; we doubt not but it will be thought by all indifferent judgments , that our time hath been much better imployed then in a far greater proportion of time in many former Parliaments put together ; and the charges which have been laid upon the Subjects , and the other inconveniences which they have born , will seem very light in respect of the benefit they have and may receive . And for the matter of Protections , the Parliament is so sensible of it , that therein they intend to give them whatsoever ease may stand with Honour and Justice ; and are in a way of passing a Bill to give them satisfaction . They have sought by many subtle practices to cause jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of Scotland , by slandering their proceedings and intentions towards us , and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense them and us one against another . They have had such a party of Bishops and Popish Lords in the House of Peers as hath caused much opposition and delay in the prosecution of Delinquents , hindered the proceedings of divers good Bills passed in the Commons House concerning the reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in Church and State. They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the Commons House , to draw them into Conspiracies and Combinations against the Liberty of the Parliament : and by their Instruments and agents they have attempted to disaffect and discontent His Majesties Army , and to engage it for the maintenance of their wicked and traiterous designs , the keeping up of Bishops in their Votes and Functions , and by force to compel the Parliament to order , limit and dispose their proceedings in such manner as might best concur with the intentions of this dangerous and potent faction . And when one mischievous design and attempt of theirs to bring on the Army against the Parliament and the City of London had been discovered and prevented , they presently undertook another of the same damnable nature , with this addition to it , to endeavour to make the Scotish Army neutral , whilst the English Army , which they had laboured to corrupt and invenome against us by their false and slanderous suggestions , should execute their malice to the subversion of our Religion and the dissolution of our Government . Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the Peace , and plotting the destruction even of all the Kings dominions , and have employed their Emissaries and Agents in them all for the promoting of their devilish designs , which the vigilancy of those who were well-affected hath still discovered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in England and Scotland ; only in Ireland , which was farther off , they have had time and opportunity to mould and prepare their work , and had brought it to that perfection , that they had possessed themselves of that whole Kingdom , totally subverted the Government of it , rooted out Religion , and destroyed all the Protestants , whom the conscience of their duty to God , their King and Countrey , would not have permitted to joyn with them , if by God's wonderful providence their main enterprise upon the City and Castle of Dublin had not been detected and prevented upon the very Eve before it should have been executed . Notwithstanding they have in other parts of that Kingdom broken out into open Rebellion , surprized Towns and Castles , committed murders , rapes and other villanies , and shaken off all bonds of Obedience to His Majesty and the Laws of the Realm ; and in general have kindled such a fire , as nothing but God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this State will be able to quench it . And certainly , had not God in his great mercy unto this Land discovered and confounded their former designs , we had been the Prologue to this Tragedy in Ireland , and had by this time been made the lamentable spectacle of misery and confusion . And now what hope have we but in God , when as the only means of our subsistence and power of Reformation is under Him in the Parliament ? But what can we the Commons , without the conjunction of the House of Lords ? and what conjunction can we expect there , when the Bishops and Recusant Lords are so numerous and prevalent , that they are able to cross and interrupt our best endeavours for Reformation , and by that means give advantage to this malignant party to traduce our proceedings ? They infuse into the People , that we mean to abolish all Church-government , and leave every man to his own fancy for the Service and Worship of God , absolving him of that Obedience which he owes under God unto His Majesty , whom we know to be entrusted with the Ecclesiastical Law as well as with the Temporal , to regulate all the members of the Church of England by such rules of order and discipline as are established by Parliament , which is his great Council in all affairs both of Church and State. We confess our intention is , and our endeavours have been , to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the Prelates have assumed unto themselves so contrary both to the Word of God and to the Laws of the Land : to which end we past the Bill for the removing them from their Temporal power and employments , that so the better they might with meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions : Which Bill themselves opposed , and were the principal instruments of crossing it . And we do here declare , that it is far from our purpose or desire to let loose the golden reins of Discipline and Government in the Church , to leave private persons or particular Congregations to take up what form of Divine Service they please : for we hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole Realm a Conformity to that Order which the Laws enjoyn , according to the Word of God ; and we desire to unburthen the Consciences of men of needless and superstitious Ceremonies , suppress innovations , and take away the monuments of Idolatry . And the better to effect the intended Reformation , we desire there may be a general Synod of the most grave , pious , learned and judicious Divines of this Island , assisted with some from foreign parts , professing the same Religion with us , who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and good Government of the Church , and represent the results of their consultations unto the Parliament , to be there allowed of and confirmed , and receive the stamp of Authority , thereby to find passage and obedience throughout the Kingdom . They have malitiously charged us that we intend to destroy and discourage Learning , whereas it is our chiefest care and desire to advance it , and to provide a competent maintenance for conscionable and preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom , which will be a great encouragement to Scholars , and a certain means whereby the want , meanness and ignorance to which a great part of the Clergy is now subject will be prevented . And we intend likewise to reform and purge the fountains of Learning , the two Universities , that the streams flowing from thence may be clear and pure , and an honour and comfort to the whole Land. They have strained to blast our proceedings in Parliament , by wresting the interpretation of our Orders from their genuine intention . They tell the people , that our medling with the power of Episcopacy hath caused Sectaries and Conventicles , when Idolatry and Popish Ceremonies introduced in the Church by the command of the Bishops have not only debarred the people from thence , but expelled them from the Kingdom . Thus with El ah we are called by this malignant party the Troublers of the State ; and still while we endeavour to reform their abuses , they make us the Authors of those mischiefs we study to prevent . For the perfecting of the Work begun , and removing all future impediments , we conceive these courses will be very effectual : seeing the Religion of the Papists hath such Principles as do certainly tend to the destruction and extirpation of all Protestants , when they shall have opportunity to effect it . It is necessary in the first place to keep them in such a condition as that they may not be able to do us any hurt . And for avoiding of such connivence and favour as hath heretofore been shewed unto them , that His Majesty be pleased to grant a standing Commission to some choice men named in Parliament , who may take notice of their encrease , their counsels and proceedings , and use all due means by execution of the Laws to prevent all mischievous designs against the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom . That some good course be taken to discover the counterfeit and false conformity of Papists to the Church ; by colour whereof persons very much disaffected to the true Religion have been admitted into place of greatest authority and trust in the Kingdom . For the better preservation of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , that all illegal Grievances and Exactions be presented and punished at the Sessions and Assizes : and that Judges and Justices be very careful to give this in charge to the Grand-Jury , and both the Sheriff and Justices to be sworn to the due execution of the Petition of Right and other Laws . That His Majesty be humbly petitioned by both Houses , to employ such Counsellours , Ambassadours and other Ministers in managing His business at home and abroad , as the Parliament may have cause to confide in ; without which we cannot give His Majesty such Supplies for support of His own estate , nor such assistance to the Protestant party beyond the Sea as is desired . It may often fall out that the Commons may have just cause to take exceptions at some men for being Counsellors , and yet not charge those men with crimes : for there be grounds of diffidence which lye not in proof ; there are others which , though they may be proved , yet are not legally criminal . To be a known favourer of Papists , or to have been very forward in defending or countenancing some great Offendors questioned in Parliament , or to speak contemptuously of either House of Parliament or Parliamentary proceedings , or such as are Factours or Agents for any foreign Prince of another Religion , such are justly suspect to get Counsellours places , or any other of trust concerning publick employment , for money . For all these and divers others we may have great reason to be earnest with His Majesty , not to put His great affairs into such hands , though we may be unwilling to proceed against them in any legal way of charge or impeachment . That all Counsellours of State may be sworn to observe those Laws which concern the Subject in his Liberty . That they may likewise take an Oath , not to receive or give reward or pension from any foreign Prince , but such as they shall within some reasonable time discover to the Lords of His Majesties Council : And although they should wickedly forswear themselves , yet it may herein do good , to make them known to be false and perjured to those who employ them , and thereby bring them into as little credit with them as with us . That His Majesty may have cause to be in love with good counsel and good men , by shewing Him in an humble and dutiful manner how full of advantage it would be to Himself , to see His own estate settled in a plentiful condition to support His Honour ; to see His people united in ways of Duty to Him and endeavours of the publick good ; to see Happiness , Wealth , Peace and Safety derived to His own Kingdom , and procured to His Allies , by the Influence of His own Power and Government . That all good courses may be taken to unite the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland , to be mutually aiding and assisting of one another for the common good of the Island , and honour of both . To take away all differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion ; and to unite our selves against the common enemies , which are the better enabled by our Divisions to destroy us all , as they hope , and have often endeavoured . To labour by all offices of friendship to unite the foreign Churches with us in the same Cause , and to seek their liberty , safety and prosperity , as bound thereunto both by charity to them and by wisdom for our own good . For by this means our own strength shall be encreased , and by a mutual concurrence to the same common End we shall be enabled to procure the good of the whole body of the Protestant profession . If these things may be observed , we doubt not but God will crown this Parliament with such success as shall be the beginning and foundation of more Honour and Happiness to His Majesty then ever yet was enjoyed by any of His Royal Predecessours . Die Mercurii , 15. Decemb. 1641. It is this day resolved upon the Question by the House of Commons , that Order shall be now given for the Printing of this REMONSTRANCE of the State of the Kingdom . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTIES Answer to the Petition which accompanied the Declaration presented to him at Hampton-Court , 1 December 1641. WE having received from you , soon after Our return out of Scotland , a long Petition , consisting of many desires of great moment , together with a Declaration of a very unusual nature annexed thereunto , We had taken some time to consider of it , as befitted Us in a matter of that consequence , being confident that your own reason and regard to Us , as well as Our express intimation by Our Comptroller to that purpose , would have restrained you from the publishing of it , till such time as you should have received Our Answer to it : But much against our expectation , finding the contrary , that the said Declaration is already abroad in Print by directions from your House , as appears by the printed Copy , We are very sensible of the disrespect . Notwithstanding , it is Our Intention that no failing on your part shall make Us fail in Ours , of giving all due satisfaction to the desires of Our People , in a Parliamenatry way ; and therefore We send you this Answer to your Petition , reserving Our self in point of the Declaration , which We think unparliamentary , and shall take a course to do that which We shall think fit in Prudence and Honour . To the Petition We say , That although there are divers things in the Preamble of it which We are so far from admitting , that We profess We cannot at all understand them , as , Of a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the Government ; of some of that party admitted to Our Privy Council , and to other Imployments of trust , and nearest to Vs and Our Children ; of endeavours to sow among the People false Scandals and Imputations , to blemish and disgrace the Proceedings of the Parliament ; all or any of which did We know of , We should be as ready to remedy and punish as you to complain of : that the Prayers of your Petition are grounded upon such Premises as we must in no wise admit : Yet notwithstanding We are pleased to give this Answer to you . To the first , concerning Religion , consisting of several branches , We say , That for the preserving the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom from the designs of the Popish party , We have , and will still concur with all the just desires of Our People in a Parliamentary way . That for the depriving of the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , We would have you consider , that their Right is grounded upon the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom and constitution of Parliament . This We would have you consider : but since you desire Our concurrence herein in a Parliamentary way , We will give no farther answer at this time . As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the Clergy , We conceive that the taking away the High-Commission Court hath well moderated that : but if there continue any Usurpations or Excesses in their Jurisdictions , We therein neither have nor will protect them . Unto that Clause which concerneth Corruptions ( as you style them ) in Religion , in Church-Government and in Discipline , and the removing of such unnecessary Ceremonies as weak Consciences might check at ; That for any illegal Innovations which may have crept in , We shall willingly concurr in the removal of them . That if Our Parliament shall advise Us to call a National Synod , which may duely examin such Ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any , We shall take it into consideration , and apply Our self to give due satisfaction therein . But We are very sorry to hear in such general terms Corruption in Religion objected , since We are perswaded in Our Conscience , that no Church can be found upon the earth that professeth the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine than the Church of England doth , nor where the Government and Discipline are jointly more beautified and free from Superstition then as they are here established by Law ; which ( by the grace of God ) We will with Constancy maintain ( while We live ) in their Purity and Glory , not only against all invasions of Popery , but also from the irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Separatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and this City abounds , to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State ; for the suppressing of whom We require your timely and active assistance . To the second prayer of the Petition , concerning the removal and choice of Counsellours , We know not any of Our Council to whom the Character set forth in the Petition can belong . That by those whom We had exposed to Trial , We have already given you sufficient testimony , that there is no man so near unto Us in place or affection whom We will not leave to the Justice of the Law , if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him ; and of this We do again assure you : but in the mean time We wish you to forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all Our Council , since you name none in particular . That for the choice of Our Counsellours and Ministers of State , it were to debarr Us that natural liberty all Free-men have : and as it is the undoubted right of the Crown of England to call such persons to Our secret Counsels , to publick employment , and Our particular service , as We shall think fit ; so We are and ever shall be very careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust , as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrity , and against whom there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence : and to choices of this nature We assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto Us hath always concurred . To the third prayer of your Petition , concerning Ireland , We understand your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands thereof to proceed from your much care and love , and likewise that it may be a Resolution very fit for Us to take : but whether it be seasonable to declare Resolutions of that nature before the Events of a War be seen , that We much doubt of . Howsoever , We cannot but thank you for this care , and your chearful ingagement for the suppression of that Rebellion ; upon the speedy effecting whereof the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession , the safety of the British there , Our Honour and that of the Nation , so much depends . All the Interests of this Kingdom being so involved in that business , We cannot but quicken your affections therein , and shall desire you to frame your Counsels , and to give such expedition to the Work , as the nature thereof and the pressures in point of Time require , and whereof you are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those Rebels . For Conclusion , your promise to apply your selves to such courses as may support Our Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home , and with Power and Reputation abroad , is that which We have ever promised Our self both from your Loyalties and Affections , and also for what We have already done , and shall daily goe adding unto , for the comfort and happiness of Our People . His MAJESTIES Declaration to all His loving Subjects : Published with the Advice of his Privy Council . ALthough We do not believe that Our House of Commons intended by their Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom to put Us to any Apology either for Our past or present Actions ; notwithstanding , since they have thought it so very necessary ( upon their observation of the present Distemper ) to publish the same , for the satisfaction of all Our loving Subjects , We have thought it very sutable to the duty of Our place , ( with which God hath trusted Us ) to do Our part to so good a Work : in which we shall not think it below Our Kingly Dignity to descend to any particular which may compose and settle the affections of Our meanest Subjects , since We are so conscious to Our Self of such upright Intentions and Endeavours , and only of such , ( for which We give God thanks ) for the Peace and Happiness of Our Kingdom , in which the Prosperity of Our Subjects must be included , that We wish from Our heart that even Our most secret Thoughts were published to their view and examination . Though We must confess We cannot but be very sorry in this conjuncture of time ( when the unhappiness of this Kingdom is so generally understood abroad ) there should be such a necessity of publishing so many Particulars , from which We pray no Inconveniences may insue that were not intended . We shall in few words pass over that part of the Narrative , wherein the Misfortunes of this Kingdom from Our first entring to the Crown to the beginning of this Parliament are remembred in so sensible expressions : and that other which acknowledgeth the many good Laws passed by Our Grace and Favour this Parliament , for the Security of Our People ; of which we shall only say thus much , That as We have not refused to pass any Bill presented to Us by Our Parliament for redress of those Grievances mentioned in the Remonstrance , so We have not had a greater Motive for the passing those Laws then Our own resolution ( grounded upon Our Observation and understanding the state of Our Kingdom ) to have freed Our Subjects for the future from those Pressures which were grievous to them , if those Laws had not been propounded , which therefore We shall as inviolably maintain as We look to have Our own Rights preserved , not doubting but all Our loving Subjects will look on those Remedies with that full gratitude and affection , that even the memory of what they have formerly undergone by the Accidents and necessities of those times will not be unpleasant to them : and possibly in a pious sense of God's blessing upon this Nation ( how little share soever We shall have of the acknowledgment ) they will confess they have enjoyed a great measure of happiness ( even these last sixteen years ) both in Peace and Plenty , not only comparatively in respect of their Neighbours , but even of those times which were justly accounted Fortunate . The Fears and Jealousies which may make some impression in the minds of Our People We will suppose may be of two sorts ; either for Religion , or Liberty and their Civil Interests . The Fears for Religion may haply be , not only as Ours here established may be invaded by the Romish party , but as it is accompanied with some Ceremonies , at which some tender Consciences really are or pretend to be scandalized ; for of any other , which have been used without any legal Warrant or Injunction , and already are or speedily may be abolished , We shall not speak . Concerning Religion , as there may be any suspicion of favour or inclination to the Papists , We are willing to declare to all the world , That as We have been from Our Childhood brought up in , and practised the Religion now established in this Kingdom , so it is well known , We have ( not contented simply with the Principles of Our Education ) given a good proportion of Our time and pains to the examination of the grounds of this Religion , as it is different from that of Rome ; and are from Our Soul so fully satisfied and assured that it is the most pure and agreeable to the Sacred Word of God of any Religion now practised in the Christian world , that as We believe We can maintain the same by unanswerable reasons , so We hope We should readily seal to it by the effusion of Our Blood , if it pleased God to call Us to that sacrifice . And therefore nothing can be so acceptable unto Us as any proposition which may contribute to the advancement of it here , or the propogation of it abroad , being the only means to draw down a Blessing from God upon Our selves and this Nation . And We have been extremely unfortunate , if this profession of Ours be wanting to Our People ; Our constant practice in Our own Person having always been ( without ostentation ) as much to the evidence of Our Care and Duty herein , as We could possibly tell how to express . For differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion , We shall , in tenderness to any number of Our loving Subjects , very willingly comply with the advice of Our Parliament , that some Law may be made for the exemption of Tender Consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies and in such cases which by the judgment of most men are held to be matters indifferent , and of some to be absolutely unlawful . Provided that this ease be attempted and pursued with that modesty , temper and submission , that in the mean time the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed , the Decency and comeliness of Gods Service discountenanced , nor the pious , sober and devout actions of those Reverend Persons who were the first labourers in the blessed Reformation , or of that time , be scandal'd and defamed . For We cannot without grief of heart , and without some Tax upon Our Self and Our Ministers for the not execution of Our Laws , look upon the bold Licence of some men , in printing of Pamphlets , in preaching and printing of Sermons , so full of bitterness and malice against the present Government , against the Laws established , so full of Sedition against Our Self and the Peace of the Kingdom , that We are many times amazed to consider by what Eyes these things are seen , and by what Ears they are heard . And therefore We have good cause to command , as We have done , and hereby do , all Our Judges and Ministers of Justice , Our Attorney and Sollicitor General , and the rest of Our learned Counsel , to proceed with all speed against such and their Abettors , who either by writing or words have so boldly and maliciously violated the Laws , disturbed the peace of the Commonwealth , and as much as in them lies , shaken the very foundation upon which that Peace and Happiness is founded and constituted . And We doubt not but all Our loving Subjects will be very sensible that this busie virulent demeanour , is a fit Prologue to nothing but Confusion ; and if not very seasonably punished and prevented , will not only be a blemish to that wholsome Accommodation We intend , but an unspeakable scandal and imputation even upon the Profession and Religion of this Our Kingdom of England . Concerning the Civil Liberties and Interest of Our Subjects We shall need to say the less , having erected so many lasting Monuments of Our Princely and Fatherly care of Our People in those many excellent Laws passed by Us this Parliament , which in truth ( with very much content to Our self ) We conceive to be so large and ample , that very many sober men have very little left to wish for . We understood well the Right and pretences of Right We departed from in the consenting to the Bills of the Triennial Parliament , for the Continuance of this present Parliament , and in the Preamble to the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage ; the matter of which having begot so many disturbances in late Parliaments , We were willing to remove , that no Interest of Ours might hereafter break that correspondence , abundantly contenting Our self with an Assurance ( which we still have ) that We should be repaired and supplyed by a just proportion of Confidence , Bounty , and Obedience of Our People . In the Bills for the taking away the High-Commission and Star-chamber Courts We believed We had given that real satisfaction , that all jealousies and apprehensions of arbitrary pressures under the Civil or Ecclesiastical State would easily have been abandoned , especially when they saw all possible doubts secured by the visitation of a Triennial Parliament . These , and others of no mean consideration , We had rather should be valued in the hearts and affections of Our People , then in any mention of Our own ; not doubting but as We have taken all these occasions to render their condition most comfortable and happy , so they will always , in a grateful and dutiful relation , be ready with equal tenderness and alacrity to advance Our Rights and preserve Our Honour , upon which their own Security and subsistence so much depends . And We will beso careful , that no particular shall be presented unto Us for the compleating and establishing that Security , to which We will not with the same readiness contribute Our best assistance . If these Resolutions be the effects of Our present Councils , ( and We take God to witness that they are such , and that all Our loving Subjects may confidently expect the benefit of them from Us ) certainly no ill design upon the Publick can accompany such Resolutions , neither will there be great cause of suspicion of any Persons preferred by Us to degrees of Honour and places of Trust and imployment since this Parliament . And We must confess , that amongst Our misfortunes We reckon it not the least , That having not retained in Our Service , nor protected any one person against whom Our Parliament hath excepted during the whole sitting of it , and having in all that time scarce vouchsafed to any man an instance of Our Grace and Favour , but to such who were under some eminent character of Estimation amongst Our People , there should so soon be any misunderstanding or jealousie of their Fidelity and uprightness , especially in a time when We take all occasions to declare , that We conceive Our self only capable of being served by honest men and in honest ways . However , if in truth We have been mistaken in such Our election , the particular shall be no sooner discovered to Us , either by Our own observation or other certain information , then We will leave them to publick Justice under the marks of Our Displeasure . If notwithstanding this any Malignant Party shall take heart , and be willing to sacrifice the Peace and Happiness of their Country to their own sinister ends and ambitions , under what pretence of Religion and Conscience soever ; if they shall endeavour to lessen Our Reputation and Interest , and to weaken Our lawful Power and Authority with Our good Subjects ; if they shall go about , by discountenancing the present Laws , to loosen the Bonds of Government , that all Disorder and Confusion may break in upon Us ; We doubt not but God in his good time will discover them unto Us , and the wisdom and courage of Our High Court of Parliament joyn with Us in their suppression and punishment . Having now said all that We can to express the clearness and uprightness of Our Intensions to Our People , and done all We can to manifest those Intentions , We cannot but confidently believe all Our good Subjects will acknowledge Our part to be fully performed , both in Deeds past and present Resolutions , to do whatsoever with Justice may be required of Us , and that their quiet and prosperity depends now wholly upon themselves , and is in their own power , by yielding all obedience and due reverence to the Law , which is the inheritance of every Subject , and the only security he can have for his Life , Liberty or Estate , and the which being neglected or disesteemed ( under what specious shews soever ) a great measure of Infelicity , if not an irreparable Confusion , must without doubt fall upon them . And We doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to His Subjects , that for Our part We are resolved not only duely to observe the Laws Our Self , but to maintain them against what opposition soever , though with the hazard of Our Being . And Our hope is , that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all Our loving Subjects will concur with Us in the constant preserving a good understanding between Us and and Our People , but at this time their own and Our Interest , and compassion of the lamentable condition of Our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland , will invite them to a fair Intelligence and Unity amongst themselves ; that so We may with one heart intend the relieving and recovering that unhappy Kingdom , where those barbarous Rebels practise such inhumane and unheard-of Outrages upon Our miserable people , that no Christian ear can hear without horrour , nor Story parallel . And as We look upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon Us ; so Our unhappiness is increased , in that by the Distempers at home so early remedies have not been applyed to those growing evils as the expectation and necessity there requires : though for Our part , as We did upon the first notice acquaint Our Parliament of Scotland ( where We then were ) with that Rebellion , requiring their aid and assistance , and gave like speedy intimation and recommendation to our Parliament here ; so since Our return hither , We have been forward to all things which have been proposed to Us towards that Work , and have lately Our Self offered ( by a Message to Our House of Peers , and communicated to Our House of Commons ) to take upon Us the care to raise speedily ten thousand English Voluntiers for that Service , if the House of Commons shall declare that they will pay them . Which particulars ( We are in a manner ) necessitated to publish , since We are informed that the Malice of some persons hath whispered it abroad , That the no speedier advancing of this business hath proceeded from some want of alacrity in Us to this great Work ; whereas we acknowledge it a high crime against Almighty God , and inexcusable to Our good Subjects of Our three Kingdoms , if We did not to the utmost imploy all Our powers and faculties to the speediest and most effectual assistance and protection of that distressed People . And we shall now conjure all Our good Subjects ( of what degree soever ) by all the Bonds of Love , Duty or Obedience , that are precious to good men , to joyn with Us for the recovery of the Peace of that Kingdom , and the preservation of the Peace of this ; to remove all their Doubts and Fears , which may interrupt their Affection to Us , and all their Jealousies and apprehensions , which may lessen their Charity to each other : and then ( if the Sins of this Nation have not prepared an inevitable Judgment for us all ) God will yet make Us a Great and a Glorious King over a Free and Happy People . MDCXLI . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty , and the Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament , The humble PETITION and PROTESTATION of all the Bishop and Prelates now called by His Majesties Writs to attend the Parliament , and present about London and Westminster for that service . THat whereas the Petitioners are called up by several and respective Writs , and under great Penalties , to attend in Parliament , and have a clear and indubitate Right to vote in Bills and other matters whatsoever debatable in Parliament , by the Ancient Customes , Laws and Statutes of this Realme , and ought to be protected by Your Majesty , quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service : They humbly remonstrate and protest before God , Your Majesty , and the Noble Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament , That as they have an indubitate Right to sit and vote in the House of the Lords , so are they ( if they may be protected from Force and Violence ) most ready and willing to perform their Duties accordingly : and that they do abominate all Actions or Opinions tending to Popery , and the maintenance thereof ; as also all propension and inclination to any Malignant party , or any other side or party whatsoever , to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not move them to adhere . But whereas they have been at several times violently Menaced , Affronted , and Assaulted by multitudes of people , in their coming to perform their services in that Honourable House , and lately chased away , and put in danger of their lives , and can find no redress or protection , upon sundry complaints made to both Houses in these particulars : They likewise humbly protest before Your Majesty and the Noble House of Peers , That saving unto themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in that House at other times , they dare not Sit or Vote in the House of Peers , until Your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts , Indignities and Dangers in the premisses . Lastly , Whereas their Fears are not built upon Phantasies and Conceits , but upon such Grounds and Objects as may well terrifie men of good Resolutions and much Constancy ; they do in all humility protest before Your Majesty and the Peers of that most Honourable House of Parliament , against all Laws , Orders , Votes , Resolutions and Determinations , as in themselves Null and of none effect , which in their absence , since the twenty seventh of this instant Month of December 1641. have already passed ; as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House , during the time of this their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House : Not denying , but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary , that most Honourable House might proceed in all these premisses , their Absence or this their Protestation notwithstanding . And humbly beseeching Your most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of that House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records , They will ever pray to God to bless and preserve , &c. Jo. Eborac . Thomas Duresme . Rob. Co. Lich. Jos . Norwich . Jo. Asaphen . Guil. Ba. & Wells . Geo. Hereford . Rob. Oxon. Mat. Ely. Godfr . Glouc. Jo. Peterburg . Mor. Llandaff . MDCXLI Jan. 3. ARTICLES of HIGH TREASON , and other High Misdemeanours , against the Lord Kimbolton , Mr. Denzil Hollis , Sir Arthur Hesilrig , Mr. John Pym , Mr. John Hambden , and Mr. William Stroude . I. THAT they have traitorously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom of England , to deprive the King of His Regal Power , and to place in Subjects an Arbitrary and Tyrannical power over the Lives , Liberties , and Estates of His Majesties Liege People . II. That they have traitorously endeavoured , by many foul Aspersions upon His Majesty and His Government , to alienate the Affections of His People , and to make His Majesty odious unto them . III. That they have endeavoured to draw His Majesties late Army to disobedience to His Majesties Commands , and to side with them in their Traitorous Designs . IV. That they have traitorously invited and encouraged a foreign Power to invade His Majesties Kingdom of England . V. That they have traitorously indeavoured to subvert the Rights and very Being of Parliaments . VI. That for the compleating of their Traitorous Designs they have indeavoured ( as far as in them lay ) by force and Terror to compel the Parliament to joyn with them in their Traitorous Designs , and to that end have actually raised and countenanced Tumults against the King and Parliament . VII . That they have traitorously conspired to levy , and actually have levied War against the King. MDCXLII Jun. 2. PROPOSITIONS made by both Houses of Parliament to the KINGS Majesty , for a Reconciliation of the Differences between His Majesty and the said Houses . YOUR Majesties most humble and faithful Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament , having nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteem ( next to the Honour and immediate Service of God ) then the just and faithful Performance of their Duty to Your Majesty and this Kingdom ; and being very sensible of the great Distractions and Distempers , and of the imminent Dangers and Calamities which those Distractions and Distempers are like to bring upon Your Majesty and Your Subjects , all which have proceeded from the subtle Insinuations , mischievous Practices , and evil Counsels of men disaffected to God's true Religion , Your Majesties Honour and Safety , and the publick Peace and Prosperity of Your People ; after a serious observation of the Causes of those Mischiefs , do in all humility and sincerity present to Your Majesty their most dutiful Petition and Advice , That out of your Princely Wisdome , for the establishing Your own Honour and Safety , and gracious tenderness of the welfare and security of Your Subjects and Dominioins , You will be pleased to grant and accept these their humble Desires and Propositions , as the most necessary effectual means , through God's blessing , of removing those Jealousies and Differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt You and Your People , and procuring both Your Majesty and them a constant course of Honour , Peace and Happiness . I. That the Lords and others of Your Majesties Privy Council , and such great Officers and Ministers of State , either at home or beyond the seas , may be put from Your Privy Council , and from those Offices and Imployments , excepting such as shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament . And that the persons put into the places and imployments of those that are removed may be approved of by both Houses of Parliament . And that all Privie-Counsellours shall take an Oath for the due execution of their places in such form as shall be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament . II. That the great Affairs of this Kingdom may not be concluded or transacted by the advice of private men , or by any unknown or unsworn Counsellors ; but that such matters as concern the publick , and are proper for the High Court of Parliament , which is Your Majesties great and supreme Council , may be debated , resolved , and transacted only in Parliament , and not elsewhere ; and such as shall presume to do any thing to the contrary , shall be reserved to the censure and judgment of Parliament : And such other matters of State as are proper for Your Majesties Privy Council , shall be debated and concluded by such of the Nobility and others as shall from time to time be chosen for that place by approbation of both Houses of Parliament . And that no publick Act concerning the Affairs of the Kingdom , which are proper for Your Privy Council , may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority , unless it be done by the advice and consent of the major part of Your Council attested under their hands . And that Your Council my be limited to a certain number , not exceeding twenty five , nor under fifteen . And if any Counsellors place happen to be void in the Intervals of Parliament , it shall not be supplied without the assent of the major part of the Council ; which choice shall be confirmed at the next sitting of the Parliament , or else to be void . III. That the Lord High Steward of England , Lord High Constable , Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , Lord Treasure , Lord Privy Seal , Earl Marshal , Lord Admiral , Warden of the Cinque-Ports , chief Governor of Ireland , Chancellor of the Exchequer , Master of the Wards , Secretaries of State , two Chief Justices and Chief Baron , may always be chosen with the approbation of both Houses of Parliament ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , by assent of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before exprest in the choice of Counsellors . IV. That he or they unto whom the government and education of the King's Children shall be committed , shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , and in the Intervals of Parliaments , by the assent of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before exprest in the choice of Counsellours : And that all such Servants as are now about Them , against whom both Houses shall have any just exception , shall be removed . V. That no Marriage shall be concluded or treated for any of the King's Children , with any foreign Prince , or other person whatsoever abroad or at home , without the consent of Parliament , under the penalty of a Praemunire unto such as shall so conclude or treat any Marriage as aforesaid ; and that the said Penalty shall not be pardoned or dispensed with , but by the consent of both Houses of Parliament . VI. That the Laws in force against Jesuites , Priests and Popish Recusants , be strictly put in execution , without any toleration , or dispensation to the contrary ; and some more effectual course may be enacted by authority of Parliament , to disable them from making any disturbance in the State , or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise . VII . That the Votes of Popish Lords in the House of Peers may be taken away , so long as they continue Papists : And that His Majesty would consent to such a Bill as shall be drawn for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . VIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased to consent that such a Reformation be made in the Church-Government and Liturgy as both Houses of Parliament shall advise , wherein they intend to have consultations with Divines , as is expressed in their Declaration to that purpose . And that your Majesty will contribute Your best assistance to them , for the raising of a sufficient maintenance for Preaching Ministers through the Kingdom . And that Your Majesty will be pleased to give Your consent to Laws for the taking away of Innovations and Superstition , and of Pluralities , and against Scandalous Ministers . IX . That Your Majesty will be pleased to rest satisfied with that course that the Lords and Commons have appointed for ordering the Militia , until the same shall be further setled by a Bill : And that Your Majesty will recall Your Declarations and Proclamations against the Ordinance made by the Lords and Commons concerning it . X. That such Members of either House of Parliament as have during this present Parliament been put out of any Place and Office , may either be restored to that Place and Office , or otherwise have satisfaction for the same , upon the Petition of that House whereof he or they are Members . XI . That all Privy-Counsellours and Judges may take an Oath , the form whereof to be agreed on and setled by Act of Parliament , for the maintaining of the Petition of Right , and of certain Statutes made by this Parliament which shall be mentioned by both Houses of Parliament . And that an inquiry of all the breaches and violations of these Laws may be given in charge by the Justices of the King's Bench every Term , and by the Judges of Assize in their Circuits , and Justices of Peace at the Sessions , to be presented and punished according to Law. XII . That all the Judges and all Officers placed by approbation of both Houses of Parliament , may hold their places Quam diu bene se gesserint . XIII . That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all Delinquents , whether they be within the Kingdom or fled out of it : And that all persons cited by either House of Parliament may appear and abide the censure of Parliament . XIV . That the General Pardon offered by Your Majesty may be granted with such Exceptions as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament . XV. That the Forts and Castles of this Kingdom may be put under the Command and Custody of such persons as Your Majesty shall appoint with the approbation of Your Parliament ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , with the approbation of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of Counsellours . XVI . That the extraordinary Guards and Military Forces now attending Your Majesty may be removed and discharged : And that for the future You will raise no such Guards or extraordinary Forces , but according to Law , in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion . XVII . That Your Majesty will be pleased to enter into a more strict Alliance with the States of the United Provinces , and other neighbour-Princes and States of the Protestant Religion , for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his adherents to subvert and suppress it ; whereby Your Majesty will obtain a great access of strength and reputation , and Your Subjects be much encouraged and enabled in a Parliamentary way for Your aid and assistance , in restoring Your Royal Sister and the Princely Issue to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them , and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes , who have suffered in the same Cause . XVIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased by Act of Parliament , to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the Five Members of the House of Commons in such manner that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of that evil Precedent . XIX . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to pass a Bill for restraining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Parliament , unless they be admitted thereunto with the Consent of both Houses of Parliament . And these our humble desires being granted by Your Majesty , we shall forthwith apply our selves to regulate Your present Revenue in such sort as may be for Your best advantage , and likewise to settle such an ordinary and constant increase of it as shall be sufficient to support Your Royal Dignity in Honour and Plenty , beyond the proportion of any former grants of the Subjects of this Kingdom to Your Majesties Royal Predecessors . We shall likewise put the Town of Hull into such hands as Your Majesty shall appoint with the consent and approbation of Parliament , and deliver up a just account of all the Magazine ; and chearfully imploy the uttermost of our power and endeavour in the real expression and performance of our most dutiful and loyal Affections , to the preserving , and maintaining the Royal Honour , Greatness and Safety of Your Majesty and Your Posterity . Die Jovis 2 die Junii , 1642. Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , that these Propositions shall be forthwith Printed and Published . Jo. Brown Cleric . Parliamentorum . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament . BEfore We shall give you Our Answer to your Petition and Propositions , We shall tell you , that We are now clearly satisfied why the Method which We traced out to you by Our Message of the 20 th of January , and have since so often pressed upon you as the proper way to compose the Distractions of this Kingdom , and render it truly happy , hath been hitherto declined , and is at length thought fit to be looked upon ; We now see plainly ( and desire that you and all other Our good Subjects should do so too ) that the Cabalists of this business have with great Prudence reserved themselves , until due preparations should be made for their Design . If they had unseasonably vented such Propositions as the Wisdom and Modesty of your Predecessours never thought fit to offer to any of Our Progenitours , nor We in honour or regard to our Regal Authority ( which God hath entrusted Us with for the good of Our People ) could receive without just indignation , ( and such many of your present Propositions are ) their hopes would soon have been blasted , and those Persons to whom Offices , Honours , Power and Commands were designed , by such ill timing of their business would have failed of their expectation , not without a brand upon the attempt . Therefore before any of this nature should appear , they have ( certainly with great wisdom in the conduct of it ) thought fit to remove a troublesome Rub in their way , the Law : To this end ( that they might undermine the very foundations of it ) a new Power hath been assumed to interpret and declare Laws without Us by extemporary Votes , without any Case judicially before either House , ( which is in effect the same thing as to make Laws without Us ; Orders and Ordinances made only by both Houses ( tending to a pure Arbitrary power ) were pressed upon the people as Laws , and their obedience required to them . Their next step was , to erect an upstart Authority without Us , ( in whom , and only in whom , the Laws of this Realm have placed that Power ) to command the Militia , ( very considerable to this their Design . ) In further order to it they have wrested from Us Our Magazin and Town of Hull , and bestrid Sir John Hotham in his bold-faced Treason : they have prepared and directed to the People unprecedented Invectives against Our Government , thereby ( as much as lay in their power ) to weaken Our just Authority and due esteem among them : they have as injuriously as presumptuously ( though We conceive by this time Impudence it self is ashamed of it ) attempted to cast upon Us aspersions of an unheard-of nature , as if We had favoured a Rebellion in Our own Bowels : they have likewise broached new Doctrine , That We are obliged to pass all Laws that shall be offered to Vs by both Houses ( howsoever Our own Judgment and Conscience shall be unsatisfied with them ) a point of Policy as proper for their present business , as destructive to all Our Rights of Parliament ; and so with strange shamelesness will forget a Clause in a Law still in force , made in the second year of King H. 5. wherein both Houses of Parliament do acknowledge , That it is of the Kings Regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth himself : they have interpreted Our necessary Guard , legally assembled for the Defence of Us and our Childrens Persons against a Traitour in open Rebellion against Us , to be with intent to levie War against Our Parliament , ( the thought whereof Our very Soul abhorreth ) thereby to render Us odious to Our People . They have so awed Our good Subjects with Pursivants , long chargeable Attendance , heavy Censures and illegal Imprisonments , that few of them durst offer to present their tenderness of Our Sufferings , their own just Grievances , and their sense of those violations of the Law , ( the Birthright of every Subject of this Kingdom ) though in an humble Petition directed to both Houses ; and if any did , it was stifled in the Birth , called Sedition , and burnt by the common Hangman . They have restrained the Attendance of Our ordinary and necessary Houshould-servants , and seized upon those small sums of Money which Our Credit hath provided to buy Us Bread , with Injunctions that none shall be suffered to be conveyed or returned to Us to York , or any of Our Peers or Servants with us ; so that ( in effect ) they have blocked Us up in that County . They have filled the ears of the People with the noise of Fears and Jealousies , ( though taken up upon trust ) tales of Skippers , Salt-Fleets , and such like ; by which Alarms they might prepare them to receive such impressions as might best advance this Design when it should be ripe . And now it seems they think We are sufficiently prepared for these bitter Pills , We are in a handsome Posture to receive these Humble Desires , ( which probably are intended to make way for a Superfoetation of a ( yet ) higher nature , ( if We had not made this discovery to you ) for they do not tell Us this is all . ) In them We must observe that these Contrivers ( the better to advance their true ends ) disguised as much as they could their intents with a mixture of some things really to be approved by every honest man , others specious and popular , and some which are already granted by Us : All which are cunningly twisted and mixed with those other things of their main Design of Ambition and private Interest ; in hope that at the first view every eye may not so clearly discern them in their proper colours . We would not be understood , that We intend to fix this Design upon both or either House of Parliament ; We utterly profess against it , being most confident of the Loyalty , good Affections and Integrity of the intentions of that great Body , and knowing well that very many of both Houses were absent , and many dissented from all those particulars We complain of . But we do believe , and accordingly profess to all the world , that the Malignity of this Design ( as dangerous to the Laws of this Kingdom , the Peace of the same , and the Liberties of all Our good Subjects , as to Our Self and Our just Prerogative ) hath proceeded from the subtle Informations , mischievous Practices and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits , disaffected to God's true Religion and the Unity of the Professors thereof , Our Honour and Safety , and the publick Peace and Prosperity of Our People , not without a strong influence upon the very actions of both Houses . But how faulty soever others are , We shall ( with God's assistance ) endeavour to discharge Our Duty with uprightness of heart : and therefore since these Propositions come to Us in the name of both Houses of Parliament , We shall take a more particular notice of every of them . If the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 9 , 10 , 15 , 16 , 19. Demands had been writ and printed in a tongue unknown to Us and Our People , it might have been possible We and they might have charitably believed the Propositions to be such as might have been in order to the ends pretended in the Petition , ( to wit ) the establishing of Our Honour and Safety , the Welfare and Security of Our Subjects and Dominions , and the removing those Jealousies and Differences which are said to have unhappily fallen betwixt Vs and Our People , and procuring both Vs and them a constant course of Honour , Peace and Happinss . But being read and understood by all , We cannot but assure Our Self that this Profession joyned to these Propositions will rather appear a Mockery and a Scorn ; the Demands being such , as We were unworthy of the Trust reposed in Us by the Law , and of Our Descent from so many great and famous Ancestours , if We could be brought to abandon that Power which only can inable Us to perform what We are sworn to , in protecting Our People and the Laws , and so assume others into it , as to devest Our Self of it ; although not only Our present Condition ( which it can hardly be ) were more necessitous then it is , and We were both vanquish'd and a Prisoner , and in a worse condition then ever the most unfortunate of Our Predecessours have been reduced to by the most criminal of their Subjects ; and though the Bait laid to draw Us to it , and to keep Our Subjects from indignation at the mention of it , the promises of a plentiful and unparallel'd Revenue , were reduced from generals ( which signifie nothing ) to clear and certain particulars : since such a Bargain would have but too great a resemblance of that of Esau's , if We should part with such Flowers of Our Crown as are worth all the rest of the Garland , and have been transmitted to us from so many Ancestours , and have been found so useful and necessary for the Welfare and Security of Our Subjects , for any present Necessity , or for any low and sordid considerations of Wealth and Gain . And therefore all men knowing that those Accommodations are most easily made and most exactly observed that are grounded upon reasonable and equal Conditions , We have great cause to believe that the Contrivers of these had no intention of setling any firm Accommodation , but to increase those Jealousies , and widen that Division which ( not by Our fault ) is now unhappily fallen between Us and both Houses . It is asked , That all the Lords and others of Our Privy Council , and such ( We know now what you mean by such , but We have cause to think you mean all ) great Officers and Ministers of State , either at home or beyond the Seas , ( For care is taken to leave out no Person or Place , that Our Dishonour may be sure not to be bounded within this Kingdom , though no subtle Insinuations at such a distance can probably be believed to have been the cause of our Distractions and Dangers ) should be put from our Privy Council , and from those Offices and imployments , unless they be approved by both Houses of Parliament , how faithful soever We have found them to Us and the publick , and how far soever they have been from offending against any Law , the only rule they had , or any others ought to have , to walk by . We therefore to this part of this Demand return you this Answer , That We are willing to grant that they shall take a larger Oath then you your selves desire in your Eleventh Demand , for maintaining not of any part , but of the whole Law ; and We have , and do assure you , That We will be careful to make election of such Persons in those places of trust , as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrities , and against whom there can be no just cause of exception , whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence : That if We have or shall be mistaken in Our election , We have and do assure you , that there is no man so near to Us in place or affection , whom we will not leave to the Justice of the Law , if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him ; and that We have given you ( the best pledge of the effects of such a promise on Our part , and the best security for the performance of their duty on theirs ) a Triennial Parliament , the apprehension of whose Justice will in all probability make them wary how they provoke it , and Us wary how We chuse such as by the discovery of their faults may in any degree seem to discredit Our Election . But that without any shadow of a Fault objected , only perhaps because they follow their Conscience , and preserve the established Laws , and agree not in such Votes , or assent not to such Bills , as some persons , who have now too great an Influence even upon both Houses , judge , or seem to judge , to be for the publick good , and as are agreeable to that new Vtopia of Religion and Government into which they endeavour to transform this Kingdom ; ( for We remember what names , and for what Reasons , you left out in the Bill offered Us concerning the Militia , which you had your selves recommended in the Ordinance ) We will never consent to the displacing of any whom for their former Merits from , and Affection to Us and the publick , We have intrusted , since We conceive that to do so , would take away both from the affection of Our Servants , the care of Our Service , and the Honour of Our Justice . And We the more wonder that it should be ask'd by you of Us , since it appears by the Twelfth Demand , That your selves count it reasonable , after the present turn is served , that the Judges and Officers who are then placed may hold their places , quamdiu se bene gesserint . And We are resolved to be as careful of those We have chosen , as you are of those you would chuse , and to remove none , till they appear to Us to have otherwise behaved themselves , or shall be evicted by Legal proceedings to have done so . But this Demand ( as unreasonable as it is ) is but one link of a great Chain , and but the first round of that Ladder by which Our Just , Ancient , Regal Power is endeavoured to be fetched down to the ground . For it appears plainly , that it is not with the Persons now chosen , but with Our chusing , that you are displeased : For you demand , That the persons put in the places and imployments of those who shall be removed may be approved by both Houses ; which is so far ( as to some it may at the first sight appear ) from being less then the power of nomination , that of two things ( of which We will never grant either ) We would sooner be content that you should nominate and We approve , than you approve and we nominate ; the meer nomination being so far from being any thing , that if We could do no more , We would never take the pains to do that , when We should only hazard those whom We esteemed to the scorn of a refusal , if they happened not to be agreeable not only to the Judgment , but to the Passion , Interest or Humour of the present major part of either House . Not to speak now of the great factions , animosities and divisions which this power would introduce in both Houses , between both Houses , and in the several Countries , for the choice of persons to be sent to that place where that power was , and between the persons that were so chosen . Neither is this strange Potion prescribed to Us only for once , for the cure of a present , pressing , desperate disease , but for a Diet to Us and Our Postetity : It is demanded , That Our Counsellors , all Chief Officers both of Law and State , Commanders of Forts and Castles , and all Peers hereafter made ( as to voting , without which how little is the rest ? ) be approved of ( that is , chosen ) by them from time to time ; and rather then it should ever be left to the Crown ( to whom it onely doth and shall belong ) if any place fall void in the intermission of Parliament , the major part of the approved Council is to approve them . Neither is it only demanded , that We should quit the Power and Right our Predecessors have had of appointing Persons in these places , but for Counsellors We are to be restrained as well in the Number as in the Persons , and a power must be annext to these places which their Predecessors had not : And indeed if this power were past to them , it were not fit We should be trusted to chuse those who were to be trusted as much as We. It is demanded , That such matters as concern the publick , and are proper for the High Court of Parliament , ( Which is Our Great and Supreme Council ) may be debated , resolved and transacted only in Parliament , and not elsewhere ; and such as presume to do any thing to the contrary shall be reserved to the Censure and Judgment of the Parliament : and such other matters of State as are proper for Our Privy Council , shall be debated and concluded by such of Our Nobility ( though indeed , if being made by Us they may not vote without the Consent of both Houses , We are rather to call them your Nobility ) and others , as shall be from time to time chosen for that place by approbation of both Houses of Parliament : and that no publick Act concerning the affairs of the Kingdom which are proper for Our Privy Council , may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority , unless it be done by the Advice and Consent of the major part of Our Council , attested under their hands . Which Demands are of that nature , that to grant them were in effect at once to depose both Our Self and Our Posterity . These being past , We may be waited on bare-headed ; We may have our hand kist , the style of Majesty continued to Us , and the Kings Authority , declared by both Houses of Parliament , may be still the style of your Commands ; We may have Swords and Maces carried before Us , and please Our Self with the sight of a Crown and Scepter , ( and yet even these Twigs would not long flourish , when the Stock upon which they grew were dead : ) but as to true and real Power We should remain but the outside , but the Picture , but the Sign of a King. We were ever willing that Our Parliament should debate , resolve , and transact such matters as are proper for them , as far as they are proper for them : and We heartily wish , that they would be as careful not to extend their Debates and Resolutions beyond what is proper to them , that multitudes of things punishable and Causes determinable by the ordinary Judicatures may not be entertained in Parliament , and so cause a long , chargeable , fruitless attendance of Our People , and ( by degrees ) draw to you as well all the Causes as all the faults of Westminster-Hall , and divert your proper Business : That the course of Law be no ways diverted , much less disturbed , as was actually done by the stop of the proceedings against a Riot in Southwark by Order of the House of Commons , in a time so riotous and tumultuous , as much increased the danger of Popular Insolencies by such a countenance to Riots and discountenance of Law : That you descend not to the leisure of recommending Lecturers to Churches , nor ascend to the Legislative Power by commanding ( the Law not having yet commanded it ) that they whom you recommend be received , although neither the Parson nor Bishop do approve of them ; and that the Refusers ( according to the course so much formerly complained of to have been used at the Council Table ) be not sent for to attend to shew cause ; at least that you would consider Conveniency , if not Law , and recommend none but who are well known to you to be Orthodox , Learned and Moderate , or at least such as have taken Orders , and are not notorious depravers of the Book of Common-Prayer ; a care which appeareth by the Discourses , Sermons and Persons of some recommended by you , not to have been hitherto taken , and it highly concerns both you in duty , and the Commonwealth in the consequences , that it should have been taken : That neither one Estate transact what is proper for two , nor two what is proper for three ; and consequently , that ( contrary to Our declared will ) Our Forts may not be seized , Our Arms may not be removed , Our Moneys may not be stop'd , Our legal Directions may not be countermanded by you , nor We desired to countermand them Our Self , nor such entrances made upon a real War against Us upon pretence of an imaginary War against you , and a Chimoera of Necessity . So far do you pass beyond your limits , whilst you seem by your Demand to be strangely streightned within them . At least we could have wish'd you would have expressed what matters you meant as fit to be transacted only in Parliament , and what you meant by only in Parliament . You have ( of late ) been perswaded by the new doctrines of some few , to think that proper for your debates which hath not used to be at all debated within those walls , but been trusted wholly with Our Predecessors and Us , and to transact those things which without the Regal Authority , since there were Kings of this Kingdom , were never transacted : It therefore concerns us the more that you speak out , and that both We and Our People may either know the bottom of your Demands , or know them to be bottomless . What concerns more the Publick , and is more ( indeed ) proper for the high Court of Parliament , then the making of Laws ? which not only ought there to be transacted , but can be transacted no where else : but then you must admit Us to be a part of the Parliament , you must not ( as the sense is of this part of this Demand , if it have any ) deny the freedom of Our Answer , when We have as much right to reject what We think unreasonable , as you have to propose what you think convenient or necessary ; nor is it possible Our Answers either to Bills or any other Propositions should be wholly free , if We may not use the Liberty of every one of you , and of every Subject , and receive advice ( without their danger who shall give it ) from any person known or unknown , sworn or unsworn , in these matters in which the manage of Our Vote is trusted by the Law to Our own judgment and Conscience , which how best to inform is ( and ever shall be ) left likewise to Us : and most unreasonable it were that two Estates proposing something to the third , that third should be bound to take no advice whether it were fit to pass , but from those two that did propose it . We shall ever in these things which are trusted wholly to Us by the Law , not decline to hearken to the Advice of Our great Council , and shall use to hear willingly the free debates of Our Privy Council ( whensoever We may be suffered to have them for sending for , and they shall not be terrified from that freedom by Votes and Brands of Malignants and Enemies to the State , for advising what no Law forbids to advise : ) but We will retain Our power of admitting no more to any Counsel then the nature of the business requires , and of discoursing with whom We please , of what We please , and informing Our Understanding by debate with any Persons , who may be well able to inform and advise Us in some particular , though their Qualities , Education or other Abilities may not make them so fit to be of Our sworn Council , and not tye Our Self up not to hear any more then twenty five ( and those not chosen absolutely by Us ) out of a Kingdom so replenished with Judicious and experienced Persons in several kinds . And though We shall ( with the proportionable Consideration due to them ) always weigh the Advices both of Our Great and Privy Council , yet We shall also look upon their Advices as Advices , not as Commands or Impositions ; upon them as Our Counsellours , not as Our Tutors and Guardians : and upon Our self as their King , not as their Pupil or Ward . For whatsoever of Regality were by the Modesty of interpretation left in Us in the first part of the Second Demand , as to the Parliament , is taken from Us in the second part of the same , and placed in this new-fangled kind of Counsellours , whose power is such and so expressed by it , that in all publick Acts concerning the Affairs of this Kingdom which are proper for Our Privy Council ( for whose Advice all publick Acts are sometimes proper , though never necessary ) they are desired to be admitted joynt-Patentees with Us in the Regality , and it is not plainly expressed whether they mean Us so much as a single Vote in these Affairs : but it is plain they mean Us no more at most then a single Vote in them , and no more power then every one of the rest of Our Fellow Counsellours ; only leave to Us , out of their respect and duty , ( and that only is left of all Our ancient Power ) a Choice whether these that are thus to be joyned with ( or rather set over ) Us shall be fifteen or twenty five ; and great care is taken that the Oath which these men shall take shall be such , in the framing the form of which ( though sure We are not wholy unconcerned in it ) We may be wholy excluded , and that wholy reserved to be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament . And to shew that no more care is taken of Our Safety then of Our Power , after so great Indignities offered to Us , and countenanced by those who were most obliged to resent them , after Our Town and Fort kept from Us ( from which , if it were no otherwise Ours then the whole Kingdom is , We can no more legally be kept out then out of Our whole Kingdom , which sure your selves will not deny to be Treason ) Our Arms , Our Goods sent away , and our Money stopt from Us , Our Guards ( in which We have no other Intention then to hinder the End of these things from being proportionable to their Beginnings ) are not only desired to be dismissed before satisfaction for the Injury , punishments of the Injurers , and care taken for Our future Security from the like ; but it is likewise desired , ( and for this Law is pretended , and might as well have been for the rest , which yet with some ingenuity are it seems acknowledged to be but Desires of Grace ) that We shall not for the future raise any Guards or extraordinary Forces but in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion : which if it had been Law , and so observed in the time of Our famous Predecessours , few of those Victories which have made this Nation famous in other Parts could have been legally atchieved , nor could Our blessed Predecessour Queen Elizabeth have so defended Her self in 88. And if no forces must be levied till Rebellions and Invasions ( which will not stay for the calling of Parliaments , and their consent for raising Forces ) be actual , they must undoubtedly ( at least most probably ) be effectual and prevalent . And as neither care is taken for Our Rights , Honour , nor Safety as a Prince , so Our Rights as a Private person are endeavoured to be had from Us ; it being asked , that it may be unlawful and punishable , not only to conclude , but even to treat of any Marriage with any Person for Our own Children , or to place Governours about them , without consent of Parliament , and in the intermission of those , without the consent of Our good Lords of the Council ; that We may not only be in a more despicable state then any of Our Predecessours , but in a meaner and viler condition then the lowest of Our Subjects , who value no Liberty they have more then that of the free Education and Marriage of their Children ; from which We are asked to debar Our Self , and have the more reason to take it ill that We are so , because for Our choice of a Governour for Our Son , and of a Husband for Our Daughter , ( in which the Protestant Religion was Our principal Consideration ) We conceived We had reason to expect your present thanks , and the increase of your future trusts . We suppose these Demands by this time to appear such , as the Demanders cannot be supposed to have any such real fear of Us as hath been long pretended , they are too much in the style not only of Equals , but of Conquerours , and as little to be intended for removing of Jealousies ( for which end they are said to be asked , and that is not as Merchants ask at first , much more then they will take , but as most necessary to effect it ; which if they be , God help this poor Kingdom , and those who are in the hands of such persons whose Jealousies nothing else will remove : ) which indeed is such a way , as if there being differences and suits between two persons , whereof one would have from the other several parcels of his ancient Land , he should propose to him by way of Accommodation , that he would quit to him all those in question , with the rest of his Estate , as the most necessary and effectual means to remove all those suits and differences . But We call God to witness , that as for our Subjects sake these Rights are vested in Us ; so for their sakes , as well as for Our own , We are resolved not to quit them , nor to subvert ( though in a Parliamentary way ) the ancient , equal , happy , well-poised and never-enough-commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom , nor to make Our Self of a King of England a Duke of Venice , and this of a Kingdom a Republick . There being three kinds of Government amongst men , absolute Monarchy , Aristocracy and Democracy , and all these having their particular conveniences and inconveniences , the experience and wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these , as to give to this Kingdom ( as far as humane Prudence can provide ) the conveniences of all three without the inconveniences of any one , as long as the Balance hangs even between the three Estates , and they run joyntly on in their proper Chanel ( begetting Verdure and Fertility in the Meadows on both sides ) and the overflowing of either on either side raises no Deluge or Inundation . The ill of absolute Monarchy is Tyranny , the ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division , the ills of Democracy are Tumults , Violence and Licentiousness . The good of Monarchy is the uniting a Nation under one Head to resist Invasion from abroad , and Insurrection at home : the good of Aristocracy is the Conjunction of Counsel in the ablest Persons of a State for the publick benefit : the good of Democracy is Liberty , and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets . In this Kingdom the Laws are joyntly made by a King , by a House of Peers , and by a House of Commons chosen by the People , all having free Votes and particular Privileges . The Government according to these Laws is trusted to the King ; power of Treaties of War and Peace , of making Peers , of chusing Officers and Counsellours for State , Judges for Law , Commanders for Forts and Castles , giving Commissions for raising men to make War abroad , or to prevent or provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home , benefit of Confiscations , power of Pardoning , and some more of the like kind are placed in the King. And this kind of regulated Monarchy having this power to preserve that Authority , without which it would be disabled to preserve the Laws in their force , and the Subjects in their Liberties and Proprieties , is intended to draw to Him such a Respect and Relation from the Great ones as may hinder the ills of Division and Faction , and such a Fear and Reverence from the People as may hinder Tumults , Violence and Licentiousness . Again , that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Pow'r to the hurt of those for whose good He hath it , and make use of the name of publick Necessity for the gain of His private Favourites and Followers , to the detriment of His People , the House of Commons ( an excellent Conserver of Liberty , but never intended for any SHARE in GOVERNMENT , or the chusing of them that should GOVERN ) is solely intrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Monies ( which is the sinews as well of Peace as War ) and the impeaching of those who for their own ends , though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten Command of the King , have violated that Law which He is bound ( when He knows it ) to protect , and to the protection of which they were bound to advise Him , at least not to serve Him in the contrary . And the Lords being trusted with a Judicatory power , are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and People , to assist each against any Incroachments of the other , and by just Judgments to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the Three . For the better enabling them in this , beyond the Examples of any of Our Ancestors , We were willingly contented to oblige Our Self bouth to call a Parliament every three years , and not to dissolve it in fifty days , and for the present Exigent , the better to raise Money , and avoid the pressure ( no less grievous to Us then them ) Our People must have suffered by a longer continuance of so vast a Charge as two great Armies , and for their greater certainty of having sufficient time to remedy the inconveniences arisen during so long an absence of Parliaments , and for the punishment of the Causers and Ministers of them , We yielded up Our Right of dissolving this Parliament , expecting an extraordinary moderation from it in gratitude for so unexampled a Grace , and little looking that any Malignant Party should have been encouraged or enabled to have perswaded them , first to countenance the Injustices and Indignities We have endured , and then by a new way of Satisfaction for what was taken from Us , to demand of Us at once to confirm what was so taken , and to give up almost all the rest . Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more then sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny , and without the Power which is now asked from Us We shall not be able to discharge that Trust which is the End of Monarchy ; since this would be a total Subversion of the Fundamental Laws , and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom which hath made this Nation so many years both Famous and Happy to a great degree of Envy ; since to the power of Punishing ( which is already in your hands according to Law ) if the power of Preferring be added , We shall have nothing left for Us but to look on ; since the incroaching of one of these Estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them and all the rest ; since this power of at most a joynt-Government in Us with Our Counsellors , ( or rather Our Guardians ) will return Us to the worst kind of Minority , and make Us despicable both at home and abroad , and beget eternal Factions and Dissentions ( as destructive to publick Happiness as War ) both in the chosen , and the Houses that chuse them , and the People who chuse the Chusers ; since so new a Power will undoubtedly intoxicate persons who were not born to it , and beget not only Divisions among them as Equals , but in them contempt of Us as become an Equal to them , and Insolence and Injustice towards Our People , as now so much their Inferiors , which will be the more grievous unto them , as suffering from those who were so lately of a nearer degree to themselves , and being to have redress only from those that placed them , and fearing they may be inclined to preserve what they have made both out of kindness and policy ; since all great Changes are extremely inconvenient , and almost infallibly beget yet greater Changes , which beget yet greater Inconveniences ; since as great an one in the Church must follow this of the Kingdom ; since the Second Estate would in all probability follow the Fate of the Frst , and by some of the same turbulent spirits Jealousies would be soon raised against them , and the like Propositions for reconciliation of Differences would be then sent to them as they now have joyned to send to Us , till ( all Power being vested in the House of Commons , and their number making them incapable of transacting Affairs of State with the necessary Secrecy and Expedition , those being re-trusted to some close Committee ) at last the Common people ( who in the mean time must be flattered , and to whom Licence must be given in all their wilde humours , how contrary soever to established Law or their own real Good ) discovering this Arcanum Imperii , That all this was done by them , but not for them , grow weary of Journey-work , and set up for themselves , call Parity and Independence Liberty , devour that Estate which had devoured the rest , destroy all Rights and Proprieties , all distinctions of Families and Merit , and by this means this splendid and excellently distinguished form of Government end in a dark equal Chaos of Confusion , and the long Line of Our many noble Ancestors in a Jack Cade or a Wat Tyler : For all these Reasons to all these Demands Our Answer is , Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari . But this We promise , that We will be as careful of preserving the Laws in what is supposed to concern wholly Our Subjects , as in what most concerns Our Self . For indeed We profess to believe that the preservation of every Law concerns Us , those of Obedience being not secure when those of Protection are violated ; and We being most of any injured in the least violation of that by which We enjoy the highest Rights and greatest Benefits , and are therefore obliged to defend no less by Our Interest then by Our Duty , and hope that no Jealousies to the contrary shall be any longer nourished in any of Our good People by the subtle insinuations and secret practices of men , who for private ends are disaffected to Our Honour and Safety , and the Peace and Prosperity of Our People . And to shew you that no just indignation at so reproachful offers shall make Us refuse to grant what is probable to conduce to the good of Our good People , because of the ill company it comes in , We will search carefully in this heap of unreasonable Demands for so much as We may ( complying with Our Conscience and the Duty of Our Trust ) assent unto , and shall accordingly agree to it . In pursuance of which Search , in the Fourth Proposition , under a Demand which would take from Us that Trust which God , Nature , and the Laws of the Land have placed in Us , and of which none of you could endure to be deprived , We find something to which We give this Answer ; That We have committed the principal places about Our Children to persons of Quality , Integrity and Piety , with special regard that their tender years might be so seasoned with the Principles of the true Protestant Religion , as ( by the blessing of God upon this Our Care ) this whole Kingdom may in due time reap the fruit thereof . And as We have likewise been very careful in the choice of Servants about them that none of them may be such as by ill Principles or by ill Examples to cross Our endeavours for their Pious and Vertuous Education ; so if there shall be found ( for all Our care to prevent it ) any person about Our Children ( or about Us , which is more then you ask ) against whom both Houses shall make appear to Us any just exception , We shall not only remove them , but thank you for the Information : Only We shall expect , that you shall be likewise careful that there be no under-hand dealing by any to seek faults , to make room for others to Succeed in their places . For the Fifth Demand , As We will not suffer any to share with Us in our power of Treaties , which are most improper for Parliaments , and least in those Treaties in which We are nearliest concerned , not only as a King , but as a Father ; yet We do ( such is Our desire to give all reasonable satisfaction ) assure you by the word of a King , that We shall never propose or entertain any Treaty whatsoever for the Marriage of any of Our Children , without due regard to the true Protestant Profession , the good of Our Kingdoms , and the Honour of Our Family . For the Sixth Demand , concerning the Laws in force against Jesuits , Priests and Popish Recusants , We have by many of Our Messages to you , by Our voluntary promise to you , so solemnly made , never to pardon any Popish Priest , by Our strict Proclamations lately published in this point , and by the Publick Examples which We have made in that case since Our Residence at York , and before at London , sufficiently expressed Our zeal herein . Why do you then ask that in which Our own Inclination hath prevented you ? And if you can yet find any more effectual Course to disable them from disturbing the State , or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise , We shall willingly give Our Consent to it . For the Seventh , concerning the Votes of popish Lords , We understand that they in discretion have withdrawn themselves from the Service of the House of Peers , ( and had done so when use was publickly made of their Names to asperse the Votes of that House , which was then counted as Malignant as those who are called Our unknown and Vnsworn Counsellors are now . ) Neither do We conceive that such a Positive Law against the Votes of any whose blood gives them that Right is so proper in regard of the Privilege of Parliament ; but are content , that so long as they shall not be conformable to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , they shall not be admitted to sit in the House of Peers , but only to give their Proxies to such Protestant Lords as they shall chuse , who are to dispose of them as they themselves shall think fit , without any reference at all to the giver . As to the desires for a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Profession , many about Us can witness with Us , that we have often delivered Our Opinion , that such a course ( with God's blessing upon it ) would be the most effectual for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom ; We shall therefore thank you for it , and encourage you in it , and when it comes unto Us , do Our Duty : And We heartily wish , for the publick good , that the time you have spent in making Ordinances without Us , had been imployed in preparing this and other good Bills for Us. For the Eighth , touching the Reformation to be made of the Church-Government and Liturgy . We had hoped , that what We had formerly declared concerning the same had been so sufficiently understood by you and all good Subjects , that We should not need to have expressed Our Self further in it . We told you in Our Answers to your Petition presented to Us at Hampton-Court the first of December , That for any illegal Innovations which may have crept in , We should willingly concurre in the removal of them ; that if Our Parliament should advise Vs to call a National Synod , which may duely examine such Ceremonies as give just cause of Offence to any , We should take it into Consideration , and apply Our Self to give due satisfaction therein ; that We were perswaded in Our Conscience , that no Church could be found upon the Earth , that professeth the true Religion with more Purity of Doctrine then the Church of England doth , nor where the Government and Discipline are jointly more beautified , and free from Superstition , then as they are here established by Law ; which ( by the Grace of God ) We will with Constancy maintain ( while We live ) in their Purity and Glory , not only against all Invasions of Popery , but also from the Irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Separatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and Our City of London abounds , to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State ; for the suppression of whom We required your timely and active assistance . We told you in Our first Declaration , printed by the Advice of Our Privy Council , That for differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion , We should in tenderness to any number of Our loving Subjects very willingly comply with the Advice of Our Parliament , that some Law might be made for the exemption of tender Consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies , and in such Cases , which by the judgment of most men are held to be matters indifferent , and of some to be absolutely unlawful : Provided , that this ease should be attempted and pursued with that modesty , temper and submission , that in the mean time the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed , the Decency and Comeliness of God's Service discountenanced , nor the Pious , Sober , Devout actions of those Reverend Persons who were the first Labourers in the blessed Reformation , or of that time , be scandaled and defamed . And we heartily wish , that others whom it concerned had been as ready as their Duty bound them , ( though they had not received it from Us ) to have pursued this Caution as We were , and still are willing and ready to make good every particular of that Promise . Nor did we onely appear willing to joyn in so good a Work when it should be brought Us , but prest and urged you to it by Our Message of the fourteenth of February in these words ; And because His Majesty observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of His People concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church , His Majesty is willing to declare , That He will refer the whole consideration to the wisdom of His Parliament , which he desires them to enter into speedily , that the present Distractions about the same may be composed : but desires not to be pressed to any single Act on His part , till the whole be so digested and settled by both Houses , that His Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left , as well as what is fit to be taken away . Of which We the more hoped of a good success to the general satisfaction of Our People , because you seem in this Proposition to desire but a Reformation , and not ( as is daily preached for as necessary in those many Conventicles which have within these nineteen months begun to swarm , and which , though their Leaders differ from you in this opinion , yet appear to many as countenanced by you , by not being punished by you ; few else , by reason of the Order of the House of Commons of the 9th of September , daring to do it ) a destruction of the present Discipline and Liturgy . And We shall most chearfully give Our best assistance for raising a sufficient maintenance for Preaching Ministers , in such course as shall be most for the encouragement and advancement of Piety and Learning . For the Bills you mention , and the Consultation you intimate , knowing nothing of the particular matters of the one ( though We like the Titles well ) nor of the manner of the other , but from an Informer ( to whom We give little credit , and We wish no man did more ) common Fame , We can say nothing till We see them . For the Eleventh , We would not have the Oath of all Privy Counsellors and Judges streightned to particular Statutes of one or two particular Parliaments , but extend to all Statutes of all Parliaments , and the whole Law of the Land ; and shall willingly consent that an enquiry of all the breaches and violations of the Law may be given in charge by the Justices of the Kings Bench every Term , and by the Judges of Assize in their Circuits , and Justices of Peace at the Sessions , to be presented and punished according to Law. For the Seventeenth , We shall ever be most ready , ( and We are sorry it should be thought needful to move Us to it ) not only to join with any ( particularly with the States of the United Provinces , of which We have given a late proof in the Match of Our Daughter ) for the defence and maintenance of the Protestant Religion , against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his Adherents ; but singly ( if need were ) to oppose with Our Life and Fortune all such Designs in all other Nations , were they joyned : And that for Considerations of Conscience , far more then any temporal end of obtaining access of Strength and Reputation , or any natural end of restoring Our Royal Sister and her Princely Issue to their Dignities and Dominions ; though these be likewise much considered by Us. For the Eighteenth , It was not Our fault that an Act was not passed to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the Five Members of the House of Commons , but yours , who inserted such Clauses into both the Preamble and Act ( perhaps perswaded to it by some who wish not that you should in any thing receive satisfaction from Us ) as by passing the Preamble We must have wounded Our Honour against Our Conscience , and by another Clause have admitted a Consequence from which We could never have been secured , by declaring , That no Member of either House , upon any Accusation of Treason , could have his Person seized without the Consent of that House of which he is a Member ; though the known Law be , That Privilege of Parliament extends not to Treason , and if it did , any Member the House being for a short time adjourned , and so their Consent not being so had ) how treasonable soever his Intentions were , how clearly soever known , and how suddenly soever to be executed , must have fair leave given him to go on and pursue them , no way , how Legal soever , after the passing such a Clause , being left to prevent it . To conclude , We conjure you and all men to rest satisfied with the Truth of Our Professions , and the Reality of Our Intentions ; not to ask such things as deny themselves ; that you declare against Tumults , and punish the Authors ; that you allow Us Our Propriety in Our Towns , Arms and Goods , and Our share in the Legislative Power , which would be counted in Us not only breach of Privilege , but Tyranny and Subversion of Parliaments to deny to you : And when you shall have given Us satisfaction upon those Persons who have taken away the one , and recalled those Declarations ( particularly that of the 26. of May , and those in the point of the Militia , Our just Rights wherein We will no more part with then with Our Crown , lest We enable others by them to take that from Us ) which would take away the other , and declined the beginnings of a War against Us under pretence of Our Intention of making one against you ; as We have never opposed the first part of the Thirteenth Demand , so We shall be ready to concurre with you in the latter . And being then confident that the Credit of those men who desire a general Combustion will be so weakned with you , that they will not be able to do this Kingdom any more harm , We shall be willing to grant Our general Pardon , with such Exceptions as shall be thought fit , and shall receive much more joy in the hope of a full and constant Happiness of Our People in the True Religion , and under the Protection of the Law , by a blessed Union between Us and Our Parliament ( so much desired by Us ) then in any such increase of Our own Revenue ( how much soever beyond former Grants ) as ( when Our Subjects were wealthiest ) Our Parliament could have settled upon Us. His MAJESTIES Declaration , made the 13 of June 1642. to the Lords attending his Majesty at York , and to others of His Majesties Privy Council there . Together with their Promise thereupon subscribed by them . Charles R. WE do declare , That We will not require nor exact any Obedience from you , but what shall be warranted by the known Law of the Land ; as We do expect , that you shall not yield to any Commands not legally grounded , or imposed by any other . And We do further declare , That We will defend every one of you , and all such as shall refuse any such Commands , whether they proceed from Votes and Orders of both Houses , or any other way , from all dangers and hazards whatsoever . And We do further declare , That We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the Land , the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England , and just Privileges of all the three Estates of Parliament : and shall require no further Obedience from you , then as accordingly We shall perform the same . And We do declare , That we will not ( as is falsly pretended ) engage you , or any of you , in any War against the Parliament , except it be for Our necessary defence and safety against such as do insolently invade or attempt against Us or such as shall adhere to Us. York , 13. Junii , 1642. The Promise of the said Lords and others . WE do engage our selves , not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever , not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. We do engage our selves to defend Your MAJESTIES Person , Crown and Dignity , together with Your Majesties Just and Legal Prerogative , against all persons and power whatsoever . We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the Land , the lawful Liberties of the Subject of England , and just Priviledges of Your Majesty and both Your Houses of Parliament . And lastly , we engage our selves , not to obey any Rule , Order or Ordinance whatsoever , concerning any Militia , that hath not the Royal Assent . York , 13. Junii , 1642. Subscribed by Lord Keeper . L. D. of Richmond . L. Marquess Hartford . E. of Lindsey . E. of Cumberland . E. of Huntington . E. of Bath . E. of Southampton . E. of Dorset . E. of Salisbury . E. of Northampton . E. of Devonshire . E. of Cambridge . E. of Bristol . E. of Westmorland . E. of Berkshire . E. of Monmouth . E. of Rivers . E. of Newcastle . E. of Dover . E. of Carnarvon . E. of Newport . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Willoughby of Eresby . L. Rich. L. Ch. Howard of Charleton . L. Newark . L. Paget . L. Chandos . L. Falconbridge . L. Paulet . L. Lovelace . L. Savile . L. Coventry . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Grey of Ruthen . L. Capell . L. Falkland . Mr. Comptroller . Mr. Secretary Nicholas . Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer . L. Chief Justice Banks . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , occasioned by a false and scandalous Imputation laid upon His Majesty , of an intention of Raising or Levying War against His Parliament , and of having raised Force to that end . Published at His Court at York , the 16 day of June . THough We have these last seven months met with so many several Encounters of strange and unusual Declarations , under the names of both Our Houses of Parliament , that we should not be amazed at any new Prodigy of that kind ; and though their last of the six and twentieth of May gave Us a fair warning , that the Contrivers of it having spent all their stock of bitter and reproachful Language upon Us ▪ We were to expect they should now break out into some bold and disloyal Actions against Us , and having by that Declaration ( as far as in them lies ) divested Us of that Preeminence and Authority which God , the Law , the Custom and Consent of this Nation had placed in Us , and assumed it to themselves , that they should likewise with expedition put forth the fruits of that supreme Power for the violating and suppressing that Power they despised , ( an effect of which Resolution of their wild Declaration against Our Proclamation concerning the pretended Ordinance for the Militia , and the punishing of the Proclaimers appears to be : ) yet We must confess , in their last Attempt ( We speak of the last We know , they may probably since , or at this present , have outdone that too ) they have outdone what We conceive was their present intention ▪ and whosoever hears of Propositions and Orders for bringing in of Money or Plate to maintain Horse Horsemen and Arms , for the preservation of the publick Peace , or for the Defence of the King and both Houses of Parliament , ( such is their Declaration , or what else they please to call it , of the tenth of June ) will surely believe the Peace of this Kingdom to be extreamly shaken , and at least the King himself to be consulted with , and privy to these Propositions . But We hope that when Our good Subjects shall find , that this goodly pretence of the Defence of the King is but a specious bait to seduce weak and inconsiderate men into the highest Acts of Disobedience and Disloyalty against Us , and of Violence and Destruction upon the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom , they will no longer be captivated by an implicite Reverence to the name of both Houses of Parliament , but will carefully examine and consider what number of persons are present , and what persons are prevalent in those Consultations , and how the Debates are probably managed from whence such horrid and monstrous Conclusions do result ; and will , at least , weigh the Reputation , Wisdom and Affection of those who are notoriously known , out of the very horrour of their Proceedings , to have withdrawn themselves , or by their skill and violence to be driven from them and their Counsels . Whilst their Fears and Jealousies did arise , or were infused into the people from Discourses of the Rebels in Ireland , of Skippers at Roterdam , of Forces from Denmark , France , or Spain , ( how improbable and ridiculous soever that bundle of Informations appeared to all wise and knowing men ) it is no wonder if the easiness to deceive , and the willingness to be deceived did prevail over many of Our weak Subjects , to believe that the Dangers which they did not see might proceed from Causes which they did not understand : But for them to declare to all the world , That We intend to make War against Our Parliament , ( whilest We sit still , complaining to God Almighty of the Injury offered to Us and to the very Being of Parliaments ) and that We have already begun actually to levy Forces both of Horse and Foot ( whilest We have only , in a Legal way , provided a smaller Guard for the security of Our own Person so near a Rebellion at Hull , than they have had , without lawful Authority , above these eight Months upon imaginary and impossible Dangers ) to impose upon Our peoples Sense as well as Understanding , by telling them We are doing that which they see We are not doing , and intending that they all know ( as much as Intentions can be known ) We are not intending , is a boldness agreeable to no power , but the Omnipotence of those Votes whose absolute Supremacy hath almost brought Confusion upon King and People , and against which no Knowledge in matter of Fact , or Consent and Authority in matter of Law , they will endure shall be opposed . We have upon all occasions with all possible Expressions professed Our fast and unshaken Resolutions for Peace . And We do again ( in the presence of Almighty God , Our Maker and Redeemer ) assure the World , that We have no more thought of making a War against Our Parliament than against Our own Children ; that We will maintain and observe the Acts assented to by Us this Parliament without Violation , ( of which that for the frequent assembling of Parliaments is one ; ) and that We have not , or shall not have any thought of using any force , unless We shall be driven to it for the security of Our Person , and for the defence of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom , and the just Rights and Privileges of Parliament . And therefore We hope the Malignant Party , who have so much despised Our Person and usurped Our Office , shall not by their specious fraudulent insinuations prevail with Our good Subjects to give credit to their wicked Assertions , and so to contribute their Power and Assistance for the ruine and destruction of Us and themselves . For Our Guard about Our Person , ( which not so much their Example as their Provocation inforced Us to take ) 't is known , it consists of the prime Gentry ( in Fortune and Reputation ) of this County , and of one Regiment of Our Trained Bands , who have been so far from offering any Affronts , Injuries or Disturbance to any of Our good Subjects , that their principal end is to prevent such ; and so may be Security , can be no Grievance to our People . That some ill affected persons , or any persons , have been employed in other parts to raise Troops under colour of Our Service , or have made large ( or any ) offers of Reward and Preferment to such as will come in , is , for ought We know , and as We believe , an Untruth devised by the Contrivers of this false Rumour ; We disavow it , and are confident there will be no need of such Art or Industry to induce Our loving Subjects , when they shall see Us oppressed , and their Liberties and Laws confounded ( and till then We shall not call on them ) to come in to Us and to assist Us. For the Delinquents whom We are said with a high and forcible hand to protect , let them be named , and their Delinquency , and if We give not satisfaction to Justice , when We shall have received satisfaction concerning Sir John Hotham , by his legal Trial , then let Us be blamed . But if the Design be ( as it is well known to be ) after We have been driven by force from Our City of London , and kept by force from Our Town of Hull , to protect all those who are Delinquents against Us , and to make all those Delinquents who attend on Us or execute Our lawful Commands , We have great reason to be satisfied in the Truth and Justice of such Accusation , lest to be Our Servant and to be a Delinquent grow to be terms so convertible , that in a short time We be left as naked in Attendance as they would have Us in Power , and so compel Us to be waited on only by such whom they shall appoint and allow , and in whose presence We should be more miserably alone than in Desolation it self . And if the seditious Contrivers and Fomenters of this Scandal upon Us shall have ( as they have had ) the power to mis-lead the major part present of either or both Houses , to make such Orders and send such Messages and Messengers as they have lately done , for the apprehension of the great Earls and Barons of England , as if they were Rogues or Felons , and whereby Persons of Honour and Quality are made Delinquents merely for attending upon Us and upon Our Summons , whilst other men are forbid to come near Us ( though obliged by the Duty of their Places and Oaths ) upon Our lawful Commands ; 't is no wonder if such Messengers are not very well intreated , and such Orders not obeyed : Neither can there be a surer and a cunninger way found out to render the Authority of both Houses scorned and vilified , than to assume to themselves ( merely upon the Authority of the Name of Parliament ) a power monstrous to all Understandings , and to do Actions and to make Orders evidently and demonstrably contrary to all known Law and Reason , ( as to take up Arms against Us , under colour of defending Us ; to cause Money to be brought in to them , and to forbid Our own Money to be paid to Us or to Our use , under colour that We will imploy it ill ; to beat Us and starve Us for Our own good , and by Our own Power and Authority ) which must in short time make the greatest Court and the greatest Person cheap and of no estimation . Who those sensible men are of the publick Calamities , of the Violations of the Privileges of Parliament , and the Common Liberty of the Subject , who have been baffled and injured by Malignant men and Cavaliers about Us , We cannot imagine : And if those Cavaliers are so much without the fear of God and Man , and so ready to commit all manner of Outrage and Violence as is pretended , Our Government ought to be the more esteemed , which hath kept them from doing so , insomuch as We believe no Person hath cause to complain of any injury or of any damage in the least degree by any man about , or who hath offered his service to Us. All which being duly considered , if the Contrivers of these Propositions and Orders had been truly sensible of the Obligation which lies upon them in Honour , Conscience and Duty , according to the high Trust reposed in them by Us and Our People , they would not have published such a sense and apprehension of imminent Danger , when themselves in their Consciences know , that the greatest , and indeed only , Danger which threatens this Church and State , the blessed Religion and Liberty of Our People , is in their own desperate and seditious Designs ; and would not endeavour upon such weak and groundless Reasons to seduce Our good Subjects from their Affection and Loyalty to Us , to run themselves into Actions unwarrantable , and destructive to the Peace and Foundation of the Commonwealth . And that all Our loving Subjects may see how causless and groundless this scandalous Rumour and Imputation of Our raising War upon Our Parliament is , We have , with this Our Declaration , caused to be printed the Testimony of those Lords and other Persons of Our Counsel who are here with Us , who being upon the place , could not but discover such Our Intentions and Preparations , and cannot be suspected for their Honours and their Interests to combine in such mischievous and horrid Resolutions . And therefore We streightly charge and command all Our loving Subjects upon their Allegiance , and as they will answer the contrary at their peril , That they yield no Obedience or Consent to the said Propositions and Orders , and that they presume not , under any such Pretences , or by colour of any such Orders , to Raise or Levy any Horse or Men , or to bring in any Money or Plate to such purpose . But if notwithstanding this clear Declaration and Evidence of Our Intentions , these men ( whose Design is to compell Us to raise War upon Our Parliament , which all their Skill and Malice shall never be able to effect ) shall think fit by these Alarms to awaken Us to a more necessary care of the defence of Our Self and Our People , and shall themselves ( under colour of Defence ) in so unheard-of a manner provide ( and seduce others to do so too ) to offend Us , having given Us so lively testimony of their Affections what they are willing to do , when they have once made themselves able , all Our good Subjects will think it necessary to look to Our Self : and We do then excite all Our well-Affected people , according to their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , and according to their solemn Vow and Protestation ( whereby they are obliged to defend Our Person , Honour and Estate ) to contribute their best Assistance to the Preparations necessary for the opposing and suppressing of the Traitorous Attempts of such wicked and Malignant persons , who would destroy Our Person , Honour and Estate , and ingage the whole Kingdom in a Civil War , to satisfie their own lawless Fury and Ambition , and so rob Our good Subjects of the blessed fruit of this present Parliament ; which they already in some degree have , and might still reap , to the abundant satisfaction and joy of the whole Kingdom , if such wicked hands were not ready to ruine all their possession , and frustrate all their hopes . We do therefore declare , That whosoever , of what degree or quality soever , shall then , upon so urgent and visible necessity of Ours , and such an apparent Distraction of the Kingdom ( caused and begotten by the Malice and Contrivance of this Malignant Party ) bring in to Us , and to Our use , ready Money or Plate , or shall underwrite to furnish any number of Horse , Horsemen and Arms , for the preservation of the publick Peace , the defence of Our Person , and the vindication of the Privilege and Freedom of Parliament , We shall receive it as a most acceptable Service , and as a testimony of his singular Affection to the Protestant Religion , the Laws , Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom , and shall no longer desire the continuance of that Affection , than We shall be ready to justifie and maintain those with the hazard of Our Life . And We do farther declare , That whosoever shall then bring in any sums of Money or Plate to assist Us in this great Extremity , shall receive consideration after the rate of eight pounds per cent . for all such Moneys as he shall furnish Us withall , and shall , upon the payment of such Money to such persons whom We shall appoint to receive the same , receive Security for the same , by good lawful Assurance of such of Our Lands , Forests , Parks and Houses , as shall be sufficient for the same , and more real Security than the name of Publick Faith , given without Us and against Us , as if We were no part of the Publick ; and besides , We shall always look upon it as a service most affectionately and seasonably performed for the preservation of Us and the Kingdom . But We shall be much gladder that their submission to those Our Commands , and their desisting from any such attempts of raising Horse or Men , may ease all Our good subjects of that trouble , charge and vexation . His MAJESTY's Declaration and Profession , disavowing any Preparations or Intentions in Him to Levy War against His Houses of Parliament . By the KING . THere having been many Rumours spread , and Informations given , which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament ; We profess before God , and declare to all the World , that We always have , and do abhorr all such Designs , and desire all Our Nobility and Council who are here upon the place to declare , whether they have not been witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose ; whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design ; and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such Intention , but that all Our Endeavours , according to Our many Professions , tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom . Given at Our Court at York , this 15. of June , 1642. The Declaration and Profession of the Lords now at York , and others of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council , disavowing that they see any apparence of Preparations or Intentions in His Majesty to levy War against the Parliament . WE whose names are under-written , in Obedience to His Majesty's Desire , and out of the Duty which we owe to His Majesty's Honour and to Truth , being here upon the place , and witnesses of His Majesty's frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of His abhorring all Designs of making War upon His Parliament , and not seeing any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design , do profess before God , and testifie to all the World , that we are fully perswaded that His Majesty hath no such Intentions ; but that all His Endeavours tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom . York , June 15. 1642. Subscribed by Lord Keeper . L. D. of Richmond . L. Marquess Hartford . L. Great Chamberlain . E. of Cumberland . E. of Bath . E. of Southampton . E. of Dorset . E. of Salisbury . E. of Northampton . E. of Devon. E. of Cambridge . E. of Bristol . E. of Clare . E. of Westmorland . E. of Berkshire . E. of Monmouth . E. of Rivers . E. of Dover . E. of Carnarven . E. of Newport . L. Mowbray & Maltravers . L. Willoughby . L. Grey of Ruthen . L. C. Howard Andover . L. Lovelace . L. Paget . L. Falconberge . L. Rich. L. Paulet . L. Newark . L. Coventry . L. Savile . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Capel . L. Falkland . Mr. Comptroller . Mr. Secretary Nicholas . Mr. Chancel . of the Exchequer . L. Chief Justice Banks . MDCXLII . June 8. By the King. A Proclamation forbidding all Levies of Forces without his MAJESTY's express Pleasure signified under His Great Seal , and all Contributions or Assistance to any such Levies . WHereas , under pretence that We intend to make War against the Parliament ( the contrary whereof is notoriously known to all that are here , and as We hope by this time apparent to all other Our Subjects , as well by Our Declaration of the sixteenth of June , as by the Testimony of all Our Nobility and Council who are here upon the place ) and by colour of the Authority of both Houses of Parliament ( a major part whereof are now absent from London ) by the contrivance of some few evil persons , disguising and colouring their pernicious Designs and hostile Preparations , under the plausible names of , the preservation of publick Peace , and defence of Vs and both Houses of Parliament from Force and violence , it hath been endeavoured to raise Troops of Horse and other Forces . And for that purpose they have prevailed , not only to prohibit Our own Moneys to be paid to Us or to Our use , but , by the Name and Authority of Parliament , to excite Our Subjects to contribute their Assistance to them , by bringing in Moneys , Plate , or under-writing to furnish and maintain Horses , Horsemen and Arms ; and to that purpose certain Propositions or Orders ( as they are styled by them ) have been printed , whereby they have endeavoured to engage the Power and Authority of Parliament ( as if the two Houses without Us had that Power and Authority ) to save harmless all those that shall so contribute , from all Prejudice and Inconvenience that may befall them by occasion thereof ; And although We well hope that these Malignant persons ( whose Actions do now sufficiently declare their former Intentions ) will be able to prevail with few of Our good People to contribute their Power or Assistance unto them : Yet lest any of Our Subjects , taking upon trust what those men affirm without weighing the grounds of it , or the danger to Us , themselves and the Commonwealth which would ensue thereupon , should indeed believe ( what these persons would insinuate , and have them to believe ) that such their Contribution and Assistance would tend to the preservation of the publick Peace and the Defence of Us and both Houses of Parliament , and that thereby they should not incur any danger ; We , that We might not be wanting ( as much as in Us lyeth ) to foreshew and to prevent the danger which may fall thereupon , have hereby thought good to declare and publish unto all Our loving Subjects , That by the Laws of the Land , the power of raising of Forces or Arms , or levying of War for the defence of the Kingdom , or otherwise , hath always belonged to Us , and to Us only ; and that by no Power of either or both Houses of Parliament , or otherwise , contrary to Our personal Commands , any Forces can be raised or any War levied . And therefore , by the Statute of the seventh year of Our famous Progenitor King Edward the First , whereas there had been then some variances betwixt Him and some great Lords of the Realm , and upon Treaty thereupon , it was agreed , that in the next Parliament after provision should be made , that in all Parliaments and all other Assemblies which should be in the Kingdom for ever , every man should come without Force and Armour , well and peaceably : yet at the next Parliament , when they met together to take advice of this Business , ( though it concerned the Parliament it self ) the Lords and Commons would not take it upon them , but answered , That it belonged to the King to defend force of Armour , and all other force against the Peace , at all times when it pleased Him , and to punish them which should do contrary , according to the Laws and Usages of the Realm ; and that they were bound to aid Him , as their Sovereign Lord , at all seasons when need should be . And accordingly in Parliament in after-times , the King alone did issue His Proclamations , prohibiting bearing of Arms by any person in or near the City where the Parliament was , excepting such of the Kings Servants as He should depute , or should be deputed by His Commandment , and also excepting the Kings Ministers . And by the Statute of Northampton , made in the second year of King Edward the Third , it is enacted , That no man , of what condition soever he be , ( except the Kings Servants , in His presence , and His Ministers in executing the Kings Precepts , or of their Office , and such as be in their company assisting them ) go nor ride armed by night or day in Fairs , Markets , nor in the presence of the Justices or other Ministers , nor in no part elsewhere . And this power of raising Forces to be solely in the King , is so known and inseparable a Right to the Crown , that when , in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth , there being a sudden Rebellion , the Earl of Shrewsbury , without Warrant from the King , did raise Arms for the suppression thereof , and happily suppressed it , yet was he forced to obtain his Pardon . And whereas the Duke of Gloucester and other great Lords in the eleventh year of King Richard the Second ( upon pretence of the good of the King and Kingdom , the King being then not of age , and led away , as they alledged , by evil Counsellors ) did raise Forces , and by them mastered their Adversaries ; in that Parliament ( such as it was , for it was held and kept with force , how good use soever hath been made of the Precedents therein ) they procured a special Act of Pardon for their raising of Men , and that those Assemblies should not be drawn into example for the time to come . And as no Man can levy War or raise Forces without the King , so much less against the personal Commands of the King opposed thereunto . For by the Statute of the 25. year of King Edward the Third ( which is but declaratory of the old Law in that point ) it is Treason to levy War against the King in His Realm : Within the construction of which Statute , it is true ( which was said in the late Declaration under the name of both Houses of Parliament , of the 26. of May last ) levying War ( in some sense ) against the King's Authority ( though not intended against His Person ) is levying War against the King. And therefore the raising of Forces , though upon pretence of removing of some evil Counsellors from about the Queen , hath been adjudged Treason in the Case of the late Earl of Essex , in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and in divers other Cases . ( And We wish all Our Subjects to consider , whether if Men shall be raised contrary to Our Proclamation and against Our Will , it be not against Our Authority . ) But it is as true ( and was never denied but in that Declaration ) that the raising of Forces against the King's personal Command ( being no Ideot nor Infant , uncapable of understanding to Command ) being accompanied with His Presence , is , and is most properly , levying of War against the King. For if it be a sufficient pretence for raising of Men against the King's Person , that it is for the defence of the King's Authority and of His Kingdom ( though against His express Command and Proclamation ) the Irish Rebels will have colour for their horrid Rebellion ; for they say ( though it be notoriously false ) it is for the defence of the King's Authority and of His Kingdom . And Wat Tyler and Jack Cade and Kett the Tanner wanted not publick Pretences , which were perhaps just causes of Complaints , though not of raising of Men. And though these persons have gone about subtilly to distinguish betwixt Our Person and Our Authority , as if , because Our Authority may be where Our Person is not , that therefore Our Person may be where Our Authority is not ; We require all Our good Subjects to take notice of the Law , ( which is in print and full force ) * That their Allegiance is due unto the natural Person of their Prince , and not to His Crown or Kingdom distinct from His natural Capacity ; and that by the Oath of Ligeance at the Common Law ( which all persons above the age of twelve years are , or ought to be , sworn unto ) they are bound to be true and faithful , not to the King only as King , but to Our Person as King CHARLES , and to bear Us truth and faith of Life and Member , and earthly Honour ; and that they shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to Us that they shall not defend : And that when , in the time of King Edward the Second , Hugh Spencer , being discontented with the King , caused a Bill to be written , wherein was contained amongst other things , That Homage and the Oath of Allegiance was more by reason of the King's Crown ( that is , His Kingdom ) than of His Person ; and that seeing the King cannot be reformed by suit of Law , if the King will not redress and put away that which is ill for the Common People and hurtful to the Crown , that the thing ought to be put away by force , and that His Lieges be bound to Govern in aid of Him and in default of Him ; he was condemned for it by two Parliaments , and perpetually banished the Kingdom . We have made mention of these Cases , not so much to clear Our Right , that We alone have the power of raising Forces , and none of Our Subjects , either in Parliament or out of Parliament , against Our Will or personal Command ( which We think no Man that hath the least knowledge in Our Laws , and is not led away by private Interests , and may speak his mind freely , will deny , nor was ever questioned in any Parliament before this time ) as to let them see how dangerous the effect and consequence of raising of Forces without Us may be unto Us and to the Commonwealth , under pretence of Defence of both . And though We cannot doubt of the Affections of Our good Subjects , considering their Interest is involved with Ours , and how precious the Peace of the Kingdom is , and ought to be unto them ; and that , according to the words of the Statute of the eleventh year of King Henry the Seventh and the eighteenth Chapter , by the duty of their Allegiance they are bounden to serve and assist Us at all seasons when need shall require : Yet , to the end that Our good Subjects may know what their Duty is , and what We expect from them , and that all others , who , through Malice or private Interests , shall be transported beyond their Duties , may be left without excuse ; We do therefore by this Our Proclamation charge and command all Our Subjects upon their Allegiance , and as they tender Our Honour and Safety , and the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom , that they presume not to raise or levy any Horses , Horsmen , or Arms , or any Forces whatsoever , by colour of any Authority whatsoever , without Our express pleasure signified under Our great Seal , ( other than such as shall be raised , levied and imprested by the Order as well of Our Self as of both Houses of Parliament , according to an Act made this Sessions , intituled , An Act for the better raising and levying of Soldiers for the present defence of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , by Justices of Peace , and otherwise , in such manner as is prescribed in the said Act ) or Contribute , or give any Assistance in Money , Plate , finding of Horses , Horsmen , or Arms , or any other ways , to or for any such Preparation , Levie , or Forces : And that such of Our good Subjects who through Ignorance have been mis-led to consent or subscribe to any such Levie , Contribution or Assistance , forthwith , upon publication of this Our Proclamation , desist from continuing such their Contribution or Assistance , or giving any countenance to any such Levies , at their utmost perils . And We do likewise streightly charge and command as well all Our Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , Balliffs , Constables , and all other Our Officers whatsoever , that they use their utmost endeavours as well for publishing this Our Proclamation , as for the suppressing of all Levies , or Forces raised , or to be raised , without or against Our consent : as also all other Our loving Subjects , that they be attending , aiding and assisting Our said Officers and Ministers therein , as they and every of them will answer it at their utmost perils . Given at Our Court at York the eighteenth day of June , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. Votes of the Lower House for raising an Army against the KING . Die Martis , 12 Julii , 1642. Resolved upon the Question , THAT an Army shall be forthwith raised for the Safety of the King's Person , defence of both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and Commands , and preserving of the true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom . Resolved upon the Question , That the Earl of Essex shall be the General . Resolved upon the Question , That this House doth declare , that in this Cause , for the Safety of the King's Person , defence of both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and Commands , and preserving of the true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom , they will live and die with the Earl of Essex , whom they have nominated General in this Cause . MDCXLII . Aug. 8. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons , for raising of Forces against the KING : Together with His MAJESTY'S Declaration in Answer to the same . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands as others , in several Counties of this Kingdom ; to lead against all Traitors and their Adherents , and them to Arrest and Imprison , and to Fight with , Kill and Slay all such as shall oppose any of His Majesty's loving Subjects that shall be imployed in this Service by either or both Houses of Parliament . WHereas certain Information is given from several parts of the Kingdom , That divers Troops of Horse are imployed in sundry Counties of the Kingdom , and that others have Commission to raise both Horse and Foot , to compel His Majesty's Subjects to submit to the Illegal commission of Array , out of a Traiterous intent to subvert the Liberty of the Subject and the Law of the Kingdom ; and for the better strengthening themselves in this wicked attempt , do joyn with the Popish and Jesuitical Faction , to put the Kingdom into a Combustion and Civil War , by levying Forces against the Parliament , and by these Forces to alter the Religion , and the Antient Government , and lawful Liberty of the Kingdom , and to introduce Popery and Idolatry , together with an Arbitrary Form of Government ; and in pursuance thereof have Traitorously and Rebelliously levied War against the King , and by force robb'd , spoil'd , and slain divers of His Majesty's good Subjects , travelling about their lawful and necessary occasions , in the King's Protection , according to Law ; and namely , that for the end and purpose aforesaid , the Earl of Northampton , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Willoughby of Eresby , Son to the Earl of Lindsey , Henry Hastings Esquire , and divers other unknown persons in the Counties of Lincoln , Nottingham , Leicester , Warwick , Oxford , and other places , the Marquess of Hartford , the Lord Paulet , Lord Seymour , Sir John Stawel , Sir Ralph Hopton , John Digby Esquire , and other their Accomplices , have gotten together great Forces in the County of Somerset : The Lords and Commons in Parliament , duly considering the great Dangers which may ensue upon such their wicked and traitorous Designs , and if by this means the Power of the Sword should come into the hands of Papists and their Adherents , nothing can be expected but the miserable ruine and desolation of the Kingdom , and the bloody massacre of the Protestants ; they do Declare and Ordain , That it is and shall be lawful for all His Majesty's loving Subjects , by force of Arms to resist the said several Parties and their Accomplices , and all other that shall raise or conduct any other Forces for the ends aforesaid ; and that the Earl of Essex , Lord General , with all his Forces raised by the Authority of Parliament , as likewise the Lord Say , Lieutenant of Oxfordshire , Earl of Peterborough , Lieutenant of Northamptonshire , Lord Wharton , Lieutenant of Buckinghamshire , Earl of Stamford , Lieutenant of Leicestershire , Earl of Pembroke , Lieutenant of Wiltshire and Hampshire , Earl of Bedford , Lieutenant of Somersetshire and Devon , Lord Brook , Lieutenant of Warwickshire , the Lord Cranborne , Lieutenant of Dorsetshire , the Lord Willoughby of Parham , Lieutenant of Lincolnshire , and all those who are or shall be appointed by Ordinance of both Houses to perform the place of Deputy-Lieutenants , and their Deputy-Lieutenants respectively , Denzil Hollis Esquire , Lieutenant of the City and County of Bristol , and the Mayors and Sheriffs , of the City and Deputy-Lieutenants there , and all other Lieutenants of Counties , Sheriffs , Mayors , Deputy-Lieutenants , shall raise all their Power and Forces of their several Counties , as well Trained Bands as others , and shall have power to conduct and lead the said Forces of the said Counties against the said Traitors and their Adherents , and with them to fight , kill and slay all such as by force shall oppose them , and the Persons of the said Traitors , and their Adherents and Accomplices , to Arrest and Imprison , and them to bring up to the Parliament , to answer these their Traiterous and Rebellious Attempts , according to Law ; and the same or any other Forces to transport and conduct from one County to another , in aid and assistance one of another , and of all others that shall joyn with the Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Religion of Almighty God , and of the Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom , and in pursuit of those wicked and Rebellious Traitors , the Conspirators , Aiders and Abettors and Adherents : requiring all Lieutenants of Counties , Sheriffs , Mayors , Justices of Peace , and other His Majesty's Officers and loving Subjects , to be aiding and assisting to one another in the Execution hereof . And for so doing , all the parties above-mentioned , and all others that shall joyn with them , shall be justified , defended and secured by the Power and Authority of Parliament . Die Lunae , Aug. 8. 1642. Ordered that this Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY's Declaration , in Answer to a Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands , &c. AS much experience as We have had of the inveterate Rancour and high Insolence of the Malignant Party against Us , We never yet saw any expression come from them so evidently declaring it as the Declaration entituled , A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands as others , in several Counties of this Kingdom , to lead against all Traitors and their Adherents , &c. In which that Faction hath , as it were , distilled and contracted all their Falshood , Insolence and Malice ; there being in it not one period which is not either Slanderous or Treasonable . And nothing can more grieve Us , than that by their infinite Arts and Subtilty ( employed by their perpetual and indefatigable Industry ) and by that Rabble of Brownists and other Schismaticks , declaredly ready to appear at their Call , they should have been able so to draw away some , and drive away others of Our good Subjects from Our Parliament , as to prevail with the major part remaining of both Houses , ( how much soever that major part be the smaller in comparison of the whole ) to suffer that name ( whose Reverence by all means We desire to preserve ) to be so soyl'd , as to be prefixed to a Paper of this unsufferable nature , that tends not only to the Destruction of Our Person , but to the Dissolution of this Government and of all Society : If at least this Declaration ( which We rather see cause to hope it hath not ) have so much as been seen in the Houses , and be not the single work of the same Omnipotent Committee to which is devolved the whole power of the Parliament , and which , as We understand , is trusted ( without acquainting the Houses ) to break up any Man's House , and take away the Arms and Mony intended to defend and feed him ( if they shall see cause to suspect that he meant to assist his Sovereign with them ) and may well be as fully and implicitly trusted to Declare , as to Act , whatsoever they please . And though We doubt not but to their utmost they will continue that injury to Us , and that violation of the Subjects Liberty and of publick Right , to vex and imprison those who shall publish any of Our Answers to their Declarations ( and indeed whilst they affirm against all Truth , and command against all Law , it concerns them to take care that nothing be heard but what they say ; ) yet Our comfort is , that Our Intentions and the Duty of Our Subjects are so well and so generally known to Our People , that We cannot fear ( from whomsoever it come , and though no Answer came out with it ) that either what is there said should be believed , or what is there commanded should be obeyed . Who knows not that Our Commissions for Horse and Foot were not granted out till not only our Prerogative , but Our Propriety , Our Goods , Arms , Towns , Militia and Negative Voice were taken from Us , and all the Kingdom commanded to be in Arms , and invited to bring in Horse , Plate and Mony , to frame an Army against Our Command and Proclamation , and till Horse were raised and mustered accordingly ; and then , with no intention ( nor hath any Action in any of Our Ministers given the least suspicion of such an Intention ) by them to compel Our Subjects to submit to Our Commissions of Array , or make use of them against the Parliament , but to regain Hull , held out in Rebellion against Us , and to suppress all such as without Our Authority and against Our Commands should raise Forces in this Our Kingdom , and levy War against Us , under pretence of any Order or Ordinance of one or both Houses ? And such traitorous Assemblies and Marches have been the only lawful and necessary Occasions of our good Subjects , which have not been so much as interrupted by any Troops of Ours . And what is affirmed of the spoiling and killing them as they were so travelling under our Protection , and according to Law , is a most malicious Affirmation , as well without truth as without instance , invented at once to make Our Troops terrible , and Us odious to Our People . What care have We taken that by this means the power of the Sword should not come into the hands of Papists , who have by Our Proclamation strictly charged that no Papist should presume to list himself either as Officer or Soldier in this Our Army , having directed how he should be discovered if he did presume , and suffer if he were discovered ? What care have We taken to avoid Combustion and Civil War , offering to lay down Our Arms when they shall have lay'd down their , in whom it was Treason to take them up , and restored Us those things which could not , without Treason as well as Injustice , be forced away and kept from Us , Our Arms , Ships , Town , &c. And when We might meet both Our Houses in a safe and secure place to debate freely of all the Differences in a Parliamentary way ? And by whose Influences these Propositions were rejected , and whether the Proposer or Rejecters were most careful to avoid this Ruine and Desolation of the Kingdom , We leave all the World to judge ; and whether they , who divert the Men and Mony collected for the relief of Distressed Ireland , to raise Forces against their Prince ( who asks them nothing but what is Legal , nor will deny them any thing that is ) do not joyn with the Popish and Jesuitical Faction in the bloody Massacre of many Thousand Protestants in that miserable Kingdom . We propose likewise to every Man's judgment , whether the declaring those to be Traitors who execute Our Commission of Array ( issued in so many Kings Reigns , agreed upon by Parliament , and there yielded to by the King to be settled , as now it is , as a matter of great grace ; and since that time , which was in the 5 Hen. IV. in no Parliament complained of ) whilst Our good Subjects are vexed and imprisoned , not only for resisting , but for humbly petitioning so as may seem but to insinuate something against their most illegal Commands concerning the Militia ; ( To which power of commanding no Title can be made by any Statute or any Precedent ; nor can We ever find by search , nor obtain to be told , what those Fundamental Laws are by which it is pretended : so deep those Foundations are laid , beyond all means of discovery ) and the declaring that those who raise Men by virtue of Our Command and Commission ( the only Legal way ) traitorously and rebelliously levy War against the King , and ordaining it to be lawful for all Our Subjects by force of Arms to resist them and their Accomplices ; and the raising of Forces by Authority of Parliament ( that is , by the remaining part of both Houses ) never in the most outragious times before attempted , and commanding several persons , whom they call Lieutenants , to lead , and giving them power to transport from one County to another the Forces of several of Our Counties against them , and to kill and slay all such as by force shall oppose them , Our Self not excepted , commanding all Our Officers and Subjects to be assisting to them , and undertaking to secure them for so doing by the Power and Authority of Parliament ( which is first to allow , and next to command , and then to pardon Treason ; ) be not to have already subverted , as much as in them lies , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law of the Land , and altered the Ancient Government of the Kingdom , leaving Our Subjects without all Rule to walk by , when the most clear Laws cannot direct and secure them , and they see all those Ancient bounds passed over , which were ever as much known to be the Duty of both Houses to observe , as it was evident that there were , and that it was necessary that there should be , Two Houses of Parliament , and at once behold the Law ( which is to defend and protect the Subject ) and Us ( Who are to protect and defend the Law ) need Defence and Protection . We doubt not therefore but all Our good Subjects will come in to Our Assistance , and that this wicked Charge of intending to introduce Propery , Idolatry , and Arbitrary Government , laid by Implication upon Us ( because We defend Our Selves , and would recover Our own ) will be so far from being a Motive against Us , that this intolerable Indignity and damnable Scandal ( so daily and visibly confuted by all Our Professions and Actions ) will encrease Our good Subjects zeal towards Us , and their Indignation against the Contrivers ; and they will esteem themselves obliged by the Religion of Almighty God to oppose this War , so impiously , so treasonably , and so groundlesly made upon Us their King and His Anointed . We therefore require all Our Commissioners of Array , Sheriffs , and all Our other Officers and Ministers , to raise all the Power and Forces of their several Counties to assist the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Northampton , the Lord Willoughby of Eresby , the Lord Dunsmore , the Lord Paulet , the Lord Seymour , Henry Hastings Esquire , Sir John Stawell , Sir Ralph Hopton , John Digby Esquire , and all other , in the legal and necessary Execution of Our Commissions of Array , and in the raising and conducting of such Horse and Foot as shall be raised by Our Commission ; and by force of Arms to oppose the Earl of Essex , the Lord Say , and all other that shall raise or conduct any Forces raised by pretence of Authority of both Houses ; and the Persons of all such Traitors , and their Adherents and Accomplices , to Arrest and Imprison , to the end they may be brought to a fair and legal Tryal by their Peers , and according to the law . And this We require from them , as they tender the Defence of Our Person , the true Religion , the Law of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the true and just Privileges of Parliament . And for so doing they shall be defended and secured by Us , and by the Law ; with whom and with which We doubt not but Our Subjects will sooner chuse to live and dye , than with the Earl of Essex and his Adherents . MDCXLII . August . 9. By the King. A Proclamation for the suppressing of the present Rebellion under the Command of Robert Earl of Essex . And the gracious offer of His Majesty's free Pardon to him , and all such of his Adherents as shall within six days after the date hereof lay down their Arms. WHereas now at the last those Seditious and Traitorous Counsels and Consultations which have been long in design , and which long since We foresaw , have produced such manifest and open effects of Treason and Rebellion against Us , that there are already great numbers of Horse and Foot Raised , Arraied , Mustered and Trained , under pretence of Authority of Our two Houses of Parliament , without and against Our Consent , in and about Our Cities of London and Westminster , in a warlike manner , and there are many more in Raising with speed ; and Robert Earl of Essex , by the said pretended Authority , without Our Consent , hath been nominated to be Captain General of those Troops and Forces , and forgetting the Duty and Allegiance which he oweth to Us his Sovereign , hath taken upon him and accepted that Title and Command of Captain General , and in that quality appeareth amongst the Souldiers , animating and encouraging himself and them in these Traitorous and Rebellious Designs ; and , as it is now notoriously known , the said Earl and his Adherents intend speedily to march from thence towards the North , where We now reside , and in a warlike manner to assail and oppose Us , and those who shall attend or assist Us , under pretence of defending Our Person and the two Houses of Parliament , and prepare traitorously to surprise or besiege Our Town of Portsmouth , and to possess themselves thereof with force , the same being a Town and Port of great importance in the Western parts of this Kingdom , and also to surprise , or by force to take and possess themselves of all other Castles , Forts and places of strength within this Kingdom , and all this to strengthen them and their Party in these their Traitorous and Rebellious Designs ; all which are not now taken up by Us upon Information of others , and by Conjecture , but do manifestly appear to the whole World , by that insolent and prodigious Commission of Captain General over the whole Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , which in the name of the two Houses of Parliament is granted unto the said Earl , but hath indeed been contrived by some few Malignant persons , Members of either House , whereby they have mentioned to conferr upon him , and the said Earl under that colour hath assumed unto himself , those Titles , and begun to put in execution those Powers and Authorities which are inconsistable with Our Sovereignty ; all which is so done contrary to all Rules of Religion , Laws , Allegiance , or common Honesty : We do now therefore publish and declare by this Our Royal Proclamation , That the said publick and notorious Acts and Actions of the said Earl are Acts and Actions of High Treason , being a manifest levying of War against his natural Liege Lord and King , expresly within the words and meaning of the Statute made in the twenty fifth year of King Edward the Third , declaring the same , of which in Law there neither is nor can be any doubt ; and that the said Earl of Essex is a Rebel and Traitour unto Us and to Our Crown , and that he , and all Colonels , Captains and Officers , which upon notice hereof shall not immediately quit their Commands under him , or any others , by the like unlawful and usurped power without and against Us , are also guilty of High Treason within that Statute , and ought to be adjudged and esteemed and proceeded against as Traitors and Rebels . And yet , out of Our Grace and Clemency towards such of Our Subjects as have been abused and misled by the said Earl , and such others as joyn themselves with him in these desperate Courses , and to preserve the Peace of this Kingdom , ( if it be possible ) and to avoid the shedding of blood , We abhorring the name of a Civil War , if it can by any good means be avoided , do by this Our Royal Proclamation admonish the said Earl , and all Our Subjects whom it may concern , which are now already joyned , or shall joyn themselves to the said Earl in this act of Hostility , that forthwith they lay down their Arms , as well Horse as Foot , and all other preparations for the War , and instantly , without delay , return to their own homes and habitations , and there quietly and peaceably imploy and bestow themselves in their proper Vocations and Callings , and that hereafter they meddle not or interpose themselves in these or any the like Rebellious and Traitorous Undertakings or Actions . Which if the● do readily and really perform within six days after the date of these presents , W● do hereby promise and undertake , in the Word of a King , that We will freely extend 〈◊〉 Mercy unto them , and grant unto them Our free and full Pardon for all that hath been or shall be committed before that time . But if they shall neglect this Our Grace and Favour now extended unto them , and persist in any acts of Hostility against Us , or not disband upon notice of this Our Proclamation , We shall esteem of them as Rebells and Traitors to Us and to Our Crown , and as publick Enemies to the happy Peace of this Kingdom ; and that from thence We shall proceed against them and deal with them as Rebels and Traitours : and by the blessing of God , in whom We put Our confidence , and by the assistance of Our faithful and good Subjects , upon whose Fidelity and Affections We rely , We doubt not but We shall so prevail against all their Traitorous Conspiracies and Rebellious Machinations , as shall vindicate Our Honour and the Honour of Our Crown , preserve Our good and loyal Subjects from their Malice and Fury , and restore and settle the Peace of this Kingdom , and make the Delinquents so exemplary , as shall deterr others from ever attempting the like Insolencies . And We hereby require and command all Our Commissioners of Array , Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , and all other Our Officers , Ministers , and loving Subjects that they and every of them in their several places do there best and uttermost endeavours to resist and subdue the said Earl and his Adherents , and those who shall assist them or any of them , and to apprehend , or otherwise to destroy them and every of them , that so they may receive condigne punishment for their Disloyalty ; and that they be ready , according to their Duties and Allegiance , to assist Us , and those Our good Subjects who do adhere unto Us , according to Our just Commands in or concerning the Premisses . And more particularly , We require and command Our Commissioners of Array , Lords Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Captains and Officers of Our Trained Bands , of or in Our Counties of Southampton , Sussex and Surrey , that so many of them as to that purpose Colonel Goring shall call to his aid , as he shall see cause , shall with such Forces as are under their command , repair unto Our said Town of Portsmouth to assist the said Colonel George Goring , Our Captain and Governour of the said Town , for the defence of the said Town , and to Oppose , Resist , and Destroy all those who under the command of the said Earl of Essex , or any other , shall attempt any Violence against the said Town . And We do further require and command Our Right . Trusty and Right Well-beloved Couzin and Counsellor , William Marquess Hartford , that with all speed he raise all the Forces he can within all or any the Counties contained within that Commission We have given unto him , whereby he is made Our Lieutenant General of all Our Forces within Our Counties of Devon , Cornwal , Somerset , Dorset , Wilts , Southampton , Gloucester , Berks , Oxford , Hereford , Monmouth , Radnor , Brecknock , Glamorgan , Carmarthen , Pembroke , Cardigan , Our Cities of Excester , Bristol , Gloucester , Oxford , Bath and Wells , new Salisbury , and Hereford , and the Counties of the same , the Towns of Pool , and Southampton , and Haverford-West , and the Counties of the same , and with the Trained Bands of those Counties , and others who shall voluntarily offer their Service , to march against the said Earl or any others under his command , or under the command of any others not authorized by Us , and them to Resist , Oppose and Subdue ; and especially for the defence of the said Town of Portsmouth , and for the Isle of Wight , in Our County of Southampton , as there shall be occasion . And We do hereby desire and require Our loyal and loving Subjects of and within the said Counties , being of the Trained Bands or voluntary Levies within the said Commission , to repair with their Horse and Foot , well Armed , Arrayed and Furnished , to such place or places as the said Marquess shall appoint ; and that they , and all other Our good and loving Subjects within this Realm , shall , according to such Directions as We shall give to that purpose , repair to Us at such place where We shall pitch and set up Our Royal Standard , and where We purpose in Our own Person to be present , and there and in such places whither We shall conduct them , or cause them to be conducted , to serve Us for the Defence of Us , and of Our Kingdom , and of the true Protestant Religion , and the known Laws of the Land , and the just Liberties of Our Subjects , and the just Privileges of Parliament , and to suppress the notorious and insolent Rebellion of the said Earl and his Adherents , and reduce them to their due Obedience , and for re-setling of the happy Peace of this Kingdom . And in this time of urgent Necessity , which so much importeth the Safety and even the very Subsistence of Us and Our Good People , We shall take it as an acceptable Service to Us , and much conducing to the Peace of Our Kingdom , if Our loving and well-affected Subjects within Our said Counties contained within Our Commission granted to the said Marquess , do and will chearfully and voluntarily contribute unto Us , and give unto Us such assistance in Money or Plate as they shall think fit , by loan or otherwise to be delivered to the hands of the said Marquess , or of the Commissioners of Array for those several Counties respectively , to be disposed of to this publick use , and not otherwise ; and that Our loving and well-affected Subjects of all other the Counties of this Kingdom will , to the same use and not otherwise , contribute unto and assist Us in like manner such Contribution and assistance , to be paid and delivered to Our use into the hands of Our Commissioners of Array for those other Counties respectively , or to such of them as they shall nominate and appoint to that purpose . And lastly , in all these Our just and necessary Commands , We require that ready Obedience from all Our Commissioners , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , Constables , and other Officers and loving Subjects , in their several and respective places , which appertaineth to their several Duties , as they tender Our Honour and Safety , and the Honour , Safety , Peace and Prosperity of the Church and Kingdom of England , and as they will answer their neglects at their uttermost perils . Given at Our Court at York , the ninth day of August , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. By the KING . A Proclamation by His MAJESTY , requiring the Aid and Assistance of all His Subjects on the North side Trent , and within twenty Miles Southward thereof , for the suppressing of the Rebels now marching against Him. WHereas divers Persons , bearing an inward Hatred and Malice against Our Person and Government , and ambitious of Rule and places of Preferment and Command , have raised an Army , and are now Traitorously and Rebelliously ( though under the specious pretence of Our Royal Name and Authority , and of the defence of Our Person and Parliament ) marching in battel-array against Us their Liege-Lord and Sovereign , contrary to their Duty and Allegiance , whereby the common Peace is like to be wholly destroyed , and this flourishing Kingdom in danger to perish under the miseries of a Civil War , if the Malice and Rage of these Persons be not instantly resisted : And as We do and must rely on Almighty God ( the Protector and Defender of his Anointed ) to defend Us and Our good People against the Malice and pernicious Designs of these men , tending to the utter Ruine of Our Person , the true Protestant Religion , the Laws established , the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and the very Being of Parliaments ; so We doubt not but Our good People will in this necessity contribute unto Us , with all Alacrity and Chearfulness , their assistance in their Persons , Servants and Money , for the suppression of the same Rebellion : And therein We cannot but with much contentment of heart acknowledge the Love and Affection of Our Subjects of Our County of York and divers other Counties , in their free and ready assistance of Us , which We shall never forget ; and Our Posterity will , as We hope , ever remember , for their good . Nevertheless ; in this Our extreme necessity , though We have been most unwilling , We are now inforced , for Our most just and necessary Defence , again to call and invite them , and all other Our Subjects of the true Protestant Religion , residing on the North-side of Trent , or within twenty miles Southward thereof , whose hearts God Almighty shall touch with a true sense and apprehension of Our Sufferings , and of the ill use which the Contrivers and Fomenters of this Rebellion have made of Our Clemency and desire of Peace , That according to their Allegiance , and as they tender the Safety of Our Person , the Property of their Estates , their just Liberties , the true Protestant Religion , and Privileges of Parliament , and indeed the very Being of Parliaments , they attend Our Person upon Monday , the two and twentieth day of this instant August , at Our Town of Nottingham , where and when We intend to erect Our Standard-Royal in Our just and necessary Defence , and whence We resolve to advance forward for the suppression of the said Rebellion , and the Protection of Our good Subjects amongst them from the burthen of the Slavery and Insolence under which they cannot but groan till they be relieved by Us. And We likewise call and invite all Our Subjects of the true Protestant Religion in the remoter parts of this Our Kingdom , to whom notice of this Our Proclamation cannot so soon arrive , That with all speed possible , as they tender the forenamed Considerations , they attend Our Person in such place as We shall then happen to encamp . And such of Our said Subjects as shall come unto Us ( either to Our said Town of Nottingham , or to any other place where We shall happen to encamp ) Armed and Arrayed , with Horse , Pistols , Muskets , Pikes , Corslets , Horses for Dragoons , or other fitting Arms and Furniture , We shall take them into Our pay , ( such of them excepted who shall be willing as Voluntiers to serve Us in this Our necessity without pay . ) And whosoever shall in this Our Danger and necessity supply Us either by Gift or Loan of Money or Plate for this Our necessary Defence , ( wherein they also are so nearly concerned ) We shall , as soon as God shall enable Us , repay whatsoever is so lent , and upon all occasions remember and reward those Our good Subjects , according to the measure of their Love and Affections to Us and their Country . Given at Our Court at York the twelfth day of August , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , of the 12 of Aug. 1642. 'T IS more than time now , after so many Injuries and Indignities offered to Our Royal Person , so many Affronts and Scorns put upon Our Kingly Office , so many Scandalous , Seditious and Traitorous Pamphlets against Our Self and Our Government , to vindicate Our Self from those wicked and damnable Combinations and Conspiracies , which the implacable Malice and insatiable Ambition of some Persons have contrived against Us ; and to let all Our loving Subjects know how much they are concerned in Our Sufferings , and how much their Peace and Security is shaken in the Assaults which are made and the Wounds which are given to Our Honour and Authority , and ( how specious soever their pretences are of Religion and Liberty ) that in truth their end is nothing but Anarchy and Confusion in either . In the relation and consideration whereof ( though We take no delight in the sharpness and bitterness of expressions ) 't is no wonder if being compelled to take notice of Actions of an high and injurious nature , and to consider and answer words impetuously directed against Majesty it self , We be likewise enforced to use a Dialect rougher , and different from what We have used to treat in , ( 't is a weapon We blush to find Our Self put to exercise : ) and We call the Almighty God to witness , That though We were extremely sensible of the violent and unjustifiable Imposition upon Our Royal Office and Authority , of the apparent Hazard and Danger which threatened Our own Person and Safety ; yet not so much the particular consideration of Our Self hath engaged Us in the resolution We have now taken , as the publick Care of the true Protestant Religion , the Preservation of the Law , and the Liberty of the Subject , and the upholding the whole Frame and Constitution of this Kingdom , so admirably founded and continued by the Blessing of God and the wisdom of Our Ancestours , to the wonder and envy of all the neighbouring Kingdoms , which the Faction and Ambition of a few discontented spirits , with their counterfeit shews of Religion and pretences of Liberty , endeavour to shake and rend asunder ; and to bring Our Self , and all the Subjects of this Kingdom , into perpetual Subjection unto their vast , unlimited , Arbitrary , Seditious Jurisdiction . We shall begin Our discourse from the beginning of this Parliament , ( for of the unhappy Dissolution of the last , by the mis-information and advice of some persons , looked upon now under another Character , We shall forbear to speak , being resolved that no disregard or undutifulness of other men towards Us shall ever prevail with Us , to do what We think unsuteable to the Honour and Reputation of a Just Prince and of a good and loving Master . ) When We resolved to summon this Parliament ( which We did out of Our own earnest and affectionate desire to beget a good and right intelligence between Us and Our People , and before the meeting of Our great Council at York , and uncompelled by any violence , but of Our love to Peace ) We presented to Our Self the unhappy Condition wherein the state of this Kingdom then stood , considered the nature of the Pressures , ( then more freely represented to Us ) which in themselves were grievous to Our good Subjects , and in the Consequences of them might appear more terrible . We took a full and clear prospect of the Inconveniences and mischiefs which had grown by the long intermission of Parliaments , and by the parting too much from the known Rule of the Law to an Arbitrary power ; and upon the whole resolved ( without puting any Gloss upon Our own former Commands , or endeavouring to make any excuse for the Actions of Our Ministers ) That the measure of Our Justice and Favour , by way of Reparation , should far exceed the proportion of the Sufferings Our good Subjects had undergone by Us , which We were confident would beget so mutual an Affection and confidence between Us , that such a foundation of firm and stable Happiness would immediately have been laid for the whole Kingdom , that all memory of former Grievances would have been easily buried , and that this Parliament should receive a glorious celebration both by King and People to the end of the world . And therefore upon the first Convention , on the third of November , We declared Our resolution in that point , and then , or soon after , desired , that whatever mistaking had grown in the Government either of Church or State might be removed , and all things reduced to the Order of the time ( the memory whereof is justly precious to this Nation ) of Queen Elizabeth : and for any expression of their Affection to Us in supply of Our known Necessities , We were so far from pressing , We resolved not to think of it , till all Our good People should be abundantly satisfied in all necessary provision for their Liberty and Property , and whatsoever else might disturb them in their Estates or Consciences . How firmly We have kept Our Self to this Resolution is evident to all the world . At the beginning of the Parliament We quickly discerned , by some Circumstances of their proceedings , that they meant not to confine or contain themselves within the Paths of their Predecessors ; which We imputed to the disorder and impatience the former Sufferings of the Kingdom had begot in them ; and therefore We resolved to take no exceptions to any particular , but to do Our part in any point of Reformation as soon and as often as any opportunity should be offered unto Us , believing that as soon as they should find themselves restored to their old security , and the matter and substance of their Doubts and Fears to be removed , they would easily and willingly reduce themselves into their good old way , and apply themselves to the usual form of their Predecessors in the course of their proceedings . And though We well knew the Combination entred into by several persons for an alteration in the Government of the Church , which could not but have an Influence upon the Civil Government of the State too , and observed that those men had greatest Interest and power of perswading in both Houses who had entred into such Combination ; yet Our Resolution was so full for the publick satisfaction of Our People , that We believed even those men would either have been converted in their Consciences by the clearness and justice of Our Actions , or would have appeared so unreasonable , or been discovered so seditious , that their Malice and Fury would not have been able to have done mischief . And therefore We took no notice of the great labour and skill the prime Leaders amongst them had used to get men of their Faction nominated and elected to serve as Members of the House of Commons , and did use to remove others ( whom they knew to be of different Opinions ) though they were fairly and legally elected ; wherein there was no other measure or Rule of Justice observed , than singly with reference to the Opinions or Affections of the Persons ; witness ( besides their putting out or keeping in men upon questionable Elections , without the least colour or shadow of Justice ) their Order whereby they at one clap expelled a very great number of Persons fairly elected by their Country , upon pretence that they had some hand , or their names used in some Project , Monopoly or Patent , without charging them with any Crime , or to this day proceeding against them : and yet they continue amongst them Sir Henry Mildmay , Master Laurence Whitakers , and others ( whose Affections and Opinions they are well pleased with ; ) though the first of them is notoriously known to be the chief Promoter of the business of the Gold and Silver Thred , ( a Commission complained of , viewed and examined , and therefore his name might have been easily taken notice of ; ) and the other as conversant , and as much imployed as a Commissioner in matters of that nature as any Man. We speak not this to excuse Monopolies ( the Inconveniences of which We are sensible of , and shall for the future prevent ) but to shew the partiality of that Faction , and the use they make of them to their own advantage . The first Remedy ( after the impeaching several Persons of High Treason whom they looked upon as the chief causes of the publick Sufferings ) they proposed was , The Bill for the Triennial Parliament : to the which , though We might justly have paused upon several Expressions and Clauses in it , and might very well have insisted upon Our old Priviledge and Custom , not to pass any Bill till the end of the Session ; yet since We really did believe most of the Mischiefs then complained of proceeded from the too-long intermission of Parliaments , and were resolved for the future to communicate freely and frequently that way with Our Subjects , We passed over those Exceptions , and consented to it , especially upon this Confidence , That when such other Acts should be agreed upon for the ease and security of Our People as We desired and expected should be preferred to Us , this Act would be a sufficient earnest and assurance that all those Acts should be faithfully observed by Us , and so there should be no room left for any Fears and Jealousies , which might prevent that mutual Confidence between Us and Our People We earnestly desired to raise : and for some time after the passing this Act We found such an acknowledgment from both Houses of Our singular Grace and Favour in consenting to it , and so great expressions of their Affections and purposes towards Us , that We believed the sense of it would never have been forgotten , and were as much pleased that We had taken that way of obliging Our People , as they were with the Benefit it self . But We were very well able to discover , that whatsoever seemed to be asked of Us or to be complained of to Us , there was still a Faction of a few Ambitious , Discontented and Seditious persons , who , under pretence of being enemies to Arbitrary Power , and of compassion towards those who out of Tenderness of Conscience could not submit to some things enjoyned or commended in the Government of the Church , had in truth a desire ( and had entred into a Combination to that purpose ) to alter the Government both of Church and State ; which they were yet to disguise , till by their Art or Industry they had infected some with their Opinions , and by their cunning Demeanour and Managery of the publick Interests they had seduced others to an implicite confidence in their Power , Wisdom and Integrity . And against this Design We only opposed a resolution to contribute all Our assistance for the Peace , Happiness and Security of Our People , and so to convince their Understandings ( if their Error proceeded from Weakness ) that no alteration could produce that Happiness they imagined , and ( if their natures were capable of such Trusts ) to take some of the chief of them so near Us , that they might be witnesses of Our Actions and privy to Our Counsels , that either Ingenuity or Gratitude might recover them from their desperate Inclinations . Hereupon , because most of the Grievances of Our People were conceived to proceed from the great liberty of Our Council-board , or from some Orders and Directions from them , We admitted to Our Privy Council seven or eight of those Lords who were eminently in esteem with Our People for their reputation of Honour and Justice ; some of whom We knew to be most passionately dis-inclined to the present managery of Civil affairs and to the Government of the Church ; and hoped that by a free communication of their Doubts , Opinions and Counsels , they would have received that satisfaction , that they would have been excellent Instruments of a blessed Reformation and Confirmation in Church and State. Having begun with this foundation of Confidence in Our Court by electing such Persons , We made the same hast to apply particular Remedies to the visible known Diseases , resolving those Remedies should be proportioned to the Counsel and Desires of both Houses , which We thought the surest way to win at least a major part to the confession and acknowledgment of Our Justice and Affection . The Star-Chamber had in the excess of Jurisdiction , or tediousness and charge of Proceedings , or measure and severity of Punishment , invaded the Laws of the Land and Liberty of the Subject by the exercise of an Arbitrary Power : We pressed not the Reformation of this Court , though erected or setled by Act of Parliament in a wise time ; but , at the instance of both Houses , consented to the Abolition of it . The High Commission Court had proceded with too much strictness in many cases , where the Tender Consciences of many of Our weak Subjects were concerned , and had so far out-grown the power of the Law , that it would not be limited and guided by it , but censured , fined and imprisoned Our People for matters unpunishable by the Law : We pressed not the Review of that Statute by which that Court was erected , that such power might be qualified and provisions altered as had been grievous to the Subject , nor desired that any other care might be taken for the upholding the Ecclesiastical Discipline than what the wisdom and piety of both Houses should think necessary ; but , in compliance to the sufferings of Our People and the desires of both Houses , consented to the Repeal of that branch of that Statute . The Writs for Ship-mony , whereby several summs of mony had been received from Our good Subjects for defence and safeguard of the Kingdom , had lain heavy upon Our People , yet were judged to be Legal : Both Our Houses of Parliament declared that the grounds and reasons of that Judgment ( being , That when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and that the whole Kingdom is in Danger , We might compel our Subjects to provide Ships , Men and Victuals , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom ; and that We were the sole Judge of that Danger , and how the same might be prevented ) were contrary to and against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and to the Petition of Right : without disputing our Right , We were contented that all the proceedings in that business should be adjudged void and disannulled , and the Judgments , Enrolments and Entries thereupon should be vacated and cancelled , in such manner as was desired . Under colour of executing the Forrest-Laws , and of keeping the Justice in Eyres Seat , very many Persons had been grieved and vexed by Presentments , Fines , Judgments and Imprisonments , the Meets , Limits and Bounds of Forrests extended , and some endeavours been made to set on foot Forrests where in truth none had been : We no sooner received complaint of this , but We passed an Act for the certainty of the Meets , Limits and Bounds of all the Forrests in England , with such further Provisions for the ease of Our Subjects as were desired at Our hands . If by the negligence or wilfulness of persons trusted by Us any Grievance or inconvenience had been contracted in any part of Our Kingdom , ( which seemed not to have so general an influence upon the whole ) upon the first clear Information We did Our part for the easing of them ; and therefore We passed , for the benefit of Our good Subjects of Devon and Cornwall , an Act against divers Incroachments and Oppressions in the Stannary-Courts . And We were so confident this way to win the Hearts and Affections of all Our good Subjects , and that both Our Houses of Parliament would at last find a time to give too , that We made their Asking the only Rule to Our Grants , and parted with any thing they desired Us to relinquish . So in the Preamble to the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage , We parted with Our Title of Imposing ; a Power adjudged good , and exercised by Our Ancestors , and though disputed , never resolved against by Judgment in Parliament . So in the Act for regulating the Office of Clark of the Marker , because the undue execution thereof had been grievous to many of Our loving Subjects , We consented , that no Clark of the Market of Our House shall hereafter execute His Office in any part of Our Kingdom , but only within the verge of Our Court , and granted the Execution of that Office to the Mayors and Bayliffs of Towns Corporate , and to the Lords of Liberties and Franchises , and to their Deputies . So , because about the beginning of Our Reign several Writs had issued out of Our Court of Chancery in the business of Knighthood , and been transmitted with their Returns into Our Court of Exchequer , where the proceedings were not fit and warrantable , We were contented , by the Act for the prevention of vexatious proceedings touching the Order of Knighthood , absolutely to part with and discharge a Right and Duty as unquestionably due to Us by the Law as any Service We can challenge . So ( which is the highest instance of Trust that ever King gave His Subjects ) upon Information that Credit could not be obtained for so much Mony as was requisite for the relief of Our Army and People in the Northern parts , for preventing the imminent Danger the Kingdom was in , and for supply of Our present and urgent Occasions , for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before Justice should be done upon Delinquents , publick Grievances be redressed , a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded , and before provision should be made for the repayment of such Monies as should be so raised ( though We knew what power We parted from , and trusted Our Houses with , by so doing , and what might be the Consequence of such a Trust if unfaithfully managed ) We neglected all such suspicions , which all Men now see deserved not to be slighted , and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the continuance of this Parliament , being resolved that it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for , which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire . Let all the World now judge what greater Obligations of Justice , Favour , Affection and Trust , can a Prince lay upon His Subjects , than We did upon both Our Houses of Parliament by these Acts ; and whether We did not , in Our free Grace and Favour , grant much more than had been asked of Us by that Petition presented to Us by some Lords at York , in which was then thought to be contracted all that was grievous to Our People , and all that was just and gracious for Us to do for them . And in all the time in which these Acts were framing and passing , though Our own personal Wants were notoriously known and unkindly unprovided for , and themselves had asked leave to look into and settle Our Revenue , which We consented to , and therefore We might have expected some fruit of that pretended Care , We never pressed them , or made the least overture to them for Our own supply ; only desired them ( and 't was almost the only thing We did desire of them ) that they would use all possible expedition in the business of the Treaty , that the two Armies might be speedily disbanded , and Our Subjects eased of that heavy burthen which in time would grow insupportable , and waste the whole stock of the Kingdom . But We found the Faction We feared in the beginning grew still stronger and nothing converted or reconciled by all those Acts of Ours , which would have made any Nation happy ; That whilst We were busie in providing for the publick , they were contriving particular Advantages of Offices and Places for themselves , made use under-hand of the former Grievances of the Subject in things concerning Religion and Law , to change the Religion and Law of this Kingdom , labouring , that neither any thing the Subject had suffered from the Crown might be forgotten , nor any satisfaction from the Crown to the Subject might be remembred . And therefore in stead of acknowledging Our great Justice and singular Favour in passing those Acts , they infused into Our People , that We passed them unwillingly , ( whereas We never made the least pause upon any of them but one , that for the High-Commission Court ; and whether that was penned with that wariness and animadversion , that there be not more determined by it than the major part of both Houses intended at the passing of it , let themselves judge ) and that We meant not to observe them ; and grew so much confounded with the full measure of Our Favour ; that they would allow themselves no security of enjoying what We had freely given , but by taking away any power from Us of giving more , they must have a through alteration both in Church and State , or else they should never enjoy the benefit of the Reformation We had willingly made . Hereupon they oppose the disbanding of the Armies , and give all delays to the Scots Treaty , though the Commissioners for that Nation very earnestly pressed the hastning of it , and in plain English declare , That they cannot yet spare them , that the sons of Zerviah were too strong for them : And finding more haste to be made in the asserting the Civil Interests than they desired , having a design to ingage this Kingdom into so vast a Debt that there might be no way of paying it but by the Lands of the Church , and lest Our good Subjects might be too soon satisfied , they hastned on to their design upon the Church ; which they at first disguised with a purpose only of removing the Bishops from their Votes in the Lords House . This Bill passed the House of Commons ; in the House of Peers it endured several long , free debates ; and in the end , upon great and solemn deliberation , was by the consent of very much the major part of that House absolutely rejected . This was no sooner done , but that Faction ( glad of the miscarriage of their former Bill , the passing whereof they knew would have satisfied many of those whom they hoped now further to seduce ) produced a Bill to be tendred in the House of Commons for the abolition of Bishops out of the Church of England , Root and Branch , ( according to their first resolution , as Mr. Pym told a Member of the Lords House by way of reproof , That it was not enough to be against the Persons of the Bishops , if he were not against the Function , ) and for extirpation of all Deans and Chapters , and reducing that admirable Frame of Government and support of Learning into a Chaos of Confusion , that out of it they might mold an Vtopia no six of them had , nor We believe yet have , agreed , on , further than to destroy the present ; and out of the goodly Revenue which the pious Bounty and Devotion of former Ages had been so long in raising , for the encouragement and advancement of Learning and Religion , and which God hath blessed with so many eminent Men , whose Learning and Lives have advanced the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion , and many of them given , their Bodies to the Fire , as a Sacrifice to that Truth and Religion , to erect Stipends to their own Clergy , and to raise estates to repair their own broken fortunes . And for the free passing of this Bill ( which to this hour they could never tell what to make of ) two Armies must be kept in the bowels of the Kingdom at 80000 pound a Month charge to the Commonwealth : For about this Bill the House of Commons was so wholly taken up , that in ten weeks none , or very little , other business could be thought of . About this time , or a little before , ( after several Intimations of Treasons , Plots and Conspiracies by the Papists , of great Provisions of Arms by them , and training Men under ground , and many other false reports , created , spread and countenanced by themselves ) upon some general apprehensions of Designs against them , a Protestation is made in the House of Commons for some union and consent amongst themselves , to perform those Duties which , if they had meant no more than they expressed , had been sufficiently provided for by the Oaths they had already taken , and what their former Duties obliged them to . Hereupon a Protestation is framed , and being put into such words as no honest Man could believe himself obliged by it to any unlawful Action , was voluntarily taken by all the Members of the House of Commons , and presently recommended to the House of Lords , where it received the same countenance , that is , was looked upon as containing nothing in it self unlawful , though some Members of that House refused to take it , being voluntary , and not imposed by any Lawful Authority : Then 't is recommended to the City of London , and over all the Kingdom , by order from the House of Commons ( a strange and unheard-of Usurpation ) to be taken by all persons . But in very few days , upon conference amongst themselves and with those Clergy-men who daily solicite their unlawful and unwarrantable designs with the People , they find they were by this Protestation so far from having drawn people into their Combination , that in truth all Men conceived that they were even engaged by it against their main Design , by promising to defend the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England , &c. And thereupon some persons of that Faction prevailed , that after the Members of the Houses had taken it , a Declaration was set forth by the House of Commons , That by those words , The Doctrine of the Church of England , was intended only so far as it was opposite to Popery , and Popish Innovations , and that the words were not to be extended to the maintainance of the Discipline and Government , &c. And so under this Explication and Declaration published only by the House of Commons , and never assented to by the House of Peers , this Protestation was directed to be generally taken throughout England : And to that purpose a Bill is drawn , passed the House of Commons , and sent up to the Lords ; who , at the second reading finding many particulars in it unfit to be so severely imposed upon the Subject , absolutely rejected it . Upon this ensued a new and unheard-of distemper in the House of Commons , as if it had been great presumption in the House of Peers to refuse any Bill sent from them , and thereupon a Vote passed in the House of Commons , That that House did conceive that the Protestation made by them is fit to be taken by every person that is well-affected in Religion , and to the good of the Commonwealth ; and therefore doth declare , That what person soever shall not take the Protestation , is unfit to bear Office in the Church or Commonwealth ; and ordered , That the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses should send down to the several places for which they serve Copies of that Vote of the House concerning the Protestation , and that those Votes should be printed . Let all Men judge whether before that time , from the beginning of Parliaments , the House of Commons had ever presumed to trench so far upon Our Priviledge , to make a Declaration so like Law without Us ; or upon the Priviledge of the Lords , to make and publish such a Declaration after they had rejected the Bill , and some of them refused to take the Protestation ; or upon the Liberty of the Subject , so far to impose any such thing upon them without consent of Parliament . Yet of this We took no notice , but pressed still the disbanding of the Armies , and interposed and quickned them in nothing else ; which was again with all earnestness desired by the Scots at Newcastle , and pressed by their Commissioners at London . But a new Fright was found to startle the People , and to bring Us into Hatred or Jealousie with them : the general Rumors of Treasons and Conspiracies began to lose credit with all Men , who began to consider what they felt more than what others feared ; and therefore they had now found out a Treason indeed , even ready to be put in execution upon the whole Kingdom , the Representative body thereof , a Plot to bring up the whole Army out of the Northern parts to London . A strange Plot indeed , which , considering the constitution of that time , no Man can believe Us guilty of : and though they made great use of it , to the filling the minds of Our People with fears and apprehensions , they seemed not then to charge Us with any knowledge of or privity to it . What they have done since all the world knows , notwithstanding Our many Protestations in that point . And We cannot but say , that by those Examinations of Colonel Goring , Sir Jacob Ashly , and Sir John Conyers , and Master Piercy's Letter , which is all the Evidence We have seen , and by which they seem principally to be guided , We cannot satisfie Our own private Conscience , that there was ever a resolution of bringing up the Army to London ; and upon the strictest examination We can make of that business , We can find it to be no other than this : Observation being made of the great Tumults about Westminster , which seemed to threaten the safety of the Members of both Houses , at least of those who were known not to agree with the designs of that Faction We have before spoken of , and the manner of delivering Petitions by multitudes of people attested ( or pretended to be so ) by the hands of many thousands , against the known Laws and established Government of the Kingdom , which yet seemed to receive some countenance , and to carry some Authority , as instances of the Affections of so many persons ; it fell into the thoughts of some Officers of the Army , of known and publick Affections to their Country , That a Petition of a modest and dutiful nature from the whole Army , for the composing and settling all Grievances in the Church and State by Law , might , for the reason of it , prevail with the whole House , and coming from such a Body , might confirm those who might be shaken with any fears of Power or Force by the Tumults : and with this Proposition We being made acquainted , gave Our full approbation to it , taking great care that no Circumstances in the framing it or delivering it might be any blemish to the matter of it . This , We call God to witness , as We have done before , was all We gave Our Consent unto , or which We believe was ever intended to be put in practice . ( What attempts other men made to seduce the Affections of the Army from Us is known to many . ) If in the managery of this debate any rash discourses happened of bringing up the Army , it is evident , whether they were proposed in earnest or no , they were never entertained , and the whole matter laid aside above two months before any discovery ; so that that Danger was never prevented by the Power or Wisdom of Parliament . And for the Petition it self , which hath been so often pressed against Us as a special Argument of Our privity to the bringing up the Army , after We have so fully and particularly answered every particular circumstance of that Petition , signed with C. R. We have herewith published a true Copy of that Petition , that all Our good Subjects may see how justly We have been traduced , and judge , when Petitions of all natures were so frequently and so willingly received , whether such a Petition might not with modesty and duty enough have been presented unto them . And if in truth that design of bringing up the Army had been then believed when it was first pretended to be discovered , which was about the middle of May , they would surely have thought it necessary to have disbanded that Army sooner than August , which no pressing of Ours nor of Our Scots Subjects could perswade them to do : And We are sure Our Innocence in that matter would soon have appeared , if the large time to bring this business to a judicial tryal had been made use of ; if , contrary to all Custom , it had not been thought fit to publish Depositions before the parties concerned had been heard to make their Defence , or Witnesses cross-examined , though they attended above twelve months to do it ; and if some men had not believed that their general and violent expressions , affirming this to be a Plot equal to that of the Gun-powder-Treason , would sooner be believed if it were not publickly discussed , but left to every mans fancy to heighten according to his own Inclinations , and had not feared , that if the whole Examinations taken ( and not such only as they pleased to select had come to light , it would have appeared by the Examination of Master Goring ( purposely supprest ) with what intention that mention of bringing up the Army was made , with what earnestness it was opposed , and with what suddenness it was deserted : and many extenuations of and many other contradictions to what is now published would have appeared , and this impossible Stratagem , with which they have so much disturbed Our Subjects and reproached Us , could never have been made so much use of . After all this readiness in Us to do whatsoever they desired of Us , and patience in suffering them to do whatsoever they pleased to Us , We gave them warning , that if there were any more good Bills which they desired might pass for the benefit of Our Subjects , We wished they might be made ready against such a time , when We resolved , according to Our Promise to Our Scots Subjects ( with which they were well acquainted ) to repair into Our Kingdom of Scotland , to settle the unhappy Differences there . Upon this We were earnestly desired by both Our Houses of Parliament to deferr Our Journey thither , as well upon pretence of the Danger , if both Armies were not first disbanded , as that they had many good Laws in readiness for the settling the Differences here . We were by their entreaty perswaded to deferr . Our Journey to a day agreed on by themselves , assuring Our Self that they would think themselves obliged against that time not only to disband Our Armies , but so to prepare and digest the business of Parliament , that We might have made a Session before Our going . But that Malignant Faction was so prevalent , that the debate of the Bishops Bill took up most of their time , so that neither any care was taken for the disbanding the Army , nor any thing done that had any reference to the publick benefit : and when the time of Our stay was expired , and even the day come themselves had appointed , a new Address was made unto Us for a longer stay of fourteen days , because the Treaty was not concluded , nor the Armies disbanded , which was the main ground of Our deferring it before . This Suit ( which was the first We denied them ) We could not grant , there being that necessity with reference to Our Promise , and to the expectation of Our Subjects of Scotland , that it was not in Our power to satisfie them , as We informed both Houses Our self at a Conference ; and according to that necessity We undertook that Journey , not doubting but that when We should have dispatched the Affairs of that Kingdom , which We hoped speedily to do , and both Our Houses of Parliament should have refreshed themselves in the Visitation of those for whom they had so well provided by Our Favour , We should meet again with mutual Confidence one in another , and that it would be Our turn then to receive such Testimonies of that Confidence and Affection as We had deserved . But the mischievous and indefatigable industry of that Malignant party , which had before Our going interrupted that Correspondence which We deserved from Our People , had with no less Malice provided for Our reception at Our Return ; instead of reducing business to that head , that the Distractions of the Kingdom might be composed by the due observation and execution of the Laws , We found things far more out of order than We left them , and Our good Subjects more puzzled to know their Duties . Orders had been made in the House of Commons and published in derogation of the Book of Common-Prayer , and for suspension of those Laws in force which concerned the Government of the Church : and though another Order of the Lords was likewise published according to Law for the due observation of the Laws established , and for suppressing those Disorders which were every day breaking out , by the faction of mean loose persons against the Divine Service appointed by Law , the House of Commons took upon them publickly to declare against that Order , because it was only made with the consent of eleven Lords , and that nine other Lords did then dissent from it ; whereas in truth the said Order was made in a full House in January before , and only Ordered then by that difference of number to be printed , after the House of Commons had made ( in a very thin House , and after it had been rejected by Vote ) that illegal Order for such alteration in the Church : and if in truth it had been then made , and but by the odds of two Voices , being in pursuance of the Law , all men will think it of much more validity than any Order of the House of Commons against the Law ; which in truth hath no Authority to make any Orders in business of that nature . And therefore the publishing of that Order and Declaration of the ninth of September must be confessed by all men to be such a breach and violation of the Privilege of the Peers House , ( besides the Affront offered to Us , and injury to Our good Subjects , and to the Law by it ) that before this Parliament was never heard of ; and was an apparent evidence , that they meant the whole Managery of the Kingdom and the Legislative power should be undertaken by the House of Commons , without the Consent either of Us or Our Nobility . Yet the Execution of this Order was with great Diligence and Animosity pressed upon Our good Subjects , and many troubled and imprisoned for not submitting thereunto . When they had made this breach upon the Ecclesiastical State , they took care ( under pretence of encouragement of Preaching ) to erect Lectures in several Parishes , and to commend such Lecturers as best suited with their Designs , men of no learning , no Conscience , but furious Promoters of the most dangerous Innovations which were ever induced into any State ; many of them having taken no Orders , yet recommended by Members of either House to Parishes , as at Leusham in Kent , and many other places : And when Mechanick persons have been brought before them for Preaching in Churches , and confessed the same , the power of these Grand Reformers hath been so great , that they have been dismissed without Punishment , hardly with Reprehension . All persons of Learning and eminency in Preaching , of sober and vertuous Conversations , and great Examples in their Lives , even such as amongst these Men had been of greatest estimation , and suffered somewhat for them , were discountenanced , and such Men principally cherished , who boldly and seditiously preached against the Government of the Church , against the Book of Common-Prayer , against Our Kingly lawful Power , and against Our Person ; many of which were commended to ( if not imposed upon ) Parishes , first by special Letters and earnest Sollicitations from the prime Leaders of this turbulent Faction , after by Orders requiring such Ministers as would not accept their Recommendations to attend and shew cause . All licence was given to those leud Seditious Pamphlets which despised the Government both of the Church and State , which laid any Imputations and Scorns upon Our Person or Office , and which filled the ears of all Our good Subjects with Lyes and monstrous Discourses , to make them believe all the ill of the Government and Governors of Church and State : Books against the Book of Common-Prayer and the established Laws of the Land suffered , without reprehension , to be dedicated to both Houses of Parliament ; whatsoever the Rancour and Venome of any Infamous person could digest , published without control ; and nothing discountenanced and reproached , but a dutiful regard of Us and Our Honour , and a sober esteem and application to the Laws of the Kingdom . This was the condition We found at our return from Scotland , besides a strange groundless apprehension of Danger infused generally into the minds of Our good Subjects , as if some notable Design were in hand against the Parliament , against the City of London , against the whole Kingdom of England . There fell out an Accident whilest We were in Scotland concerning the Marquesses of Hamilton and Argile ; Those two Lords , upon some information given to them that their Persons were in danger , upon a sudden withdrew themselves from the Parliament in Scotland , and for some few days removed out of Edenburgh . Whatever they had been informed and what ever they suspected , the Grounds of both were very fully examined by the Parliament there , their Persons being of that quality and estimation in that Kingdom that they were sure of Justice . Upon the whole , themselves and the Parliament were satisfied , that the Information first given to them could not be made good to the proof of any Design to the Danger of these Lords , and the Examinations of the whole matter sent by Our direction to Our Parliament here . How ( if all had been true that was imagined ) this business could so highly and nearly concern the Peace of this Kingdom , and the present Safety of both Our Houses of Parliament , We cannot imagine : Yet upon the first report of it here ( which was the day before the first Meeting after the Recess ) without staying to hear the opinion of Our Parliament there , who used all diligence in the examination , or of Our Parliament here , such strange Glosses and Interpretations were made upon that accident ( not without reflection upon Us and Our Honour ) as if at the same time there had been such a Design to have been executed here as they had fancied to themselves that to be ; and a sudden resolution was taken , first by the Committee during the Recess , after by the Houses , to have a Guard for the defence of London , Westminster , and both Our Houses of Parliament : which must needs make a great impression in the minds of Our good Subjects , in a time when they were newly freed from the fears of two Armies , to be awaked with the apprehension of Dangers ; of which seeing no ground , they were to expect no end . Matters being thus stated , and all possible skill being used by that Faction , and by their Emissaries of the Clergy , ( who at the same time , such Clamour was raised of the unlawfulness that the Clergy should meddle in Temporal Affairs , were their chief Agents to derive their Seditious directions to the People , and were all the week attending the doors of both Houses to be imployed in those errands ) to infuse the most desperate Fears into the minds of all Men that could be imagined . To be sure that the memory of former bitterness might not depart , they provide for Our Entertainment against We should come to London , to present Us with a Remonstrance ( as they called it ) of the State of the Kingdom ; laying before Us , and publishing to all the world , all the mistakes and all the misfortunes which had happened from Our first coming to the Crown , and before , to that hour ; forgetting the blessed condition ( notwithstanding the unhappy mixture ) all Our Subjects had enjoyed in the benefit of Peace and Plenty under Us , to the envy of Christendom ; objecting to Us the Actions of some , and the thoughts of others ; and reproaching Us with matters which indeed never entred into Our thoughts , nor , to Our knowledge , into the thoughts of any other ; reviling Us to the People , and complaining to Us of the House of Peers ( whose Authority , Interest and Privilege was then as much slighted and despised as Ours is since ; ) and easily passing over those singular Acts of Our Grace passed by Us this Parliament , or ascribing them to their own wisdom in the procurement , they concluded against a Malignant Party , and that they had no hope of settling the Distractions of the Kingdom for want of concurrence with the House of Peers , and that concurrence was desperate by reason of the Prevalency of the Bishops and of the Recusant Lords , into which number all those Lords were cast who presumed to dissent from any Propositions made by the House of Commons . When this Engine was prepared for the People by the prime Leaders of that desperate Faction , it was presented to the House of Commons , and the greatest industry and skill used that is imaginable by private Sollicitations , Threats and Promises , to procure consent , that it might be passed by that House : and after a long debate ( longer than ever was known in Parliament , till three of the clock in the morning , from ten the day before , when very many , through weariness and weakness , were forced to leave the House ; so that it looked ( as was well said ) like the Verdict of the Starved Jury ) they carryed it by eleven Voices . And shortly , within very few days after Our return ( when We had been received with all possible expressions of Joy by Our City of London , which was publickly murmured against , and the chief advancers of that Duty and Affection discountenanced , as if they envied Us the Loyalty of Our People , and when it was publickly said in Our House of Commons , upon some dispute of a pretended breach of the Orders of the House , That their Discipline ought to be severe , for the Enemy was in view ) that Remonstrance was presented to Us at Our Court , at Hampton-Court , by some Members of the House of Commons , with a Petition ( contracting the sharp Language in the Remonstrance into less room ) amongst other things , That We would concurr with Our People for depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , ( for which there was no Bill passed both Houses ) and to employ such Persons about Us as Our Parliament might confide in . We received this strange Petition , and stranger Remonstrance , graciously from the hands of the Presenters , promised them an Answer , and in the mean time desired that the Remonstrance might not be published to the People ; the thing it self , and the printing any thing of the like nature , being never heard of by the direction of the House of Commons till this Parliament , it being the first appeal to the People , and of a dangerous consequence to Parliaments themselves . But ( as in other things neither Our Desires or Commands have been considered ) without giving Us leisure to answer either the one or the other , special direction is given for the printing that Remonstrance , and equal care taken for the publishing it in all places and parts of the Kingdom . Having taken this care for the shaking and perplexing the minds of all men , the next work was to get such a Power into their hands as might govern and dispose of those Affections . To this purpose they had from the beginning of the Parliament ( by reason of some complaints against the immoderate exercise of the authority of the Lieutenants and their Deputies in raising Coat and Conduct-money , and some excesses in them ) had several debates in the diminution of the Office it self ; but still grounded upon the illegal Pressures used by them , and upon some words in the Commission it self , which ( though of long usage in very happy days ) were conceived not agreeable to the Law : but they were so far from supposing the Office it self or Commission to be illegal , that both Houses of Parliament had recommended two Lords to Us , and desired Our Commission to make them Lords Lieutenants of Yorkshire and Dorsetshire ; the only end seeming then to be , that good and approved men should be in those imployments and trusts . But at last they resolved against the Office it self , and would think of some other way to provide for the safety of the Kingdom in that point ; and in this they had a double end : First , to fright all persons ( Members of both Houses , who had been Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants ) to comply with them in their Votes , lest they should be called in question for the execution of those Offices ( a Stratagem they had found to engage many persons to their Opinions , as Sheriffs for the collecting Ship-money , and all other persons who in truth were or might be made obnoxious to their Power : ) then , that by unsettling that whole business of the Militia throughout the Kingdom , they might the more easily bring in their own power of governing it , as they have since endeavoured to do . And thereupon they presumed to bring in such a Bill into the House of Commons , to place a General at Land and an Admiral at Sea by Act of Parliament , with such Power and Authority over the Lives and Fortunes of all Our Subjects , as should be liable to no control nor to be questioned by any Superintendent hand , with a pre-pardon for whatsoever they should do under colour of those Offices , either of which Officers should have been a much greater Man than Our Self , and commanded in Our Kingdom above Us : the matter of which Bill , to shew their Design , is since digested into their new Generals Commission , and the pretended Ordinance to the Earl of Warwick . And all this was then pretended to be a matter of absolute Necessity for the Preservation of Us and Our Kingdom ; but at that time it could procure no other credit , than to be suffered to rest in the House as an evidence of the liberty might be used in the preferring of Bills . They had by this time taken all the licence at their private Cabals to undervalue and vilifie Our Person and Our Power , and in publick , to give way and countenance to any Scandals upon Us. Letters from the Mayor of Plymouth , that the Rebels in Ireland call themselves The Queen's Army , and pretend the King's Authority for what they do , and store of such Discourses upon such Evidence is every week printed in the Journals of the House ; which without doubt must be of great authority with Our People , who must conceive such Informations to be not only fully and clearly proved , but to be accepted and published upon very weighty reasons above the consideration of Our Honour and Safety . And now they were to examine what notable credit their Remonstrance and their other general Infusions had got with the People , and how ready they would be upon any occasions to venture themselves at their direction . They had made themselves so terrible in the House of Commons , that by their Threats and their Promises of Places and Preferments to several Men , and by the absence of many , they had gotten the major part : But in the House of Lords their power was not the same ; that must be wrought another way : yet there they had used all means to prevail upon the hopes and fears of such who they thought might that way be dealt with ; witness , among many other things of the same nature , that insolent Speech of Mr. Pym to the Earl of Dover , That if he looked for any Preferment , he must comply with them in their ways , and not hope to have it by serving Vs. Shortly after their coming together upon the Recess , a new Bill was preferred in the House of Commons , for the taking away of the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers ; which being once rejected before , ought not , by the Course and Order of Parliament , to have been admitted again the same Session : but that was easily over-ruled , and in the House of Commons it did pass , many good Man the more willingly concurring therein , upon hope that that Bill being once consented to , the Fury of that Faction , which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government , would be abated , or that Rage being discerned , they would lose that strength which supported them . But the Lords quickly found that the Ring-leaders of that Faction had not Ingenuity enough to be compounded with ; and therefore with them it was not like to find so easie a passage . Now their resort was to the People , whom upon several occasions they had trained down to Westminster in great multitudes with Swords and Clubs , and had often sent for them when any debate was like to be carried against them in either House ; the particulars whereof We are ready to prove . Every Man will conceive We were in a great streight , to find Our Self so much disappointed of that return the consciousness of Our own Merit and the many glorious Professions made by both Houses bade Us to expect . We saw the Laws absolutely trampled under feet , and a Design laid to ruin the Government of the Kingdom , and to destroy Us and Our Posterity . We saw this Design carried by a few Men , whose Hatred and Malice to Our Person We found implacable , and their Contempt of Us and Our Authority so visible and notorious , that they forbore not to express it in their mention of Us in all companies . We saw their Power and Interest to be so great , that they were able to mis-lead very many honest Men , and to countenance their actions under the name of both Houses of Parliament . We were resolved that nothing they should do within those walls should provoke Us , till time and the experience good Men should have of them should discover their purposes ; therefore We applied Our self only to the Law , hoping that the Insolence and Licentiousness of the People might , by Our help , be curbed by that Rule . The Tumults grew so notorious and so dangerous , that they Threatned and Assaulted the Members of both Houses ; whereupon the House of Peers ( which it seems the Lords present at the passing of one of their late Declarations , wherein they deny there have been any Tumults , had forgot ) at a Conference with the House of Commons twice very earnestly desired , that they would , for the dignity of Parliaments , joyn with them in a Declaration for the suppressing such Tumults . But the prevalency of that Faction was so great , that though complaint was made by Members in the House of Commons , that they had been assaulted and evil-intreated by those people , even at the door of their House , in stead of joyning with the Lords for the suppressing or punishing them , several Speeches were made in justification of them and commending their Affections , saying , They must not discourage their friends , this being a time they must make use of all their friends ; and Master Pym saying , God forbid that the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten people to obtain their just desires in such away : which he had good reason to say , himself and those other persons whom We afterwards accused of High Treason , having by great sollicitation and encouragement , caused those multitudes to come down in that manner . The Lords having in vain tried this way , appoint ( upon the advice of the Judges ) that a Writ be directed to the Sheriff and Justices , upon divers Statutes , ( which issued accordingly ) to suppress and hinder all tumultuous resort : in obedience to which the Justices and other Ministers appoint the Constables to attend about Westminster , to hinder that unlawful Conflux of People . This was no sooner done , but the Constables and Justices of the Peace were sent for by the House of Commons , the setting such a Watch Voted to be a breach of Priviledg● and before any Conference with the Lords by whose direction that legal Writ issued out , the Watch discharged , and one of the Justices for doing his Duty according to that Writ sent to the Tower. About the same time there was a Tumultuous Assembly of Brownists , Anabaptists and other Sectaries called together by the Sound of a Bell into a place in Southwark , where the Arms and Magazine for that Burrough were kept . The Constable knowing such Meetings to be unlawful , and the Consequences of them , especially in such places , to be very dangerous , came amongst them . He was no sooner come , but he was reproached with words , beaten and dragged in a barbarous manner , insomuch as he hardly escaped from them with his life . Complaint was made by him to the next Justices , and Oath made of the truth of that complaint : whereupon a Writ was sent to the Sheriff to impannel a Jury according to the Law , for the examination and finding of this Riot . This was complained of too , and the meeting ( in how tumultuous and disorderly a manner soever ) pretended to be only for the drawing of a Petition against Bishops , and that the Constable was a friend to Bishops , and came to cross them , and to hinder Men from subscribing that Petition . Hereupon an Order was made in the House of Commons , and the under-Sheriff of Surrey by it enjoyned , that he should not suffer any proceedings to be made upon any inquisition that might concern any persons who met together to subscribe a Petition to be preferred to that House . What Authority the House of Commons had or have to send any such Injunctions , We cannot conceive ; yet by this any disorderly persons ( let their Intentions and demeanour be never so Seditious ) are above the reach of the Law and Justice , if they please to say they meet to prepare any Petition to the House of Commons . And 't is no wonder if , after all this care taken to remove all those Obstacles the Law had put in the way to such Tumults , all people took upon them to visit Our Parliament in such manner as they thought fit , and thereupon great multitudes of mutinous people every day resorted to Westminster , threatned to pull down the Lodgings where divers of the Bishops lay , assaulted some in their Coaches , chased others with Boats by water , laid violent hands on the Archbishop of York in his passing to the House , and had he not been rescued by force , it is probable they had murthered him ; crying through the Streets , Westminster-Hall , and between the two Houses , No Bishops , No Bishops , No Popish Lords ; and misused the several Members of either House , who they were informed favoured not their desperate and Seditious ends ; proclaiming the names of several of the Peers as Evil and Rotten-Hearted Lords ; attempting the defacing the Abby at Westminster with great Violence , and in their return from thence made a Stand before Our Gate at White-Hall , said , They would have no more Porters-Lodge , but would speak with the King when they pleased ; and used such desperate Rebellious discourse , that We had great reason to believe Our own Person , Our Royal Consort and Our Children to be in evident Danger of Violence , and therefore were compelled at Our great charge to entertain a Guard for securing Us from that Danger . And yet all this Danger is so slighted , that We are told in the last Declaration , after We have so often urged it , That it is a Suggestion as false as the Father of Lies can invent . These Licentious and unpunished Tumults gave occasion to the Bishops ( who could not repair to the House without Danger of their Lives ) to make that their Protestation , for the which they were forthwith accused of High Treason by the House of Commons , and committed to the Tower by the House of Peers , where they continued for the space of four Months at the least . That small Guard We had taken for Our necessary Safety , and the resort of some Officers ( who attended both Our Houses of Parliament , for Mony due to them by Act of Parliament and upon the publick Faith ) to Our Court for Our Defence against those Tumults , was objected against Us , and divers counterfeit Letters were written , and sensless Fears infused into the Citizens of London , that We had a design of actual Violence upon that City , and thereupon they were drawn into Arms , and put upon their Guard against Us. So that there was not only no provision made for the suppressing of Tumults , but that provision the Law had made against them discountenanced and taken away , and We Our Self censured for taking so much strength about Us as might , for some time , oppose such Force as was like to be offered to Our own Gates . What should We do ? We very well knew the Contrivers of all these Mischiefs , who had by their exceeding Industry and Malice wrought this Distraction throughout the Kingdom , such a defection of Allegiance in the Common people , such a damp of Trade in the City , and so horrid a Confusion in the Church , and all this to satisfie their own private Ends and Ambition : for themselves know what overtures have been made by them , and with what importunity , for Offices and Preferments , what great Services should have been done for Us , and what other undertakings were ( even to have saved the Life of the Earl of Strafford ) if We would confer such Offices upon them . We were sure We could make such particular proofs against them of a solemn Combination entred into by them for altering the Government of the Church and State , of their designing Offices to themselves and other Men , of their solliciting and drawing down the Tumults to Westminster , and of their bidding the People in the height of their rage and fury to go to White-Hall , of their scornful and odious mention of Our Person , and their design of getting Our Son , the Prince , into their hands , of their treating with Foreign Power to assist them if they should fail in their enterprises : Yet we saw too that their Interest and reputation was so great with many of both Houses of Parliament , their Power so absolute with a multitude of Brownists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries about London , who were ready to appear in a body at their command , that it would be a hard matter to proceed against them . In this streight We resolved to do Our part in both , to give Our People a clear satisfaction of Our upright Intentions to the publick , whereby they should find their Happiness did not at all depend on such Instruments ; and to proceed against the Persons of the other in a legal way , that all the world might see what Ambition , Malice and Sedition had been had under the Vizour of Conscience and Religion . Hereupon We prepared an Answer to the Remonstrance the House of Commons had before published to the People of the State of the Kingdom ; wherein , without taking notice of the uncomely Language in , and the Circumstances of that Remonstrance , We declared with as gracious and full Expressions as We could make , Our earnest Resolutions for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Law of the Land ; and made no less gracious offers to consent to any Act that should be offered for the ease of tender Consciences in matters indifferent , and very earnestly desired that the same might be provided , and whatever else should be thought necessary for the Peace and Security of Our People : And then , that We might likewise manifest the Actions of that Malignant Party which had done so much mischief , and intended so much more , We resolved to accuse the Lord Kimbolton , Master Hollis , Master Pym , Master Hampden , and Master Stroud , ( who had so maliciously contrived the Ruine of Our Self and the established Government of this Church and Kingdom ) and Sir Arthur Hesilrigge , who had been made their Instrument to obey and execute their bold and wild designs of High Treason , as We had great reason to do , hoping that their Duty due to Us , and the Obligations We had put upon Our People this Parliament , would never suffer the Interest and reputation of these Men to be laid in the scale , and to over-weigh Our Regal Authority and the Law of the Land , but that We should have found a way open to a fair and Legal Trial of them , which was all We desired . How our proceeding was in that business and Our managery of it , We have truly and at large set forth in Our Answer to the Declaration of both Houses of the nineteenth of May , That what We did first in acquainting the House of Commons with Our Accusation by Our Serjeant at Arms , was in Correspondence and out of regard to that House , that We might rather have them delivered to the hands of Justice by them , than apprehend them by an ordinary Minister of Justice ; which We were and are assured , whatever Doctrine is preached to the contrary , We might well have done in the case of Treason : otherwise that Maxime in the Law , acknowledged in a Petition of both Houses to Us in the beginning of Our Reign , in the Case of the Earl of Arundel , That in case of Treason , Felony and breach of Peace , Priviledge of Parliament doth not extend , is of no signification . The words are , They find it an undoubted Right and constant Priviledge of Parliament , That no Member of Parliament ( sitting the Parliament , or within the usual times of Priviledge of Parliament ) is to be imprisoned or restrained without Sentence or Order of the House , unless it be for Treason , Felony , or for refusing to give Sureties for the Peace . In those Cases 't was then thought a Member of either House was not to be distinguished from another Subject : and why We might not as well have expected that upon Our Articles ( not so general as a meer verbal Accusation ) of High Treason , either House would have committed their several Members , as they had done so many this Parliament , and about that time Twelve together ( upon a confessed ground , which every Man there , who knew what Treason was , knew that fact to be none ) meerly because they were accused , and as the House of Peers had formerly done a Member of that House , ( the Earl of Bristol ) accused in the same manner , most of the good Lords being then Judges , We neither could then , nor can yet understand . That Our own coming to the House was to prevent that shedding of blood , which in all possibility was likely to follow that Order made the night before , for resisting all such Officers who endeavoured ( upon how legal Warrant soever ) to arrest any Members of either House ( an Order much more unjustifiable by any Rule of Law and Justice , by which Orders or Acts are to be examined , than any thing We have done , or any body by Our Authority . ) That Our purpose was no other but to acquaint that House with the matter of Our Accusation , to desire their Persons might be secured , and without any thought of the least violation of their Priviledges . This is that which We did : Examine now their part , and their progress since , and then judge whose Priviledges have been invaded , and with how good a mind to the Common-wealth they have proceeded . We were no sooner gone but the House adjourned it self , with some unusual expressions of offence , and We were speedily informed that some Reports and Scandals were raised against Us in Our City of London ; That We had offered Violence to Our House of Commons , come thither with force to murther several Members , and used threatning Speeches there against Our Parliament ; and that this was but a Preface to an attempt We meant to make against and upon the City . Whereupon We resolved the next day to go to the Guild-Hall ; and to shew the great Confidence We had in the affections of Our said City ( which We expected should have begot a proportionable Confidence from them in Us ) We went attended with very few of Our own Servants , and then in the presence of the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , and a very great assembly of the chief Citizens and others , We made them a full Narration of what We had done the day before , and assured them , that We intended no proceedings but such as were most agreeable to the Law of the Land and the Priviledge of Parliament . This demeanour of Ours We thought would have given satisfaction to all Our loving Subjects , that if in truth We had erred in the form of Our Proceedings , yet Our intentions were full of Justice and regard to the general Law of the Land , from which We shall never willingly swerve . But in stead of any application to inform our Judgment wherein we had erred , and how We were to proceed , both Our Houses of Parliament , under the title of Committees , adjourned themselves to the Guild-Hall , and afterwards to Grocers-Hall ; the Persons accused remove themselves into the City , as to a Sanctuary , and there manage and contrive business to their own ends ; they cause Discourses to be published and Infusions to be made of incredible danger to the City and Kingdom by that Our coming to the House ; and Alarm was given to the City in the dead time of the night , That We were coming with Horse and Foot thither , and thereupon the whole City put in Arms. And however the envy seemed to be cast upon the Designs of the Papists , mention was only made of actions of Our own . Their seditious Preachers and Agents are by them and their special and particular directions sent into the several Counties to infuse those Fears and Jealousies into the minds of Our good Subjects , with Petitions ready drawn by them for the People to sign ; which were yet many times by them changed , three or four times , before the delivery , upon accidents and occurrences of either or both Houses . And when many of Our poor deceived People of Our several Counties have come to Our City of London with a Petition so framed , altered and signed as aforesaid , that Petition hath been suppressed , and a new one ready drawn hath been put into their hands after their coming to Town , ( insomuch as few of the company have known what they petitioned for ) and hath been by them presented to one or both Houses of Parliament , as that of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire ; witness those Petitions , and , amongst the rest , that from Hartfordshire , which took notice of matters agreed on or dissented from the night before the delivery , which was hardly time enough to get so many thousand hands , and to travel to London in that errand . The accused Members , to shew how much they were above Us and the reach of the Law , march with a Guard of armed Men to the place where the Committee sate , sit with them , and govern those Counsels . First , they procure a Declaration to be set forth and printed from the Committee ( without being reported to the House , contrary to all Custom and Priviledge of Parliament , and against the Law it self ) with very strange expressions of Our carriage ; and , upon the matter , requiring all people to assist them . This they cause to be sent into the City to the common-Councel , which by the undue practices of Captain Venne , and Master Foulk , since made Alderman for his good service , ( their principal Agents ) they had caused to be altered , by putting out the gravest and most substantial Citizens , and taking in persons of desperate Fortunes and Opinions , who they knew would concur with them in their more desperate Actions ; ( the same Design , and the same way pursued to make the City of London at their disposal , as had been practised in the House of Commons to work upon the whole Kingdom : ) and with this Common-Council Correspondence is kept for the setting of unusual Watches , placing of Guards in several places of the City , as if some desperate attempt and assault were to be made upon the whole City by Us , who were known scarce to have a Guard strong enough to preserve Our own House from Violence . A Commander is appointed under the Title of Serjeant-Major-general ; and , as if all Men were now by their new Protestation made Judges of the Priviledges of Parliament and the Breaches thereof , and absolved from all Rules of Obedience , special provision is made , and publick direction is given , for drawing down the Trained-bands of Our City of London to Westminster on a day appointed , to guard and bring in triumph the persons accused of High-Treason , as such worthy Patriots that the Commonwealth it self could not subsist but with reference to them ; who in their discourses and by their Messages to their Confederates expressed the greatest Scorn of , and the most treasonable Reproaches against Us that can be imagined . When We understood this horrid preparation made against Us , the Power it was evident these persons had to do hurt , and the Malice We knew they bore against Our Person ( which We had too great reason to fear they intended to seize ) We resolved to yield , for the present , to this Storm : and so the day before their coming to Westminster We withdrew Our Person , with Our Royal Consort and Our Children , to Our House at Hampton-Court ; and the rather , lest the Courage and Indignation of some of Our good Subjects might ( how weakly soever , yet with the effusion of blood ) oppose that great scorn intended Us ; and believing that possibly by Our removing with all such persons whose presence was excepted against , and discharging that small Guard which the Tumults had forced Us to take for Our Safety , and which was urged as an Argument of Danger , and Ground of the general Fears , might at least lessen their appearance the next day . But these Powerful Persons would by no means conceal their triumph over Us , but the next day are guarded from their residence in the City with multitudes of armed Men and Ammunition in a hostile and warlike manner to Westminster . The same Care and Industry was used to provoke and incense Our Mariners , Masters of Ships , and other Seamen , who were solicited by the Agents for the accused Persons , and by their special direction , to express their Affection likewise to the Cause in hand ; and thereupon near one hundred Lighters and Long-Boats were set out by water , laden with Sakers , Murthering-Pieces , and other Ammunition , dressed up with Wast-clothes and Streamers , as ready for fight . And in this Array , these Men by water and the Soldiers by land cried out as they passed by , That they would thus Protect and Defend those worthy Gentlemen whom We had accused of High-Treason ; and as they passed by Our Windows at White-Hall , scornfully asked what was become of Vs , whither We were gone . In this Equipage they came to both Houses , where it is no wonder they have been since able to govern , having given such testimony of their Power both by land and water . Let all the world judge by what Law this Army was raised , and whether any Act of Ours against these persons was as unwarrantable as these proceedings . We bore all this , being so much amazed at these Distractions , that We could not easily find what colour the Malice of these Men had found out thus to out-face Us , not yet conceiving We had broke any Priviledge , or that the casual breaking of Priviledge could have produced such prodigious Distempers . But We were no sooner advertised where Our mistaking was , but , without recrimination or complaining of the Injuries against Our Self , We sent to both Houses on the twelfth and fourteenth of January by Message , That in Our proceeding against those Persons We had not the least Intention of violating their Priviledges , which We would be willing to assert by any reasonable way We should be advised ; That We would wave Our former proceedings againsts them , and when the minds of Men should be composed , would proceed in an unquestionable way ; in the mean time desired all jealousies might be laid aside , and application be made to the publick and pressing Affairs , especially to those of Ireland , which cried for the utmost of Our Assistance . But it concerned those Persons by no means to suffer such a Composition ; if these Fears and Jealousies were not kept up and inflamed in the People , and the Distractions heightned , they knew they should not only be disappointed of the Places , Offices , Honours and Employments they had promised themselves , but be exposed to the Justice of the Law , and just Hatred of all good Men. Therefore the business of both Kingdoms was not considerable to the Interests of the Six Members , who would be thought the Pillars both of Church and State. They had now found a danger nearer hand than Ireland , and an Army raised by Us in one night at Kingston upon Thames ; and upon some extravagant Information pretended to be given to a Committee , ( though some of their pretended Witnesses publickly in the House disavowed any such Testimony ) they procured an Order to be framed ; and though before the publishing of it they had full and clear evidence to the contrary by Persons come immediately from the place , and testifying it to be most quiet and peaceable , they yet had power to procure that Order to be published on the thirteenth of January , ( the next day after they had received so gracious a Message from Us ) declaring that the Lord Digby and Colonel Lunsford ( the former of which was in the Town only with a Coach and six Horses , the other only attended by his Servant , and hath been since earnestly pressed by the Serjeant of the House of Commons ( in whose custody he was ) to accuse the Lord Digby , with promises that thereby himself should be discharged ) had gathered Troops of Horse , and appeared in a warlike manner at Kingston upon Thames ( being within a Mile of Our Court ) to the terror and affrightment of Our good Subjects , and to the disturbance of the publick weal of the Kingdom ; and therefore it was ordered , That the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace should , with the Assistance of the Train-Bands , suppress such Assemblies , &c. And this way they found out to draw that County to affront Us , and sent multitudes of mean people , under pretence of petitioning Us , to shew Us how unsecure Our Residence was like to be there too , and so in a short time compelled Us , Our Royal Consort and Our Children , to remove to Our Castle at Windsor . They proceed then by a Close Committee ( a thing scarce heard of till this Parliament , and of dangerous consequence to the fame and reputation of all Men ) to examine such mean , unknown persons as they had by Threats and Promises solicited to that purpose , concerning the circumstances of Our coming to the House , exhibiting bold and malicious Interrogatories and Questions concerning Our Self ; and upon such wild Informations of desperate persons , contrary to the known truth , and concealing other Examinations which they had taken , and by which the contrary to what they would have the People believe would have appeared , particularly that very full Examination of Captain Ashley , wherein Our publick and peremptory Commands against all manner of Violence ( though provoked ) are sufficiently manifested , they procured an infamous Declaration to be published by the House of Commons ( for the House of Peers could not be yet prevailed with to joyn in those Extravagancies ) on the seventeenth of January , mentioning Our coming to the House , and some rude expressions of some persons , ( who , if there were any such persons there , We are most confident they were not of Our Train ) and would infer from some Mens calling for the Word at Our coming out of the House ( which is a form used in Our Court , that those of Our Train who are before may know when and whither they are to go ) that We had a purpose to have fallen upon the House of Commons , and to have cut all their Throats ; and do therefore declare , That Our coming to the House was a traitorous Design against the King and Parliament ; That Our Proclamation issued out of the Apprehension of them was false , scandalous and illegal ; That it was lawful for all Men to harbour them , and that whosever did so , should be under the Protection and Priviledge of Parliament : with many other expressions of and aspersions upon Us , which they hoped would render Us odious to Our good Subjects , and force Us for Our safety to submit to such unreasonable Propositions which amongst themselves they had provided to be offered to Us , or provoke Us to such Actions as might give them some advantage . To keep the People in a continual Alarm and apprehension of Danger , few days passed without some pretended Discovery by Sir Walter Earl or other quick-sighted Men , of some Treason or Plot against the Parliament , the City , or the Kingdom ; and upon every light and impossible Information many of Our Subjects sent for out of several Counties , who , after chargeable attendance , were dismissed without any reparation or reprehension . One day the Tower of London is in danger to be taken , and Information given , That great Multitudes , at least a hundred , had that day resorted to visit a Priest , then a Prisoner there by Order of the Lords , and that at the time of the Information above fifty or threescore were then there , and a Warder dispatched of purpose to give that notice : upon enquiry , but four Persons were then found to be there , and but eight all that day , who had visited that Priest . Another day a Tailour in a Ditch , in the open fields , over-hears two Passengers to plot the death of Mr. Pym , and of many other Members of both Houses : then Libellous Letters found in the Streets , without names ( probably contrived by themselves , and by their Power published , printed , and entred in their Journals ; ) and Intimations given of the Papists training under ground , and of notable provision of Ammunition in Houses , where , upon examination , a single Sword and a Bow and Arrows are found : a design of the Inhabitants of Covent-Garden to murther the City of London : news from France , Italy , Spain and Denmark , of Arms ready to come for England ; with infinite such ridiculous Discourses , which are not only suffered and directed to be Printed , but such countenance and credit given to them , that thereupon Guards must be doubled , Correspondencies and Letters interrupted and broken open , even of and to Forein Ministers of State and Embassadors , to the Scandal of the Nation , and against the Laws of Society and Civil Conversation : a Committee appointed for Information , where Liberty hath been taken , without any Accusation or Complaint extant , to examine the discourses passed at Meals and Entertainments , what words such a Man spoke ; and such other monstrous things as in a short time will render life it self unpleasant , and make every Room and every Table a bait to betray Men , and to bring them to ruine and destruction . Insomuch as persons have been sent and imployed by Members of that Committee on purpose to the Tables of Persons of Honour and Quality , to enquire , observe and inform what Language and Freedom was there used ; whilest these Worthy accused Members took the Liberty to themselves in all their private Meetings , and by their Letters , to Deprave and Slander Our Person to contrive the Alteration of the Government of the Church and State , to treat with Forein Power to assist them as soon as their Designs should be ripe , to labour by Promises and Threats to bring the several Members of either House to their opinion , and to raise Scandals upon , and to plot Danger and Ruine for those who were of another opinion . And having now by these Arts disquieted and distracted the People abroad , and made them fit to receive any impressions from them , they proceed to work upon the Members of both Houses with infinite Industry and Applications , that they might be able to get the reputation of Consent from them , to encourage and set the People a work , if We refused to consent with them . They had remoed as many Members from them of a contrary opinion as they could , and had used all means to get Men who would be disposed by them into their rooms . If they found any such Lord , who had not a name in their List of the good Lords , were like to have any influence upon a Place where an Election was to be , presently an Order was conceived and published , That no Letters from any Noble-man ought to be written in such Cases , and if written , to be neglected ; but would by no means consent that this Order should conclude those of the House of Commons , lest Master Pym or any of those blessed Members might not write in the behalf of the Commonwealth for a worthy Gentleman . If any Elections were questioned , whereby they were like to lose a Man at their disposal , such businesses and questions were of too private a nature to interrupt their proceedings : so neither the Election of New-Castle , Warwick , Windsor , and very many other places , for whom Persons serve without and against the Consent of the Burroughs for whom they have got themselves returned or admitted , can be heard or considered . If the Election of any such Persons hath been heard at the Committee , and they Voted out of the House as unduly chosen or returned , they will by no means suffer such a report to be made , lest a good Member should be lost ; as in the Case of Master Nicholas ( Master Pym's Nephew ) and others . Are they concerned in the contrary , and is any Man returned and admitted whom they would be rid of , and against whom the least pretence is made ? straight a day is appointed , no business so great , as fit to be a Cause to keep a worthy Member from the Service of his Countrey : This is the Case of Andover , and other places . They rid themselves of those ( how justly soever elected ) whose Opinions are not suteable , nor their Dispositions weak and guilty enough to be wrought upon . Their next Conquest must be of those whom they could under any general Vote conclude to be obnoxious to the Justice ( and so to be within the Mercy ) of the Parliament . To this purpose their terrible Votes ( which they keep as Rods over them , having never proceeded against any ) against all those Lords who had concurred in such an Order at the Council-Table , or such a Censure in the Star-Chamber ; against all Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies , who had raised Coat and Conduct-money ; against all Sheriffs who had levied Ship-money ; against all Lords and others who had been concerned in , or received profit by any Monopoly or illegal Patent ; in a word , against all such who had medled in any thing which their Interpretation would call grievous to the Subject , brought all Persons of either House , who had guilt enough to doubt themselves , or want of Spirit enough to fear them , either to be absent , or silent , or to comply with them . And if any Man had the Courage to consider the single business justly and by it self , they were straight making an Inquisition into his whole life , and preparing something against him for matters of which their Favourites were equally guilty ; and declared publickly , That what disservice soever any Man had done formerly , if his present Actions were such as brought benefit to the Commonwealth , he ought not to be questioned for what was past , but cherished and protected . They had several Baits to catch and betray other Men. Those who had been from the beginning deceived by them , and complied with them in their passion , and been subtilly involved in some of their private counsels , they perswaded , That they were so far in , there was no retiring ; that We would never forget the dis-service they had done Us ; and therefore that there was no way to safety for themselves but by weakning Us , and putting themselves into such a condition as it should not be in Our Power to suppress them . To those who had publick thoughts about them , and desired the establishment of right equally between Us and Our Subjects , and thought that right and favour they had obtained from Us this Parliament could never be enjoyed by them with that lustre and security , if the Power from which they received it were oppressed or rendred of less veneration , they seemed abundantly satisfied with those Acts We had passed , that they had no further aim than to enjoy those ; but that they had upon Our unwilling passing those Acts ( which all the world knows to be an Untruth most maliciously framed ) great reason to fear , We meant not to observe them : when in truth We had , by the Bill for the Triennial Parliament , put Our Self and Our Posterity ( which We were willing to do ) out of any possibility of destroying or not observing those good Laws , To those who were desirous to give that satisfaction to weak Consciences , that they might be eased of unnecessary Ceremonies , yet were scandalized at the prophane and odious Licence which the Rabble of Brownists , Anabaptists and other Sectaries took to themselves of despising and reviling the Book of Common-Prayer , of suffering Mechanick , Ignorant fellows to undertake publickly , even in Churches , to preach and expound the Scripture , they seemed no less to be disquieted at that Disorder , but alledge that all Reconciliation and Union was to be embraced and pursued against the Common Enemy the Papist ( from whom the Danger was principally to be feared ; ) and when a perfect Victory was obtained against them , they should easily bring the other poor harmless Creatures to Conformity . Those who out of Laziness and Vulgar-spiritedness were apt to comply with that part which was at last likely to prevail , they informed and assured confidently , That they had those about Us , who would at last perswade Us to yield to all they demanded ; and that all Places and Preferments should attend their directions , and be disposed by them , and that all such who opposed them should be inevitably destroyed . Those whom neither their Skill nor Importunity , their Threats nor their Promises could prevail with to comply in their bad ways , they proscribed as a Malignant Party , and having cast all the aspersions upon them Folly and Madness could devise , exposed them to be torn in pieces by the People . And having thus disposed themselves and perplexed the People , they proceed to laying that Foundation of Greatness and Power to themselves they had from the beginning contrived : and as if all the Pillars upon which the Peace and Happiness and Being of this Kingdom was founded , were now shaken by the attempt against those six Innocent persons , and that all Our Power were therefore to be transferred into other hands , they cause the matter of the Bill formerly exhibited in October before to be again reviewed ; and now all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , and the whole Militia , must be put into such hands as they might confide in . A Garrison must be put into Our Town of Hall , and Sir John Hotham appointed Governour of it , to whom the Mayor of York is ordered to dispose 2000 pound out of the Poll-money , which was to pay the Arrears due to that County for Billet , and the great Debt to Our Subjects of Scotland . And when the Mayor and principal Aldermen of Hull refuse to receive that Garrison , and urge the Petition of Right , that they may not be forced to billet those Souldiers , they are sent for to the House of Commons , and there kept in a tedious and chargeable Attendance , till the Garrison be taken in , being sent for to no other purpose . Our Own Magazine must be managed and disposed by their discretion . The Tower of London must be put into their hands , and a Person against whom Malice it self could not find the least accusation must be removed , for no other reason but because We had a good opinion of him . They who are the strictest in their Censure of Us and of Our Easiness will find , upon this State of things , that We had enough to do , and that there was much difficulty to resolve . We will never deny that Our extream tenderness of the Peace of the Kingdom , and Our great Grief of heart to see Our good Subjects mis-led in their Duty and Affection , begot more of Our Compassion and Pity than of Our Anger and Indignation , so that We were more awake to the sense of the Calamity and Misery which in all probability was like to befal them , than of Our own Honour and Dignity ; and therefore , without expressing the least resentment of all the Scorns and Injuries put upon Us , and to shew how much Our Soul was possessed with the care of Our People , We sent a Message to both Our Houses of Parliament from Windsor on the twentieth of January , desiring them , for the composing the miserable Distractions of the Kingdom , to enter speedily into a serious consideration of all particulars , as well those which might concern their Privileges , their Liberty and their Property , the securing the true Religion and the settling of Ceremonies , as those of Our just Regal Authority and Revenue , that so both We and they might make a clear Judgement of them , and We might make it appear how far We were from giving grounds for those Fears and Jealousies , by exceeding the examples of the most indulgent Princes in Our Acts of Grace and Favour to Our People . No body will blame Us , if We expected at least such an Answer as might bring Us and Our Houses of Parliament to an issue , that We might temperately debate what was to be done : But they who well knew the nature of their own demands , and what they meant to insist upon , would by no means that things should be brought into so little Room , or discover the particulars of their Desires , till they saw what Strength they were like to have to second those Desires ; therefore a new Adjournment is made to Grocers-Hall to consult of Evils and Remedies ; several Petitions , framed and contrived by these persons themselves , are sent into the several Counties , and multitudes of people resort every day to both Houses with Petitions , avowing the Fears and Jealousies these men had infused into them , and desiring to have the Kingdom put into a posture of Defence , and declaring their stout Resolutions to maintain the Privilege of Parliament . In this Triumph they vouchsafe to petition Us to proceed against the Members accused , or else that they might be publickly quit . We were resolved to give them no more advantage upon breach of Privilege , and therefore desired to be informed which way We were to proceed , and whether We might prefer Indictments against them at the Common-Law . We were answered that no proceeding should be against them without Consent of that House of which they were Members ; and therefore We were desired within three days to inform both Houses what proof We had against them , or else they should be cleared : and they had before caused their false , scandalous Declaration of the fourteenth of January , of Our coming to the House , to be new printed , together with the Protestation , and to be sent over the whole Kingdom by the Knights and Burgesses , as if by the one they were obliged to defend the other . In this case no Man will believe We had reason to bring in Our Proofs against these Men , and to publish Our Evidence , when We were told it was in the power of the major part to chuse whether they should be tried or no : And We might easily see , and all the world will judge by the proceedings then , and their publick expressions since , whether , if We had proved a Conspiracy amongst them to have taken away Our Life , they would not have found some distinction between Our Person and Our Office , which should have preserved these Persons from the hand and course of Justice ; and to what other end that Doctrine should be published with so much passion , That in case of Treason We might not proceed against any Member but by Consent of the House , ( so contrary to Custom , Law and Reason ) but to let all Men know it should not be in Our Power to question them for any thing they should do against Us , let the Law be never so clear in the point . Upon all these Considerations , rather than to waste time in the dispute , when they were resolved to be their own Judges too , We fent them word by Our Answer to their Petition of the second of February , That We found We had good cause to desert any Prosecution of those Members , and further offfered to grant such a free and a general Pardon to all Our loving Subjects as should be thought fit by the advice of both Houses , which We thought to be the best way to compose all Fears and Jealousies of what kind soever . But the Business of these Men could not be done that way ; a general Pardon would never have settled the Militia , and dispossessed Us of those Rights and that Power without which they could not compass their Designs : They now resort to their old refuge , the Common People of the City and Suburbs , and whatever they desired , these Men must ask , for the satisfaction of the Fears and Jealousies of the City . The City had been desired to lend a hundred thousand pounds for the relief of Ireland ; and their Answer is drawn up to their hands , of their inability to lend , and such Reasons given as might advance what had been upon general Discourses neglected . The ten thousand Men proffered by the Scots for Ireland were not accepted . A Bill having been offered Us for Pressing , and in it a Clause ( not necessary to the present , and therefore purposely , as We conceive , put in , in hope We would upon that refuse it ) declaring Us to have no power to press , ( a Power constantly practised by Our Ancestors , and even in the blessed times of Queen Elizabeth ; ) Our pause upon it was urged as a Design to lofe that Kingdom , although We had offered to raise ten thousand Voluntiers for that purpose , if they would pay them . The not securing the Cinque-ports , ( though the Custody of them was in a Noble Person , against whom the least exception could not be made ) and the not settling the Kingdom in a Posture of Defence ; the not removing Sir John Byron from being Lieutenant of the Tower , whereby through distrust they were forced to forbear the bringing in of Bullion to the Mint , ( when'tis notoriously known , there was more Bullion brought in to Our Mint in the time that Gentleman was Lieutenant , than in the same quantity of time in any Mans Remembrance ; ) the Votes of the Bishops and the Popish Lords in the House of Peers , and all others things which were then in Design , and had in vain been attempted by them by the refusal of the House of Peers several times to joyn with them , were now urged as principal reasons , by this Petition of London , why they could not lend a hundred thousand pounds to Ireland , and were pressed by several other Petitions contrived by them , and presented to both Houses , or to the House of Commons . And these Petitions are carried up to the Lords by Master Pym , who takes upon him to reproach them for not concurring with the House of Commons , and impudently lays that Scandal upon Us , That We had suffered many to pass by Our own immediate Warrant , who were since Commanders in the head of the Rebels . A false and abominable Scandal , raised by his own Malice , to draw Our good Subjects against Us , without the least colour or shadow of truth , as appears by those Answers they have published to Our Exception in that point , wherein there is not the least Evidence of any such Warrant granted by Us : though Master Pym be so great a Person , that We can have no Reparation against him for that Calumny ; but had credit enough with the House of Commons , to perswade them to charge themselves unjustly , to excuse him , and to take upon them , that he had said nothing in that Speech but by their directions . All this had not that quick operation with the Lords , with whom ( though they had committed Twelve Bishops for Treason , a thing themselves blush at , and the Popish Lords had absented themselves ) they could not prevail to joyn in matters so unreasonable in themselves and dishonourable to Us : therefore the House of Commons by themselves Petition Us , thank Us for Our Message of the twentieth of January , though they have since declared it to be a breach of Privilege , resolving to take it into serious and speedy Consideration ; only desire for their security , That We will put the Tower of London , and all the Forts of the Kingdom , and the whole Militia into such hands as should be recommended unto Us by them , ( for the House of Peers had refused to joyn with them , and so were upon the matter petitioned against , and left out in the power of recommendation . ) Sure this was the strangest Petition that , till that time , had ever been presented by the House of Commons to their King : yet We returned a gracious Answer , That if any particular should be presented to Us , whereby it might appear that the Lieutenant of the Tower was unfit for the trust We had committed to him , We would immediately remove him ; otherwise We were obliged in Honour and Justice , not to put such a Disgrace upon him . For the Forts and Castles , that We were resolved they should be always in such hands , and only in such , as Our Parliament should have cause to confide in ; that We would have the nomination of them Our Self , but that they should be always left ( if any thing were objected against them ) to the Wisdom and Justice of the Parliament . For the Militia , that when some particular course should be proposed to Us for the ordering of it , We should return an Answer agreeable to Honour and Justice , as appears more at large in Our Answer of the 28. of February to that Petition . This gave them no better satisfaction than the former ; but finding that without the Consent of the House of Peers ( of whom much the major part , though the Popish Lords and the Bishops were absent , dissented from them ) and against Our Consent , they were not like to prevail over Our People , they resolve of another Attempt upon them ; their old friends , the Multitude , must be again brought down by the great Conductor Captain Venne ( who is notoriously known , and proof thereof offered to be produced by Master Kirton to the House of Commons , to have several times sent to , and solicited People to come down out of the City with Swords and Pistols , when he hath told them , or sent them word by his Wife , that the worser Party was like to have the better of the good Party ; and for all which publick offer , neither was Master Venne then suffered to answer to this Charge , nor Master Kirton allowed any time ( though many days were set ) to bring in the particulars and witnesses . ) Many Persons are importuned to set their hands against the Lieutenant of the Tower , That they durst not bring in any Bullion to the Mint , for want of Confidence , when they never brought in any in their lives : and being asked how they could set their hands to such a Certificate , when it was known that never greater quantity was brought in than at that time ; answered , That they were directed by Parliament-men to do so , or else they could not compass their Ends. And having gotten Multitudes of People of several Counties , ( OF such as pretended to be so ) to deliver Petitions to both Houses , and to desire leave that they might protest against those Lords who would not agree to the Votes of the House of Commons , as the Petitions of Surrey and Hartfordshire do , and perswaded others , in the name of many thousands of poor People in and about the City of London , to Petition against a Malignant Faction which made abortive all those good Intentions which tended to the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom , and to desire , That those Noble Worthies of the House of Peers who concurred with them in their happy Votes , might be earnestly desired to joyn with the House of Commons , and to sit and Vote as one entire body ; professing , that unless some speedy remedy were taken for the removal of all such Obstructions as hindered the happy Progress of their great Endeavours , the Petitioner should not rest in quietness , but should be enforced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand , to remove the Disturbers of their Peace , and ( want and necessity breaking the bounds of modesty ) not to leave any means unassayed for their relief ; adding , that the cry of the poor and needy was , That such Persons , who were the Obstacles of their Peace , and Hinderers of the happy proceedings of this Parliament , might be forthwith publickly declared , whose removal they conceived would put a period to those Distractions , after it had been said in the House of Peers , That whoever would not consent to the Proposition made by the House of Commons concerning the Forts , Castles and the Militia , ( when it was rejected by a major part twice ) was an Enemy to the Commonwealth . This Petition was brought up to the House of Lords by the House of Commons at a Conference ; and after the same day Master Hollis ( a Person formerly accused by Us of High Treason , and a most malicious Promoter and Contriver of those Petitions and Tumults ) pressed the Lords , at the Bar , to joyn with the House of Commons in their desire about the Militia , and further ( with many other expressions of like nature ) desired in words to this effect , That ( if that desire of the House of Commons were not assented to ) those Lords who were willing to concur , would find some means to make themselves known , that it might be known who were against them , and they might make it known to them who sent them . Upon which Petition so strangely framed , countenanced and seconded , so great a number of the Lords departed , that that Vote passed ( which they had so often before denied ) in order to the Ordinance concerning the Militia ; and since that time they have been able to carry any thing : and , upon the matter , the Resolution of the House of Commons hath been wholly guided by those Persons who had given so plain evidence that they had the Multitude at their Command , and hath wholly guided that of the House of Peers , who with little debate or dispute have , for the most part , submitted to whatsoever hath been brought to them . Shortly after they passed their Ordinance , with such a Preamble as highly concerned Us in Honour and Justice to protest against , and wholly excluding Us ( in whom that whole Power absolutely was and is ) from any Power or Authority in the Militia , the Arms and Strength of the Kingdom , and that for as long as they pleased . And as if the matter were not worth the considering , or that there ought to be no other measure to guide Us in point of Judgment or Understanding but their Votes , it was ill taken that We did not immediately return Our Answer , but took some time to consider it ; and We were again with great passion and impatience pressed to give Our Answer , they being pleased to tell Us , They could not but interpret the Delay to be in a degree a Denial : and in the mean time , to give Us an instance how modestly they were like to use such Power when We should commit it to them , they presumed of themselves ( knowing We had appointed Our Son , the Prince , to meet Us at Greenwich in Our return from Dover ) to inhibite his meeting Us there , and to endeavour to get him into their custody . All these things considered , and the Insolence and Injustice of the Ordinance , We might very well have rejected that Proposition with a flat denial and just indignation ; but We easily perceived , that Our good People were misled by the Cunning and Malice of those Boutefeus , and thought it always compliance worthy a Prince to take all possible pains to undeceive such who are led into mistakings : and therefore We returned to their Proposition for the Ordinance a gracious Answer and Animadversion ; made it evident to them , that the Preamble was in it self untrue and against Our Honour to consent to , and expressed Our clear intention in Our going to Our House of Commons . We allowed all those persons recommended to Us ( except only in Corporations , to whom a Right was formerly granted by Charter , not consistent with this Ordinance ) and offered to grant such Commissions to them as had very long and happily been used in this Kingdom , and which We had this very Parliament granted to two Lords at the instance and intreaty of both Houses . If that Power should not be thought enough , We offered to grant any should be first vested in Us , and so we be enabled to grant ; but desired that the whole might be digested into an Act of Parliament , whereby Our good Subjects might know what they were to do , and what they were to suffer , that there might be the least latitude for the exercising of any Arbitrary Power over them . Which Answer We desire all Our Subjects to read and consider , whether We did not thereby grant all which themselves had first desired ; and whether there was cause to vote such who advised that Answer to be enemies to the State , and mischievous Projectors against the Defence of the Kingdom . But as if all the Acts passed by Us ( amongst which that for the taking away the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers was the last ) were of no other value , but as instances that We would never deny them any thing , they immediately in great fury address themselves to Us with a new humble Petition , ( as they called it , but it was indeed a Threatning ) and told Us plainly , That if We would not then ( in that instant ) give Our Royal assent to their Ordinance , they were resolved to dispose of the Militia by the Authority of both Houses without Us ; advised Us to stay about London , to put away evil Counsellors , and to let Our Son , the Prince , be and continue at S. James's , or some other of Our Houses near about London , that the Jealousies and Fears of Our People might be prevented . We must appeal to all the World , whether , considering what had been done in publick and said in private , We had no cause of Jealousie ; and whether , having such evidence of the Malice , Guilt , and Power of those accused Members , who had designed to have taken the Prince , Our Son , from Us by froce , it was not high time to remove a little further from that Torrent which might have overwhelmed Us , and made them as well , and by the same Rule , Masters of Our Person as of Our Militia . This carried Us first from Theobald's to New-market : And whosoever reads the Declaration sent Us thither , the strange language given Us and Scandals laid upon Us in that Declaration , will not wonder that We made all the haste We could from thence to Tork . What hath hapned since Our coming hither , both in Words and Actions , is too notorious to all the parts of Christendom , who with wonder and delight are amazed to see the Wisdom , Courage , Affection and Loyalty of the English Nation appear so far shrunk and confounded by the Malice , Cunning and Industry of persons contemptible in Number , inconsiderable in Fortune and Reputation , united only by Guilt and Conspiracy against Us. A Licence even to Treason is admitted ( that is , not punished in Pulpits ; and persons ignorant in Learning and Understanding , turbulent and Seditious in disposition , Scandalous in life , and unconformable in Opinion to the Laws of the Land , are by these Men , their recommendation and authority , imposed upon Parishes , to infect and poison the minds of Our People . Our Towns , Our Goods , Our Mony are taken from Us ; and to make the scorn compleat , care is taken to perswade Us that We are not injured , but that all is done for Our good . Opinions and Resolutions are imposed upon Us by Votes and Declarations , that We intended to levy War , and then Arms taken up to destroy Us ; Rebellions and Treasons contrived , fomented and acted against Us , and then Reproaches cast on Us , and War raised against Us , because We are displeased . We send Our Command to Our Keeper of Our Great Seal of England , to Adjourn the Term from London to York , a thing as much in Our Power as in what room of Our House We will lodge or eat . This is straight Voted to be illegal , and Our Keeper of Our Own Seal peremptorily forbid to do his Duty , to Seal a Writ or Proclamation to that purpose ; and when , in Obedience to Our express Command , he comes to wait on Us , he is pursued with a Warrant to all Mayors , Justices of the Peace , Sheriffs and other Officers , to apprehend him . A Committee is sent down into the Countries near Us to execute their pretended Ordinance , who compel Our Subjects to take Arms against Us , and threaten and imprison such as refuse , without the least colour of Law ; whilst such who execute Our legal Commission of Array are sent for as Delinquents , and declared to be Enemies to the Kingdom . Our own Monies seized upon at London , and no supply suffered to be sent Us ; all persons are forbid to come to Us , and charge given to all Men near the Northern Road , to stop all Men and Horses who are for Our Service coming to York , there being ( as Master Hollis says in his Speech , of which he hath the sole Printing , and hath granted that Monopoly to one Vnderhill ) a mark set upon that Place , and an opinion declared concerning those who shall resort thither . Our High-ways are shut up , and Our good Subjects are hindred in their journies , and their goods seized and detained from them , because they have occasions to use them in the North ▪ Our own Houshold Servants refuse to attend Us upon Our Summons ; and then the putting them from their Places is voted an injury to the Parliament , and whosoever shall accept of those Places , to offer an affront to the Parliament , and render themselves Unworthy of any place of Honour or Trust in the Commonwealth . Sir John Hotham is commended and protected for keeping Us out of Our Town of Hull by Force and Arms ; and Our raising a Guard for Our Defence is voted levying War against Our Parliament , whilst he murthers Our Subjects , takes them Prisoners , burns their Houses , drowns their Land , and robs all Men he can lay hold of , and commits all the insolent Acts of Hostility against Us and Our Subjects which the most equal and declared Enemies practise in any Country . And when , after all these Outrages , Our miserable Subjects throw themselves at Our feet , crying for and challenging Our Protection , We must not perform that Duty towards them , nor presume to say Sir John Hotham is a Traitor , because he hath Priviledge of Parliament . Our Royal Navy , Our Own Ships are taken from Us , the Earl of Warwick made Our Admiral in despight and scorn of Us , who chases Our Subjects , and makes War upon Us , under the Authority of another pretended Ordinance ; and his Letter published by the direction of the House of Peers , to shew how easie it was to make an election rather to despise Us and the known unquestionable Law of the Land , than to neglect an Order of both Houses , in a matter they have no more just power to meddle in than they have to sell Our Houses , Parks and Crown-Land : and they may as lawfully send those Ships to the Indies , and ordain that We shall never have more , as keep them in the Downs against Our Will , and under a Command We do protest against to all the World. We are defamed and publickly reproached for want of zeal against the Rebels in Ireland ; and when We offer to venture Our own Person and Our Crown-Land for the relief of Our miserable Subjects there , such a Journy is voted to be against the Law , to be an incouragement to the Rebels , that whosoever shall assist Us in it shall be an Enemy to the Commonwealth , and that the Sheriffs of Counties shall raise power to suppress any Levies We shall make to that purpose . And after all this ( when it hath been publickly said by Master Martin , That Our Office is forfeitable , and that the Happiness of this Kingdom doth not depend upon Vs or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock ; and by Sir Henry Ludlow , That We are not worthy to be King of England ; and been declared , that We have no Negative voice , which puts Our Crown , the Law of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subjects absolutely into their hands ) We are told by these devout Champions for Anarchy and Confusion , That We are fairly dealt with that We are not deposed ; That if they did that , there would be neither want of Modesty or Duty in them : They publish false scandalous Declarations to corrupt Our good Subjects in their Loyalty and Affection to Us , injoyn them to be read , and disperse them with all Care and Industry ; and send for all Ministers who , according to Our Command , publish Our Answers to undeceive Our People , as Delinquents , notwithstanding We have not prohibited any to read theirs : They commit the Lord Mayor of London ( and other Mayors ) for publishing Our Proclamations according to Our Writ and his Oath , and streightly charge all Our ministers of Justice not to obey Us : They raise an Army against Us , and chuse the Earl of Essex for their General , and grant him a power Over Us , the Law , and all Our People , that he may kill and destroy whom he thinks fit ; and impose an Oath upon Our Subjects , to execute all the Commands of both Houses : They waste and consume the Mony given by Act of Parliament for the discharge of the great Debt of the Kingdom , and for the relief of the bleeding Condition of Ireland ; imploy the Mony brought in by the Adventurers , and those Men who are levied by Our Authority and Commission , for the preservation of Our miserable Subjects there , to serve them in a War against Us ; whereby all Men may see what reason We had not to consent to a Warrant dormant , under pretence of Levies for Ireland , which might have furnished them with Men to fight against Us , as the same Pretence hath done with all the Arms We had in Our Magazines : They commit such of Our Subjects to Prison whom they are pleased to suspect , ( as the Earl of Portland , ) and for no other reason but that they believe them loyal to Us ; censure and degrade nine Lords at a clap , for obeying Our Summons and coming to Us , when scarce that number concurred in the Judgment ; and declared two others Enemies to the Commonwealth , taking their Votes from them , without so much as summoning them to answer any Charge brought against them : They presume to take Tonnage and Poundage by a pretended Ordinance , without Our Consent , though they have so often pressed it against Us , that We took it without theirs ; and so now dispence with a Praemunire made this Parliament , as they have formerly done with Treason : Lastly , to shew into what hands they intend the Government of this Kingdom shall be put , they have reduced the business of the whole Kingdom , from both Houses of Parliament , into the hands of a few desperate persons , who have the power committed to them to act this Tragedy without acquainting the Houses , and so have gotten the Authority of King and both Houses of Parliament to destroy all Three ; make Orders to break up Houses , take away Plate and Money , because 't is possible the Owners wish it with Us at York ; send Troops of Horse to make War upon Us in what Counties they please , and commit such unheard-of Acts of Oppression and Injustice as no Story can parallel , where the least form of Government hath been left ; that all Our good Subjects may see by what Rules they shall live , and what Right they are like to enjoy , when these Men have gotten the Sway , who in the infancy of their Power , and when there is yet left some memory of and reverence to the Laws under which their Fathers lived so happily , dare leap over all those known and confessed Principles of Government and Obedience , and exercise a Tyranny both over Prince and People more insupportable than Confusion it self . And for all this impudent Injustice ( odious to God and Man ) what is objected against Us ? That We will not be advised by Our Parliament . In what ? what one Proposition that is evidently for the ease of Our Subjects have We denied ? That We have granted many is confessed . We will not consent that the Ordinance of the Militia shall be executed and obeyed ; that is , We will not allow that both Houses of Parliament shall make Laws , and impose upon the Property and Liberty of Our Subjects , Without Our Consent , ( which if We should yield to upon the same pretences of Necessity , a word fatal to this Kingdom and the publick good , the House of Commons might as well , and would quickly come to make Laws without the House of Peers , and the common People without either ) nor are willing that those Men who have discovered all Malice to Our Person , and dis-esteem and irreverence of Our Office , shall be legally qualified to take up Arms against Us , when they shall be thereunto provoked by their Malice or Ambition . There can be no new thing said in this Argument ; We must refer Our good Subjects to Our several Answers , Declarations and Proclamations in that point : only it will be worth their considering , that this extraordinary , unheard-of , extravagant Power was assumed in a case of peremptory Necessity , for the prevention of imminent Danger in the beginning of March ( how long it was in design before is understood by Sir Arthur Hesilrigge his Bill long preceeding ; ) whether any such Danger hath been since discovered , and whether unspeakable Calamities have not already , and are not like to ensue from that Fountain , We wish it were not too apparent . And if those Fears and Jealousies which seem to make that Ordinance necessary were indeed real and honest , that in truth nothing were desired but putting the Kingdom into a posture , that is , that all Our Loving Subjects might be provided with Arms , and dexterous in the using them , if any Invasion or Rebellion should be , is not all this Care taken , and all this Security provided for by the Commission of Array ? What honest end can that Ordinance have which is not obtained by the execution of and obedience to that Commission ? But 't is true , the power is not in those hands , nor like to be imployed to those uses 't is now intended . Who hath not heard these Men say , That the alteration they intend , and is necessary both in Church and State , must be made by blood ? Are not the Principles by which they live destructive to all Laws and Compacts ? Is not every thing Necessary they think so , and every thing lawful that is in order to that Necessity ? Sure if Our good Subjects were throughly awake in this business , they would think they had much more cause to thank Us for denying this Ordinance , than for granting all that We have granted . What is there else ? We do not think Sir John Hotham hath dealt well with Us in keeping Our Town from Us , nor do take it kindly that We are robbed of Our Magazine and Munition , but think of recovering both by Force , because We cannot have them otherwise ; which will be an actual levying War against Our Parliament . This Argument is sufficiently vexed too : Our good Subjects will read the Messages , Answers , Votes and Declarations in this Case ; and We are sure upon the grounds laid to justifie this Treason , no Subject in England hath a House of his own which may not to morrow be given to Sir John Hotham for as long a term as they think fit , and he may be sent to morrow to murther Us , and be no Traitor , and they who shall shut the door against him shall be Delinquents . Is there no more ? Yes We will not submit to those Nineteen dutiful and modest Propositions which have been lately thrown at Us as the necessary means of removing Jealousies and Differences , and as the last Complement of all their Scorns and Injuries , that Posterity may see to what a tameness We were brought when such things were asked of Us : We will not be content that all Our Officers and Ministers of State , be they never so faithful to Us , so affectionate to their Country , never so wise , never so honest , shall be immediately removed from Us and their places , be disgraced and undone , and in their rooms these Gentlemen ( who have taken all possible pains to destroy King and People ) or such whom they shall recommend , to succeed ; that the same Faction may be carried through the whole Kingdom , which these Men have raised in both Houses of Parliament ; that all Affairs of the Kingdom be managed not only by their Advice , but their absolute Direction and Command , lest any Man should think himself Our Servant ; that the Education and Marriage of Our Children be committed to them , lest any Christian Prince should make addresses to Us in such Treaties ; in a word , that in gratitude to their Modesty and Duty for not deposing Us , We will not now depose Our Self , and suffer the People and Kingdom ( which God and the Law hath committed to Our Government and Protection , and for which We must make an account ) to be devoured by them . Sure these Men think 't is no affront to ask any thing . But can Our good Subjects be longer kept in this Trance ? Can the Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , Commonalty of England , sacrifice their Honour , Interest , Religion , Liberty , to Terms , and the meer sound of Parliament and Privilege ? Can their Experience , Reason and Understanding be captivated by words and assumptions contradictory to all Principles ? What one thing have We denied that with reference to the publick Peace and Happiness were to be bought with the loss of the meanest Subject ? And yet into what a Sea of blood is the rage and fury of these Men launching out , to wrest that from Us which We are bound ( if We had a thousand lives to lose in the contention ) to defend ? Nay , what one thing is there that makes life precious to good Men which We do not defend , and these Men oppose , and would evidently destroy ? What Grievance or Pressure have Our People complained of , and been eased by Us , whch is not now brought upon them in an unlimited degree ? Is the true Reformed Protestant Religion , sealed by the blood of so many Reverend Martyrs , and established by the Wisdom and Piety of former blessed Parliaments , dear to them ? We must appeal to all the world ( being called upon by the Reproaches of these men ) whether Our own practice , ( the best evidence of Religion ) and all the assistance and offers We can give , have been wanting to the Advancement of that Religion . And what can be more done by Us to satisfie and secure Our People in that point ? On the other side , let all Our good Subjects consider and weigh what pregnant Arguments they have to fear Innovation in Religion if these desperate persons prevail , when the principal Men to whose care and authority they have committed the managery of that part refuse Communion with the Church of England as much as the Papists do ; and have not only with that freedom they think fit to use reproached the Book of Common-Prayer and the Government of the Church in their Speeches , but have published those Speeches in the view of all Men in Print , that the World might see by what Measure and Rule the Reformation they so much talk of is to be made : when such Petitions have been contrived by them , and accepted with publick thanks , which revile the Book of Common-Prayer , calling it a Mass-book , in scorn and contempt of the Law ; whilest other Petitions for the Government established by Law have been rejected , discountenanced , and the Petitioners punished : and when two Armies were kept in the bowels of the Kingdom ten weeks , at the charge of fourscore thousand pounds a Month , for the countenance of a Bill to eradicate Episcopacy Root and Branch : when such licence is given to Brownists , Anabaptists and Sectaries ; and whilst Coachmen , Felt-makers and such Mechanick persons are allowed and entertained to preach by those who think themselves the principal Members of either House : when such barbarous Outrages in Churches , and heathenish Irreverence and Uproars , even in the time of Divine Service and the Administration of the blessed Sacrament , are practised without control : when the blessed means of advancing Religion , the Preaching of the Word of God , is turned into a licence of Libelling and Reviling both Church and State , and venting such Seditious Positions as by the Laws of the Land are no less than Treason , and scarce a Man in Reputation and Credit with these grand Reformers , who is not notoriously guilty of this ; whilest those Learned , Reverend , Painful and Pious Preachers , who have been and are the most eminent and able Assertors of the Protestant Religion , are ( to the unspeakable joy of the Adversaries to Our Religion ) disregarded and oppressed : lastly , when for the settling and composing all these Distractions and Distempers , instead of a free and general Synod of Grave and Learned Divines which hath been so much talked of ( and to whose deliberations We were and are willing to commit the Consideration of those Affairs ) a Conference is desired with particular Men nominated by themselves , contrary to the Rights and Practice of the Church ; the major part of whom ( though We confess there are many Reverend , Learned , and Pious persons amongst them ) are not of Learning nor Understanding sutable to so great a Work , or are of known avowed Disaffection to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , and of those who have preached Seditiously and Treasonably against Our Person and Authority , as Doctor Downing and others . Whoever from his Soul desires a true Examination and Reformation in Religion cannot expect it from the results of these Mens Counsels , nor think the true service of God is like to be advanced or preserved by such practices . And all sober Men must look with strange Horrour and Indignation upon the last Declaration of the Lords and Commons , which after such unprecedented Outrages and Violences against Us , publishes the ground of their taking up defensive Arms ( as they call them ) to be for the maintetenance of the true Religion ; the taking and keeping of Hull , Our Navy , Our Money and Goods , the exercising of the Militia , and all the other Injuries We complain of , to be for the maintenance of Religion . But whosoever believes them to be for the preservation of Our Person , may believe the other too . Would Men enjoy the Laws they were born to , the Liberty and Property which makes the Subjection of this Nation famous and honourable with all neighbouring Kingdoms ? We have done Our part , to make a Wall of Brass for the perpetual defence of them ; whilest these ill Men usurp a Power to undermine that Wall , and to shake those Foundations , which cannot be pulled down , but to the confusion of Law , Liberty , Property , and the very Life and Being of Our Subjects . Is the Dignity , Privilege and Freedom of Parliament ( Parliaments whose Wisdom and Gravity have prepared so many wholsome Laws , and whose Freedom distinguishes the Condition of Our Subjects from those of any Monarchy in Europe ) precious unto Our People ? Where was that Freedom and that Privilege when the House of Commons presumed to make Laws without the House of Peers , as they did in their Vote upon the Protestation , and of the 9th of September ; when the House of Commons and the House of Peers presumed to make Laws without Our Consent , as they have done in the business of the Militia , of Hull , in the behalf of their Champion , Serjeant Major General Skippon , of the Earl of Warwick , of their new General , the Earl of Essex , ( with whom they will live and dye ) and many other Cases ? Where was that Freedom and Privilege when Alderman Pennington and Captain Venne brought down their Myrmidons to assault and terrifie the Members of both Houses , whose faces or whose opinions they liked not , & by that Army to awe the Parliament ; when those rude Multitudes published the names of the Members of both Houses as Enemies to the Commonwealth , who would not agree to their frantick Propositions ; when the names of those were given by Members of the House , that they might be proscribed , and torn in pieces by those multitudes ; when many were driven away for fear of their Lives from being present at those Consultations ; and when Master Hollis required the names of those Lords who would not agree with the House of Commons ? Lastly , where was that Freedom and Privilege of Parliament , when Members of the one House that had been questioned for words spoken in the House , and one freed , the other but reprehended by Vote of the major part , were again questioned by the other House , and a charge brought against them for these words ? Is Honour , Reputation , Freedom and Civility to be esteemed ? What causeless Defamations have been raised and entertained upon Persons of quality and unblemished estimation , upon no grounds , or appearance of reason , but because their opinions ran not with the Torrent ? What caresses have been and are made to persons loose , vicious and debauched , of no Vertue , no Religion , no Reputation , but of Malice and Ingratitude to Us ? Their names will be easily found out by all Mens observation and their own blushes , though they shall not have the honour of Our mention . How have the Laws of Hospitality and Civility been violated , the freedom and liberty of Conversation ( the pleasure and delight of life ) been invaded by them ; the discourses at Tables , whispers in Gardens and Walks examined , and of persons under no accusation ; Letter broken up ( Our own to Our dearest Consort , the Queen , not spared ) read publickly and commented upon , with such Circumstances as make Christendom laugh at Our follies , and abhorr Our correspondence ? Is Peace and tranquillity dear to Our Subjects ? To shew that We have left no way to that ( not destructive to Honour and Justice ) unattempted , We offered to lay down Our Arms upon no other Reparations for all the Indignities multiplied upon Us than these , That they should lay down theirs , so unjustifiably taken , and We have Our own Town , Goods and Navy ( taken and kept by violence from Us ) to be peaceably restored to Us , and the Power of making Laws without Us by the way of Ordinances ( which implies a power by Ordinance to depose Us ) and that in particular concerning the Militia , to be disavowed , and a safe place to be agreed on where We might be present with Our great Council , for the composing of all Mis-understandings , and making this Kingdom happy . Which Offers not only were not accepted , but not so much as any Answer directed immediately to Us , somewhat only sent down by their under-Clerk , which , with their first Petition and Our Answer ( We are much pleased to hear ) are ordered to be printed and read in all Churches ( We desire no better evidence than Our and their Writings and Actions , and no better Judges and Witnesses than Our People , of Our love to Peace . ) And even before this kind of Answer came to Us , whilest We , with patience and hope expecting such a return as We desired , forbore any action or attempt of Force , according to Our Promise , Sir John Hotham sallied out in the night , and murthered the persons of his fellow-Subjects ; and ever since in this Quarrel they labour to increase their Army , ( the very levying of which is Treason ) and are ready to march against Us. Lee all the world judge who are lovers of the Peace . Lastly , Is the Constitution of the Kingdom to be preserved , and Monarchy it self upheld ? Can any thing be more evident than that the End of these Men is , or the Conclusion which must attend their Premisses must be , to introduce a Paricy and Confusion of all degrees and conditions ? Are not several Books and Papers ( such as the Observations upon parts of Our Messages ) published by their direction , at least under their countenance , against Monarchy it self ? Is it possible for Us to be made vile and contemptible , and shall Our good Subjects continue as they are : Can Our just Power be taken from Us , and shall they enjoy their liberty ? Whosoever is a friend to the constitution of the Kingdom must be an enemy to these Men. How the benefit , advantages and hopes of the Kingdom have been and are advanced and promoted by these Men , all good Men see and discern . Let Us consider now , whether all those Grievances and Pressures which Our Subjects have heretofore suffered under , and of which Our Justice and Favour hath eased them , be not by the Faction and Tyranny of these Men redoubled upon Our People . Were the Consciences of Men grieved and scandalized at the too much Formality and circumstances used in the exercise of Religion ? and are they not equally concerned in the Uncomeliness , Irreverence and Prophaneness now avowed to the dishonour of Christianity ? Were they troubled to see the Pulpit sometimes made a Barr to plead against the Liberty and Property of the Subject ? and are they not more confounded to see it so generally made a Scaffold to incite the People to Rebellion and Sedition against Us ? Have Our People suffered under and been oppressed by the exercise of an Arbitrary Power , and out of a sense of those Sufferings have We consented to take away the Star-Chamber , the High-Commission Courts , to regulate the Council-Tables , and to apply any remedies have been proposed to Us for that disease ? and have not these Men doubled those Pressures in the latitude and unlimitedness of their proceedings , in their Orders for the Observation of the Law , as they pretend , and then punishing Men for not obeying those Orders in a way and a degree the Law doth not prescribe ; in their sending for Our good Subjects upon general informations without proof , and for Offences which the Law takes no notice of ; in declaring Men enemies to the Commonwealth , fining and imprisoning them , for doing or not doing that which no known Law enjoyns or condemns ? Were the Pursuivants of the Council-Table , the delay and attendance there or at the High-Commission Court , the Judgements and Decrees of the Star-Chamber more grievous , grievous to more persons , more chargeable , more intolerable than the Serjeants and Officers Fees , the Attendance upon the Houses and upon Committees , or than the Votes and Judgments which have lately passed in one or both Houses ? Let all the Decrees , Sentences and Judgments of the high-Commission Court and Star-Chamber be examined , and any found so unjust , so illegal as the proceedings against the Gentlemen of Kent , for preparing and presenting a Petition agreeable in form and matter to all the Rules of Law and Justice , by which Men are to be informed to ask any thing ; as the judgment against Mr. Binyon , that he should be disfranchised , be incapable of ever bearing Office in the Commonwealth , imprisoned in the Gaol at Colchester for the space of two years , and to pay three thousand pounds fine , nothing being charged and proved against him that any Law or Reason could tell him he was not to do . Though the Sentences in the other Courts were in some cases too severe , and exceeded the measure of the offence , there was still an offence , somewhat done that in truth was a crime : but here Declarations , Votes and Judgments pass upon Our People for matters not suspected to be crimes till they are punished . And have such proceedings ever been before this Parliament ? If Monopolies have been granted to the prejudice of Our People , the calamity will not be less if it be exercised by a good Lord , by a Bill , than itt was before by a Patent ; and yet the Earl of Warwick thinks fit to require the Letter-Office to be confirmed to him for three lives at the same time that 't is complained of as a Monopoly , and without the alteration of any Circumstance for the ease of the Subject ; and this with so much greediness and authority , that whilest it was complained of as a Monopoly , he procured an Assignment to be made of it to him from the person complained of , after he had by his Interest stopped the proceedings of the Committee for the space of five Months before that Assignment made to him , upon pretence that he was concerned in it , and desired to be heard : Of such soveraign Power was his Name , as it could be no longer a Grievance to Our People if it might prove an Advantage to him . A Precedent very likely to be followed in many Monopolies , if they may be assigned to Principal members or their friends : witness the connivence now given to Sir John Meldram for his Lights , since his undertaking their Service at Hull . Have Partiality and Corruption in Judges obstructed the course of Justice ? was there ever such Partiality and Corruption , when their fellow-Members of either House are by them importuned and solicited for their Votes in causes before them , and no other measure or Rule to the Justice of that faction than the opinions of the persons contending ? What sums of mony have been given to , and what contracts have been made with some Members of either House , who are of this powerful Faction We complain of , for preserving this Man from being questioned , and promoting an Accusation against that Man , for managing such a Cause , and procuring such an Order ? We are very well able to give particular Information , which We shall willingly do , when there may be such a sober and secure debate as becomes the Dignity and Freedom of Parliament , and the Witnesses , now within their reach , may neither be awed nor tampered with before Trial. For how little care there is taken for discoveries of this nature , appears by that which upon complaint of a slander against Master Pym was justified , and the Author averred against him , for taking thirty pound Bribe to preserve a Papist from legal prosecution , which hath been so long suffered to sleep at a Committee . Our Case is truly stated , so truly , that there is scarce any Particular urged or alledged by Us which is not known to many , and the most to all Men. And must Our Condition be now irreparable ? Are the Injuries committed against Us and the Law justifiable ? And must We be censured for using all possible means to be freed from them , or to be repaired for them , because they seem to carry the Name , Consent and Authority of both Our Houses of Parliament ? There is not a Particular of which We complain that found not eminent opposition in both Houses , and yet for the most part not above a moiety of either House present . The Order of the ninth of September ( an Order to suspend the execution of Laws in force ) passed when there were not above eighty Commoners , of which many dissented , and but twenty Lords , whereof eleven ( the major part ) expresly contradicted it . The first unseasonable Remonstrance ( the fountain from whence all the present mischiefs have flowed ) was carried but by eleven Voices after fifteen hours sitting , when above two hundred were absent , and was never approved by the Lords . The business of the Militia was at least twice rejected by double their number in the House of Peers who consented to it , there being no Popish Lord present , and twelve Bishops in the Tower ; and yet this proposed again , the House being made thin of those Lords who had formerly opposed it , who went out immediately ( it being their usual course , to watch such opportunities to effect their businesses ) after Master Hollis his Threats , and then carried . The Declaration against Us sent to New-market was carried but by one Voice in the House of Peers , and by a small number in the House of Commons . The justifying Sir John Hotham in his Act of High Treason was opposed by many Persons of great worth , though neither House had half its number , And We are very far from censuring all those Persons who concurred in these or any other particulars ; We believe very many of them stood not in so clear a light to discern the Guilt , Malice , Ambition or Subtilty of their Seducers . But if in truth there were a consent entirely in both Houses of Parliament ( as We are most assured there will never be ) to alter the whole frame of Government , must We submit to those Resolutions , and must not Our Subjects help and assist Us in the defence of Laws and Government established , because they do not like them ? Did We intend when we called them to that great Council , or did Our good Subjects intend when they sent them thither in their behalfs , that they should alter the whole frame of Government according to their own Fancies and Ambition , and possess those Places during their Lives ? What Our opinion and resolution is concerning Parliaments , We have fully expressed in Our Declarations : We have said , and will still say , they are so essential a part of the Constitution of this Kingdom , that We can attain to no Happiness without them , nor will We ever make the least attempt ( in our thoughts ) against them . We well know that our Self and Our two Houses make up the Parliament , and We are like Hippocrates Twins , We must laugh and cry , live and dye together ; that no Man can be a friend to the one , and an enemy to the other ; the Injustice , Injury and Violence offered to Parliaments , is that which We principally complain of : and We again assure all Our good Subjects , in the presence of Almighty God , that all the Acts passed by Us this Parliament shall be equally observed by Us , as We desire those to be which do most concern Our Rights . Our Quarrel is not against the Parliament , but against particular Men , who first made the Wounds , and will not now suffer them to be healed , but make them deeper and wider , by contriving fostering and fomenting Mistakes and Jealousies betwixt Body and Head , Us and Our two Houses of Parliament ; whom We name , & are ready to prove them guilty of High Treason . We desire that the Lord Kimbolton , Mr. Hollis , Mr. Pym , Mr. Hampden , Sir Arthur Hesilrigge , Mr. Stroud , Mr. Martin , Sir Henry Ludlow , Alderman Pennington and Captain Venn , may be delivered into the hands of Justice , to be tried by their Peers , according to the known Law of the Land : if we do not prove them guilty of High Treason , they will be acquitted , and their Innocence will justly triumph over Us. Against the Earl of Warwick , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Stamford , Lord Brook , Sir John Hotham , Serjeant Major General Skippon , and those who shall henceforth exercise the Militia by virtue of the Ordinance , We shall cause Indictments to be drawn of High Treason upon the Statute of the 25. year of King Edward the Third : Let them submit to the Trial appointed by Law , and plead their Ordinances ; if they shall be acquitted , We have done . And that all Our loving Subjects may know , that in truth nothing but the preservation of the true Protestant Religion invaded by Brownisme , Anabaptisme and Libertinisme ; the Safety of Our Person , threatned and conspired against by Rebellion and Treason ; the Law of the Land and Liberty of the Subject , oppressed and almost destroyed by an Usurped , Unlimited , Arbitrary Power ; and the Freedom , Priviledge and Dignity of Parliament , awed and insulted upon by Force and Tumults , could make us put off Our long-loved Robe of Peace , and take up defensive Arms ; We once more offer a free and a gracious Pardon to all Our loving Subjects who shall desire the same ( except the persons before named , ) and shall be as glad with Safety and Honour to lay down these Arms , as of the greatest Blessing We are capable of in this World. But if to justify these Actions and these Persons our Subjects shall think fit to engage themselves in a War against Us , We must not look upon it as an Act of Our Parliament , but as a Rebellion against Us and the Law in the behalf of these Men , and shall proceed for the suppressing it with the same Conscience and Courage as We would meet an Army of Rebels , who endeavour to destroy both King and People : And We will never doubt to find honest Men enough of Our minds . MDCXLI . April . ¶ The true Copy of the Petition prepared by the Officers of the late Army , and subscribed by His Majesty with C. R. To the KING' 's most Excellent Majesty , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses now assembled in the High Court of Parliament , The Humble Petition of the Officers and Souldiers of the Army : Humbly sheweth , THat although our Wants have been very pressing , and the Burthen we are become unto these parts ( by reason of those Wants ) very grievous unto us ; yet so have we demeaned our selves , that Your Majesty's great and weighty Affairs in this present Parliament have hitherto received no interruption by any Complaint either from us or against us ; A temper not usual in Armies ( especially in one destitute not only of Pay , but also of Martial Discipline , and many of its principal Officers ; ) That we cannot but attribute it to a particular blessing of Almighty God on our most hearty affection and zeal to the Common good in the happy success of this Parliament ; to which as we should have been ready hourly to contribute our dearest blood , so now that it hath pleased God to manifest his blessing so manifestly therein , we cannot but acknowledge it with thankfulness . We cannot but acknowledge his great Mercy in that he hath inclined Your Majesties Royal heart so to co-operate with the wisdom of the Parliament , as to effect so great and happy a Reformation upon the former Distempers of this Church and Commonwealth : As first , in Your Majesties gracious condescending to the many important Demands of our neighbours of the Scotish Nation ; secondly , in granting so free a course of Justice against all Delinquents , of what quality soever ; thirdly , in the removal of all those Grievances wherewith the Subjects did conceive either their Liberty of Persons , Propriety of Estate , or Freedom of Conscience prejudiced ; and lastly , in the greatest pledge of security that ever the Subjects of England received from their Soveraign , the Bill of Triennial Parliaments . These things so graciously accorded unto by Your Majesty without bargain or compensation as they are more than expectation or hope could extend unto , so now certainly they are such as all Loyal hearts ought to requiesce in with thankfulness , which we do with all humility ; and do at this time , with as much earnestness as any , pray and wish that the Kingdom may be settled in peace and quietness , and that all Men may at their own homes enjoy the blessed fruits of Your Wisdom and Justice . But may it please Your Excellent Majesty and this High Court of Parliament to give us leave , with grief and anguish of heart , to represent unto You , that We hear that there are certain persons stirring and practical , who , in stead of rendring Glory to God , Thanks to his Majesty , and acknowledgment to the Parliament , remain yet as unsatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who , whilest all the rest of the Kingdom are arrived even beyond their wishes , are daily forging new and unseasonable demands ; who , whilest all Men of Reason , Loyalty and Moderation , are thinking how they may provide for your Majesties Honour and Plenty , in return of so many Graces to the Subject , they are still attempting new Diminutions of Your Majesty's just Regalities , which must ever be no less dear to all honest Men than our own Freedoms ; in fine , Men of such turbulent Spirits , as are ready to sacrifice the Honour and Welfare of the whole Kingdom to their private fancies ( whom nothing else than a subversion of the whole frame of Government will satisfie . ) Far be it from our thoughts to believe , that the Violence and Vnreasonableness of such kind of persons can have any influence upon the Prudence and Justice of the Parliament . But that which begets the trouble and disquiet of Our Loyal hearts at this present is , That we hear those ill-affected persons are backed in their Violence by the Multitude , and the power of raising Tumults ; that thousands flock at their call , and beset the Parliament ( and White-Hall it self ) not only to the prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to great Councils and Judicatories but possibly to some personal danger of Your Sacred Majesty and Peers . The vast consequence of these Persons Malignity , and of the Licentiousness of those Multitudes that follow them , considered , in most deep care and zealous affection for the safety of Your Sacred Majesty and the Parliament , Our Humble Petition is , that in Your wisdoms You would be pleased to remove such Dangers , by punishing the Ring-leaders of these Tumults , and that Your Majesty and the Parliament may be secured from such Insolencies hereafter . For the suppressing of which , in all humility we offer our selves to wait upon You ( if You please ) hoping we shall appear as considerable in way of Defence to our Gracious Sovereign , the Parliament , our Religion , and the established Laws of the Kingdom , as what number soever shall audaciously presume to violate them : so shall we , by the wisdom of Your Majesty and the Parliament , not only be vindicated from precedent Innovations , but be secured from the future that are threatned , and likely to produce more dangerous effects than the former . And we shall pray , &c. MDCXLII . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all his loving Subjects upon occasion of His late Messages to both Houses of Parliament , and their refusal to Treat with Him for the Peace of the Kingdom . IF it had not evidently appeared to all Men who have carefully examined and considered Our Actions , Messages and Declarations , how far We are and have been from begetting or promoting the present Distractions , and that the Arms We have now taken are for the necessary safety and defence of Our Life , being not taken up by Us till Our Town and Fort of Hull were kept from Us by force of Arms , Our Navy imployed against Us , to keep back all forein supply of Arms and Mony , when Our own here was seized and detained from Us , and an Army raised in pay , and marching against Us ; yet the late reception of Our Message of the 25th of August sent by persons of Honour and Trust will sure satisfy the World , that We have omitted nothing on our part that a gracious and Christian Prince could or can doe to prevent the effusion of Christian Blood , but that the malignant party , which have with great subtilty and industry begot this Misunderstanding between Us and Our good Subjects , resolve to satisfy and secure their Malice and Ambition with the Ruine of the Kingdom , and in the blood of Us and all Our good Subjects . When they had forced Us , after the neglect of Our Message from Beverly , by raising a great Army , and incensing Our Subjects against Us , to erect Our Royal Standard , that Our Subjects might be informed of Our Danger , and repair to our Succour , though We had no great reason to believe any Message of Ours would receive a very good entertainment , if those Men might prevail who had brought all these Miseries upon the Kingdom to satisfy their own private ends ; yet observing the miserable Accidents which already befell Our good Subjects by the Souldiers under their command , and well knowing that greater would ensue if timely prevention were not applyed , and finding that the Malice and Cunning of these Men had infused into Our People a Rumor that We had rejected all Propositions and offers of Treaty , and desired to ingage Our Subjects in a Civil War , which Our Soul abhors , We prevailed with Our Self ( for a full expression of Our desire to prevent the effusion of Blood ) to send a gracious Message to both Our Houses of Parliament on the 25 of August , in these words ; WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the Distractions of this Our Kingdom ; Our very Soul is full of anguish , until We may find some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War : And though all Our endeavours tending to the Composing of those unhappy Differences betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament ( though pursued by Vs with all zeal and sincerity ) have been hitherto without that Success We hoped for ; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publick Peace , that We shall not be discouraged from using any Expedient which , by the blessing of the God of Mercy , may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects . To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages , Petitions and Answers betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament , which haply may be prevented by some other way of Treaty , wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly understood and more freely transacted ; We have thought fit to propound to you , That some fit persons may be by you inabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by Vs , in such a manner and with such freedom of debate as may best tend to that happy Conclusion which all good Men desire , The peace of the Kingdom : Wherein as We promise in the Word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent to Vs , if you shall chuse the place where We are for the Treaty , which We wholly leave to you , presuming of your like care of the safety of those We shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; so We assure you and all Our good Subjects , that ( to the best of Our understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our parts which may advance the True Protestant Religion , oppose Popery and Superstition , secure the Law of the Land ( upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject ) confirm all just Power and Priviledges of Parliament , and render Vs and Our People truly happy by a good understanding betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . Bring with you as firm Resolutions to do your Duty , and let all Our good People joyn with Vs in Our Prayers to Almighty God for his Blessing upon this Work. If this Proposition shall be rejected by you , We have done Our Duty so amply , that God will absolve Vs from the Guilt of any of that Blood which must be spilt : and what opinion soever other Men may have of Our Power , we assure you nothing but Our Christian and Pious care to prevent the effusion of blood hath begot this Motion ; Our Provision of Men , Arms and Mony being such as may secure Vs from farther Violence , till it shall please God to open the eyes of Our People . Our Messengers were not suffered to sit in the Houses , and one of them , the Earl of Southampton ( against whom there was not the least colour of Exception , or so much as a Vote ) not suffered to deliver Our Message , but compelled to send it by the Gentleman Usher , and then commanded to depart the Town , before they would prepare any Answer ; which they shortly sent Us in these words ; May it please Your Majesty , THe Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled having received Your Majesty's Message of the 25. of August , do with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of this Kingdom , which we have by all means endeavoured to prevent , both by our several Advices and Petitions to Your Majesty , which have been not only without success , but there hath followed that which no ill Counsel in former times hath produced or any Age hath seen , namely , those several Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament , whereby their Actions are declared Treasonable , and their Persons Traitors ; and thereupon Your Majesty hath set up Your Standard against them , whereby You have put the two Houses of Parliament , and in them this whole Kingdom , out of Your Protection : so that until Your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earl of Essex and both Houses of Parliament , and their Adherents and Assistants , and such as have obeyed and executed their Commands and Directions according to their Duties , are declared Traitors , or otherwise Delinquents , and untill the Standard set up in pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken down , Your Majesty hath put us into such a condition , that whilest we so remain we cannot by the fundamental Priviledges of Parliament , the publick Trust reposed in us , or with the general good and safety of this Kingdom , give Your Majesty any other Answer to this Message . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliament . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. This strange Answer might well have discouraged Us from any thought of proceeding further this way , and informed Us sufficiently what spirit still governed amongst those few who continued still in both Houses ; otherwise , after so many bitter and invective Messages and Declarations sent to Us and published against Us , We should not have been reproached with Our Proclamations and Declarations set forth by Us as the effect of such evil Counsel as was unparallel'd by any former Examples . We believe indeed such Proclamations and Declarations have never been before set forth ; but were former times ever acquainted with such intolerable Provocations ? Were there ever before these twelve months Declarations published in the name of eitheir or both Houses of Parliament to make their King odious to the People ? Have either or both Houses ever before assumed or pretended to a Power to raise Armes or levy War in any Cause ? or can both Houses together exercise such a Power ? Are those Actions which the Law hath defined literally and expresly to be Treasonable , or such Persons to be Traitors , not so , because they are done by Members of either House , or their appointment ? And must not We declare such who March with Arms and Force to destroy Us to be Traitors , because the Earl of Essex is their General ? Those whom We have or do accuse We have named , together with their Crimes , notorious by the known Law of the Land , ( a favour not granted to Our Evil Counsellors ) and appeal to that known Law to judge between Us : And now that by this We should have put the whole Kingdom out of Our Protection ( in whose behalf We do all that We have done ) is a corrupt Gloss upon such a Text as cannot be perverted but by the cunning practices of such who wish not well to King or People . Yet that no weak persons might be misled by that Imputation upon Us , we sent a Reply to that Answer in these words ; WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the Kingdom , nor how those means have been interpreted , because being desirous to avoid effusion of blood , We are willing to decline all memory of former bitterness that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily accepted . We never did declare , nor ever intended to declare , both Our Houses of Parliament Traitors , or set up Our Standard against them , and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our Protection : We utterly profess against it before God and the World. And further to remove all possible Scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Vs ; We hereby promise , so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traitors or otherways for assisting of Vs , We shall with all chearfulness upon the same day recall Our Proclamations and Declarations , and take down Our Standard : In which Treaty We shall be read to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects . Conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland , and the dangerous condition of England , in as high a degree as by these Our Offers We have declared Our Self to do : and assuring you that Our chief desire in this World is to beget a good understanding and mutual confidence betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . This Message produced an Answer little differing from the former : like Men who had no other measure of the justice of their Cause than their Power to oppress Us , forgetting their own Duties , they sharply inform Us of Ours in these words ; May it please Your Majesty , IF we the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled should repeat all the ways we have taken , the endeavours we have used , and the expressions we have made unto Your Majesty to prevent those Distractions and Dangers Your Majesty speaks of likely to fall upon this Kingdom , we should too much enlarge this Reply . Therefore as we humbly , so shall we only let your Majesty know , that we cannot recede from our former Answer for the reasons therein expressed ; for that Your Majesty hath not taken down Your Standard , recalled Your Proclamations and Declarations , whereby You have declared the Actions of both Houses of Parliament to be Treasonable , and their Persons Traitors . And You have published the same since Your Message of the 25th of August by Your late Instructions sent to Your Commissioners of Array . Which Standard being taking down , and the Declarations , Proclamations and Instructions recalled , if Your Majesty shall then upon this our humble Petition , leaving Your Forces , return unto Your Parliament , and receive their faithful Advice , Your Majesty will find such expressions of our Fidelities and Duties as shall assure You that Your Safety , Honour and Greatness can only be found in the affections of Your People , and the sincere Counsels of Your Parliament , whose constant and undiscouraged Endeavours and Consultations have passed through Difficulties unheard-of , only to secure Your Kingdoms from the violent Mischiefs and Dangers now ready to fall upon them , and every part of them , who deserve better of Your Majesty , and can never allow themselves ( representing likewise Your whole Kingdom ) to be balanced with those Persons whose desperate Dispositions and Counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the relieving of bleeding Ireland , as we may fear our labours and vast expences will be fruitless to that distressed Kingdom . As Your Presence is thus humbly desired by us ; so is it in our hopes Your Majesty will in your reason believe , there is no other way than this to make Your Self happy and Your Kingdom safe . John Brown Cler. Parliament . Without any bitterness or reprehension of their neglect of Us and the publick Peace , to express Our deep sense of the Calamities at hand , We yet once more ( hoping to awake them to a Christian tenderness towards the whole Kingdom ) sent to them in these words ; WHo have taken most ways , used most endeavours , and made most real expressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers , let all the World judge , as well by former Passages as by Our two last Messages , which have been so fruitless , that ( though We have descended to desire and press it ) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained , unless We would denude Our Self of all force to defend Vs from a visible strength marching against Vs , and admit those Persons as Traitors to Vs , who , according to their Duty , their Oaths of Allegiance , and the Law , have appeared in defence of Vs their King and Liege Lord ( whom We are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve ) though We disclaimed all our Proclamations and Declarations , and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament . All We have now left in Our Power is to express the deep sense We have of the publick Misery of this Kingdom , in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland , and to apply Our Self to Our necessary Defence , wherein We wholly rely upon the Providence of God , the Justice of Our Cause , and the Affection of Our good People ; so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection . When you shall desire a Treaty of Vs , We shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this Quarrel , and chearfully embrace it . And as no other Reason induced Vs to leave Our City of London , but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there , nor raise any Force but for the necessary defence of Our Person and the Law against Levies in opposition to both ; so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed . The God of Heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those Judgments which hang over this Nation , and so deal with Vs and Our Posterity as We desire the Preservation and Advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the Laws , and the Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the Peace of the Kingdom . But as if all these gracious Messages had been the effects only of Our Weakness , and instances of Our want of Power to resist that torrent , they deal at last more plainly with Us , and after many sharp , causeless and unjust Reproaches , they tell Us in plain English , that without putting Our Self absolutely into their hands , and deserting all Our own Force , and the Protection of all those who have faithfully appeared for Us according to their Duty , there would be no means of a Treaty ; although Our extraordinary desire of Peace had prevailed with Us to offer to recall Our most just Declarations , and to take down Our Standard set up for Our necessary defence , so their unjustifiable Declarations might be likewise recalled . Their Answer follows in these words ; WE the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , do present this our humble Answer to Your Majesty's Message of the 11th of this instant Month of September . When we consider the Oppressions , Rapines , Firing of Houses , Murthers , ( even at this time whilst Your Majesty propounds a Treaty ) committed upon Your good Subjects by Your Soldiers , in the presence and by the Authority of their Commanders , being of the number of those whom Your Majesty holds Your self bound in Honour and Conscience to protect as Persons doing their Duties ; We cannot think Your Majesty hath done all that in You lies to prevent or remove the present Distractions ; nor so long as Your Majesty will admit no Peace , without securing the Authors and Instruments of these Mischiefs from the Justice of the Parliament , which yet shall be ever dispens'd with all requisite Moderation and distinction of Offences , although some of those Persons be such in whose Preservation Your Kingdom cannot be safe , nor the unquestionable Rights and Priviledges of Parliament be maintain'd , without which the Power and Dignity thereof will fall into contempt . We beseech Your Majesty therefore to consider Your Expressions , That God should deal with You and Your Posterity as Your Majesty desires the Preservation of the just Rights of Parliament ; which being undeniable in the Trying of such as we have declared to be Delinquents , we shall believe Your Majesty , both towards Your self and Parliament , will not in this Priviledge we are most sensible of deny us that which belongs unto the meanest Court of Justice in this Kingdom . Neither hath Your Majesty cause to complain that You are denied a Treaty , when we offer all that a Treaty can produce or Your Majesty expect , Security , Honour , Service , Obedience , Support , and all other effects of an Humble , Loyal and Faithful Subjection , and seek nothing but that our Religion , Liberty , Peace of the Kingdom , Safety of the Parliament may be secured from the open Violence and cunning Practices of a wicked party , who have long plotted our ruin and destruction . And if there were any Cause of Treaty , we know no competent Persons to Treat betwixt the King and Parliament ; and if both Cause and Persons were such as to invite Treaty , the Season is altogether unfit , whilst Your Majesty's Standard is up , and Your Proclamations and Declarations unrecalled , whereby Your Parliament is charged with Treason . If Your Majesty shall persist to make Your self a shield and defence to those Instruments , and shall continue to reject our faithful and necessary Advice for securing and maintaining Religion and Liberty , with the Peace of the Kingdom and Safety of the Parliament , we doubt not but to indifferent judgments it will easily appear who is most tender of that Innocent Blood which is like to be spilt in this Cause ; Your Majesty , who by such persisting doth endanger Your self and Your Kingdoms , or we , who are willing to hazard our selves to preserve both . We humbly beseech Your Majesty to consider how impossible it is that any Protestation , though published in Your Majesty's name , of Your tenderness of the Miseries of Your Protestant Subjects in Ireland , of Your Resolution to maintain the Protestant Religion and Laws of this Kingdom , can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent men , when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels , the known Favourers of them and Agents for them , are admitted to Your Majesty's presence with Grace and Favour , and some of them imployed in Your service ; when the Cloaths , Munition , Horses , and other Necessaries bought by your Parliament , and sent for the supply of the Army against the Rebels there , are violently taken away , some by Your Majesty's Command , others by Your Ministers , and applied to the maintenance of an unnatural War against Your People here . All this notwithstanding , as we never gave Your Majesty any just cause of withdrawing Your self from Your great Council , so it hath ever been and shall ever be far from us to give any impediment to Your Return , or to neglect any proper means of curing the Distempers of the Kingdom , and closing the dangerous Breaches betwixt Your Majesty and Your Parliament , according to the great Trust which lies upon us : and if Your Majesty shall now be pleased to come back to Your Parliament without Your Forces , we shall be ready to secure Your Royal Person , Your Crown and Dignity , with our Lives and Fortunes ; Your Presence in this Your great Council being the only means of any Treaty betwixt Your Majesty and them with hope of Success . And in none of our Desires to Your Majesty shall we be swaied by any particular man's advantage , but shall give a clear Testimony to Your Majesty and the whole World , that in all things done by us we faithfully intend the good of Your Majesty and of Your Kingdoms , and that we will not be diverted from this End by any private or self-respects whatsoever . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliament . They will not believe We have done all that in Us lies to prevent and remove the present Distractions , because of the Oppressions , Rapines and the like committed upon Our good Subjects by Our Soldiers . Let them remember who have compelled Us , and against Our Souls desire forced Us to raise those Soldiers : and then if the Oppressions and Rapines were indeed such as are falsly pretended , Our poor Subjects who suffer under them will look on them , and only on them , as the Authors of all the Miseries they do or can undergo . We confess with grief of heart some Disorders have and many more may befal Our good People by Our Soldiers ; but We appeal to all those Counties through which We have passed , what care We have taken to prevent , and what Justice We daily inflict upon such Offendors : neither hath the least complaint been ever made to Us of Violences and Outrages which We have not to Our utmost Power repaired or punished ; however those false and treasonable Pamphlets are suffered , which accuse Us of giving Warrant for plundring of Houses . Our Mercy and Lenity is so well known to the contrary , that it is usually made an excuse by those who against their Consciences assist this Rebellion against Us , that they chuse rather to offend Us upon the confidence of Pardon , than provoke those Malignant Persons who without Charity or Compassion destroy all who concur not with them in Faction and Opinion . How far We are from Rapine and Oppression may appear by Our Lenity to the Persons and Estates of those who have not only exercised the Militia ( the seed from whence this Rebellion against Us hath grown ) but contributed Mony and Plate to the maintenance of that Army which now endeavours to destroy Us ; as of Nottingham , Leicester , and many other places through which We have passed , many of whom then were and now are in that Army : to let pass Our passing by Chartly ( the House of the Earl of Essex ) without other pressures than as if he were the General of Our own Army , and Our express Orders to restrain the liberty Our Soldiers would otherwise have used upon that Place and his Estate about it . How contrary the proceedings are of these great Assertors of the publick Liberties , appears fully by the sad instances they every day give in the plundring by publick Warrant the Houses of all such whose Duty , Conscience and Loyalty hath engaged them in Our Quarrel , which every good Man ought to make his own ; by their declaring all Persons to be out of the Protection of Parliament ( and so exposing them to the Fury of their Soldiers ) who will not assist this Rebellion against Us , their anointed King ; by the daily Outrages committed in Yorkshire , when , contrary to the desire and agreement of that County ( signed under the hands of both Parties ) they will not suffer the Peace to be kept , but that the Distractions and Confusion may be universal over the whole Kingdom , direct their Governour of Hull to make War upon Our good Subjects in that County , and so continue the robbing and plundring the Houses of all such who concur not with them in this Rebellion ; lastly , by the barbarous , Sacrilegious Inhumanity exercised by their Soldiers in Churches , as in Canterbury , Worcester , Oxford , and other Places , where they committed such unheard-of Outrages as Jews and Atheists never practised before . God in his good time will make them examples of his Vengeance . We never did nor ever shall desire to secure the Authors and Instruments of any mischiefs to the Kingdom from the Justice of Parliament . We desire all such Persons may be speedily brought to condign Punishment by that Rule which is , on ought to be , the Rule of all punishment , the known Law of the Land. If there have seemed to be any interruption in proceedings of this nature , it must be remembred how long Persons have been kept under general Accusations without Trial , though earnestly desired ; that the Members who were properly to judge such Accusations have by Violence been driven thence , or could not with Honour and Safety be present at such Debates ; that notorious Delinquents by the known Laws were protected against Us from the Justice of the Kingdom , and such called Delinquents who , committing no Offence against any known Law , were so voted only for doing their Duties to Us : and then there will be no cause of complaint found against Us. And for the Priviledges of Parliament , We have said so much and upon such reasons , ( which have never been answered but by bare positive Assertions ) in Our several . Declarations , that We may well and do still use the same expression , That We desire God may so deal with Us and Our Posterity , as We desire the preservation of the just Rights of Parliament ; the violation whereof in truth by these desperate Persons is so clearly known to all Men who understand the Priviledges of Parliament , that their Rage and Malice hath not been greater to Our Person and Government , than to the Liberty , Priviledge and very Being of Parliaments : witness their putting in , putting out , and suspending what Persons they please , as they like or dislike their Opinions ; their bringing down the Tumults to assault the Members and awe the Parliament ; their posting and prosecuting such Members of either House as concurred not with them in their Designs , and so driving them from thence for the safety of their Lives ; their denying Us , against the known , established Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom , to have a Negative Voice , without which no Parliament can consist ; their making close Committees , from whence the Members of the Houses are exempted , against the Liberty of Parliament ; and lastly , resolving both Houses into a close Committee of Seventeen persons , who undertake and direct all the present Outrages and the managery of this Rebellion against Us , in the absence of four parts of five of both Houses , and without the privity of those who stay there , which is not only contrary , but destructive to Parliaments themselves . By these gross , unheard-of Invasions and Breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament , ( and without them they could not have done the other ) they made way for their attempts upon the Law of the Land , and the introduction of that unlimited Arbitrary Power which they have since exercised to the intolerable Damage and Confusion of the whole Kingdom . And We assure Our good Subjects , the vindication of these just Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament , thus violated by these Men , is not less the Argument of Our present Quarrel and Undertaking , than Our own Honour , Interest and Safety ; those being no way so securely to be preserved , as by preserving Parliaments and their just Priviledges . Neither is there any Protestation , to Our knowledge , published in Our name of Our tenderness of the Miseries of Ireland , and Our Resolution to maintain the Protestant Religion and Laws of this Kingdom , that is not the Protestation of Our Soul , and manifested in all Our Actions : and We hope that false Scandal , that divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels , the known Favourers of them and Agents for them , are admitted to Our presence with favour , and imployed in Our Service , will gain no credit with good Men , who remember well the notorious imputation so confidently and groundlesly heretofore cast on Us by Mr. Pym , of which as there could never be the least Proof , so We could never receive any satisfaction for that high Injury , which might have been a warning to them to have published no more such Untruths , if they had not found that Truth and their Ends cannot meet together . For the Horses taken for Our Service , which were provided for the Service of Ireland , 't is true , We were compelled for the bringing Our own Waggons from Chester for the Carriage of Our Munition to make use of them , being few in number and of small value , after they were certified to be of no use for the Service for which they were provided . And for the Clothes , upon enquiry We find that some few were taken by Our Soldiers ( but without any Order from Us ) going to Coventry , and as was probably believed for the relief of that place then in actual Rebellion against Us. But how far We have been and are from diverting any of those Provisions made for the Relief of that poor Kingdom , ( the thought of whose miserable Condition makes Our heart bleed ) may appear by Our express Command given for the speedy transportation of 3000 Suits of Clothes which We found provided at Chester , but neglected to be sent , and which no necessity of Our own Army here could prevail with Us to seize . And how bold soever the Reproaches of that kind have been upon Us , We are confident Malice it self cannot lay the least probable imputation upon Us for the neglect of Our Duty towards that Kingdom . What one thing in Our power have We neglected or omitted which might contribute to the assistance or ease of Our poor Protestant Subjects there ? We first recommended the care of that business to both Our Houses of Parliament : We consented to all Propositions made on the behalf , offered to raise 10000 Voluntiers , ( which if then accepted , had shortned that Work , ) offered to venture Our own Person in the Service ; ( what interpretation that Offer of Ours found is known to all the World ) We parted with Our Interest in the Land of the Rebels , to encourage such who were willing to adventure in that business , and when Mony is raised by Our Consent for that sole purpose , they have at once seized on a hundred thousand pound particularly appointed by Act of Parliament for the relief of Ireland ( Our Army being ready to perish for want of it ) and imployed it to maintain this unnatural Civil War at home . They have levied Men and entertained Commanders for that Service , and then compelled them to joyn in this Rebellion , and to march against Us. And though they have complained of Our keeping the Lieutenant of Ireland some weeks with Us , ( when in truth it was a season of extraordinary business , ) after We had in vain for many months pressed his dispatch , yet themselves now detain him , when his going is so necessary for the Preservation of that Kingdom . And no doubt these Men ( and these alone ) by begetting this miserable Distraction of England , are guilty before God and Man of all the insupportable Calamities that Our Kingdom of Ireland endures . Let all the World judge where the desire of Peace is , and upon whose account the Blood and Confusion which hath been shed and must follow shall be cast , and whether the several Proclamations and Declarations published by Us have not been extorted from Us by such unheard-of Insolencies and Injuries which no former times ever produced . Neither can any sober Man wonder , when We are publickly reproached , traduced and reviled to Our People ( a practice never known till this Parliament ) that We endeavour by a true Relation and Declaration of Our Actions and Intentions , and of their Conspiracies who have vowed Our Destruction , to inform Our good Subjects of the Cunning and Malice they are to encounter with ; and when a Combination is entred into to destroy Us , and to alter the Religion and Law of the Kingdom , and to that purpose an Army raised and marching against Us , that We proclaim the General of that Army , and such who shall assist him in levying a War against Us , to be Traitours , and have set up Our Royal Standard , and required all Our good Subjects to come to Our defence . And yet both in that Proclamation and in all Our Declarations We have never accused Our Parliament , but such factious , seditious Members of both Houses whom We have named , and whom We are ready to prove according to the Rules of the known Law to be guilty of High Treason . We well know , and all the Kingdom knows , that of near 500. Members which the House of Commons contains , there remains not now there 100. neither hath above such a number consented almost to any thing of which We have ever complained ; the rest have either been driven away by Tumults and Threats of the Persons whom We have accused , or out of Conscience withdrawn themselves from their desperate Consultations : and of about 100. Peers of the Realm , there are not above 15. or 16. who concurre in these miserable Resolutions which disturb the publick Peace ; many of which being of desperate fortunes , have no other support than the Commands now given them to make War upon Us : and now these Men must sit upon the Lives and Fortunes of all the Nobility , Gentry and Commons of England ; and because We will not put Our Self into the hands , Government and disposal of them , all Our good Subjects are invited and encouraged to Rebel against Us. Yet We have been , and are still , far from accusing all that small number of both Houses who are yet left together . We believe many of them are misled by the Cunning and Malice , and frighted by the Power of those Men whom We have accused ; against every one of whom We have evidence of matter of Fact , that the known Law of the Land determines to be High Treason . And now that all Our good Subjects may see how desirous these Men and their Adherents are to prevent the effusion of blood and the lasting Miseries of a Civil War , they will make themselves so considerable , that except We will recall Our Proclamations and Declarations whereby those Persons particularly named , for particular Actions , ( which the Law hath defined to be Treason ) are so accused , and others warned from involving themselves in their Guilt , and except We will take down Our Standard , that Our good Subjects may not repair to Us for Our Defence , when so many Armies are raised against Us in several parts of the Kingdom , and ready to destroy Us , and such of Our good Subjects who dare continue loyal to Us , and except We will return to London , from whence with Violence We have been driven , We must not be treated with , or receive any Answer to so gracious a Message . It can no longer be doubted by any Man who hath not wilfully forsaken his Understanding , that it is no more a Quarrel undertaken by the Parliament , but contrived and somented by the persons We have named , and now continued solely in their defence , to whose Ambition , Faction and Malice , the true Reformed Protestant Religion , the just Right , Honour , Safety and Life of Us and Our Posterity , the Law of the Land , which hath so long preserved this Nation Happy , the Liberty of the Subject established by that Law , and the glorious Frame and Constitution of this Kingdom , must be sacrificed . But as We have hitherto left no Action unperformed which in Honour , Justice and Conscience We were obliged to do , or in Christian Policy and Prudence We could conceive might probably prevent these Calamities ; so We thank God he hath given Us a full Courage and Resolution to run the utmost hazard of Our Life for the suppression of this Horrible Rebellion , in the which no disproportion of Power , Arms or Money shall discourage Us. And We hope that all Our good Subjects besides , by the common Duty of Allegiance , will be stirred up for their own sakes , for the preservation of the blessed Protestant Religion , and for the upholding this whole admirable Frame of Government , which being dissolved , all their private and particular Rights and Interests must be immediately confounded , to bring in their utmost power and Assistance unto Us in this desperate Exigent . And We do declare , that whosoever shall lose his life in this Service for Our defence , the Wardship of his Heir shall be granted by . Us without Rent or Fine to his own use ; and We shall hold Our Self obliged to take all possible care for the support , relief and protection of all their Wives and Children , who shall have the hard fortune to dye in this Service . CHARLES R. Our express pleasure is , That this Our Declaration be published in all Churches and Chappels within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . MDCXLII . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , after His late Victory against the Rebels on Sunday the 23. of October . AS We must wholly attribute the Preservation of Us and Our Children in the late bloody Battel with the Rebels to the Mercy and Goodness of Almighty God , who best knowing the Justice of Our Cause , and the Uprightness of Our Heart to his Service , and to the good and welfare of Our People , would not suffer Us and this whole Kingdom to be made a Prey to those desperate Persons : so We hold it Our Duty still to use all possible means to remove that Jealousie and Mis-understanding from Our good Subjects , which by the Industry and Subtilty of that Malignant Party ( which hath brought this Mischiefand Confusion upon the Kingdom ) hath been infused into them ; and to that purpose ( thugh even those Scandals are sufficiently answered by many of Our Declarations and Messages , and by Our late Protestation made in the head of Our Army , which We shall always by the help of God stedfastly and solemnly observe ) We shall take notice of those subtile Insinuations by which at this present ( according to that observation We can make , and Information We can receive ) they endeavour to poyson the hearts and corrupt the Allegiance of such of Our good Subjects who cannot so clearly discern their Malice and Impostures : First , by urging and pressing that false groundless Imputation of Our favouring Popery , and Our imploying many of that Religion now in Our Army ; secondly , by seducing Our good People to believe that this Army raised and kept for Our necessary Defence ( and without which in all probability , the Malice of these Men had before this taken Our Life from Us ) is to fight against and subdue the Parliament , to take away the Privileges thereof , and thereby to root out Parliaments . If either of which were true , We should not have the courage with an Army much greater than Ours to hope for success . For the First , for Our Affection to that Religion , Our continual Practice , Our constant Profession and several Protestations will satisfie all the World , against which Malice and Treason it self cannot find the least probable Objection : We wish from Our heart the zeal and affection of these Men to the true Protestant Religion were as apparent as Ours . For the imploying Men of that Religion in Our present Service in the Army ; whosoever considers the hardness and streights the Malice and Fury of these Men have driven Us to , their stopping all passages and ways that neither Men nor money might come to Us , their declaring all such to be Traitours who shall assist Us , their entertaining Men of all Countries , all Religions , to serve against Us , would not wonder if We had been very well contented to have received the service and assistance of any of Our good Subjects who had Loyalty enough ( whatsoever their Religion is ) to bring them to Our Succour . All Men know the great number of Papists which serve in their Army , Commanders and others , the great Industry they have used to corrupt the Loyalty and Affection of all Our Subjects of that Religion , the private Promises and Undertakings they have made to them , that if they would assist them against Us , all the Laws made in their prejudice should be repealed : yet neither the weakness of Our own condition , nor the other Arts used against Us , could prevail with Us to invite those of that Religion to come to Our succour , or to recal Our Proclamation which forbad them to do so . And We are confident ( though We know of some few whose eminent Abilities in Command and Conduct , and moderate and unfactious Dispositions , hath moved Us in this great Necessity to imploy them in this Service ) that a far greater number of that Religion is in the Army of the Rebels than in Our own . And We do assure Our good Subjects , though We shall always remember the particular services which particular Men have or shall in this Exigent of Ours perform to Us with that Grace and Bounty which becomes a just Prince ; yet We shall be so far from ever giving the least countenance or encouragement to that Religion , that We shall always use Our utmost endeavour to suppress it , by the execution of those good and wholsome Laws already in force against Papists , and concurring in such further Remedies as the care and wisdom of Us and both Houses of Parliament shall think most necessary for the Advancement of God's Service . For the Second , of Our Intention to make War upon Our Parliament , and so to root out Parliaments ; the Scandal is so senseless , when Our Accusation of a few particular Persons for particular Crimes notoriously committed , adjudged by the known Laws of the Land to be Treason , is evident , that no Man can be moved with it , who doth not believe a dozen or twenty Factious , Seditious Persons to be the High Court of Parliament , which consists of KING , Lords and Commons . And for the Privileges of it , whoever doth not believe that to raise an Army to murther and depose the King , to alter the whole frame of Government and established Laws of the Land by extemporary , extravagant Votes and Resolutions of either or both Houses , to force and compel the Members to submit to the Faction and Treason of a few , and to take away the Liberty and Freedom of consultation from them , be the Privileges of Parliament , must confess that the Army now raised by Us is no less for the Vindication and Preservation of Parliaments than for Our own necessary Defence . We have often said , and We still say , that We believe many Inconveniences have grown upon this Kingdom by the too long intermission of Parliaments , that Parliaments are the only necessary sovereign Remedies of the growing Mischiefs which Time and Accidents have and will always beget in this Kingdom , that without Parliaments the Happiness cannot be lasting to King or People ; We have prepared for the frequent assembling of Parliaments , and will be always as careful of their just Privileges as of Our Life , Honour or Interest : But that those Privileges should extend so far as hath been lately declared , that it should not be lawful for Us to apprehend the Lord Saint-John , Captain Wingate , or Captain Walton , when they came to destroy Us , because they were Members of Parliament , without the consent of that House of which they were Members , is so ridiculous , that there need no more to be said in this Argument than the giving these instances . In a word , as whoever knows in what Danger Our Person was on Sunday the 23. of October , can never believe that the Army which gave Us Battel was raised for Our Defence and Preservation : so when they consider how much the Liberty of the Subject is invaded by their Rapine and Imprisoning , and that four parts at the least of five of the Members of both Houses are by Violence driven from being present in that Council ; that the Book of Common-Prayer is rejected , and no countenance given but to Anabaptists , and Brownists ; they will easily find the pretences of care of the Protestant Religion , the Liberty of the Subject , and of the Privilege of Parliament , to be as vain and pretended , as those which refer to the Safety of Our Person and preservation of Our Posterity . We cannot omit the great pains and endeavours these great pretenders to Peace and Charity have taken to raise an implacable Malice and Hatred between the Gentry and Commonalty of the Kingdom , by rendring all Persons of Honour , Courage and Reputation odious to the Common People under the style of Cavaliers ; insomuch as the High-ways and Villages have not been safe for Gentlemen to pass through without Violence or Affronts : and by infusing into them that there was an intention by the Commission of Array to take away a part of their Estates from them ; a Scandal so senseless and impossible , that the Contrivers of it well know that they might with equal Ingenuity have charged Us with a purpose of introducing Turcisme or Judaisme amongst them : and We hope when Our good Subjects have well weighed the continual Practices of these Men to reject all offers of Treaty , and to suppress Truth , and to mislead them by bold and monstrous Falsehoods , they will not think such arts and ways to lead to Peace and Unity . And We desire Our good Subjects of all Conditions to believe that We hold Our Self bound no less to defend and protect the meanest of Our People ( who are born equally free , and to whom the Law of the Land is an equal Inheritance ) than the greatest Subject ; and that as the Wealth and Strength of this Kingdom consists in the Number and Happiness of Our People , which is made up of Men of all Conditions , so We shall , to the utmost of Our Power , endeavour without distinction to give every one of them that Justice and Protection which is due to them : and We do exhort them all to that charitable and brotherly Affection one towards another , that they may be reconciled in a just Duty and Loyalty to Us , which may enable Us for that Protection . To conclude , We would have all the World know , that We shall never forget the Protestations and Vows We have made to Almighty God in Our several Declarations and Messages to both Our Houses of Parliament . And We are too much a Christian to believe that We can break those Promises , and avoid the Justice of Heaven . CHARLES R. Our express pleasure is , That this Our Declaration be published in all Churches and Chappels within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . DECLARATIONS and PAPERS Concerning the TREATY of PEACE AT OXFORD , MDCXLII . III. MDCXLII . Novemb. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , of His true Intentions in advancing lately to Brainceford . THough Our Reputation be most dear to Us , and especially in those cases wherein the truth of Our most solemn Professions ( and by consequence of Our Christianity ) is questioned ; yet it is not only for the Vindication of that , and to clear Our self from such Aspersions , but withal to preserve Our Subjects in their just Esteem of and Duty to Us , and from being engaged into Crimes and Dangers by those malicious Reports , so spightfully framed and cunningly spread against Us concerning Our late advancing to Brainceford , that We have resolved to publish this Our following Declaration . AT Colebrook , on Friday the 11. of November , We received a Petition from both Our Houses of Parliament , by the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , the Lord Wenman , Master Pierrepont and Sir John Hippesly : And indeed We were well pleased to see it so much liker a Petition than the other Papers We had often of late received under that name , and return'd to it the next day so gracious an Answer , that We assure Our selves could not but be very satisfactory to all that were truly lovers of Peace . The Copies of both do here follow . To the KING 's most Excellent MAJESTY , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament . WE Your Majesty's most loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , being affected with a deep and piercing sense of the Miseries of this Kingdom , and of the Dangers to Your Majesty's Person , as the present Affairs now stand , and much quickned therein with the sad consideration of the great effusion of Blood at the late Battel , and of the loss of so many eminent Persons ; and further weighing the addition of Loss , Misery and Danger to Your Majesty and Your Kingdom , which must ensue if both Armies should again joyn in another Battel , as without God's especial Blessing , and Your Majesty's Concurrence with Your Houses of Parliament , will not probably be avoided . We cannot but believe that a suitable Impression of Tenderness and Compassion is wrought in Your Majesty's Royal Heart , being Your Self an eye-witness of the bloody and sorrowful destruction of so many of Your Subjects ; and that Your Majesty doth apprehend what dimination of Your own Power and Greatness will follow , and that all Your Kingdoms will thereby be so weakned as to become subject to the Attempts of any ill-affected to this State. In all which respects , we assure our selves that Your Majesty will be inclined graciously to accept this our humble Petition , that the Misery and Desolation of this Kingdom may be speedily removed and prevented . For the effecting whereof we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to appoint some convenient place , not far from the City of London , where Your Majesty will be pleased to reside , until Committees of both Houses of Parliament may attend Your Majesty with some Propositions for the removal of these bloody Distempers and Distractions , and settling the state of the Kingdom in such a manner as may conduce to the Preservation of God's true Religion , Your Majesty's Honour , Safety and Prosperity , and to the Peace , Comfort and Security of all Your People . His MAJESTY's Answer to the aforesaid Petition . WE take God to witness how deeply We are affected with the Miseries of this Kingdom , which heretofore We have stroven as much as in Vs lay to prevent , it being sufficiently known to all the World , that as WE were not the first that took up Arms , so We have shewed Our readiness of Composing all things in a fair way by Our several Offers of Treaty , and shall be glad now at length to find any such Inclinations in others ; the same Tenderness to avoid the Destruction of Our Subjects ( whom We know to be Our greatest Strength ) which would always make Our greatest Victories bitter to Vs , shall make Vs willingly hearken to such Propositions whereby these bloody Distempers may be stopped , and the great Distractions of this Kingdom settled to God's Glory , Our Honour , and the Welfare and flourishing of Our People ; and to that end shall reside at Our own Castle at Windsor ( if the Forces there shall be removed ) till Committees may have time to attend Vs with the same ( which , to prevent the Inconveniences that will intervene , We wish may be hastened ) and shall be ready there , or ( if that be refused Vs ) at any place where We shall be , to receive such Propositions as aforesaid from both Our Houses of Parliament . Do you your Duty , We will not be wanting to Ours : God of his mercy give a Blessing . But the same night after the Messengers were gone , certain Information was brought unto Us , that the same day the Earl of Essex had drawn his Forces with great store of Ordnance out of London towards Us : upon which a Council of War being present , and We having there considered , upon debate , Our present Condition , That being already almost surrounded by his Forces , some at Windsor , some at Kingston , and some at Acton , if We suffered the Remainder to possess Brainceford , We should be totally hemm'd in , and Our Army deprived of all convenience of either moving or subsisting ; yet how necessary soever it appeared , We could not obtain Our own Consent to advance towards Brainceford , and either prepossess it , or dispossess them of it , till We had satisfied Our Selves that it was as lawful as necessary , and fully weighed all that not only Reason , but Malice it self ( which We knew to be very watchful upon Our Actions ) could object against it . We considered first , that it could not reasonably be esteemed an Aversion from Peace , and an Intention to interrupt the Treaty than in expectation ; since on the other side We had cause to believe by the former rejection of Our offers of Treaty , when We were supposed to be in no condition of strength , that if We would not thus preserve Our Selves from being so encompass'd as to come into their Powers , the very possibility of a Treaty would immediately vanish . We considered next , that much less could it be interpreted any breach of Faith , since willingness to receive Propositions of Treaty was never held to amount to a suspension of Arms ; since otherwise We must ( because mention of a Treaty had been once made ) by the same Logick have been bound not to hinder them to encompass Us on all parts to Colebrook Towns-end ; since no word to that purpose ( of any suspension ) was in Our Answer ; nay , since in that ( by wishing their Propositions might be hastned , to prevent the Inconveniences which would intervene ) We implied , that by this Arms were not suspended ; and since their own Votes of proceeding vigorously notwithstanding the Petition , and their own actions in sending after their Messengers great store of Forces with Ordnance so near to Us ( having before girt Us in on all other parts , and sent Men and Ordnance to Kingston after the safe Conduct asked of Us ) implied the same . Being resolved upon these Reasons , that this Advancing was necessary and just , We were not yet satisfied , till We had endeavoured the same day ( though the interruptions of shooting stopt the way till the next ) to satisfie Our Parliament and People of the same , and that Peace was still Our desire . We to that end directed a Message by John White Esquire , which was so received , that his danger of being put to death for bringing it , and the Imprisonment of him and the Trumpeter that went with him in the Gate-house , shew'd that the Law of Nations was by some no more considered than all other Laws had been before . A Copy of which Message hereafter follows , to shew how little temptation the matter of that gave them for such an usage . His MAJESTY's Message of the twelfth of November . WHereas the last night , being the eleventh of November , after the departure of the Committee of both Our Houses with Our gracious Answer to their Petition , We received certain Information ( having till then heard nothing of it , either from the Houses Committee or otherwise ) That the Lord of Essex had drawn his Forces out of London towards Vs , which hath necessitated Our sudden Resolution to march with Our Forces to Brainceford ; We have thought hereby fit to signifie to both Our Houses of Parliament , That We are no less desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom than We exprest in Our aforesaid Answer , the Propositions for which We shall willingly receive where-ever We are , and desire ( if it may be ) to receive them at Brainceford this night , or early to morrow morning , that all possible speed may be made in so good a Work , and all Inconveniences otherwise likely to intervene may be avoided . And to justifie yet further that Our Intention was no other than was here profest , as soon as We were informed that the Earl of Essex his Forces were departed from Kingston , before any appearance or notice of further Forces from London ( Our end of not being inclosed being obtained ) We gave orders to quit Brainceford , and to march away ; and possess that place . We cannot but make one Argument more of the truth of Our Profession , that this was all Our end , and that We had not the least thought by so advancing to surprise and sack London ( which the Malignant party would infuse into that Our City ; ) and that is , That probably God Almighty would not have given such a Blessing to Our Journy ; as to have assisted Us so both by Land and Water , as with less than a third part of Our Foot , and with the loss but of ten Men , to beat two of their best Regiments out of both Braincefords , for all the great advantage of their Works in them , to kill him who commanded in chief , and kill and drown many others , to take five hundred Prisoners ; more Arms , eleven Colours , and good store of Ammunition , fifteen Pieces of Ordnance ( whereof We sunk most that We brought not away ) and then unfought with , and unoffer'd at , nearer than by Ordnance , to march away , notwithstanding the great disadvantage of Our Forces by the difficulties of the Passages , if He , who is the Searcher of all Hearts , and Truth it self , had not known the truth of Our Professions , and the Innocence of Our Heart , and how far We were from deserving those horrid Accusations of Falshood and Treachery cast so point-blank upon Our own Person , that it would amaze any Man to see them suffered to be printed in Our City of London , if any thing of that kind could be a wonder after so many of the same , and how really they desire Accommodation , who have upon this voted they will have none . These Our Reasons for this Action , this Our satisfaction sent for it , and this Blessing of God's upon it , will ( We doubt not ) clear Us to all indifferent persons both of the Jesuitical Counsels and the Personal Treachery to which some have presumed so impudently to impute it : And God so bless Our future Actions as We have delivered the truth of this . The Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of Nov. With his Majesty's Reply thereunto . The Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of November . TO Your Majesty's Message of the 12 of this Month of November , we the Lords and Commons in Parliament do make this humble Answer , That this Message was not delivered to us till Monday the 14. We thought it a strange Introduction to Peace , that Your Majesty should send Your Army to beat us out of our Quarters at Brainceford , and then appoint that place to receive our Propositions ; which yet it plainly appears Your Majesty intended not to receive , till You had first tried whether You could break through the Army raised for Defence of this Kingdom and Parliament , and take the City being unprovided , and secure in expectation of a fair Treaty made to secure the City . If herein Your Majesty had prevailed , after You had destroyed the Army and mastered the City , it is easie to imagine what a miserable Peace we should have had : and whether those Courses be suitable to the Expressions Your Majesty is pleased to make in Your Answer to our Petition , and of Your Earnestness to avoid any further Effusion of blood , let God and the world judge . As for our Proceedings , they have in all things been answerable to our Professions : we gave directions to the Earl of Essex to draw the Army under his Command out of the City and Suburbs , before we sent any Message to Your Majesty ; so that part of it was inquartered at Brainceford before the Committee returned with Your Answer : and immediately upon the receit thereof , that very morning order was taken that the Soldiers should exercise no Act of Hostility against any of Your Majesty's People . We sent a Letter by Sir Peter Killegrew , to know Your Majesty's Pleasure , whether You intended the like forbearance of Hostility : but the fury of your Souldiers , thirsting after blood and spoil , prevented the delivery of the Letter ; for coming upon Saturday in his way towards Your Majesty as far as Brainceford , he found them in fight there , and could pass no further . God , who sees our Innocency , and that we have no Aims but at his Glory and the publick good , will ( we hope ) free Your Majesty from those destructive Counsels , who labour to maintain their own Power by Blood and Rapine , and bless our Endeavours , who seek nothing but to procure and establish the Honour , Peace and Safety of Your Majesty and Kingdoms , upon the sure foundation of Religion and Justice . MDCXLII . Nov. 18. To the Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of November , His MAJESTY makes this Reply . THat His Message of the twelfth , though not received by them till the fourteenth , was sent to them first upon the same day upon which it was dated , and meeting with stops by the way , was again sent upon the 13 , and taken upon that day at ten in the morning by the Earl of Essex , and though not to him directed , was by him opened : so the slowness of the Delivery is not so strange as the stop of the Letter said to be sent by Sir Peter Killegrew , which His Majesty hath not yet received , but concludes from the matter expressed to have been contain'd in that Letter , ( to wit , to know His Pleasure , whether He intended the forbearance of Hostility ) and by the Command of such forbearance said to be sent to the Lord of Essex his Army , that no such forbearance was already concluded , and consequently neither had His Majesty cause to suppose that He should take any of their Forces unprovided , and secure in expectation of a fair Treaty , neither could any Hostile Act of His Majesties Forces have been a course unsuitable to His Expressions ; much less could an endeavour to prepossess ( for so He hoped He might have done ) that Place , which might have stopt the farther march of those Forces towards Him , ( which , for ought appeared to Him , might as well have been intended to Colebrook as to Brainceford ) and by that , the further effusion of blood , deserve that style . His Majesty further conceives , that the Printing so out of time of such a Declaration as their Reply to His Answer to theirs of the 26. of May , but the day before they Voted the Delivery of their Petition , and the March of the Earl of Essex his Forces to Brainceford so near to his Majesty , when the Committee at the same time attended Him with a Petition for a Treaty , the Earl of Essex being before possest of all the Avenues to his Army , by his Forces at Windsor , Acton and Kingston , was a more strange Introduction to Peace , than for His Majesty not to suffer Himself to be coopt up on all sides , because a Treaty had been mentioned , which was so really and so much desired by His Majesty , that this Proceeding seems to Him purposely by some intended to divert ( which it could not do ) that His Inclination . That His Majesty had no intention to master the City by so advancing , besides His Profession , which ( how meanly soever they seem to value it ) He conceives a sufficient Argument , ( especially being only opposed by suspicions and surmises ) may appear by His not pursuing His Victory at Brainceford , but giving orders to His Army to march away to Kingston as soon as He heard that place was quitted , before any notice or appearance of farther Forces from London . Nor could He find a better way to satisfie them before-hand that He had no such intention , but that His desire of Peace and of Propositions that might conduce to it still continued , than by that Message of the twelfth . For which care of His He was requited by such a reception of His Message and Messenger , as was contrary at once both to Duty , Civility , and the very Customs and Law of War and Nations , and such as theirs ( though after this Provocation ) hath not found from Him. His Majesty wonders that His Souldiers should be charged with thirsting after Blood , who took above five hundred Prisoners in the very heat of the Fight , His Majesty having since dismissed all the common Souldiers , and entertain'd such as were willing to serve Him , and required only from the rest an Oath not to serve against Him : And His Majesty supposes such most apt and likely to maintain their Power by Blood and Rapine , who have only got it by Oppression and Injustice ; That His is vested in Him by the Law , and by that only ( if the destructive Counsels of others would not hinder such a Peace , in which that might once again be the Universal Rule , and in which Religion and Justice can only flourish ) He desires to maintain it . And if Peace were equally desired by them , as it is by His Majesty , He conceives it would have been proper to have sent Him such a Paper as should have contained just Propositions of Peace , and not an unjust Accusation of His Counsels , Proceedings and Person . And His Majesty intends to march to such a distance from His City of London , as may take away all Pretence of Apprehension from His Army ; that might hinder them in all security from yet preparing them to present to Him ; and there will be ready either to receive them , or to end the Pressures and Miseries which His Subjects to His great Grief suffer through this War , by a present Battel . The Humble Petition of Both Houses of Parliament presented to His Majesty on the 24. of November . With His Majesties Gracious Answer thereunto . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . May it please Your Majesty , IT is humbly desired by both Houses of Parliament , That Your Majesty will be pleased to return to Your Parliament with Your Royal , not Your Martial Attendance , to the end that Religion , Laws and Liberties may be settled and secured by their advice ; finding by a late and sad accident , that Your Majesty is invironed by some such Counsels as do rather perswade a desperate Division , than a joyning and a good Agreement with Your Parliament and People . And we shall be ready to give Your Majesty assurances of such Security as may be for Your Honour , and the safety of Your Royal Person . His MAJESTY's Answer to the aforesaid Petition . WE expected such Propositions from you as might speedily remove and prevent the Misery and Desolation of this Kingdom , and that for the effecting thereof ( We now residing at a convenient place not far from Our City of London ) Committees from both Our Houses of Parliament should attend Us ( for you pretended by your Message to Us at Colebrook that those were your Desires : ) instead thereof ( and thereby let all the World judge of the design of that Overture ) We have only received your humble Petition , That We would be pleased to return to Our Parliament with Our Royal , not Our Martial Attendance . All Our good Subjects that remember what We have so often told you and them upon this Subject , and what hath since past , must with Indignation look upon this Message , as intended by the Contrivers thereof for a Scorn to Us , and thereby designed by that Malignant party ( of whom We have so often complained , whose Safety and Ambition is built upon the Divisions and Ruines of this Kingdom , and who have too great an Influence upon your Actions ) for a Wall of Separation betwixt Us and Our People . We have told you the Reasons why We parted from London , how We were chased thence , and by whom : We have often complained that the greatest part of Our Peers , and of the Members of Our House of Commons , could not with safety to their Honours and Persons continue and Vote freely among you , but by violence and cunning practices were debarred of those Priviledges which their Birth-rights and the Trust reposed in them by their Countries gave them ; the truth whereof may sufficiently appear by the small number of those that are with you . We have offered you to meet both Our Houses in any place free and convenient for Us and them ; but We never could receive the least satisfaction in any of these particulars , nor for those Scandalous and Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons which swarm amongst you . That 's all one ; you tell Us , it is now for Our Honour and the Safety of Our Royal Person , to return to Our Parliament : wherein your formerly denying Us a Negative Voice gives Us cause to believe , that by giving your selves that Name without Us , you intend not to acknowledge Us to be part of it . The whole Kingdom knows that an Army was raised under pretence of Orders of both Houses ( an Usurpation never heard of before in any Age ) which Army hath pursued Us in Our own Kingdom , gave Us Battel at Keynton , and endeavoured to take away the life of Us and Our Children ; and yet ( these Rebels being newly recruited and possessed of Our City of London ) We are courteously invited to return to Our Parliament there , that is , into the Power of this Army . Doth this signifie any other thing , than that since the traitourous endeavours of those desperate Men could not snatch the Crown from Our Head , ( it being defended by the Providence of God , and the Affections and Loyalty of Our good Subjects ) We should now tamely come up and give it them , and put Our Selves , Our Life , and the lives , liberties and fortunes of all Our good Subjects , into their merciful hands ? Well , We think not fit to give any other Answer to this part of your Petition But as We impute not this Affront to both Our Houses of Parliament , nor to the major part of those that are now present there , but to that dangerous Party We and the whole Kingdom must cry out upon ; so We shall for Our good Subjects sake , and out of Our most tender sense of their Miseries and the general Calamities of this Kingdom , which must ( if this War continue ) speedily overwhelm this whole Nation , take no Advantage of it : But if you shall really pursue what you presented to Us at Colebrook , We shall make good all that We then gave you in Answer to it ; whereby the hearts of Our distressed Subjects may be raised with the Hopes of Peace , without which , Religion , the Laws and Liberties can no ways be settled and secured . Touching the late and sad Accident you mention , if you thereby intend that of Brainceford , We desire you once to deal ingenuously with the People , and to let them see Our last Message to you , and Our Declaration to them concerning the same , ( both which We sent to Our Press at London , but were taken away from Our Messenger , and not suffered to be published ) and then We doubt not but they will be soon undeceived , and easily find out those Counsels which do rather perswade a desperate Division than a good Agreement betwixt Us , Our two Houses , and People . MDCXLII . III. The Proceedings in the late Treaty of Peace . Together with several Letters of His MAJESTY to the Queen , and of Prince Rupert to the Earl of Northampton , which were intercepted and brought up to the Parliament . With a Declaration of the Lords and Commons upon those Proceedings and Letters . The humble Desires and Propositions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , tendred unto His Majesty , Feb. 1. 1642. WE Your Majesty's most humble and faithful Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , having in our thoughts the Glory of God , Your Majesty's Honour , and the Prosperity of Your People , and being most grievously afflicted with the pressing Miseries and Calamities which have overwhelmed Your two Kingdoms of England and Ireland , since Your Majesty hath , by the perswasion of evil Counsellors , withdrawn Your Self from the Parliament , raised an Army against it , and by force thereof protected Delinquents from the Justice of it , constraining us to take Armes for the defence of our Religion , Laws , Liberties , Privileges of Parliament , and for the sitting of the Parliament in safety ; which Fears and Dangers are continued and increased by the raising , drawing together and arming of great numbers of Papists under the command of the Earl of Newcastle , likewise by making the Lord Herbert of Ragland and other known Papists Commanders of great Forces , whereby many grievous Oppressions , Rapines and Cruelties have been and are daily exercised upon the persons and estates of Your People , much innocent blood hath been spilt , and the Papists have attained means of attempting , and hopes of effecting , their mischievous Design of rooting out the Reformed Religion , and destroying the professors thereof : in the tender sense and compassion of these evils under which Your People and Kingdom lie ( according to the duty which we owe to God , Your Majesty , and the Kingdom , for which we are intrusted ) do most earnestly desire , that an end may be put to these great Distempers and Distractions , for the preventing of that Desolation which doth threaten all Your Majesties Dominions . And as we have rendred , and still are ready to render , to Your Majesty that Subjection , Obedience and Service which we owe unto You ; so we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to remove the Cause of this War , and to vouchsafe us that Peace and Protection which we and our Ancestors have formerly enjoyed under Your Majesty and Your Royal Predecessors , and graciously to accept and grant these most humble Desires and Propositions . I. That Your Majesty will be pleased to disband Your Armies , as we likewise shall be ready to disband all those Forces which we have raised ; and that You will be pleased to return to your Parliament . II. That You will leave Delinquents to a Legal Trial , and Judgement of Parliament . III. That the Papists may not only be disbanded , but disarmed according to Law. IV. That Your Majesty will be pleased to give Your Royal Assent unto the Bill for taking away Superstitious Innovations ; to the Bill for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Subdeans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chanters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Subtreasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their under-Officers , out of the Church of England ; to the Bill against Scandalous Ministers ; to the Bill against Pluralities ; and to the Bill for Consultation to be had with godly , religious and learned Divines : That Your Majesty will be pleased to promise to pass such other good Bills for settling of Church-Government , as upon consultation with the Assembly of the said Divines shall be resolved on by both Houses of Parliament , and by them be presented to your Majesty . V. That Your Majesty having exprest , in Your Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament , a hearty affection and Intentions for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom ; and that if both the Houses of Parliament can yet find a more effectual course to disable Jesuits , Priests and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State or eluding the Laws , that You would willingly give Your Consent unto it ; That You would be graciously pleased , for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , that an Oath may be established by Act of Parliament , to be administred in such manner as by both Houses shall be agreed on , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , worshipping of the consecrated Hoast , Crucifixes and Images ; and the refusing the said Oath , being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by Act of Parliament , shall be a sufficient Conviction in Law of Recusancy : And that Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to give Your Royal Assent unto a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion : That for the more effectual execution of the Laws against Popish Recusants , Your Majesty would be pleased to consent to a Bill for the true levying of the Penalties against them , and that the same Penalty may be levyed and disposed of in such manner as both Houses of Parliament shall agree on , so as Your Majesty be at no loss ; and likewise to a Bill whereby the practice of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duly executed . VI. That the Earl of Bristol may be removed from Your Majesty's Counsels ; and that both he and the Lord Herbert , eldest Son to the Earl of Worcester , may likewise be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not bear any Office , or have any imployments concerning the State or Commonwealth . VII . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased by Act of Parliament to settle the Militia both by Sea and Land , and for the Forts and Ports of the Kingdom , in such a manner as shall be agreed on by both Houses . VIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased by Your Letters Patents to make Sir John Brampston Chief Justice of Your Court of Kings Bench , William Lenthal Esquire , the now Speaker of the Commons House , Master of the Rolls , and to continue the Lord Chief Justice Banks Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas , and likewise to make Master Serjeant Wilde Chief Baron of Your Court of Exchequer ; and that Master Justice Bacon may be continued , and Master Serjeant Rolls and Master Serjeant Atkins made Justices of the Kings Bench ; that Master Justice Reeves and Master Justice Foster may be continued , and Master Serjeant Phesant made one of Your Justices of Your Court of Common Pleas ; that Master Serjeant Creswel , Master Samuel Brown and Master John Puleston , may be Barons of the Exchequer ; and that all these , and all the Judges of the same Courts for the time to come , may hold their places by Letters Patents under the great great Seal , quamdiu se bene gesserint ; and that the several persons not before named , that do hold any of these places before mentioned , may be removed . IX . That all such persons as have been put out of the Commissions of Peace , or Oyer and Terminer , or from being Custodes Rotulorum , since the first day of April 1642. ( other than such as were put out by desire of both or either of the Houses of Parliament ) may again be put into those Commissions and Offices ; and such that persons may be put out of those Commissions and Offices as shall be excepted against by both Houses of Parliament . X. That Your Majesty will be pleased to pass the Bill now presented to Your Majesty , to vindicate and secure the Privileges of Parliament from the ill consequence of the late Precedent in the Charge and Proceeding against the Lord Kimbolton , now Earl of Manchester , and the five Members of the House of Commons . XI . That Your Majesty's Royal Assent may be given unto such Acts as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament , for the satisfying and paying the Debts and Damages wherein the two Houses of Parliament have ingaged the Publick Faith of the Kingdom . XII . That Your Majesty will be pleased , according to a Gracious Answer heretofore received from You , to enter into a more strict Alliance with the States of the United Provinces , and other Neighbour Princes and States of the Protestant Religion , for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Popish and Jesuitical Faction to subvert and suppress it ; whereby Your Subjects may hope to be free from the mischiefs which this Kingdom hath endured through the power which some of that Party have had in Your Counsels , and will be much encouraged in a Parliamentary way for Your Aid and Assistance in restoring Your Royal Sister and the Prince Elector to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them , and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes who have suffered in the same Cause . XIII . That in the General Pardon , which Your Majesty hath been pleased to offer to Your Subjects , all Offences and Misdemeanours committed before the tenth of January 1641. which have been or shall be questioned or proceeded against in Parliament upon complaint in the House of Commons before the tenth of January 1643. shall be excepted ; which offences and misdemeanours shall never the less be taken and adjudged to be fully discharged against all other inferiour Courts . That likewise there shall be an exception of all Offences committed by any person or Persons which hath or have had any hand or practice in the Rebellion of Ireland , which hath or have given any counsel , assistance or encouragement to the Rebels there for the maintenance of that Rebellion ; as likewise an exception of William Earl of Newcastle and George Lord Digby . XIV . That Your Majesty will be pleased to restore such Members of either House of Parliament to their several places of Services and Imployment out of which they have been put since the beginning of this Parliament ; that they may receive satisfaction and reparation for those places , and for the profits which they have lost by such removals , upon the Petition of both Houses of Parliament ; and that all others may be restored to their Offices and Imployments who have been put out of the same upon any displeasure conceived against them for any Assistance given to both Houses of Parliament , or obeying their Commands , or forbearing to leave their Attendance upon the Parliament without licence , or for any other occasion arising from these unhappy Differences betwixt Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , upon the like Petition of both Houses . These things being granted and performed , as it hath always been our hearty Prayer , so shall we be enabled to make it our hopeful Endeavour , That Your Majesty and Your People may enjoy the blessings of Peace , Truth and Justice ; the Royalty and Greatness of Your Throne may be supported by the Loyal and bountiful Affections of Your People ; their Liberties and Privileges maintained by Your Majesty's Protection and Justice ; and this publick Honour and Happiness of Your Majesty and all Your Dominions communicated to other Churches and States of Your Alliance , and derived to Your Royal Posterity , and the future Generations in this Kingdom for ever . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY'S Answer to the Desires and Propositions of both Houses , February the third , 1642. Received at a Conference with the Lords , February the sixth , 1642. IF His Majesty had not given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People , or if He would suffer Himself by any Provocation to be drawn to a sharpness of Language at a time when there seems somewhat like an Overture of Accommodation , He could not but resent the heavy charges upon Him in the Preamble of these Propositions , and would not suffer Himself to be reproached with protecting of Delinquents by force from Justice , ( His Majesty's desire having always been , that all Men should be tryed by the known Law , and having been refused it ) with raising an Army against His Parliament , and to be told that Arms have been taken up against Him for the defence of Religion , Laws , Liberties , Privileges of Parliament , and for the sitting of the Parliament in safety , with many other Particulars in that Preamble so often and so fully answered by His Majesty , without remembring the world of the time and circumstances of raising those Arms against Him , when His Majesty was so far from being in a condition to invade other mens Rights , that He was not able to maintain and defend His own from violence ; and without telling His good Subjects that their Religion ( the true Protestant Religion , in which His Majesty was born , hath faithfully lived , and to which He will die a willing Sacrifice ) their Laws , Liberties , Priviledges and safety of Parliament were so amply settled and established , or offered to be so by His Majesty , before any Army was raised against Him , and long before any raised by Him for His defence ; that if nothing had been desired but that Peace and Protection which His Subjects and their Ancestors had in the best times enjoyed under His Majesty or His Royal Predecessors , this Misunderstanding and distance between His Majesty and His People , and this general Misery and Distraction upon the face of the whole Kingdom , had not been now the discourse of Christendom . But His Majesty will forbear any Expressions of Bitterness or of a sense of His own Sufferings , that , if it be possible , the memory thereof may be lost to the World. And therefore though many of the Propositions presented to His Majesty by both Houses appear to Him very derogatory from and destructive to His just Power and Prerogative , and no way beneficial to His Subjects , few of them being already due to them by the Laws established , ( and how unparliamentary it is by Arms to requrie new Laws , all the World may judge : ) yet ( because these may be waved or mollified , and many things that are now dark or doubtful in them cleared and explained upon debate ) His Majesty is pleased ( such is His sense of the Miserie 's this Kingdom suffers by this unnatural War , and His earnest desire to remove them by a happy Peace ) that a speedy time and place may be agreed upon for the meeting of such persons as His Majesty and both Houses shall appoint to discuss these Propositions , and such others here following as His Majesty doth propose to them . I. That His Majesty's own Revenue , Magazins , Towns , Forts and Ships , which have been taken or kept from Him by force , be forthwith restored unto Him. II. That whatsoever hath been done or published contrary to the known Laws of the Land , or derogatory to His Majesty's Legal and known Power and Rights , be renounced and recalled , that no seed may remain for the like to spring out of for the future . III. That whatsoever illegal power hath been claimed and exercised by or over His Subjects , as Imprisoning their Persons without Law , stopping their Habeas Corpusses , and imposing upon their Estates without Act of Parliament , &c. either by both or either House , or any Committee of both or either , or by any persons appointed by any of them , be disclaimed , and all such persons so committed forthwith discharged . IV. That as His Majesty will readily consent ( having done so heretofore to the execution of all Laws already made , and to any good Acts to be made , for the suppressing of Popery , and for the firm settling of the Protestant Religion now established by Law : ) so He desires that a good Bill may be framed for the better preserving of the Book of Common-Prayer from the scorn and violence of Brownists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries , with such clauses for the ease of Tender Consciences as His Majesty hath formerly offered . V. That all such persons as upon the Treaty shall be excepted out of the general Pardon shall be tried per Pares , according to the usual course and known Law of the Land , and that it be left to that either to acquit or condemn them . VI. And to the intent this Treaty may not suffer interruption by any intervening Accidents , that a Cessation of Arms , and free Trade for all His Majesty's Subjects , may be first agreed upon . This Offer and Desire of His Majesty He hopes will be so chearfully entertained , that a speedy and blessed Peace may be accomplished . If it shall be rejected , or by insisting upon unreasonable Circumstances be made impossible ( which He hopes God in his Mercy to this Nation will not suffer ) the guilt of the Blood which will be shed , and the Desolation which must follow , will lie upon the heads of the Refusers . However His Majesty is resolved , through what accidents soever He shall be compelled to recover His Rights , and with what prosperous Successes soever it shall please God to bless Him , that by His earnest , constant endeavours to propagate and promote the true Protestant Religion , and by His Governing according to the known Laws of the Land , and upholding the Just Priviledges of Parliament , according to His frequent Protestations made before Almighty God , which He will always inviolably observe , the World shall see that He hath undergone all these Difficulties and Hazards for the defence and maintenance of those , the zealous Preservation of which His Majesty well knowns is the only foundation and means for the true Happiness of Him and His People . Hen. Elsing , Cler. Parliament . D. C. The Articles of Cessation sent to His MAJESTY , Februar . ultimo . WHereas the Lords and Commons in Parliament , out of a tender sense of the present Miseries and Distractions of the Kingdom , and for the obtaining and settling of a happy Peace between His Majesty and His People , have humbly presented to His Majesty divers Propositions , to which He hath been pleased to make this return , That His desire was , that a speedy time and place might be appointed for the discussing of those Propositions , and likewise some others proposed by His Majesty : It is thereupon agreed in both Houses , that a Committee of both Houses shall be appointed to attend His Majesty on or before the fourth of March , if His Majesty shall so please , to endeavour to give Him all humble and fit satisfaction concerning the said Propositions , both His Majesty's and their own . And whereas for the more speedy removal of the bloody and miserable effects of War , His Majesty hath likewise been graciously pleased by a late * Message to signifie his desire , that for avoiding all intervening Accidents of War which might interrupt this Treaty , there might be a Cessation of Arms under such particular conditions and limitations as should be agreed on ; their humble desires therein concurring with His Majesty , it is by them assented and agreed , That a Cessation of Arms , in order to such a Treaty as is resolved upon by both Houses of Parliament , may be enjoyned to all the Armies and Forces now on foot in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , on either side , under the restrictions and limitations hereafter following , and that neither side shall be bound and limited by this Cessation in any other wise or to any other purpose than is hereafter expressed . I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Victuals , Mony , Bullion , and all other Commodities , passing without such a safe Conduct as may warrant their passage , may be staid and seized on , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all manner of Persons passing without such a safe Conduct as is mentioned in the Article next going before , shall be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berks the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than now they are ; and that the Parliament-Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henly , and those in Buckingham no nearer to Oxford than Ailesbury : and that His Majesty's Forces shall take no new Quarters above twelve miles from Oxford any way ; and that the Parliament-Forces shall take no new Quarters above twelve miles from Windsor any way . IV. That no Siege shall be begun or continued against Glocester , and that His Majesty's Forces now employed in the Siege shall return to Cirencester and Malmsbury , or to Oxford , as shall be most for their conveniency ; and the Parliament-Forces which are in Glocestershire shall remain in the Cities of Glocester , Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkly , or retire nearer to Windsor , as they shall see cause ; and that those of Wales which are drawn to Glocester , shall return into their Quarters where they were before they drew down to Glocestershire . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no Act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction ; and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin . And the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. Lastly , that all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , and not before mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of the publishing of this Cessation , and under the same conditions as are mentioned in the Articles before ; and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or employing of any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions . All which they humbly desire His Majesty will be pleased to ratifie and confirm , and that this Cessation may begin upon the fourth of March next , or sooner if it may be , and continue until the five and twentieth of the same month , and in the mean time to be published to the Commanders , Officers and Soldiers , and all other His Majesty's loving Subjects on either side ; and that the Treaty intended may commence upon the fourth of March next , or sooner if it may be , and the continuance thereof not to exceed twenty days . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY's Message to both His Houses of Parliament in Answer to the Articles of Cessation ; received at a Conference , Martii 6. 1642. HIS Majesty hoped the Treaty would have been begun and the Cessation agreed on long since , and that much might in this time have been concluded in order to the Peace and Happiness of the Kingdom ; but since in almost a month ( for His Majesty's Propositions were made on the third of February , and He heard not since from both Houses till the first of March ) no consent hath been yielded to it , He conceives the Cessation cannot begin so soon as the fourth of this month , by which time ( though His Majesty uses no delay in making His Answer ) the same can hardly be returned to them ; and many of the Articles now presented to Him from both Houses concerning the Cessation are so strict , that such of His good Subjects who are not of His Army ( and for whom generally He shall always have a principal , just and compassionate regard ) receive not any benefit ; or are restored to any liberty thereby , which His Majesty shall ever insist upon ( when in matters meerly concerning Himself He may descend to easier Conditions ) and which He hath returned with such Alterations as He doubts not both Houses will consent to , and do sufficiently manifest how sollicitous His Majesty is for the good of His People , and how desirous He is that in this unnatural contention no more blood of His Subjects may be spilt ( upon which He looks with much grief , compassion and tenderness of heart ) even of those who have lifted up their hands against Him : and His Majesty therefore desires ( against which He can imagine no objection can be made ) that the Cessation may begin upon the twelfth of this month , or sooner , if the Conditions of the Cessation shall be sooner agreed on ; and is willing the same shall continue for twenty days , in which time He hopes by the Treaty , and a clear understanding of each other , a full Peace and Happiness may be established throughout the Kingdom . And during that time His Majesty is willing that neither side shall be bound or limited by this Cessation in any other wise , or to any other purpose , than is hereafter expressed . I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion and Victuals passing for the use of either Army , without a Pass or safe Conduct from the Generals of each Army , may be staied and seized on , as if no Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all Officers and Soldiers of either Army , passing without such licence or safe Conduct as aforesaid , may be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all ; and that all manner of persons His Majesty's Subjects , of what quality or condition soever , ( except Officers and Soldiers of either Army ) shall pass to and from the Cities of Oxford and London and back again at their pleasures during this Cessation , as likewise to and from any other parts of His Majesty's Dominions , without any search , stay , or imprisonment of their persons , or seisure and detention of their goods or estates ; and that all manner of Trade , Traffick and Commerce , be free and open between all His Majesty's Subjects , excepting , as aforesaid , between the Officers and Soldiers of either Army , or for Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion or Victuals , for the use of either Army , without a pass or safe Conduct as aforesaid , which may be a good beginning to renew the Trade and Correspondence of the Kingdom , and whereby His good Subjects may be restored to that liberty and freedom they were born to , and have so happily enjoyed till these miserable Distractions , and which even during this War His Majesty hath to His utmost laboured to preserve , opening the way by most strict Proclamations to the passage of all Commodities even to the City of London it self . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berkshire the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than they shall be at the day to be agreed upon for the Cessation to begin ; and that the Forces of the other Army in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henly , and those in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Oxford than Ailesbury ; and that the Forces of neither Army shall advance their Quarters nearer to each other than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin , otherwise than in passage and communication between their several Quarters respectively , without any acts of Hostility each to other , but may inlarge themselves within their own Quarters respectively as they shall find convenient . IV. That the Forces of either Army in Glocestershire , Wiltshire and Wales , as likewise in the Cities of Glocester , Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkley , shall be guided by the Rule exprest in the later part of the precedent Article . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction ; and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin : and the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. That all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , not before-mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of publishing this Cessation , otherwise than in passage and communication between their several Quarters , as is mentioned in the latter part of the third Article ; and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or imploying any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions , provided that His Majesty be first acquainted with the particulars , and that such Ships as shall be set forth be commanded by such persons as His Majesty shall approve of . VII . Lastly , that during the Cessation none of His Majesty's Subjects be imprisoned , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land ; and that there shall be no plundring or violence offered to any of His Subjects . And His Majesty is very willing , if there be any Scruples made concerning these Propositions and Circumstances of the Cessation , that the Committee for the Treaty nevertheless may immediately come hither , and so all matters concerning the Cessation may be here settled by them . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Mis MAJESTY's Answer to the * Articles of Cessation sent to His Majesty . HIS Majesty hath sent a safe Conduct for the Earl of Northumberland , Mr. Pierrepont , Sir William Armyne , Sir John Holland and Mr. Whitelocke , but hath not admitted the Lord Say to attend Him , as being excepted against by name in His Proclamation at Oxford of the third of November , and by Writ to the Sheriff proclaimed then in that County , in which His Majesty's Intention is declared to proceed against him as a person guilty of High-Treason , and so falling to be within the case of Sir John Evelin , who upon the same Exception was not admitted to attend His Majesty with the rest of the Committee at Colebrook in November last : But His Majesty doth signifie , that in case the House shall think fit to send any other person in the place of the Lord Say that is not included in the like Exception , His Majesty hath commanded all His Officers , Soldiers and other Subjects , to suffer Him as freely to pass and repass as if His Name had been particularly comprised in this safe Conduct . His Majesty is content that His Proposition concerning the Magazines , Forts , Ships and Revenue , and the Proposition of both Houses for the disbanding of the Armies , shall be first Treated of , and agreed of before the proceeding to treat upon any of the other Propositions , and that after , the second of His Majesty's and the second of theirs be treated on , and agreed of , and so on in the same order ; and that from the beginning of the Treaty the time may not exceed Twenty days ; in which He hopes a full Peace and right understanding may be established throughout the Kingdom . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. The last Articles of Cessation now sent to His MAJESTY . THE Lords and Commons in Parliament being still carried on with a vehement desire of Peace , that so the Kingdom may speedily be freed from the Desolation and Destruction wherewith it is like to be overwhelmed if the War should continue , have with as much expedition as they could considered of the Articles of Cessation , with those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty , unto which they are ready to agree in such manner as is exprest in these ensuing Articles ( viz. ) I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Victual , Mony , Bullion and all other Commodities , passing without a safe Conduct from the Generals of both Armies , as well of His Majesty 's as of the Armies raised by the Parliament , may be stayed and seized on , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all manner of persons passing without such a safe Conduct as is mentioned in the Articles next going before , shall be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berkshire the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than they shall be at the day to be agreed on for the Cessation to begin ; and that the Forces of the other Army raised by the Parliament shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henley , and those in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Oxon than Ailesbury ; and that the Forces of neither Army shall advance their Quarters nearer to each other than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin . IV. That the Forces of either Army in Gloucestershire , Wilts and Wales , as likewise in the Cities of Gloucester and Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkly , shall be guided by the Rule exprest in the latter part of the precedent Article . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction , and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin ; and the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. That all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , not before mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of the publishing of this Cessation , and under the same Conditions as are mentioned in the Articles before : and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or employing of any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions . VII . That as soon as His Majesty shall be pleased to disband the Armies , which both Houses earnestly desire may be speedily effected , and to disarme the Papists according to Law , the Subjects may then enjoy the benefit of Peace in the liberty of their Persons , Goods , and Freedom of Trade ; in the mean time the Generals and Commanders of the Armies of both sides shall be enjoyned to keep the Souldiers from plundering , which the two Houses of Parliament have ever disliked and forbidden . And for the speedy settling of this so-much-desired Peace , they have thought good to send their Committees with Instructions , that if His Majesty be pleased to consent to a Cessation so limited and qualified , they may forthwith proceed to treat upon the Propositions ; and because the time is so far elapsed in these preparations , they desire the Cessation may begin the five and twentieth of this instant March , or sooner if it may be , and in the mean time notice to be given to all the Forces in the several and remote parts , and the Commanders , Officers & Souldiers are enjoyned to observe this Cessation accordingly , to which they hope and pray that God will give such a blessing , that thereupon Peace , Safety and Happiness may be produced and confirmed to His Majesty and all His People . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. INSTRUCTIONS agreed on by the Lords and Commons in Parliament for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esq ; Sir William Armyne Bar. Sir John Holland Bar. and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esq ; Committees appointed to attend His MAJESTY upon the Propositions made by His Majesty to the Parliament , and likewise upon the other Propositions humbly presented from them to His Majesty . I. YOU shall present to His Majesty the Articles agreed on for the Cessation of Arms , humbly desiring His Majesty to ratifie and confirm the same under the Great Seal ; which being obtained , you are to send it up to the Parliament with all possible speed : and shall likewise beseech the King to dispatch away Messengers to the Generals , Commanders and Soldiers of all His Armies and Forces , with a strict Command & Injunction that they observe those Articles of Cessation , according as they are agreed upon , as the two Houses likewise intend to give the like direction to the Lord General of the Armies raised for their Defence . II. After His Majesty hath declared and ratified the Cessation you shall then proceed to the Treaty , beginning with the first Proposition on His Majesty's behalf concerning His Majesty's own Revenue , his Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , and thereunto make this Answer ; You shall declare , That the two Houses of Parliament have not made use of His Majesty's own Revenue but in a very small proportion , which for a good part hath been employed in the maintenance of His Majesty's Children , according to the allowance established by Himself ; and they will satisfie what shall remain due to His Majesty of those Sums received out of His Majesty's own Revenues , and shall leave the same to His Majesty for the time to come : And you likewise shall propound to His Majesty , that He will restore what hath been taken for His use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes by several Acts of Parliament , or out of the provision made for the War of Ireland . That they will remove the Garrisons out of all Towns and Forts in their hands wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , and slight all Fortifications made since that time , which Towns and Forts it is to be agreed on both parts shall continue in the same condition they were in before ; and that those Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor the Fortifications repaired , without Consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . That for those Towns and Forts which are within the Jurisdiction of the Cinque Ports , they shall be delivered up into the hands of such a Noble person as His Majesty shall appoint to be Warden of the Cinque-Ports , being such a one as they shall confide in . That the Town of Portsmouth shall be reduced to the number of the Garrison as was at the time when the Lords and Commons undertook the custody thereof ; and such other Forts , Castles and Towns , as were formerly kept by Garrisons , as have been taken by them into their care and custody since the beginning of these Troubles , shall be reduced to such proportion of Garrison as they had in the year 1636 , and shall be so continued ; and that all the said Towns , Forts and Castles shall be delivered up into the hands of such persons of Quality and Trust , to be likewise nominated by His Majesty , as the two Houses shall confide in . That the Warden of the Cinque-Ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts respectively for the Service of His Majesty , and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and that they shall not admit into any of them any Forein Forces raised without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they shall use their uttermost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever raised without such Authority and Consent ; and they shall seise all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . That the Ships shall be delivered into the Charge of such a Noble person as His Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patent quamdiu bene se gesserit , and shall have power to nominate and appoint all subordinate Commanders and Officers , and have all other powers appertaining to the Office of High-Admiral ; which Ships he shall employ for the defence of the Kingdom against all Forein Forces whatsoever , and for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , and the guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all Supplies to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use his uttermost endeavour to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , and shall seise all Arms and Ammunition provided for supply of any such Forces . That all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Majesty's Magazines , which shall remain in their hands , shall be delivered into His Stores , and whatsoever shall be wanting , they will in convenient time supply in kind , according to the proportions which they have received ; and that the Persons to whose charge those publick Magazines shall be committed , being nominated by His Majesty , shall be such as the Lords and Commons shall confide in : And you shall propound to His Majesty , that He will restore all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for His use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns. To the Proposition made by the two Houses concerning the disbanding of the Armies , you shall humbly desire His Majesties speedy and positive Answer ; unto which if He shall be pleased to give His Assent , you shall then beseech His Majesty in the name of both Houses , that a near day may be agreed upon for the disbanding of all the Forces in the remote parts of Yorkshire and the other Northern Counties , as also in Lancashire , Cheshire , and in the Domiion of Wales , and in Cornwal and Devon ; and they being fully disbanded , another day may be agreed on for the disbanding of all Forces in Lincolnshire , Nottinghamshire , Leicestershire , and all other places , except at Oxford and the Quarters thereunto belonging , and Windsor and the Quarters thereunto belonging ; and that last of all a speedy day be appointed for the disbanding those two Armies at Oxford and Windsor , and all the Forces Members of either of them . That some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of the disbanding , and that fit Persons may be appointed by His Majesty and the Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and see the disbanding put in speedy execution accordingly . That his Majesty do likewise remove the Garrisons out of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , where any Garrisons have been placed by Him since these Troubles ; and that the Fortifications be likewise slighted , and the Towns and forts left in such state and condition as they were in the year 1636. That all other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , be committed to the charge of such Persons to be nominated by His Majesty as the Parliament shall confide in , and under such Instructions as are formerly mentioned . That if His Majesty shall be pleased to assent to these Propositions concerning the Towns , Forts , Castles , Magazines and Ships , that then His Majesty be humbly intreated to name Persons of Quality to receive the charge of the several Offices and Forts , Castles and Towns , to be forthwith certified to the two Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their confidence in those persons , or humbly beseech His Majesty to name others ; none of which Persons shall be removed during three years next ensuing without just cause to be approved by Parliament ; and if any be so removed , or shall dye within the said space , the Person to be put into the same Office shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . That all Generals and Commanders in any of the Armies on either side , as likewise the Lord Admiral of England , the Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , all Commanders of any Ships , and Commanders of any Town , Castle or Fort , shall take an Oath to observe these Articles afore-mentioned , and to use their uttermost power to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom against all Forein Force , and all other Forces raised without His Majesties Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament . You shall move His Majesty , that for the better dispatch of the Treaty , and the free intercourse of Instructions and Advertisements betwixt the two Houses of Parliament and the Committee , there may be a free pass of Messengers to and from the Parliament and the Committee , without search or interruption , and His Majesty's safe Conduct to be obtained to that effect to such Persons as are or shall be appointed for that service , viz. for Master John Rushworth , Master Mithael Welden , Master John Corbet of Graies Inn , and Master James Standish . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. The KING's Message concerning the Cessation . 23 Martii , 1642. CHARLES R. HIS Majesty hath immediately upon their arrival admitted the Committee sent to Him from both Houses of Parliament ( as the Messengers of Peace ) to His Royal Presence , and received the Articles of Cessation brought by them , which are in effect the same His Majesty formerly excepted to , though their expression in the Preface to these Articles , of their readiness to agree to those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty in such manner as is expressed , made Him expect to have found at least some of the real Alterations and Additions made by Him admitted , which He doth not discover . I. His Majesty desired that Provision might be made , and Licence given to His good Subjects for their freedom of Trade , Traffick and Commerce ( though in matters which concerned Himself more immediately , as in Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion and Victual , for the use of His Army , and the Passage of all Officers and Souldiers of His Army , He was contented the restraint should be in such manner as was proposed ) of which His Majesty is so tender , that as he hath provided for the same by His gracious Proclamations , so He doth daily release and discharge such Merchandize and Commodities as are contrary to those Proclamations stayed by any of His Majesties Forces . To this Freedom and Liberty of His good Subjects there is not the least admission given by these Articles , so that they have not any ease or benefit by this Cessation ; which His Majesty desires both Houses to consider of , and whether , if His Majesty should take the same course to stop and interrupt the Trade of the Kingdom as the other Army doth , a general Loss and Calamity would not seize upon His good Subjects . II. His Majesty , to the end that a full Cessation might be as well at Sea as at Land , and He might be secured , that the Ships proposed to be set forth for the Defence of His Majesties Dominions should be employed only to that end and purpose , desired , that they might be put under the Command of Persons to be approved of by His Majesty ; which is not consented to by these Articles , but their former , to which His Majesty excepted , strictly and entirely insisted on , by which ( besides that part of Hostility remains ) the conveying of any number of Forces from any part to any other by that means remains free to them . III. For the prevention of any Inconveniences which might arise upon real Differences or Mistakes upon the latitude of Expressions ( as if His Majesty should now consent to these Articles proposed in the Terms proposed , He must confess the Army of which He complains to be raised by the Parliament , and either Himself to be no part of the Parliament , or Himself to have raised that Army ) and for prevention of that Delay which He foresaw could not otherwise be avoided , if upon every Difference the Questions must be remitted to London , His Majesty desired that the Committee ( for whom He then sent a safe Conduct ) might have liberty to debate any such Differences and Expressions , and reconcile the same , that all possible Expedition might be used to the main Treaty . In this point of so high Concernment no power is given in these Articles , and the Committee confessed to His Majesty they have no Power given , but are strictly and precisely bound to the very words of the Articles now sent , and that before these are consented to by Us , they cannot enter into any Treaty concerning the other Propositions . IV. His Majesty desired , that during the Cessation none of His good Subjects might be imprisoned , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land. This is in no degree consented to , but the priviledge and liberty , to which they were born , reserved from them till the disbanding of both Armies ( though they are no part of either Army ) and so have no benefit by this Cessation . V. His Majesty desired , that during this Cessation there should be no Plundering or Violence offered to any of His Subjects . In the Answer to which , His desire against Violence is not at all taken notice of , nor is His desire against Plundering any ways satisfied ; His Majesty not only intending by it the robbing of the Subject by the unruliness of the uncommanded Souldier ( which their Clause of requiring the Generals and Officers to keep them from it seems to imply , and the assertion , that the two Houses of Parliament had ever disliked and forbidden it , declares plainly to be their only meaning ) but particularly the Violence and Plundering used to His Subjects by forcibly taking away their goods , for not submitting to Impositions and Taxes required from them by Orders or Ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament , which are contrary to the known Laws of the Land. VI. Besides that there is no consent given to those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty , ( whatsoever is pretended ) so where an absolute Consent may be supposed , because the very words of His Majesties Article are wholly preserved , yet by reason of the Relation to somewhat going before that is varied by them , the sense of those words is wholy varied too ; as in the Fourth Article , that part of the Third Article to which that did refer being wholly left out . So that upon the matter all the Propositions made by His Majesty ( which did not in Terms agree with those presented to Him ) are utterly rejected . For these Reasons , and that this Entrance towards a blessed Peace and Accommodation ( which hath already filled the hearts of the Kingdom with Joy and Hope ) may be improved to the wished end , His Majesty desires , that the Committee now sent may speedily have liberty to treat , debate , and agree upon the Articles of Cessation in which they and all the World shall find , that His Majesty is less sollicitous for His own Dignity and Greatness than for His Subjects Ease and Liberty . And He doubts not upon such a Debate all differences concerning the Cessation will be easily and speedily agreed upon , and the benefit of a Cessation be continued and confirmed to His People , by a speedy disbanding of both Armies , and a sudden and firm Peace , which His Majesty above all things desires . If this so reasonable , equal and just Desire of His Majesty shall not be yielded unto , but the same Articles still insisted upon , though His Majesty next to Peace desires a Cessation , yet that the not-agreeing upon the one may not destroy the hopes of nor so much as delay the other , He is willing however to Treat ( even without a Cessation , if that be not granted ) upon the Propositions themselves , in that order as is agreed , upon ( and desires the Committee here may be enabled to that effect . ) In which Treaty He shall give all His Subjects that satisfaction , that if any security to enjoy all the Rights , Privileges and Liberties due to them by the Law , or that Happiness in Church and State which the best times have seen , with such farther acts of Grace as may agree with His Honour , Justice and Duty to His Crown , and as may not render Him less able to protect His Subjects according to His Oath , will satisfie them , He is confident in the Mercy of God , that no more precious blood of this Nation will be thus miserably spent . My Lord , and Gentlemen . WHereas by your former Instructions you are tied up to a circumstance of Time , and are not to proceed unto the Treaty upon the Propositions until the Cessation of Arms be first agreed upon ; you are now authorized and required , as you may perceive by the Votes of both Houses which you shall herewith receive , to Treat and debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to those Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit hereof , notwithstanding that the Cessation be not agreed upon . Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . March 24. 1642. Received March. 25. Die Veneris , 24. Martii , 1642. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament ; THat the Committee at Oxon shall have power to Treat and debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to their Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit of this Message , notwithstanding that the Cessation is not yet agreed upon . Resolved , &c. That The Committee formerly appointed to prepare the Articles of Cessation , and Instructions for the Committee at Oxon , shall consider of an Answer to be made to His Majesties Message this day received ; and likewise prepare Reasons to be sent to the Committee , for them to press in the Treaty and debate upon the former Articles of Cessation ; and to shew His Majesty the grounds why the Houses cannot depart from those former Articles . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . The Votes of both Houses , and the Copy of the Answer to His MAJESTY , received Martii 25. 1642. May it please Your Majesty ; WE Your Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament , having received a Message from Your Majesty , in which You are pleased to express Your Self not to be satisfied with the Articles of Cessation , presented unto You by our Committee now attending You at Oxford , and yet a signification of Your Majesties willingness to Treat upon the Propositions themselves , even without a Cessation , do with all humbleness give our consent that our Committee shall have power to treat and debate with Your Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to their Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit of this Message , notwithstanding that the Cessation be not yet agreed upon ; that ( as much as in us lies ) here may be no delay in the proceedings for the obtaining of a blessed Peace , and the healing up the miserable Breaches of this distracted Kingdom ; and do purpose to represent very speedily unto Your Majesty those just Reasons and grounds , upon which we have found it necessary to desire of Your Majesty a Cessation so qualified as that is , whereby we hope You will receive such satisfaction , as that You will be pleased to assent unto it , and being obtained , we assure our selves it will be most effectual to the Safety of the Kingdom , and that Peace which with so much zeal and loyal affection to Your Royal Person , and in a deep sense of the bleeding condition of this poor Kingdom , we humbly beg of Your Majesty's Justice and Goodness . Joh. Brown Cler. Parl. A Letter from the E. of Manchester to the E. of Northumberland , Received Mar. 29. MY Lord , I am commanded by the Peers in Parliament to send unto your Lordship the Reasons which both Houses think fit to offer unto His Majesty , in pursuit of their adhering to their former Resolutions concerning the Articles of the Cessation of Arms. My Lord , you shall likewise receive additional Instructions from both Houses , and a Vote , which I send you here inclosed . My Lord , this is all I have in command , as Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore Mar. 27. Die Lunae , 27 Martii , 1643. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords in Parliament ; THat the Earl of Northumberland , their Committee at Oxford , is hereby authorized to acquaint His Majesty with all their Instructions upon the two first Propositions . Jo. Brown Cler. Parl. Additional Instructions , March 29. Additional Instructions agreed upon by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esque Sir William Armyne Bar. Sir John Holland Bar. and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esq ; Committees attending His Majesty upon the Cessation and Treaty . YOu shall alter the words mentioned in his Majesty's third Article in this manner , leaving out the words [ The Army raised by the Parliament , ] and putting in these words , [ The Army raised by both Houses of Parliament . ] You shall humbly present to His Majesty the Reasons herewithal sent from both Houses , for their not assenting to those Alterations and Additions to the Articles of Cessation offered by His Majesty . You shall press the force of those Reasons , or any other , as there shall be occasion , in the best manner you may , to procure His Majesties assent to those Articles of Cessation ; which if you shall obtain within two days after the day of the receit hereof , you shall in the name of both Houses of Parliament agree and conclude upon the Cessation , to continue to the end of twenty days , to be reckoned from the twenty fifth of , March and upon a day certain , as soon as may be , when the same shall first begin and be of force : within which time notice is to be given as well by His Majesty , as by the Lords and Commons , to the several Generals , Commanders and Souldiers respectively , to observe the same Cessation , as it is qualified and limited in those Articles : And after such conclusion made , you shall take care that those Articles be past under the Great Seal in a fitting and effectual manner , and speedily sent up to the Lords and Commons in Parliament , with four Duplicates of the same at least . If His Majesty shall please to agree upon the two Propositions concerning His own Revenues , Towns , Forts , Magazines and Ships , and the disbanding of the Armies , you are then authorized fully to agree and conclude upon those Propositions , according to your Instructions : and you shall desire His Majesty that the same may be forthwith put in execution , according to the Instructions formerly given in that behalf ; and the two Houses will be ready to put in execution what is to be performed on their part , of which you have hereby power to assure His Majesty . And if His Majesty shall not be pleased to agree upon those two Propositions within the time of four days , you shall then speedily give advertisement to the two Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may give such further direction as to them shall seem fit . Josh . Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Reasons for the Committee , Martii 27. 1643. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty . THe Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled do with all humble thankfulness acknowledge Your Majesty's Favour in the speedy admission of their Committee to Your Royal Presence , and the expedition of Your Exceptions to their Articles , that so they might more speedily endeavour to give Your Majesty satisfaction : and although they were ready to agree to the Articles of Cessation in such manner as they exprest in their Preface , they cannot agree to the Alteration and Addition offered by Your Majesty without great prejudice to the Cause , and danger to the Kingdom , whose Cause it is : The reasons whereof will plainly appear in the Answer to the particulars prest by Your Majesty . I. They do deny that they have restrained any Trade , but to some few of those places where Your Majesty's Forces are inquartered , and even now in the heat of War do permit the Carriers to go into all the parts of the Kingdom with all sorts of Commodities for the use of the Subjects , except Arms , Ammunition , Mony and Bullion : But if they should grant such a free Trade as Your Majesty desired to Oxford and other places , where Your Forces remain , it would be very difficult , if not impossible , to keep Arms , Ammunition , Mony and Bullion from passing into Your Majesty's Army , without very strict and frequent Searches , which would make it so troublesome , chargeable and dangerous to the Subjects , that the question being but for twenty days for so few places , the Mischiefs and Inconveniences to the whole Kingdom would be far greater than any Advantage which that small number of Your Subjects ( whom it concerns ) can have by it . The case then is much otherwise than is exprest by Your Majesty's Answer : for whereas they are charged not to give the least admission of this liberty and freedom of Trade during the Cessation ; the truth is , that they do grant it as fully to the benefit of the Subject even in time of War ; and that Your Majesty in pressing this for the Peoples good , doth therein desire that which will be very little beneficial to the Subjects , but exceeding advantagious to Your Majesty , in supplying Your Army with many necessaries , and making Your Quarters a staple for such Commodities as may be vented in the adjacent Counties , and so draw Mony thither , whereby the Inhabitants will be better enabled by Loans and Contributions to support Your Majesty's Army . And as Your Majesty's Army may receive much Advantage , and the other Army much Danger , if such freedom should be granted to those places : so there is no probability that the Army raised by the Lords and Commons shall have any return of Commodities and other Supplies from thence , which may be useful for them . And they conceive , that in a Treaty for a Cessation those demands cannot be thought reasonable which are not indifferent , that is , equally advantagious to both parties . As they have given no interruption to the Trade of the Kingdom , but in relation to the supply of the contrary Army , which the reason of War requires ; so they beseech Your Majesty to consider , whether Your Souldiers have not robbed the Carriers in several parts where there hath been no such reason , and Your Ships taken many Ships , to the great damage not only of particular Merchants , but of the whole Kingdom ; and whether Your Majesty have not declared Your own purpose , and endeavoured by Your Ministers of State to embarque the Merchants goods in Forein parts , which hath been in some measure executed upon the East-land Merchants in Denmark , and is a course which will much diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom , violate the Law of Nations , make other Princes Arbiters of the Differences betwixt Your Majesty and Your People , break off the intercourse betwixt this and other States , and like to bring us into quarrels and dissentions with all the neighbour-Nations . II. To demand the approving of the Commanders of the Ships , is to desire the strength of one party to the other before the difference be ended , and against all Rules of Treaty : To make a Cessation at Sea , would leave the Kingdom naked to those Forein Forces which they have great cause to believe have been sollicited against them , and the Ports open for such supplies of Arms and Ammunition as shall be brought from beyond the Seas . But for conveying any number of Forces by those means from one part to another , they shall observe the Articles of the Cessation by which that is restrained . III. As for the expression of [ the Army raised by the Parliament , ] they are contented it should be altered thus [ raised by both Houses of Parliament , ] as not desiring to differ upon words : But to give any conclusive Power in this case to the Committee upon such Differences as may arise , wherein the Houses have given no express direction , is neither safe for the Committee to undertake , nor fit for the two Houses to grant ; yet to debate and to press the reason of their desires , whereby an Agreement from Your Majesty may be procured , is granted to them . And although the two Houses did think it most proper the Cessation should be first agreed on , and that it was unfit to Treat in blood ; yet to satisfie the World of their earnest longing after Peace , they have given power to the Committee to enter into the Treaty upon the two first Propositions , notwithstanding the Cessation be not yet assented to : and those being agreed , they hope the foundation will be laid , not only of a suspension , but a total abolition of all Hostility in the Kingdom . IV. If the nature of War be duly considered , it must needs be acknowledged , that it is incompatible with the ordinary rules of a peaceable Government . Your Majesty would have them commit none but according to the known Laws of the Land ; whereby they conceive Your Majesty understands , that it must be by the ordinary Process of Law : which being granted , it will follow , that no man must be committed by them for supplying Your Majesty with Arms , Powder , Ammunition ; for by the Law of the Land the Subjects may carry such goods from London , or any other place , to Oxford : the Souldiers must not be committed if they run from their Colours and refuse any duty in the Army : no man shall be committed for not submitting to necessary supplies of Mony. So that if this be yielded in Your Majesty's sense , they shall be disabled to restrain supplies from their Enemies , and to govern or maintain their own Souldiers . It cannot be thought reasonable , that under the disguise of a Cessation , they should admit that which will necessarily produce the dissolving of the Army , and destruction of the Cause . It seems not probable that Your Majesty doth intend , that if any be taken with supplies for this Army , or mutining in Your own , such persons shall not be committed , but according to the known Laws of the Land , that is , by process of Law : but rather that Your Majesty will so interrupt this limitation of known Laws , that though it lays streight bonds upon the two Houses , yet it leaves Your Generals as much liberty as before . For it hath been denied by Your Majesty , that these known Laws , give any Power to the two Houses of Parliament to raise Arms , and so consequently their General cannot exercise any Martial Law in those cases : and it is not unlike but that it will be affirmed , that the Generals constituted by Your Majestys Commission have that power by the same known Laws . So that this Article , under the specious shew of Liberty and Law , would altogether disable them to defend their Liberties and Laws , and would produce to Your Majesty an absolute Victory and Submission , under pretence of a Cessation and Treaty . V. Being by necessity inevitable on their part enforced to a defensive War in this unhappy Breach between Your Majesty and them , and that they are therein warranted both by the Laws of God and Man , it must needs follow , that by the same Law they are enabled to raise means to support that War ; and therefore till it shall please God to incline Your Majesty to afford them such a Peace as may secure them , they cannot relinquish the power of laying Taxes upon those who ought to joyn with them in that Defence , and the necessary ways of levying those Taxes upon them , in case of refusal , for otherwise their Army must needs be dissolved . But if Your Majesty shall consent to disband the Armies , the Cause of the War being taken away , the Consequences will likewise be removed , and the Subject restored to the benefit of those Laws which the necessity of Arms hath in such cases suspended . VI. They deny any pretence of consenting to those Alterations and Additions offered by Your Majesty ; only in the Preamble they say they have considered of those Articles , with such Alterations and Additions , unto which Articles they profest they were ready to agree , not as they were accompanied with those Alterations and Additions , but in such manner as they expressed . As for the Clause left out in the third Article , it implyed a freedom of passage and communication of Quarters , which is contrary to the nature of a Cessation , whereby matters should be preserved in the state they are , and neither party have liberty so much to advantage himself , as it is evident Your Majesty might do , if your Forces in the North and West might joyn with those at Oxford , and bring those supplies of Treasure or Arms thither which were brought out of Holland ; or at least it should be so indifferent , as to give a proportionable advantage to the other side , which this doth not : For the Forces under the power of both Houses are so disposed , that they have an easie passage from one to the other ; but Your Majesty's Forces are severed the one from the other by many large Counties , strong Passes , and competent Armies : and if they had admitted this Clause , they had bereaved themselves of one of the greatest Advantages , and freed Your Majesty's party of one of the greatest Inconveniences which Your Majesty or they have in this War. For the Reasons already alledged , they cannot agree to the alterations and enlargements of the Cessation propounded , or to transfer any such power to the Committee , of treating , debating and agreeing upon those Articles in any other manner than the Houses have directed : but that a fair and speedy passage may be opened to a secure and a happy Peace , they have enabled their Committees to treat and debate upon the two Propositions concerning His Majesty's own Revenue , the delivery of His Towns , Castles , Magazines and Ships , and the disbanding of the Armies ; which being agreed upon , a present Peace and Security will follow , and the Treaty upon the other Propositions be facilitated without fear of interruption by the confusion of War , or exasperation of either party by the bloody effects thereof . In which Treaty the two Houses will desire and expect nothing but what doth stand with Your Majesty's Honour and the Trust reposed in You , and is necessary for your Majesty's good Subjects , that they may enjoy the true Religion , and their Liberties and Privileges , and that they may freely and in a Parliamentary way concur with Your Majesty in those things which may conduce to the Glory of God , the Safety and Happiness of Your Majesty and Your Posterity and People , and preventing the like miserable effusion of English blood for the time to come . For the effecting whereof their most earnest Prayers and uttermost endeavours shall ever be faithfully and constantly employed , in hope that God will give a blessing thereunto . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Additional Instructions concerning the Cessation , March 29. IN case we shall obtain Your Majesty's Assent to the Articles of Cessation , as they were last presented to Your Majesty , within two days after the day of the receit of the Reasons this day presented to Your Majesty from both Houses , for their not assenting to those Alterations and Additions to the Articles of Cessation offered by Your Majesty ; we are authorised by our Instructions this day received , in the name of both Houses of Parliament , to agree and conclude upon the Cessation , to continue to the end of twenty days , to be reckoned from the 25. of this instant March , and upon a day certain , as soon as may be , when the same shall first begin and be of force ; within which time notice is to be given as well by His Majesty , as by the Lords and Commons , to the several Generals , Commanders and Souldiers respectively , to observe the same Cessation as it is qualified and limited in those Articles last presented to Your Majesty . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . The KING's Question concerning Removal of Quarters , March 13. 1643. WHether by denying the Communication of Quarters , you intend to restrain the Quarters of either Army from each other ; as that the Forces at Abbingdon may not remove to Banbury , or the Forces at Henly may not remove to Ailesbury , or to any other places within the Quarter of each Army respectively . Falkland . The Committees Answer concerning Removal of Quarters , Mar. 31. 1643. IN Answer to Your Majesty's Question upon the third Article of the Cessation , We humbly conceive , That it is not intended to restrain the Quarters of their Army respectively from each other , so as they come not nearer the Quarters of the other Army ; but that the Forces at Abbingdon may remove to Banbury , or the Forces at Henly may remove to Ailesbury , or to any other place within the Quarters of each Army respectively : so as the Forces of either Army respectively come not nearer the Quarters of the other Army than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin : Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . The KING's Question concerning the Cessation , March 31. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to be resolved by the Committee of Lords and Commons , whether the Forces of Oxford may not as well go to Reading , as the Forces of Henley may to Ailesbury . Whether His Majesty's Forces belonging to the Army at Oxford may not go to Shrewsbury , or any other place backwards from London , so that in their march they approach no nearer to any Quarters of any of the contrary Armies than some of His Majesties Forces shall quarter upon the day agreed upon for the Cessation to begin . Falkland . The Committees Answer concerning the Cessation , March 31. 1643. WE humbly conceive , that by our Instructions we are not enabled to give any Resolution upon Your Majesty's Questions concerning the Removal of Quarters , other than we have already given . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . A Letter from the Earl of Manchester , April 4. My Lord , I Am commanded by the Lords in Parliament to send unto your Lordship these inclosed Votes , for the giving your Lordship and the Committee longer time to treat of the first Propositions . This is all I have in command , as Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House pro tempore . April 2. Votes of both Houses for four days longer to Treat , April 4. Die Lunae , Aprilis 3. 1643. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled ; THat further time shall be given to the Committee at Oxon to treat upon the two first Propositions , viz. the first Proposition of His Majesty's , and the first Proposition of both Houses . Resolved , &c. That the time prescribed for the Treaty upon the two first Propositions shall be until Friday next . Resolved , &c. That Friday in this last question shall be taken inclusive . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . April 4. His Majesty's Message concerning the Cessation . CHARLES R. HOW His Majesty hath spent His time since the Committee from His two Houses of Parliament came hither , how willing He hath been ( during the four days allowed to them ) to expedite the Treaty it self , by the free and diligent disquisition of the particulars comprized in those two first Articles , and how intent He hath been upon the Cessation ( which He thinks so necessary , and so much desires ) since the last Message concerning the same came to Him , the Committee themselves cannot but observe : And though no conclusion could be made within the two days ( a time limited with much strictness in a business of so great moment , where all words and expressions must be carefully and exactly weighed ) His Majesty cannot doubt but both Houses will be willing to give and receive satisfaction in any particulars which are necessarily to be considered in concluding the same , though the two days are expired . And if His Majesty enlarges Himself in His Replys more than may seem necessary to the Propositions and Differences in debate , it must be remembred , by what unnecessary and unwarrantable expressions in this last Message from His two Houses He is not only invited , but compelled thereunto ; which He could heartily have wished might upon this occasion have been forborn . I. For the Freedom of Trade , His Majesty hath great reason to require , and the two Houses to admit , that Freedom to His good Subjects He desired . For what concerns the supply of the Army with Arms , Ammunition , Money , Bullion and Victuals , He consented to the very terms proposed by the two Houses ; and that they may be observed , is contented that searches may be made , which being but the trouble of particular persons , is not considerable , in respect of the Publick benefit and advantage . But why all other liberty of Traffick and Commerce should not be granted to His good Subjects , He cannot understand ; for that His Majesty's Army should receive much Advantage thereby , and the contrary Army none , is in no degree confessed . For ( besides the restraint is to places where no part of His Majesty's Army is , and indeed the whole Trade of the Kingdom interrupted ) 't is as great a support ( if not a greater ) to the contrary Army , to maintain and keep up the Trade of London , from whence that receives its supply and relief , as to His Majesty's Army to continue the Trade of Oxford , or any other place where His Forces reside ; and to stop and seize the Cloth , Kersies , and other Western Commodities ( which his Majesty can daily do from Reading ) would be as great disturbance to the Trade of London , as the seizing of any Commodities ( which may be done by the Earl of Essex from Windsor or Wickham ) can be to the Trade of Oxford . And therefore His Majesty hath great reason to press , that mutual and universal Freedom to all His good Subjects may be granted : Otherwise , He must either permit that Licence to His Army , to seize the goods of His People in their passage to London , and to interrupt and break the Trade and Correspondence of the Kingdom ( which both out of publick consideration and private compassion His Majesty is most averse from ) or else must grant that evident Benefit and Advantage to those who deny the same to Him , and to His People for His sake . And it cannot be denyed but this Freedom is so very beneficial to His Subjects , and so wholly considerable to His Majesty under that Notion , that their very subsistence depends upon it , and by this means Trade may be continued ; which , if a little more suppressed by these Distractions , will not be easily recovered , even by a settled Peace . His Majesty believes that some Carriers have been robbed by His Majesty's Souldiers : But 't is as true , that no Complaint hath been made to Him of that kind , which He hath not received to the relief and reparation of the Petitioners . And 't is therefore His desire , that both Houses would joyn with Him ( at least during the Cessation ) that there might be no more such Violences and interruptions offered to His good Subjects by either side . For the embarquing the Merchants Goods in Forein parts , His Majesty denys that any endeavour hath yet been made by His Ministers of State to that purpose : But 't is true , His Majesty hath declared His Resolution , which He shall pursue , that such persons who absolve themselves from their Obedience to Him , and assist or consent to actions of Disloyalty to Him here , shall be deprived of those advantages , and must not expect that Protection from Him abroad which is due , and which He always hath and will allow to His good Subjects . And this is not to make other Princes Arbiters of the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His People ; but to use the mutual Amity and Correspondence with other Princes , for the maintenance and support of that Dignity for which it is made and entred into . II. His Majesty did not demand the approving of the Commanders of Ships only witli reference to His present Right , for then He would have demanded not the approbation of the Commanders , but the Ships themselves ; but this Demand was and is a thing most necessary for His Majesty : for the setting out the present Fleet is pretended to be for the defence of His Majesties Dominions , and which cannot conveniently suffer any alteration in Commanders , if the Cessation and Peace should be fully and speedily agreed upon ; and therefore 't is most necessary for His Majesty both to know the Designs , and to approve of the Commanders , who will not be so fit to be altered when once they are sent out . His Majesty cannot see how a Cessation at Sea between His Majesty and His Subjects should leave the Kingdom naked to Forein Forces ( a continuance of War may well do it : ) And His Majesty is willing to concurr in the resistance of all such of what kind soever , and expects that , during the Cessation , the conveying of all Forces from one part to another by Sea for the assistance of the Earl of Essex be restrained ; which both Houses seem now to consent to , which was not at all expressed in their former Articles . III. His Majesty's opinion , how unfit it was to Treat in blood , sufficiently appears , this debate concerning a Cessation arising first from His Majesty's motion ( it being left out in the Answer to His Message for a Treaty . ) In order to which He had and hath great reason to desire , that the Committee may have Liberty to debate and conclude any differences and expressions in the Articles of the Cessation , that the same may be reconciled and removed , without remitting all questions to London . For as those now consented to might in much less time have been agreed here if there had been that liberty ; so there can hardly be a right and clear understanding of intentions without expounding of words , and knowing the meaning from each other : as in the Consent which His Majesty now understands to be given by both Houses , that no Forces shall during the Cessation be sent by Sea for the relief of any place now held by them , the expression is not so clear , but referreth to Articles , in which if it was not comprised before ( as His Majesty doth not conceive it was ) no alteration is made by what now seems to be consented to , and the liberty which to all understandings may seem to be given , by removing out of one Quarter to another within the Precincts proposed , is not yet so demonstrable ; the Committee having no power to answer what they understand in that point , which is most necessary to be known , that the Peace be not broken during that Cessation . And His Majesty wonders that it should be thought unsafe or unfit to give such a conclusive power of such Differences and Doubts to the Committee here , when 't is notoriously known , that the very Liberty and Property of the Subject is committed not only to other Committees of the Houses without reporting to the Houses , but to persons who are employed by them , uninterested in and unacquainted with the Directions of either or both Houses . IV. It was no part of His Majesty's intention , that His Article against Imprisonment of his Subjects , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land , should extend to the destruction of the Military Discipline of either Army : But this is a very sufficient instance of the necessity of enabling some persons to conclude upon these Articles , without which ( through inanimadvertence or doubtfulness in the expressions ) they who are nearest of a mind will hardly ever come to conclude , if every Punctilio must be forced to be sent forwards and backwards a hundred miles : and ( if this authority had been given to the Committee here , as for such causes was desired ) a limitation of half a dozen words ( which would have been as soon agreed to as proposed ) would have saved most of this fourth Reason . And he that desires any thing necessary to the speed of this Cessation , gives a good argument of desiring the Cessation it self ; and whoever is averse to the one , can hardly be thought inclinable to the other . But such of His Subjects as are not concerned in the discipline of the Army , are not concerned in this Objection ; and His Majesty hath reason to insist , that the same liberty may be restored to them in which they were born , and the care and defence of which is so much and so meerly pretended by those who deny it to them . V. Though it grieves His Majesty to the Soul to see the present miserable condition of His Subjects , groaning under so many visible Pressures because of an invisible Necessity , and plundered and imprisoned to maintain such a defensive War , as was begun to be raised against Him before His Majesty had granted one Commission to raise a man ; yet He cannot but be pleased with the ingenuity of this confession , that the implicite faith of His seduced Subjects begins to wear out so fast , that the authority of Declaring new , unknown Fundamental Laws , doth not now so work with them , to believe that these Taxes are laid according to the Laws of God and Man , nor the many pretences of imminent Dangers and inevitable ruine of their Religion , Laws and Liberties , so perswade them to believe this Cause to be the Cause of the Kingdom , but that if their Cause , Authority and Eloquence were not assisted by force and Rapine , their Army must needs be dissolved for want of being thought fit , much less necessary , to be pay'd by those who have equal right to judge of the Necessity and Danger , and for whose sakes , interests and concernments only it was pretended to be raised , and who are defended by it against their wills . Nor is it strange that His Majesty cannot receive these Charges upon Him , as a reason to make Him contented and acquiesce with these Injuries to His Subjects ; or that they who saw His Majesties condition the last year ( till continued Violence against Him opened the eyes and hearts of His Subjects ; to His assistance ) should not believe that He began that War which they saw Him so unlikely to resist ; or that they , who could never find nor hear from them who use not too modestly to conceal what is for their advantage , that from the beginning of the world to this present Parliament ever one man was raised before by Commission from both Houses , should not believe the raising of that their Army to be so warranted as is pretended , and any more approve of their Law than of their Necessity ; or that they who know that His Majesty ( in whom the power of making War and Peace was never denyed to be , till these new Doctrines , which make it unlawful for Him to do any thing , and lawful to do any thing against Him , were of late discovered ) though he can legally raise an Army , is not allowed to be legally able to raise money to maintain it , will not allow of the Argument , from the power of Raising to the power of Taxing , and are as little satisfied with their Logick as with their Law , and extreamly troubled to pay an Army they do not desire , for a Necessity they cannot see , by a Law they never heard of ; and that other men , without their consent , must be jealous , fearful and quicksighted at their Charges : and they have great reason to be apt to suspect that those made most haste to make a War , and have least desire of making Peace , who in time of War pretend their legal power to be so vastly inlarged . His Majesty therefore hath great reason to insist , that no Violence or Plundering be offered to His Subjects for not submitting to the illegal Taxes of one or both Houses , which in it self is equal ; His Majesty being willing to be obliged from the like course , and relying wholly upon the known Justice of His Cause , and the Affection of His People , and in which ( if the Kingdom be of their mind , and believe the Cause of the contrary Army to be really their own ) the advantage will be wholly theirs , and this Judgment will be best given when the People is left to their liberty in this decision . His Majesty's real desire of disbanding the Armies may fully appear by His often seeking , and earnest endeavours to continue and conclude this Treaty in order to that disbanding . VI. His Majesty leaves their Preamble to all the world to consider and to judge , whether any man by their saying they were ready to agree to His Majesty's Articles in the manner as was exprest , would not have expected to have found after that expression , that they had agreed at least to some one thing material in them , and had not only meant by agreeing as was exprest , to express they would not agree at all . For the Clause of Communication of Quarters so quietly left out , His Majesty looks upon it as of most infinite importance , the leaving out of that having discomposed the whole , many things having in the rest been assented to , which were therefore only yielded , because the Inconveniences growing by these Clauses , if they were alone , were salved by that Addition ; and some things , in the other very dark and doubtful , were by that interpreted and cleared . And His Majesty is sufficiently informed how highly it concerns Him that every thing be so clear , that after no differences may arise upon any disputable point , since they whose Union , Industry , Subtilty and Malice could perswade any of His People that in the business of Brainceford He had broken a Cessation before any was made or offered , would have a much easier work to lay the breach of a made Cessation to His Majesty's charge , if the ground of that Breach would bear the least dispute . His Majesty doth agree , that to preserve things in the same state on both sides with as little advantage or disadvantage to either as the matter will possibly bear , is truly the nature of a Cessation , and is willing this Principle should be made the Rule , and never intended any thing that should contradict it ; but cannot see the inequality in this which is pretended : For could Sir Ralph Hopton and the Earl of Newcastle come by this means to the King , and not the Earl of Stamford and Lord Fairfax to the Earl of Essex ? Nor can His Majesty find any stronger Passes or Forces to hinder His Armies from joyning with Him , than hinders theirs from joyning with them . If the Forces be unequal , theirs will hardly hinder the passage of His , without a Cessation ; if they be equal , their coming in time of Cessation will be of equal use and advantage to their side , somewhat in point of Supplies to come with them excepted ; and some advantage to one side will be , poize it how you will. But on the other side ; if this clause be not in , how much greater is the disadvantage the other way by some Clauses ? and how are His Forces ( principally the Earl of Newcastle's ) cooped up in old and eaten-up Quarters , or necessitated to retire to such as are more barren and more eaten ? So that if this were yielded to under the disguise of a Cessation , He must admit that which will much endanger the dissolving of the Army and destruction of the Cause ; which is such a disadvantage as is against the nature of a Cessation formerly agreed and stated . Notwithstanding all this , His Majesty , to shew His extraordinary and abundant desire of Peace , and to prevent the effusion of blood , is contented , if both Houses shall refuse to consent to His Propositions , which are so much for the benefit and advancement of the publick Trade and advantage of His good Subjects , to admit a Cessation upon the matter of their own Articles ( excepting that liberty be given to the Committee to word it according to the real meaning and intention ; and that the remove of Quarters within their own bounds , which is intended , may be so exprest and understood that no mistakes may arise ) so that His Majesty may not be understood to consent to any imposing upon , levying , distraining , or imprisoning His good Subjects to force them to contribute or assist against Him ( which He shall always continue to inhibit , requiring all men to resist those Illegal acts of Injustice and Violence , against which He doth absolutely protest ; ) and so that there may not be a liberty for any Rapine , Plundering , or seizing upon His Subjects by any of the Soldiers of that Army , for not submitting to such Illegal Impositions as aforesaid : For otherwise , they may during this Cessation ( besides what is already imposed ) impose new Taxes , not only to the Nineteenth part , but , if they please , ( for their pleasure is all their bound ) to the half of , or all their Estates , upon His good Subjects in His City of London , and all Counties within their reach ; and their Army would then be at leisure to be employed as Collectors as well of the old Impositions , ( which in most places without their Army they cannot levy ) as of any such new one , and vast summs would and might by this means be raised to the destruction of His Subjects , extraordinary advantage to them , and great disadvantage to His Majesty , who can neither obtain His own Consent to take the like courses , nor in case He could , is He so quartered as to have within the power of His Army , without breach of the Cessation by drawing nearer to their Forces , any such City , or so many , so rich and so fresh Counties , as they have , to retire into to that purpose . So that as nothing is more just in it self and for His People than such a limitation ; so nothing can be more unequal to His Majesty , or more advantagious to them , than the admission of or connivance to any such practices upon His People . This Cessation to begin on the 9. of April , and to continue to the end of 20. days from the 25. of March. And His Majesty desires that the Treaty may proceed upon the Propositions in order , upon which His Majesty hath an earnest desire that a firm and stable Peace may be agreed on , and both Armies speedily disbanded : otherwise , if during this Cessation ( in the Articles of which His Majesty in order to Peace hath yielded to things manifestly unreasonable and prejudicial to His Army ) the Treaty be not dispatched , His Majesty cannot without manifest ruine to His Army ( principally that of the North ) be able to contain Himself beyond this time now limited for the Cessation in the Quarters in which He hath so long been , and now is , and which will hardly be able to hold out so long , but must be forced to remove as He shall find agreeable for His Occasions . And in case any delay be made in consenting to these His Majesty's limitations , or that the Houses shall reject this His offer of Cessation , His Majesty , as He hath lately desired ( by a Proposition to both Houses , delivered to their Committee , to which He hath yet received no Answer ) so He doth earnestly continue to desire , that the Treaty it self may not be delayed or interrupted by it , but that their Committee may be enabled to proceed upon it in the mean while . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Copia vera . Addition of four days longer to Treat , April 4. 1643. WE humbly acquaint Your Majesty that we received this morning the resolution of both Houses of Parliament , whereby farther time is given to us to Treat upon the two first Propositions , viz. the first Proposition of Your Majesty , and the first Proposition of both Houses ; and that the time prescribed for the Treaty upon the two first Propositions shall be until Friday night . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . A Letter from both Houses , received , April 8. 1643. WE are commanded to send these inclosed Instructions to you from both Houses of Parliament , by which the resolutions of the Houses will appear unto you . This is all we have in command , and rest , Westminster the 7. of April , 1643. Your humble Servants , Manchester , Speaker pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House . Instructions concerning the Cessation , received April 8. 1643. A farther Addition of Instructions agreed upon by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Pierrepont Esq ; Sir William Armyne Baronet , Sir John Holland Baronet , and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esquire , Committees of both Houses of Parliament attending His Majesty at Oxon. YOU are hereby to take notice , That the two Houses have considered His Majesty's Answer to their Reasons concerning the Cessation , wherein there are divers expressions which reflect much upon the Honour and Justice of the Houses , and might occasion particular Replies ; yet at this time they desire to decline all Contestation , their wishes and endeavours being earnestly bent upon the obtaining a speedy Peace : For which cause they do not think good to consume any more of that time allowed for the Treaty in any farther debates upon the Cessation ; concerning which they find His Majesty's expressions so doubtful , that it cannot be suddenly or easily resolved ; and the remainder of the time for the whole Treaty being but seven days , if the Cessation were presently agreed , it would not yield any considerable advantage to the Kingdom . Wherefore you shall desire His Majesty , that He will be pleased to give a speedy and positive Answer to their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , that so the People may not have only a Shadow of Peace in a short time of Cessation , but the Substance of it , in such manner as may be a perpetual Blessing to them , by freeing the Kingdom from those miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and Desolation of many parts of the Land. For the obtaining of which Happiness , the Lords and Commons have resolved to enlarge your Power , That if you shall not have fully agreed upon the two first Propositions before Friday night , you may , notwithstanding any former restraint , proceed to treat upon them according to the Instructions formerly given you , although the Articles of the Cessation are not agreed upon . And those two first Propositions being concluded , the two Houses will thereupon give you further Instructions to proceed to the other Propositions , that so the whole Treaty may be determined within the twenty days formerly limited , to be reckoned from the 25 of March last , which can admit no alteration or enlargement without manifold Prejudice and Danger to the whole Kingdom . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . The KING's Reply touching Cessation ; and His desire to enable the Committee to treat upon the Propositions in the mean time ; and touching His coming to the Parliament . C. R. IF the Committee , according to His Majesty's desire , had had but power to agree in the wording of Expressions in the Articles of Cessation , His Majesty's ( which are as clear as the matter would bear , and as He could make them ) had not appeared so doubtful to any , but that the Cessation might have been suddenly and speedily resolved , and that long before this time . And if the expressions of both Houses in their Reasons had not necessitated His Majesty in His own defence to give such Answers , as could not upon those points deliver Truth without some shew of Sharpness , no Expression of that kind in His Majesty's Answer had given any pretence for the rejection of , or refusing so much as to treat upon this Cessation , which ( though it were at present for no long time ) yet was from the day named by themselves , the 25 of March ; whereas His Majesty first moved for a Cessation and Treaty without any limitation at all in the time of either , and His Majesty was most ready to have enlarged the time , ( so that in the mean while the point of Quarters might be so settled as that His Armies might subsist ) and which might have been ( if they had pleased ) a very good and promising earnest and fore-runner of that great blessing of Peace ; for the obtaining of which the wishes and endeavours of all good men being earnestly bent , a farther debate in order to so great a Benefit did not deserve to be styled a consumption of time . And His Majesty cannot but conceive Himself to be in a strange condition , if the doubtfulness of Expressions ( which must always be whilst the Treaty is at such a distance , and power is denied to those upon the place to help to clear and explain ) or His necessary Replying to charges laid upon Him ( that He might not seem to acknowledge what was so charged ) or the limitation of the time of seven days for the Treaty ( which was not limited by His Majesty , who ever desired to have avoided that and other limitations which have given great interruptions to it ) should be as well believed to be the grounds , as they are made the arguments , of the rejection of that which ( next to Peace it self ) His Majesty above all things most desires to see agreed and settled , and which His Majesty hopes ( if it may be yet agreed on ) will give His People such a taste of such a Blessing , that after a short time of consideration , and comparing of their several conditions in War and Peace , and what should move them to suffer so much by a Change , they will not think those their friends that shall force them to it , or be themselves ready to contribute to the renewing of their former Miseries , without some greater evidence of Necessity than can appear to them , when they shall have seen ( as they shall see , if this Treaty be suffered to proceed ) that His Majesty neither asks nor denies any thing , but what not only according to Law He may , but what in Honour and care of His People he is obliged to ask or deny . And this alone ( which a very short Cessation would produce ) His Majesty esteems a very considerable advantage to the Kingdom ; and therefore cannot but press again and again , that whatever is thought doubtful in the expressions of the Articles , may ( as in an hour it may well be done ) be expounded , and whatsoever is excepted at may be debated and concluded , and that Power and Instructions may be given to the Committee to that end ; that the miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and desolation of England ( until they can be totally taken away ) may by this means be stayed and interrupted . His Majesty supposes , that when the Committee was last required to desire His Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first proposition concerning Disbanding , His Answers in that point ( to which no Reply hath been made , and which He hopes by this time have given satisfaction ) were not transmitted and received : but wonders the Houses should press His Majesty for a speedy and positive Answer to the first part of their first Proposition concerning Disbanding , when to the second part of the very same Proposition , concerning His Return to both Houses of Parliament , they had not given any Power or Instructions to the Committee so much as to treat with His Majesty ; and when His Majesty ( if His desire of Peace , and of speeding the Treaty in order to that , had not been prevalent with Him ) might with all manner of Justice have delayed to begin to treat upon one part , until they had been enabled to treat upon the other : In which point , and for want of which power from them , the only stop now remains ; His Majesty's Answers to both parts of their first Proposition being given in , transmitted , and yet remaining unanswered . To which until the Houses shall be at leisure to make Answer , that as little delay in this Treaty as is possible may be caused by it , His Majesty desires likewise , that the Committee may be enabled to treat upon the following Propositions in their several orders . A Letter from both Houses , April 8. WE have sent unto you by this Gentleman , Sir Peter Killegrew , some additional Instructions , by which your Lordship and the rest of the Committee will perceive the Resolutions which the Houses have taken upon the Papers which they received this day from you . This is all we have in command , and remain , Your Lordship 's humble Servants , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , Will. Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament . Westminster this 8 of April , 1643. Instructions concerning the Insisting , received April 9. 1643. Additional Instructions for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esquire , Sir William Armyne and Sir John Holland Baronets , Bulstrode Whitelocke Esquire , Committees from both Houses attending His Majesty at Oxford . Magazines , and enlarging the time . THE two Houses of Parliament are unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines : Wherefore you are to desire His Majesty to make a further Answer , in such manner as is exprest in the Instructions formerly given you ; and you shall let His Majesty know , That the Lords and Commons do not think fit to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days formerly limited . Cinque-Ports , Towns , Forts and Castles . They likewise remain unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer concerning the Cinque-Ports , Towns , Forts and Castles , being in the most material points an express Denial : Wherefore you are to insist upon their desire for another Answer , according to your Instructions . Ships . They observe in His Majesty's Answer concerning the Ships , not only a Denial to all the desires of both Houses , but likewise a Censure upon their proceedings . However , you are to insist upon their desires expressed in your Instructions . Disbanding . They further conceive that His Majesty's Answer to their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding is in effect a Denial , unless they desert all those cautions and limitations which they have desired in their Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition : Wherefore you are to proceed , insisting upon that part of their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , according to your Instructions . KING's Return to the Parliament . You shall declare to His Majesty the desire of both Houses of His Majesty's coming to His Parliament , which they have often exprest with as full offers of security to His Royal Person , as was agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and they know no cause why His Majesty may not repair hither with Honour and Safety : but they did not insert it into your Instructions , because they conceived the Disbanding of the Armies would have facilitated His Majesty's Resolution therein , which they likewise conceived was agreeable to His Majesty's Sense , who in declaring His Consent to the Order of the Treaty , did only mention that part of the first Proposition which concerned the Disbanding , and did omit that which concerned His coming to the Parliament . Oath of Officers . They conceive the ordinary Oaths of the Officers mentioned are not sufficient to secure them against the extraordinary causes of Jealousie which have been given them in these troublesome times ; and that His Majesty's Answer lays some tax upon the Parliament , as if defective , and thereby uncapable of making such a Provisional Law for an Oath : therefore you shall still insist upon their former desires of such an Oath as is mentioned in your Instructions . If you shall not have received His Majesty's positive Answer to the humble desire of both Houses in these two first Propositions , according as they are exprest in your Instructions , before the twenty days limited for the Treaty shall be expired , you shall then with convenient speed repair to the Parliament , without expecting any further direction . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . CHARLES REX . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no Success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end or for any longer time than that , and until things may be so settled , as that the Law may have a full , free and uninterrupted course for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses and His good Subjects ; 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His first Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the just , known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to Him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any just and legal exceptions against any of the Persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him : 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth-rights , and the free election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made : 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous assemblies as , to the great breach of the Priviledges and the high dishonour of Parliaments , have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons to joyn in a Declaration against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which security His Majesty conceives can be only settled by adjourning the Parliament to some other place at the least twenty miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses : His Majesty will most chearfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , such provisions will be made against seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions ; and such care will be taken concerning the legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been publisht or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise Arms without His Majesty's Consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the real good of His Subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the Penalties against them ) to make known to all the World how causless those Fears and Jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this Offer of His Majesty be not consented to ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose default it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who hath been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted , or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not by the most interessed , passionate , or prejudicate person be imputed to His Majesty . His MAJESTY's Questions before the Treaty , and the Committees Answers , March 25. 1643. Mis MAJESTY desires to be answered these Questions in writing , by the Committee of both Houses . 1. WHether they may not shew unto Him those Instructions ( according to which they are to Treat and Debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions ) of which the last Message from both Houses takes notice , and refers unto . 2. Whether they have power to pass from one Proposition to the other in the Debate , before His Majesty have exprest His mind concerning the Proposition first entred into . 3. Whether they have power to give an entire Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition before His Majesty's Reply to any part thereof , or to pass from any part of that Proposition to another part of the same before His Majesty hath given a Reply concerning that part . 4. Whether in case His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition do not satisfie them , they have power to send up that His Answer or Reply to both Houses and proceed upon the debate of another part of the same . 5. Whether they have power to conclude these two Propositions . 6. Whether they have power to press or consent unto the execution of either of these two Propositions , or any part of them , till the whole Treaty be agreed upon . Falkand . The Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to attend His Majesty upon the Treaty , do humbly return these Answers to the Questions propounded by His Majesty . March 25. 1643. TO the First ; They are enjoyned not to shew or discover their Instructions , or to give any Copy of them . To the Second , concerning His Majesty's first Proposition and the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament ; They humbly conceive they may pass from the one Proposition to the other , after that His Majesty hath given His Answer to the particular partf either Proposition that shall be in debate . To the Third ; They humbly conceive that they are to receive His Majesty's Reply to that part of the Proposition to which they give their Answer , before they proceed to any other part of either Proposition . To the Fourth ; They humbly conceive , that when they have received His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition wherein they are not satisfied , they are to send that His Majesty's Answer or Reply to both Houses , and in the mean time may proceed to another part of either Proposition . To the Fifth ; They humbly conceive they may conclude these two Propositions , if they be agreed unto according to their Instructions . To the Sixth ; They humbly conceive they may press and consent unto the execution of the two Propositions , according to their Instructions , before the whole Treaty be agreed upon . Northumberland . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . The Papers concerning leave to repair to His Majesty . March 27. 1643. WHereas we humbly presented to Your Majesty several Answers to Your Majesty's Demands in Your first Proposition , and in Reply to those Answers we have received several Papers from Your Majesty ; our humble desires are that Your Majesty would be pleased to give us leave to repair unto You , for our further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst us in those Papers we have already received , or any other which we shall hereafter receive from Your Majesty , before such time as we shall transmit them to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty is well pleased that the Committee of both Houses repair unto Him for their further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst them in the Papers they have already received , or any other which they shall hereafter receive from His Majesty , and to which they shall not have acquiesced , before they transmit them to both Houses of Parliament . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Revenue . March 26. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition , concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue , we give this Answer ; The two Houses of Parliament have not made use of Your Majesty 's own Revenue , but in a very small proportion , which for a good part hath been imployed in the maintenance of Your Majestys Children , according to the allowance established by Your Self . And the two Houses of Parliament will satisfie what shall remain due to Your Majesty of those summs received out of Your Majesty 's own Revenue ; and will leave the same to Your Majesty for the time to come . We likewise humbly propose to Your Majesty , that You will restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes , by several Acts of Parliament , or out of the provision made for the War of Ireland . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . John. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 26. 1643. HIS Majesty knows not what proportion of His Revenue hath been made use of by His two Houses of Parliament , but He hath reason to believe that if much of it hath not been used , very much remains still in their hands , His whole Revenue being so seized and stopped by the Orders of one or both Houses , even to the taking away of His Mony out of His Exchequer and Mint , and Bonds ( forced from His Cofferers Clerks ) for the Provision of His Majesty's Houshold , that very little hath come to His Majesty's use for His own support . He is well contented to allow whatsoever hath been employed in the maintenance of His Children , and to receive the Arrears due to himself , and to be sure of His own for the future . He is likewise willing to restore all Monies taken for His Majesty's use by any Authority from Him , upon any Bills assigned to other purposes ; His Majesty being assured He hath received very little or nothing that way : and expects that satisfaction be made for all those several vast summs received and diverted to other purposes by Orders of one or both Houses , which ought to have been paid upon the Act of Pacification to His Subjects of Scotland , or employed for the discharge of the Debts of this Kingdom , and by other Acts of Parliament for the relief of His poor Protestant Subjects of Ireland . Falkland . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to be resolved by the Committee from both Houses , whether their Proposition to His Majesty to restore what hath been taken for His Majesty's use upon any of the Bills , &c. be a new demand , or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before . Falkland . March 27. 1643. WHereas Your Majesty desired to be resolved by us , whether the Proposition to Your Majesty to restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use upon any of the Bills , &c. be a new demand , or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before ; We humbly conceive it to be no new demand ; but whether it be such a condition upon which only that which goes before is granted , we are not able to resolve . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. WHereas we have received Your Majesty's Answer of the 26. of this instant to ours of the same date , concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue ; We humbly desire to know of Your Majesty , if You will not account Your own Revenue to be sure for the future , if both Houses of Parliament do leave it in the same way as it was before these Troubles did begin . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty did intend in His former Answer by those words [ of being sure of His own for the future ] that no restraints or interruptions should be made by one or both Houses in and upon His Majesty's Revenue , but that it should be left in the same way it was before these Troubles did begin . Falkland . March 28. 1643. WE shall transmit Your Majesty's Answer to that part of Your Proposition concerning Your Revenue to both Houses of Parliament without farther Reply . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Armine . The Papers concerning the Magazines . March 26. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition concerning Your Magazines , we humbly give this Answer ; That all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of Your Majesty's Magazines , which shall remain in the hands of both Houses of Parliament , shall be delivered into Your Stores , and whatsoever shall be wanting , they will in convenient time supply in kind , according to the proportions which they have received . We likewise humbly propose unto Your Majesty , that the persons to whose Charge those publick Magazines shall be committed , being nominated by Your Majesty , may be such as the two Houses of Parliament shall confide in : and that Your Majesty will restore all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for Your Majesty's use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns. Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . Jo. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty is content that all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Magazines , which do now remain in the hands of both Houses , or of Persons employed by them , be forthwith delivered into such of His Stores as His Majesty shall appoint , and that whatsoever shall be wanting of the proportions taken out from thence by them be supplied by them with all convenient speed in kind ; which shall be committed to and continued in the custody of the sworn Officers to whose places the same belongs : And if any of the said Officers shall have forfeited , or shall forfeit , that Trust by any misdemeanours , His Majesty will by no means defend them from the Justice of the Law. For the restoring all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for His Majesty's use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns , His Majesty being compelled to take them , His own being taken from Him , did it always with this Caution and Promise to the places from whence He took them , that He would , by the blessing of God , restore them again , and make recompence out of His own Stores , as soon as it should be in His power ; which promise He will make good to them , expecting that such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken from the several Counties , Cities and Towns , for the use of the Armies under the command of the Earl of Essex , be likewise restor'd to them . Falkland . March 28. 1643. WHereas we have received Your Majesty's Answer of the 27. of this month to ours of the 26. of this instant , concerning Your Majesty's Magazines ; We humbly desire to know of Your Majesty what time you intend by the expression in the words [ be forthwith delivered : ] We likewise humbly desire to know in what places Your Majesty would have Your Stores , and who are the sworn Officers Your Majesty intends , that according to our Instructions , we may transmit their names to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . Joh. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty intended by that Expression [ be forthwith delivered ] as soon as the Treaty shall be concluded and agreed on . Falkland . March 29. 1643. THE place of Store into which His Majesty is content that the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Magazines be delivered , is His Tower of London ; and the Officers He intends , are such as by Patent ought to receive and keep the same . Falkland . March 29. 1643. Concerning the Magazines . WE humbly desire , according to our Instructions , that the persons to whose charge the publick Magazines should be committed being nominated by Your Majesty , should be such as the Lords and Commons should confide in . We not knowing whether the two Houses will confide in the Persons Your Majesty mentions , must transmit their names to both Houses of Parliament , to receive their farther Instructions Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His Answer concerning the persons to whose custody His Magazines shall be committed to be very clear and sufficient , and shall forbear any more particular Nomination of them , the two Houses well knowing whether they have any just Exceptions to make against any of them ; which if they have , His Majesty will leave them to the due course of Justice . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to desire Your Majesty to make a further Answer to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines ; and we are humbly to acquaint Your Majesty , that the two Houses of Parliament do not think fit to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days formerly limited , to be reckoned from the five and twentieth of March last , which can admit no alteration or inlargement without manifold prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty having made several Answers to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines , knows not what Answer to make further , except He were informed what part of the Propositions made to Him was not clearly answered , or had reasons given him to change and alter the Answer already made ; neither of which is yet done . And He is very sorry that both Houses of Parliament have not thought fit to enlarge the power of the Committee , ( whereby less time would have served for the Treaty ) and are so absolutely resolved not to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days , which ( by Messages and attending the Instructions of the House ) are so near spent , notwithstanding all possible readiness in His Majesty , and which in truth might have ended all the Propositions , if sufficient authority had been given to the persons imployed to debate and conclude . Neither can His Majesty understand why an Alteration or Inlargement in the point of time cannot be admited without manifold prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom : He prays to God , that an averseness to such an Alteration and Inlargement may not prove an unspeakable prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Towns , Forts , Cinque-Ports , &c. March 27. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition which concerns Your Majesty's Towns and Forts , we humbly give this Answer ; That the two Houses of Parliament will remove the Garrisons out of all Towns and Forts in their hands , wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , and slight all Fortifications made since that time , and those Towns and Forts to continue in the same condition they were in before ; and that those Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor the Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . That for those Towns and Forts which are within the Jurisdiction of the Cinque-Ports , they shall be delivered up into the hands of such a Noble Person as Your Majesty shall appoint to be Warden of the Cinque-ports , being such a one as they shall confide in . That the Town of Portsmouth shall be reduced to the number of the Garrison as was at the time when the Lords and Commons undertook the custody thereof ; and such other Forts , Castles and Towns as were formerly kept by Garrisons ; as have been taken by both Houses of Parliament into their care and custody since the beginning of these Troubles , shall be reduced to such proportioon of Garrison as they had in the year 1636. and shall be so continued : and that all the said Towns , Forts and Castles shall be delivered up into the hands of such persons of quality and trust , to be likewise nominated by Your Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament shall confide in . That the Warden of the Cinque-ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts respectively for the Service of Your Majesty and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and that they shall not admit into any of them any forein Forces , or any other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever raised without such Authority and Consent ; and they shall seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . They likewise humbly propose to Your Majesty , that you would remove the Garrisons out of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , where any Garrisons have been placed by Your Majesty since these Troubles ; and that the Fortifications be likewise slighted , and the Towns and Forts left in such state and condition as they were in in the year 1636. That all other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , may be committed to the charge of such persons , to be nominated by Your Majesty , as both Houses of Parliament shall confide in , and under such Instructions as are formerly mentioned . And that those new Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty , and both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . John Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty is content that all the Garrisons in any Towns and Forts in the hands of any persons imployed by the two Houses of Parliament , wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , be removed , and all Fortifications made since that time may be slighted ; and those Towns and Forts shall for the future continue in the same condition they were in before . For the Cinque-ports , they are already in the Custody of a Noble person against whom His Majesty knows no just Exceptions , and who hath such a Legal Interest therein , that His Majesty cannot with justice remove Him from it untill some sufficient Cause be made appear to Him ; but is willing , if He shall at any time be found guilty of any thing that may make him unworthy of that Trust , that he may be proceeded against according to the rules of Justice . The Town of Portsmouth , and all other Forts , Castles and Towns as were formerly kept by Garrisons , shall be reduced to their ancient proportion , and the government of them put into the hands of such persons against whom no just Exceptions can be made , all of them being before these Troubles by Letters Patents granted to several persons , against any of whom His Majesty knows not any Exceptions , and who shall be removed if just cause shall be given for the same . The Warden of the Cinque-ports , and all Governors and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts , as by the Law they ought to do , for His Majesty's Service , and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and they shall not admit into any of them Forein Forces or other Forces raised or brought in contrary to the Law , but shall use their utmost endeavour to suppress all such Forces , and shall seize all Arms and Ammunition which by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they ought to seize . The Garrisons of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , in which Garrisons have been placed by His Majesty since these Troubles , shall be removed , and all the Fortifications shall be slighted , and the Towns and Forts left in such state and condition as they were in the year 1636. All other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , shall be committed to the charge of such persons and under such cautions and limitations as His Majesty hath before exprest . And no new Garrisons shall be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , otherwise than as by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they may or ought to be . Falkland . March. 29. 1643. COncerning the appointing of the Warden of the Cinque-ports , and Governors of Your Majesty's Towns , Castles and Forts , we humbly desire to know if Your Majesty's Reply doth intend , that both Houses of Parliament may express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust those places are to be committed , for that we are directed by our Instructions , that if Your Majesty be pleased to assent thereunto , that You would nominate persons of Quality to receive the charge of them , that we may forthwith certifie both Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their Confidence in those persons , or humbly beseech Your Majesty to name others ; none of which persons to be removed during three years next ensuing , without just cause to be approved by both Houses of Parliament ; and if any be so removed , or shall dye within the said space , the persons to be put in the same Offices shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . We humbly desire to know if Your Majesty intends the Garrison of Portsmouth , to be of such a proportion as it was about the year 1641. about which time a new supply was added to the former Garrison to strengthen it , which both Houses of Parliament think necessary to continue . We humbly desire Your Majesty would be pleased to give a more full Answer to this Clause , that they should not admit into them any forein or other Forces , Raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament , and that they shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever , Raised without such Authority and Consent , and that those Garrisons should not be renewed , or their Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . J. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty doth not intend that both Houses of Parliament shall express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust the Cinque-ports or other His Majesty's Towns , Castles and Forts now are or shall be committed ; but only that they shall have liberty upon any just Exceptions to proceed against any such persons according to Law ; His Majesty being resolved not to protect them against the publick Justice . And well knowing that when any of those places shall be void , the Nomination and free Election is a Right belonging to and inherent in His Majesty , and having been enjoyed by all His Royal Progenitors , His Majesty will not believe that His well-affected Subjects will desire to limit Him in that Right . His Majesty intends the Garrison of Portsmouth to be of such a proportion as it was in the year 1641. except He finds good cause to enlarge or diminish that proportion . His Majesty cannot give a more full Answer to that Clause concerning the admission of Forces into any of His Forts , Castles and Towns , than He hath already given ; His Majesty having therein made the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom the Rule of what is or what is not to be done , which will be always the most impartial Judge between Him and His People . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to desire another Answer from Your Majesty concerning the Cinque-ports , Towns , Forts and Castles ; Your Majesty's former Answers concerning them being in the most material points express Denials , as both Houses of Parliament understand them . Northumberland . J. Holland . W. Armyne . W. Pierrepont . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty will not at this time remember the many Acts of Grace and Favour He hath passed this Parliament for the good of His People ; but He must say , He hath not denied any one thing proposed to Him by both Houses , which in Justice could be required of Him , or in Reason expected ; and He hath been and is still so unwilling to give a denial to both His Houses , that as they shall be sure to receive none to any Proposition they shall make of right , so in matters of Grace and Favour He shall be willing to receive any information and reason which at any time may invite him to consent : and therefore will gladly receive any Reason from the Committee or both Houses , which may induce His Majesty to give another Answer than what He hath already given in the point of the Cinque-ports , Forts and Castles ; but till such be given , He cannot consent to dispossess any of His Servants of what they are legally possest of , without a just Cause exprest , or to quit His own Right of sole disposing of their Commands , no other cause yet appearing to Him , than that the places they command have been taken from Him. Falkland April 14. 1643. YOur Majesty , in one of Your Papers this day delivered unto us , mentions that You would gladly receive any Reason from both Houses or their Committee , which may induce Your Majesty to give another Answer than what you have already given in the point of the Cinque-ports , Forts , Castles and Magazines . We did , according to our Instructions , humbly desire Your Majesty that the Cinque-ports , Forts and Castles might be put into the hands of such Noble persons and persons of Quality and Trust , to be nominated by Your Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament should confide in , and to be kept for Your Majesty's Service , and the Safety of the Kingdom , that no Forein Forces , or other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament , should be admitted into any of them , and the Commanders to use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces raised without such Authority and Consent , and to seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces : Unto which we humbly desire Your Majesty's Gracious assent , and to our other desires concerning Your Majesty's first Proposition and the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament , for that we humbly conceive Your Consent thereunto will be the best means for such a Peace to be made as will be safe , firm and lasting ; the which is not to be hoped for , except there be a cure for Fears and Jealousies , for which an apparent Remedy is , to disband all Forces , and the same to be so mutually done , as neither part to have any Force remaining of which the other may be jealous or in fear . But if for other causes not concerned in these unhappy Differences , Forces are to be retained , as in the Cinque-ports , and in some Forts , Towns and Castles , for the Defence of the whole Kingdom against forein Enemies , that then the same may remain in the hands of such persons , with such powers , as both parts might believe themselves secure : for if the same places were considered in relation only to these unnatural Destempers , and to the settling thereof , the Forces in them were likewise to be disbanded . Northumberland . J. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 15. 1643. AS His Majesty was and is very desirous to receive any Reason from both Houses or their Committee , which might induce His Majesty to give other Answers , if what He hath or shall give do not satisfie ; so He rather expected those Reasons should have had their foundation in the Law of the Land , and have shewed Him that by Law He had not the Right He pretended , or that by that , or by some fundamental Law , they had a Right superiour to His in what was now in question , or have shewed Him some Legal Reason why the Persons trusted by Him were incapable of that trust , than only have insisted upon Fears and Jealousies , of which as He knows not the Ground , so He is ignorant of the Cure. But this His Majesty knows , that if readiness to acknowledge , retract and provide against for the future any thing of errour that hath hapned against Law , and having actually passed more important Bills , and parted with more of His known Rights for the satisfaction of His Subjects , than not only any one , but all His Predecessors , would have been thought a sufficient Remedy for Fears and Jealousies , the Kingdom might still have injoyed a safe , firm and lasting Peace , and those would not first have been made a reason to seize upon His Rights , and then after have been made an Argument to perswade Him to part with them . And His Majesty wonders the Committee should not see that this Argument might extend to the depriving Him of , or at least sharing with Him in , all His just Regal Power ( since Power as well as Forces may be the object of Fears and Jealousies , and there will be always a power left to hurt , whilest there is any left to protect and defend ; ) and that if those Rights which He received from His Predecessors were really so formidable , that would have been more feared before which is now feared so much , and His Forts and Castles would either not have been attempted , or at least have enabled Him to defend and keep them , and have kept this from being a Question now between them . Which since they could not do , His Majesty ( if He had as much inclination , as He hath more right , to Fears and Jealousies ) might have more reason to insist upon some adition of Power , as a security to enable Him to keep His Forts when He hath them , than they to make any difficulty to restore them to Him in the same condition they were before . But as His Majesty contents Himself with , so , He takes God to witness , His greatest desire is always to observe and maintain the Law of the Land , and expects the same from His Subjects , and believes the mutual observance of that Rule , and neither of them to fear what the Law fears not , to be on both parts a better Cure for that dangerous Disease of Fears and Jealousies , and a better means to establish a happy and perpetual Peace , than for His Majesty to devest Himself of those Trusts which the Law of the Land hath settled in the Crown alone , to preserve the Power and Dignity of the Prince , for the better Protection of the Subject and of the Law , and to avoid those dangerous Distractions which the interest of any Sharers with Him would have infallibly produced . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Ships . March 27. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition which concerns Your Ships , we humbly give this Answer ; That the Ships shall be delivered into the charge of such a Noble person as Your Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patents , quamdiu se bene gesserit , and shall have power to nominate and appoint all subordinate Commanders and Officers , and have all other powers appertaining to the Office of High-Admiral ; which Ships he shall employ for the defence of the Kingdom against all forein Forces whatsoever , and for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , and the guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all supplys to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use his utmost endeavour to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , and shall seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for supply of any such Forces . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty expects that His own Ships be forthwith delivered to Him , as by the Law they ought to be . And when He shall please to nominate a Lord High-Admiral of England ; it shall be such a Noble person against whom no just Exception can be made ; and if any shall be , His Majesty will always leave him to his due tryal and examination , and grant his Office to him by such Letters Patents as have been used : In the mean time His Majesty will govern the said Admiralty by Commission , as in all times hath been accustomed . And whatever Ships shall be set forth by His Majesty or His Authority , shall be imployed for the defence of the Kingdom against all Forein Forces whatsoever , for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all Supplys to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any Person whatsoever against the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom , and to seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for the supply of any such Forces . Falkland . March 29. 1643. WE humbly desire Your Majesty would be pleased to give a more full Answer to the Clause for the Ships to be delivered into the charge of such a Noble person as Your Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patents , quamdiu se bene gesserit . And to that Clause , to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament . Whereunto if Your Majesty shall be pleased to give Your Assent , we conceive we are then directed by our Instructions , humbly to desire Your Majesty to nominate such a Noble person to be Lord High-Admiral of England , that we may forthwith certifie both Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their confidence in that Person , or humbly beseech Your Majesty to name another ; and that in case such Noble person , who shall be appointed to be Lord High-Admiral of England , shall be removed , or shall dye within the space of three years next ensuing , that the Person to be put in the same Office shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His former Answer of the 28. of March , concerning His Ships , to be so full , that He can add nothing thereunto in any part of it . His Majesty conceiving it all the Justice in the world for Him to insist , that what is by Law His own , and hath been contrary to Law taken from Him , be fully restored unto Him , without conditioning to impose any new limitation upon His Majesty or His Ministers , which were not formerly required from them by Law ; and thinking it most unreasonable to be prest to diminish His own just Rights Himself , because others have violated and usurped them . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to insist upon the desires of both Houses expressed in our former Papers concerning the Ships : And both Houses of Parliament do observe in Your Majesties Answer , not only a Denial to all their Desires , but likewise a Censure upon their Proceedings . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty for the present forbears any farther Answer touching His Ships , desiring first to receive the Answer of both Houses to His Message of the twelfth of this month : But His Majesty will howsoever , before their departure hence , give them a further Answer . Falkland . April 15. 1643. HIS Majesty gave so clear a Reason to justifie what He insisted upon in the point of the Ships , that He cannot but wonder to see the same again prest to Him ; and yet both the Reason He gave left unanswered , and no other Reason opposed to weight against it . His Majesty's end in this was not to lay any Censure upon their Proceedings ; but it being necessary to the matter in question for His Majesty to say what had been done , and the matter of fact being such as it seems could not be repeated but it must appear to be censured , His Majesty did not think Himself bound to be so tender of seeming to censure their Proceedings , as by waving His own true reasonable Justifications , to leave His own naked and exposed to a general Censure . And His Majesty hopes , that since they esteem His saying , that they have taken His Ships from Him contrary to Law , to be a Censure , they will either produce that Law by which they took them , or free themselves from so just and unconfutable a Censure by a speedy and unlimited Restauration . Upon which Demand His Majesty's care of His ancient and undoubted Rights doth oblige Him to insist . And when His Majesty shall think fit to make an Admiral , as near as He can , He shall be such an one against whom no just Exception can be made ; and if any shall be offered , He will readily leave him to the tryal of the Law. Falkland . The Papers concerning an Oath for Officers . March 29. 1643. WE are humbly to desire Your Majesty , that all Generals and Commanders in any of the Armies on either side , as likewise the Lord Admiral of England , the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , all Commanders of any Ships , and Commanders of any Town , Castle or Fort , may take an Oath to observe the Articles formerly mentioned , and to use their utmost power to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom , against all Foreign Forces , and all other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives the Oaths which all those Officers are already by Law obliged to take , to be very fully sufficient : But if any thing shall be made appear unto Him necessary to be added thereunto , when there shall be a full and peaceable Convocation in Parliament , His Majesty will readily consent to an Act for such an addition . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to inform Your Majesty , that both Houses of Parliament conceive the ordinary Oaths of the Officers , mentioned in Your Answer concerning the same , are not sufficient to secure them against the extraordinary causes of Jealousie which have been given them in these troublesome times ; and that Your Majesty's Answer lays some tax upon the Parliament , as if defective , and thereby uncapable of making such a provisional Law for an Oath : Therefore we are humbly to insist upon our former desires for such an Oath as is mentioned in those Papers which we have formerly presented to Your Majesty concerning this matter . Northumberland . John Holland . W. Armyne . W. Pierrepont . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty did not refuse by His former Answer to consent to any such Oath as shall be thought necessary , though He did , and doth still , conceive the Oaths already settled by Law to be sufficient ; neither did He ever suppose the Parliament incapable of making a provisional Law for such an Oath : but as He would be willing to apply any proper remedy to the extraordinary causes of Jealousies , if He could see that there were such causes : so He will be always most exact in observing the Articles agreed on in preserving the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom against Foreign Forces , and other Forces raised or imployed against Law. And when both Houses shall prepare and present such an Oath as they shall make appear to His Majesty to be necessary to those ends , His Majesty will readily consent to it . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Disbanding of the Armies . March 28. 1643. His MAJESTY's Answer to the first Proposition of both His Houses of Parliament . HIS Majesty is as ready and willing that all Armies be disbanded , as any person whatsoever , and conceives the best way to it to be a happy and speedy conclusion of the present Treaty , which ( if both Houses will contribute as much to it as His Majesty shall do ) will be suddenly effected . And that this Treaty may the sooner produce that effect , His Majesty desires that the time given to the Committee of both Houses to treat , may be enlarged . And as His Majesty desires nothing more than to be with His two Houses , so He will repair thither as soon as He can possibly do it with His Honour and Safety . Falkland . March 29. 1643. WE are directed by our Instructions humbly to desire Your Majesty's speedy and positive Answer concerning the Disbanding of the Armies : to which if Your Majesty be pleased to assent , we are then to beseech Your Majesty in the name of both Houses , that a near day may be agreed upon for the Disbanding of all the Forces in the remote parts of Yorkshire and the other Northern Counties , as also in Lancashire , Cheshire , and in the Dominion of Wales , and in Cornwall and Devonshire ; and they being fully disbanded , another day may be agreed on for the Disbanding of all Forces in Lincolnshire , Nottinghamshire , Leicestershire and all other places , except at Oxford and the Quarters thereunto belonging , and Windsor and the Quarters thereunto belonging ; and that last of all , a speedy day may be appointed for the Disbanding of those two Armies at Oxford and Windsor , and all the Forces members of either of them . That some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of the Disbanding , and that fit persons may be appointed by Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and the see Disbanding put in speedy execution accordingly . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . J. Holland . W. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 29. 1643. COncerning Your Majesty's Answer to the Proposition of both Houses for Disbanding of the Armies . We humbly desire to know , if by the words , [ By a happy and speedy Conclusion of the present Trevty , ] Your Majesty do intend a Conclusion of the Treaty on Your Majesty's first Proposition , and their Proposition for Disbanding the Armies , or a Conclusion of the Treaty in all the Propositions of both parts . We have given speedy notice to both Houses of Parliament of Your Majesty's desires , that the time given to the Committee of both Houses to treat may be enlarged . To the last Clause we have no Instructions . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . Joh. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty intended by the words , [ By a happy and speedy Conclusion of the Treaty ] such a Conclusion of or in the Treaty , as there might be a clear evidence to Himself and His good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody Dissentions ; which He doubts not may be obtained , if both Houses shall consent that the Treaty may proceed without further interruption or limitation of days . Falkland . April 5. 1643. WHEN the time for Disbanding the Armies shall be agreed upon , His Majesty well approves that some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of Disbanding , and that fit persons may be appointed by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and see the Disbanding speedily put in execution accordingly . Falkland . April 6. 1643. WE humbly desire to know , if by the words [ By a happy and speedy conclusion of the present Treaty ] Your Majesty intends a Conclusion of the present Treaty on Your Majesty's first Proposition , and the Proposition of both Houses for Disbanding of the Armies , or a Conclusion of the Treaty on all the Propositions of both parts . And what Your Majesty intends to be a clear evidence to Your Self and Your good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody Dissentions . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 6. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to know from the Committee of both Houses whether they acquiesce with His Majesty's Replies to their Answers concerning His first Proposition , which yesterday they received from Him , and to which they have yet made no return . His Majesty likewise desires to know , whether they have yet received power and Instructions to treat with His Majesty concerning His Return to His two Houses of Parliament , which is a part of the first Proposition of both Houses . Falkland . April 6. 1643. WE shall transmit Your Majesty's Replies to our Answers concerning Your first Proposition to both Houses of Parliament , without farther Reply . We likewise humbly answer , that we have not received any power or Instructions to treat with Your Majesty concerning Your Return to Your two Houses of Parliament , but we assure our selves they will give Your Majesty satisfaction therein . Northumberland . Joh. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 7. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His Answers already given ( for He hath given two ) to be very clear and significant . And if the Conclusion of the present Treaty on His Majesty's first Proposition and the Proposition of both Houses shall be so full and perfectly made , that the Law of the Land may have a full , free and uninterrupted Course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects , there will be thence a clear evidence to His Majesty and His good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground lest for the continuance and growth of these bloody Dissentions , and it will be such a Conclusion as His Majesty intended . His Majesty never intending that both Armies should remain undisbanded until all the Propositions of both sides were fully concluded . But His Majesty is very sorry that in that point of the first Proposition of both Houses , which hath seemed to be so much wished , and which may be so concluded as alone much to conduce to the evidence desired , ( viz. His Return to both Houses , to which His Majesty in His Answer hath expressed Himself to be most ready whensoever He may do it with Honour and Safety ) they have yet no manner of power nor Instructions so much as to treat with His Majesty . Falkland . April 7. 1643. WE have not transmitted Your Majesty's Answer to the Proposition of Disbanding , wherein Your Majesty mentions Your Self to be most ready to return to both Houses of Parliament , whensoever you may do it with Honour and Safety , for that we humbly conceive , we were to expect Your Majesty's Answer to that Proposition this day received , before we could give a due account thereof to both Houses of Parliament , the which we will presently send away without farther Reply . Northumberland . J. Holland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 8. 1643. BY Instructions this day received from both Houses of Parliament , we humbly conceive that we are to acquaint Your Majesty , That they have taken into consideration Your Majesty's Answer to their Reasons concerning the Cessation , wherein there are divers expressions which will occasion particular Replies , which at this time they desire to decline , their wishes and endeavours being earnestly bent upon the obtaining a speedy Peace ; for which cause they do not think good to consume any more of the time allowed for the Treaty in any farther debates upon the Cessation , concerning which they find Your Majesty's expressions so doubtful , that it cannot be suddenly or easily resolved , and the remainder of the time for the whole Treaty being but seven days , if the Cessation were * not presently agreed , it would not yield any considerable advantage to the Kingdom . Wherefore we are required to desire Your Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , that so Your Subjects may not only have a shadow of Peace in a short time of Cessation , but the substance of it in such manner as may be a perpetual blessing to them , by freeing the Kingdom from these miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and defolation of many parts of the Land. Northumberland . Joh. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to insist upon that part of the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament concerning the Disbanding , according to the Papers we have formerly presented to Your Majesty thereupon : and we are humbly to acquaint Your Majesty , That both Houses of Parliament do conceive Your Majesty's Answer concerning the Disbanding to be in effect a Denial , unless they desert all those Cautions and Limitations which they have desired in their Answer to Your Majesty's first Proposition . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions from both Houses of Parliament yesterday received , we are commanded to declare unto Your Majesty the desire of both Houses for Your Majesty's coming to Your Parliament , which they have often expressed with full offers of Security to Your Royal Person , agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and they know no cause why Your Majesty may not return thither with Honour and Safety : but they did not insert it into our Instructions , because they conceived the Disbanding of the Armies would have facilitated Your Majesty's Resolution therein ; which they likewise conceived was agreeable to Your Majesty's sense , who in declaring Your consent to the order of the Treaty , did only mention that part of the first Proposition which concerned the Disbanding , and did omit that which concerned Your Majesty's coming to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty had great reason to expect , that as He answered to every part of the first Proposition of both Houses , so the Committee should likewise have had power and Instructions to Treat with His Majesty concerning both parts of the same : nor had the Houses any reason to suppose their course agreeable to His Majesty's sense , for His Majesty in declaring His consent to the order of the Treaty , indeed mentioned their first Proposition by the style of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding , but did not style it that part of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding , as , if He had meant to have excluded any part of that Proposition from being treated on , He would and ought to have done . But though His Majesty's Answers in the point of Disbanding and Return to His Parliament were as particular and as satisfactory as His Majesty had cause to make , or could well give , till this latter part were consented to be treated upon ; yet out of His great desire of Peace , and of complying with both Houses , His Majesty hath made a full and particular Answer and Offer to both Houses concerning as well the first part of their first Article , upon which He hath treated with the Committee , as that upon which they have yet no power to Treat , though His Majesty hath prest that such power might be given to them . Falkland . April 14. 1643. WE received Instructions from both Houses of Parliament the ninth of this present April , and in pursuance thereof , we humbly presented a Paper to Your Majesty upon the tenth of this instant , wherein those Instructions were expressed , and the desire of both Houses concerning Your Majesty's return to Your Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 15. 1643. HIS Majesty doth acknowledge to have received a Paper from the Committee upon the tenth of April , expressing , that they had received Instructions , to declare unto His Majesty the desire of both Houses for His Majesty's coming to his Parliament , which they had often exprest with full offers of security to His Royal Person , agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and that they know no cause why His Majesty might not return thither with Honour and Safety . But as the Committee had before acknowledged in a Paper of the sixth of April , not to have any power or Instructions to Treat with His Majesty concerning His Return to His two Houses of Parliament , and as this Paper mentioned no Instructions to Treat , but only to deliver that single Message concerning it ; so His Majesty took it for granted , that if they had received any new power or Instructions in that point , they would have signified as much to Him : and therefore conceiving it in vain to discourse , and impossible to Treat upon that with those who had no power to Treat with Him , His Majesty addrest that Answer concerning that point to both Houses , of which Mis Majesty took notice to the Committee in a Paper of the fourteenth of April , and which was shewed to them before He sent it . And if both Houses will upon it but consent , to give His Majesty such Security as will appear to all indifferent Persons to be agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ( those Tumults , which drove Him from thence , and what followed those Tumults , being a most visible and sufficient Reason why He cannot return thither with His Honour and Safety , without more particular offers of Security than as yet they have ever made Him ) all disputes about that point between them will be soon ended , and His Majesty speedily return to them , and His whole Kingdom to their former Peace and Happiness . Falkland . [ The Message mentioned in the two last Papers of His Majesty is that of the 12 of April , p. 353. Vpon the receit of which the Two Houses presently recalled their Committees . ] Mis MAJESTY's Letter to the Queens Majesty . Oxford , 23 Jan. 2 Feb. Dear Heart , SAturday and Sunday last I received two from Thee , of the 29 of December , 9 of January , both which gave Me such Contentment , as Thou mayest better judge than I describe : the which that Thou mayest the better do , know I was full three weeks , wanting but one day , without hearing from Thee ; besides scurvy London news of Thy stay and lameness , which though I did not believe , yet it vext Me so much the more , that I could not prove them liars . So now I conjure Thee by the Affection Thou bearest Me , not only to judge , but likewise participate with Me in the Contentment Thou hast given Me by assuring Me of Thy health and speedy return . Concerning 45. 31. 7. 4. 132. 300. I will answer Thee in Thy own words , Je le remetteray a vous respondre per bouche , being confident that way to give Thee contentment : In the mean time assure Thy self , that I neither have , nor will lose any time in that business , and that I have not contented My Self with Generals . And though I hope shortly to have the happiness of Thy company , yet I must tell thee of some particulars , in which I desire both Thy opinion and assistance . I am persecuted concerning Places , and all desire to be put upon Thee , for the which I cannot blame them ; and yet Thou knowest I have no reason to do it . Newark desireth Savil's place , upon condition to leave it when his Father dieth ; Carenworth the same , being contented to pay for it , or give the profit to whom or how I please : Digby and Dunsmore for to be Captain of the Pentioners ; Hartford once looked after it , but now I believe he expects either to be Treasurer , or of My Bed-chamber ; I incline rather to the latter , if Thou like it , for I absolutely hold Cottington the fittest man for the other . There is one that doth not yet pretend , that doth deserve as well as any , I mean Capel ; therefore I desire Thy assistance to find somewhat for him before he ask . One place I must fill before I can have Thy opinion ; it is the Master of the Wards . I have thought upon Nicholas , being confident that Thou wilt not mislike My choice : and if he cannot perform both , Ned Hyde must be Secretary , for indeed I can trust no other . Now I have no more time to speak of more , but to desire Thee not to engage Thy Self for any . So I rest , Eternally Thine , C. R. Dated Oxford , 2 Feb. 23 Jan. My Lord , IT is His Majesty's pleasure , that there be something attempted upon the Castle of Warwick ; therefore you are to send as many Musquetiers as you can horse , with the Prince of Wales his Reigment of Horse , and your own : this bearer La Roche will bring Petarrs , and all things necessary for them : you must march to morrow in the Evening , to be there before break of the day on Saturday . Your Faithful Friend , Rupert . Oxford , 2 of March , 1643. For the Earl of Northampton at Banbury . My Lord , I Have acquainted the King with the hinderance you have in your desire . He was pleased to command me to tell you , that your Lordship should send one of your Scouts to enquire if Ingram be in the Castle : if he be , you may safely go on with your design ; for knowing but of your coming , he will make but little or no resistance , and the sooner the better . If after this you should think it feisible to raise the siege at Litchfield , you have also that power to do it . This bearer will inform you with some other particulars . So I rest , Your Lordship 's most faithful Friend , Rupert . Oxford , the 3 of March , at 12 at night . To the Earl of Northampton , Rupert . His MAJESTY's Letter to the Queen . Dear Heart , THough ever since Sunday last I had good hopes of Thy happy Landing , yet I had not the certain news thereof before yesterday ; when I likewise understood of Thy safe coming to York . I hope Thou expected not welcome from Me in words ; but when I shall be wanting in any other way ( according to My wit and power ) of expressing My Love to Thee , then let all honest Men hate and eschew Me like a Monster : And yet when I shall have done My part , I confess that I shall come short of what Thou deservest of Me. H. 3. 189. e. 3. 42. 17. 25. 27. 39. 21. 66. a. 1. 45. 31. 7. 4. 32. 18. 47. 46. 9. 3. d. 4. g. 4. 46. 35. 67. 48. 7. 40. 5. 43. 74. 3. 41. 7. 33. 62. 8. 63. 68. 50. 64. 34. 9. 51. 45. 69. 46 , 37. dear . 45. 31. 7. 1. 33. 18. 49. 47. 19. 21. 10. 70. 13. 7. 45. 58. 8. 9. 41. 10. this a 2. 324. in the mean time 46. 31. 7. 50. e. 3. 20. 3. 6. 8. 48. 75. 41. 9. 2. upon 60. 19. 50. 61. 27. 26. 7. 69. 12. 19. 47. 45. 8. 24. Yesterday there were Articles of a Cessation brought Me from London , but so unreasonable that I cannot grant them : yet to undeceive the people by shewing it is not I , but those who have caused and fostered this Rebellion , that desire the continuance of this War and universal Distraction , I am framing Articles fit for that purpose ; both which , by My next , I mean to send Thee . 219. b. 3. 58. 51. 75. 46. 7. 3. 45. 37. 2. 189. 46. 38. 1. g. 1. 173. 131. which I think fit to be done , a 5. 4. 30. 3. n. 5. d. 3. 46. 31. 8. 10. 2. 32. 18. 64. 7. 3. 45. 31. 9. 66. 46. 32. 19. 41. 25. 48. k. 1. e. 4. 67. 69. 63. I am now confident that 173. is right for My service . Since the taking of Cicester there is nothing of note done of either side , wherefore that little news that is , I leave to others . Only this I assure Thee , That the distractions of the Rebels are such , that so many fine designs are laid open to us , We know not which first to undertake . But certainly My first and chiefest care is , and shall be , to secure Thee , and hasten Our meeting . So longing to hear from Thee , I rest , eternally Thine , C. R. Oxford , 12 / 2 March , 1643-42 . The Last I received of Thine was dated the 16 / 3 Febr. and I believe none of My four last are come to Thee . Their Dates are 13 / 3. 23 / 13. 25 / 15. Febr. and 20 Febr. or March the 2. MDCXLIII . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament upon the Proceedings in the late Treaty , and the aforesaid Letters . THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , being deeply afflicted with a sorrowful sense of the miserable Distractions of this Kingdom , overwhelmed with the Calamities of the worst kind of War , have by several Petitions and many humble Addresses to His Majesty besought Him , by removing the Causes thereof , to put an end thereunto : And although all their endeavours have not only proved fruitless , but some of their Petitions received a denial even of Audience , ( a favour not denied to the Rebels of Ireland ) which might very well justify them before God and Man to decline any further prosecution that way , especially in a case where themselves and the Kingdom are the parties injured and oppressed ; yet their bowels did so much yearn after a happy Peace , that they resolved , notwithstanding their former discouragements , to break through all difficulties , and yet once more most humbly to represent to His Majesty the Miserable Distempers of His two Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and if possibly they could , to encline His Royal heart , really to act what He hath so often verbally professed , To compose those unhappy Distractions , and restore His People to a blessed and lasting Peace . And for that purpose , about the first of February last , they in all humbleness presented their Desires to His Majesty , digested into Fourteen Propositions : and how reasonable and indifferent those Propositions were , they expose them to the view of the World to judge , resting assured , that no indifferent Man that shall duely weigh them , with the time and circumstance , will find any thing contained in them , but what was necessary for the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the due execution of Justice , the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the establishment of the Kingdoms Peace and Safety . And because they might with all speed take off the Burthen under which this Kingdom did principally groan , and stop the spring from whence most of these Calamities did flow ; they in the first place propounded , That the Armies and Forces raised on both sides might be disbanded , which being effected , the Kingdom might with the more ease and security expect the issue of the Treaty ; and therefore they were very careful , that no Proposition or Circumstance touching the Treaty should precede this . His Majesty having received and considered these Propositions , He not long after returned His Answer , wherein He professeth to have given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People , and desires a speedy time and place might be agreed upon , for the meeting of such persons as His Majesty and both Houses should appoint to discuss those Propositions , and six other Propositions made by His Majesty , and sent with that Answer ; whereof one was , That to the intent the Treaty might not suffer interruption by any intervening accidents , that a Cessation of Arms and free Trade might be first agreed upon : which Answer the Lords and Commons did take into their consideration . And because His Majesty did desire that a Cessation might be first agreed upon , they did accordingly submit thereunto , though they had purposely avoided it before ; being unwilling to waste the time about the Shadow , that would of it self vanish with the disbanding , which they desired might be concluded in the first place . But they were willing to give all satisfaction to His Majesty's Desires , hoping thereby to incline Him the more readily to consent to their just Requests . And according to their resolution , they prepared ready the Articles of Cessation , and that with as much equality and indifferency to both sides as possibly they could . They likewise agreed to treat upon the Propositions before the Disbanding ; in which Treaty , so much of His Majesty's Propositions as concerned His Majesty's Revenue , Magazines , Forts and Ships , and the Propositions of both Houses for the Disbanding , should be first treated of and concluded , before the proceeding to treat upon any other : and that this Treaty should begin the fourth of March , or sooner , if it might be ; and that from the beginning of the Treaty , the time might not exceed twenty days . They further resolved , that a Committee of both Houses should be appointed to attend His Majesty , if His Majesty should so please , to endeavour to give Him all humble and fit satisfaction concerning the said Propositions . All which their resolutions they forthwith by a Messenger dispatched for that purpose presented to His Majesty , and not long after sent a Committee to attend Him. And though they hoped for a ready concurrence from His Majesty to the Articles of Cessation , the Proposition proceeding from Himself , yet they received a return much contrary to their expectation , where they found many scruples raised , and other Articles propounded , which being assented unto by them , would inevitably destroy the Forces raised by them for the Defence of themselves , their Religion and Liberty , and strengthen the Malignant and Popish Army raised against them ; which they made appear by their humble Answer to those Alterations and Articles , which are herewith at large published , and therefore do refer themselves thereunto . And in the interim , while His Majesty was considering of this their humble Answer , they gave power to their Committee to treat upon the two first Propositions for four days , which afterwards they enlarged to the end of twenty days . And within some distance of time afterwards they received a very long Message from His Majesty , which ( indeed ) carried not with it the face or semblance of a Treaty , but in plain down-right language , was a bitter Invective against the two Houses of Parliament and their Proceedings ; so that by this time it might very well appear , That the enemies of the Kingdoms Peace , so really prosecuted , and likely to be effected by the earnest endeavours of both Houses , thought it high time to cast in their tares of Sedition , to prevent the growth of so blessed a fruit . In this Message , after very heavy Taxes and unjust Scandals and Accusations laid to their charge , forced in quite besides the question , His Majesty condescended to the Cessation in manner as was agreed on by both Houses , to continue only for five days , expecting a liberty notwithstanding to be given the Committee to word it according to the real Intention , and so that His Majesty might not be understood to consent to any Imposing upon , Levying , Distraining , or Imprisoning of His Subjects , to force them to Contribute , expresly protesting against it , and inhibiting His Subjects , to submit thereunto , and requiring them to resist ; and so that there might not be a liberty for Seizing upon His Subjects by any Soldiers of the Army for not submitting to such Impositions . Which offer of His Majesty's , being but a Cessation only for five days , and some part of that time to be first spent by the Committee in wording of it , and limited with a Protestation against , and a Command to resist that Power whereby their Forces must be paid and supported , which if not answered and justified , would by a consent to His Majesty's offer imply a declining of that power , which might indanger the Disbanding of their Army ; and if answered , would necessarily have enforced them to some sharpness of language , which the enemies of this Treaty would easily take occasion to quarrel at , and perswade His Majesty to break off , which the Lords and Commons , out of their hearty zeal to bring it to a happy conclusion , did purposely avoid : therefore they did not only pass by these Scandals and unjust Accusations laid to their charge by that Message , but purposely declined to enter into any dispute of their power , for maintaining the Forces raised for their own necessary defence ; and therefore thought it best to spend the remainder of the time in Treating upon the Propositions , and for that end enjoyned their Committee , as much as in them lay , to hasten it , especially that part touching the Disbanding , which being concluded , would not only produce a temporary Cessation , but an absolute abolition of all acts of Hostility . The proceedings and issue of which Treaty the Lords and Commons think it necessary to publish to the Kingdom , to the end the sincerity of their endeavours , to procure a happy settlement of these miserable Distractions , may appear . When they perceived that the most part of the time prescribed for the Treaty was like to be spent about the Cessation , they gave power to their Committee in the mean time to treat upon the Propositions in order as they had formerly Voted : and therefore beginning with His Majesty's first Proposition , whereby His Majesty demanded , That his own Revenue , Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , which had been taken or kept from Him by force , should be forthwith restored unto Him , the Lords and Commons by their Committee made Him this humble Answer ; First , That as to his Revenue , they had not made use of it but in a small proportion , and a good part of that was employed for the maintenance of His own Children , according to the allowance established by Himself ; That what should remain due to His Majesty they would satisfy , and would leave the same to His Majesty for the time to come . They likewise thereupon propounded to His Majesty , That He would restore what had been taken for His use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes , by several Acts of Parliament , as out of the provision made for the Wars of Ireland . Which offer of theirs , after some debate thereupon with the Committee , was thought reasonable , and in effect concluded . And as to the Demand of the Towns , Forts and Ships , they in substance gave this humble Answer ; That they would deliver up such as remained in their hands , into the hands of such persons of worth , quality and trust , to be nominated by His Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament should confide in , none of which persons to be removed during three years next ensuing without just cause to be approved of by both Houses ; That the Warden of the Cinque-Ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Forts and Castles , should keep the same respectively for the Service of His Majesty and the Safety of the Kingdom , and that they should not admit into them any Forein Forces , or any other Forces raised without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they should use their uttermost endeavours to suppress all Forces raised without such Authority and Consent , and seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . Unto which Offer of theirs His Majesty gave this conclusive Answer ; That His Majesty did not intend that both Houses of Parliament should express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust the Cinque-Ports , or other His Majesty's Towns and Forts , were or should be committed , but that they should have liberty to proceed against them according to Law ; His Majesty claiming the nomination and free election to belong to Him of right . And to the Clause concerning the admission of Forces into those Forts , Castles and Towns , His Majesty would consent no further than these general terms ; that is , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law should be admitted , and that all Arms and Ammunition should be seized upon which by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they ought to seize . They made the like Answer concerning the Ships , That they should be delivered into the hands of such a Noble Person as His Majesty should nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in . To which Offer his Majesty refused His Consent , declaring His Resolution to insist upon what by Law , was His own ( as His Majesty was pleased to express it , ) and taken from Him , should be restored unto Him without any conditioning , or new limitations to be put upon Him or His Ministers . And now the Lords and Commons will refer it to the World to judge , whether their Demands were not such , and so moderate , as was fit and necessary for them to make , and just and reasonable for His Majesty to assent unto : wherein they may be pleased to consider , that this was a Treaty for the disbanding of two Armies , and Forces raised in opposition each to other ; that the Towns , Forts and Ships , are a great part of these Forces , and of the strength of that side that possesseth them ; that for any one side to demand the possession and power thereof , and the other side to disband their Forces , and quit themselves of all their strength , is in effect a total disbanding of that side , and a continuing the Forces of the other , which must be granted to be most unequal ; and therefore the Lords and Commons did think it just and honourable , that the remaining strength should be put into such hands as both sides might trust . Secondly , That their demand to have the Forts and Castles into the hands of such persons as both Houses should confide in , was a Proposition warranted by the frequent * Precedents of former times , whereby it appeareth that many other Parliaments have made the like and greater demands , and His Majesty's Predecessors have assented thereunto . Thirdly , It was a Proposition which His Majesty Himself in several Declarations of His own affirmed to be reasonable and just ; for in His Majesty's Answer to a Petition of the House of Commons , January 28. 1641. He expresseth thus , For the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , His Majesty is resolved , they shall be in such hands , and only in such , as the Parliament way safely confide in , &c. And in another Answer to two Petitions of the Lords and Commons , delivered the second of February 1641. His Majesty useth these words , That ( for the securing you from all Dangers , or Jealousies of any ) His Majesty will be content to put in all the places both of Forts and Militia , in the several Counties , such persons as both Houses of Parliament shall either approve or recommend unto Him ; so that you declare before unto His Majesty the names of the persons whom you approve or recommend : unless such persons shall be named , against whom He shall have just and unquestionable exception . Which being declared by His Majesty Himself , they had no cause to suspect a Denial , being confident that His Majesty did intend what He spoke ; and if any ill Counsel could prevail to make Him recede from His Word , it must be admitted , the Kingdom hath more cause to be further secured . Fourthly , For that to our sad experience it is well known , that His Majesty's Power in this and other things is too much steered and guided by the advice of these secret and wicked Counsellors that have been the Instruments of our present Miseries ; and though His Majesty carrieth the Name , yet they will have the disposing of those places . And the Lords and Commons thought it the more reasonable and necessary to insist thereupon , because that in the time when they were preparing their Propositions to His Majesty , it did appear unto them by a Letter written by His Majesty to the Queen , ( which they have caused to be herewith Printed ) that the great and eminent places of the Kingdom were disposed by Her Advice and Power ; and what Her Religion is , and consequently how prevalent the Counsels of Papists and Jesuites will be with Her , may be easily conjectured : and it is to be observed who the Persons designed for preferment were , even during the sitting of a Parliament ; the Lord Digby , impeached in Parliament for High Treason , and most , if not all the rest , impeached in Parliament , and such as bear Arms against them . Lastly , admitting that these demands touching the Ships and Forts had been made even in a time of Peace and Tranquillity : yet considering the attempts of Force and Violence made and practised against the Kingdom and this present Parliament , as the Designs many years since to bring to this Kingdom the German Horse , to compel the Subject to submit to an arbitrary Government ; the endeavour to bring up the late Northern Army , by force and violence to awe the Parliament ; His Majesty's coming in person to the House of Commons , accompanied with many Armed Men , to demand their Members to be delivered up ; and the Treason of the Earl of Strafford , to bring over the Irish Popish Army to conquer the Kingdom ; they might very well justify , nay they were in duty bound ( in discharge of the trust reposed in them by the Commonwealth ) to make that demand , and expect the performance thereof , to the end the People might be secured from any such Violence hereafter . Yet ( to their inexpressible sorrow they must speak it ) neither the Reasonableness , the Moderation , or Justness of the Request , nor the Peace of the Kingdom ( which probably would ensue thereupon ) could be Arguments prevalent enough to induce His Majesty's Consent thereunto . And His Majesty's offer of those Commanders that shall offend , to leave them to Justice and Trial of the Law , is an Answer more to shew His Power to protect Delinquents , than satisfaction , to a Parliament , being the due and right of the meanest Subject , and yet intituled here as a Favour done to both Houses of Parliament . And though His Majesty is pleased to justifie His Denial with the Allegation , That it is His Right by Law ; they must appeal to the judgment of all indifferent Men , whether that be a satisfactory ground of refusal : for admitting His Majesty's Power of disposing the Ships , Forts and Castles , and committing them into what hands He please , to be by Law absolutely vested in His Majesty ( which they by no means can admit , He being only trusted with them for the Defence and safety of the Kingdom ) as He Himself is pleased to assume ; yet would that be no ground or reason for the King to refuse His Consent to alter that Law , when by circumstance of time and affairs that Power becomes destructive to the Commonwealth and safety of the People , the preservation whereof is the chief end of the Law. And though the two Houses of Parliament , being the Representative Body of the Kingdom , are the most competent Judges thereof ; yet in this Cafe they do not proceed only upon an implicite Faith , but demonstrate it both by Reason and Experience , That their Demand is not only necessary to secure the Kingdom from Fear and Jealousie , but to preserve it even from Ruine and Destruction . And surely had this Argument , of being Their Right by Law , been prevailing with His Majesty's Predecessors , this Nation should have wanted many an Act of Parliament which now they have , that was necessary for thier being and subsistence . And they could heartily wish that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom might be The Rule of what is , and what is not to be done ; acknowledging with His Majesty , that the same is the only Rule between Him and His People , the assurance of the free enjoyment whereof is their only aim : but how little fruit the People hath gathered from this tree , let the woful experience of these last eighteen years judge , where , in a time of Peace and Plenty , the power of issuing out Commissions to compel Loans , a power in the King at His pleasure to impose a Charge upon the People to provide Ships , without limitation of time or proportion , a power in the Council-Board to commit Men and determine business , without distinction of persons or causes , the power of laying Impositions both upon Forein and Domestick Commodities , and many other Acts of Oppressions , was , under the name and colour of a Legal Right thereunto , practised and put in execution ; against which the Subject had no help of relief , but was necessitated to submit and lie under the burthen . And when at any time a Parliament was called ( being the only cure and remedy for these griefs ) it could no sooner touch upon these sores , but it was dashed in pieces by a sudden Dissolution . And now that a remedy is provided for that mischief by the Act for continnance of this Parliament , it is attempted by the force and power of an Army to effect that which formerly could have been done with more ease and readiness . And now they refer it to the censure of any honest Man , whether they have not the warrant of Reason and Necessity , to demand some security to enjoy that which His Majesty confesseth to be the Peoples right : and in reference to that , whether their Demand of having the Forts , Castles and Shipping to be put into such hands as both Houses shall have cause to confide in , was not both moderate and reasonable . And touching their Demand , and His Majesty's Answer to the Clause concerning the admission of Forces into those Forts , Castles and Towns , they must still submit it to all indifferent judgments , how much Reason and Justice was comprehended in their Demand , and how little satisfaction they received therein . His Majesty answers , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law should be admitted ; which they could heartily wish heretofore had , or hereafter would be really performed : but they desire it may be considered , what security this will be to the Kingdom , to prevent the raising or bringing in of Forces contrary to law ; who shall be Judges of the Law , when those Forces are once raised and once brought in ? Surely His Majesty will not acknowledge the two Houses of Parliament to be ; for His Majesty by several Declarations hath expresly denied them any such Power : For contrary to their Declarations , fortified with Law and Reason , His Majesty published and affirmed the Legality of the Commission of Array , and put the same in execution in most parts of the Kingdom ; hath authorized the Papists of the Kingdom to take Arms to oppose the Parliament and their Proceedings , and to rob , spoil , and deprive the Protestants of this Kingdom of their Estates and lives ; hath by divers Proclamations and Declarations published the raising of Forces , and taking up of Arms by the two Houses of Parliament , and such as therein obey their Commands , for their own defence , and the defence of their Religion and Liberty assaulted by an Army of Papists and their adherents , to be Rebellion and Treason , and the taking up of Arms by the Papists and their adherents , to be acts of Duty and Loyalty ; and all this urged and pretended to be warranted by the Law of the Land. And they do not doubt but by the same Law , persons legally impeached and accused in Parliament of high Treason , as the Lord Digby , Master Percy , Master Jermyn , Master Oneale , and others , are by the power of an Army protected from the Justice of the Parliament : and yet all this while the People have not only His Majesty's Promise , but His Oath , to govern and protect them according to the Laws of the Land. And now they appeal to the World , whether such a general Answer , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law , without admitting them so much as to declare their confidence in the persons that are to be entrusted with the Power , be just or reasonable : What is it otherwise in effect , than to make those persons that are the Instruments to violate the Law , Judges of that Law ? which , to our sad experience , is the woful and miserable present condition of this Kingdom . And though , by what had hitherto passed , they had little cause to suspect such a happy issue to the Treaty as they heartily wished and most earnestly laboured for , discovering not the least inclination of compliance to their just Demands , but all , or most of them , answered with a Denial , and that not without some sharpness and acrimony ; yet resolving to be wanting in nothing of their parts , they enjoyned their Committee to press on the Proposition for Disbanding , and humbly desire His Majesty's positive Answer thereunto , which ( if assented unto by His Majesty ) would , though not wholly take away the cause , and perfectly cure the Distractions of this Kingdom , yet at least take off the smart and pain under which both Church and State do most miserably languish , and so better enable them to endure the expectation of a through Cure. The Committee applied themselves to His Majesty accordingly : and after some endeavour to protract the debate of this Proposition , and desire that it might be deferred to the conclusion of the Treaty , and that the time of the Treaty might be enlarged , His Majesty being earnestly importuned to a positive and speedy Answer , to the end the Kingdom might know what they might trust to , His Majesty was pleased to return this Answer , That as soon as His Majesty were satisfied in His first Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts ; secondly , as soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. not intending to extend it to the Bishops Votes , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made ; thirdly , as soon as His Majesty and both Houses might be secured from such tumultuous assemblies as formerly assembled about both Houses , which security His Majesty explains can be only settled by adjourning the Parliament to some place twenty miles from London ; His Majesty would consent that both the Armies should be disbanded , and come to the Parliament . Which in terms plain enough is as much as to say , That until both Houses shall consent to those Demands , He will not Disband His Army , He will continue the War. And what Reason or Justice is either in the matter or manner of those demands , or what hope or expectation the People can have to see an end of their present Calamities , they leave it to themselves to judge . His Majesty in the beginning of the Treaty , in His Answer to the Propositions of both Houses , was pleased to express how unparliamentary it was by Arms to require new Laws : but how to apply that to the two Houses of Parliament , they must confess they are to seek ; they never having demanded any new Laws by Arms , endeavouring only ( what in them lieth ) to preserve and defend themselves , their Religion and Laws , from the violence of an Army first raised against them ; which being laid down and disbanded , they offer to Disband theirs , without any other condition . But they are well assured , that by this His Majesty's Answer here is not only a requiring of new Laws , but a repealing of the old , by Arms : for His Majesty must have this Parliament adjourned to another place , which by a Statute made this present Parliament cannot be done without the consent of both Houses . He must have the Members disabled to sit there by the respective judgment of both Houses , restored to their former capacity of sitting and voting , or He will not consent to Disband . And how destructive to the Liberties of the Parliament and dangerous to the Kingdom these Conditions required by His Majesty to precede the Disbanding are , any man that hath an eye to see may easily discern . As first , to satisfie His first Proposition , in yielding up the Magazines , Ships and Forts , into the hands of such persons as His Majesty shall appoint to receive the same , without any admission to the two Houses to express their confidence in those persons : which being performed , were to yield up the principal part , if not all the strength they have , and expose themselves , Religion , and the Kingdom , to the mercy of a powerful Popish Army raised against them , and submit it to them , and to the will and pleasure of those Counsellors whose interest with His Majesty hath brought this Kingdom to this desolate condition , whether they would Disband or not . Secondly , to satisfie Him in His Proposition touching His Revenue , wherein He demands a restitution of what hath been taken from Him ; which though it would prove no considerable Summ , yet the time that the examination and agreement upon the account would necessarily take up , would prove such as might very well make the Kingdom sink under the burthen of two Armies before it came to a conclusion . And touching His Majesty's requiring a restitution of the Members to their sitting and Votes , it is observable , that the Demand is made without distinction of persons or offences ; so that be the persons never so criminous , or the offences never so notorious , and so the Judgment never so just , yet all must be restored , or no consent to Disbanding . And the reason and ground of the Demand is as observable ; because they adhered to His Majesty in these Distractions : An Argument , they must confess , much used by the Earl of Strafford in defence of his Treason , who would have justified the most notorious Crimes laid to his charge by Authority and Commands derived from His Majesty , and his zeal to advance His Majesty's Service and Profit . And no doubt the same reason may be used for the Judges in case of Ship-mony , and most of the Monopolists and Projectors , who by Letters Patents had not only His Majesty's Command and Authority for the doing what they did , but brought in great Summs of Mony to His use and benefit , and that perhaps in times of necessity and want thereof : and so consequently , because these adhered to His Majesty , ( for what they did was for His Profit ) with the like reason it may be required that all Impeachments and Proceedings against them should be repealed and laid aside . And surely nothing can be more destructive and dangerous both to Parliament and Kingdom than the consenting to that Demand : for what can be more destructive to both Houses , than to restore those persons to have their former suffrage and Votes in Parliament over the Lives and Liberties of the People and the Priviledge of Parliament , who have not only deserted the Parliament , disobeyed and contemned their Authority , neglected the Trust reposed in them by those that sent them thither , in whose behalf they were to attend and serve there , but by private practices and open hostility have endeavoured to destroy both Parliament and People ? And it would be an Objection of difficulty to answer , whether in giving a consent to this Demand , the People , who are to chuse these Members , should not be deprived of their interest and freedom of choice and election now devolved unto them , by putting out the Members already sent . And to this they might add the danger of the Precedent , and the reflection of dishonour that would fall upon both Houses , should they consent to this , which would be with the same breath , as it were , to give and repeal their Judgment , and pronounce sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves . But they will not insist thereupon in a case otherwise so full of danger and inconvenience to the publick . And touching the Proposition of Adjourning the Parliament twenty miles distant from London , they shall not need in a case so apparent to spend many words to discover the inconvenience and unreasonableness thereof : for , should they assent unto it , to pass over the inconveniences that would happen to such persons that should have occasion to attend the Parliament , by removing it so far from the residency of the ordinary Courts of Justice , and the places where the Records of the Kingdom remain ( whereof there is frequent use to be made ) it would not only give a tacite consent to those Scandals so often pressed and affirmed in several Declarations , that is , That His Majesty was forced for the Safety of His own Person heretofore to withdraw , and hitherto to absent Himself from the Parliament , which both Houses can by no means admit , but must still deny ; but likewise to that high and dangerous Aspersion of awing the Members of this Parliament , raised without doubt purposely to invalid the Acts and proceedings thereof ; and by that engine , in case the Popish Army should prevail against the Parliament , ( which they trust God in his goodness will never permit ) to overturn and nullifie all the good Laws and Statutes made this Parliament . And it would give too much countenance to those unjust Aspersions laid to the charge of the City of London , whose unexampled zeal and fidelity to the true Protestant Religion and the Liberty of this Kingdom is never to be forgotten , That His Majesty and the Members of both Houses cannot with safety to their persons reside there ; whenas they are well assured , that the Loyalty of that City to His Majesty and their Affections to the Parliament is such , as doth equal , if not exceed , any other place or City in the Kingdom . And with what safety the two Houses can sit in any other place , when even in the place they now reside the House of Commons was in apparent danger of Violence , when His Majesty accompanied with some hundreds of armed Men came thither to demand their Members , let the World judge . And now the Lords and Commons must appeal to the judgment of all impartial men , whether they have not used their utmost and most faithful endeavours to put an end to the Distractions of this Kingdom , and to restore it to a blessed and lasting Peace ; and whether their Propositions ( being the way thereunto ) were not such as were reasonable and necessary for them to make , and just and honourable for His Majesty to grant ; and whether His Majesty's Answers to these Propositions are satisfactory , or correspondent to His Expression , to have given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People . But they must confess , that they had just cause to suspect , that this would be the happy issue of the Treaty ; for the prevalency of the enemies thereof , who like that evil Spirit , do most rage when they think they must be cast out , was such , that they would not proceed therein one step , without some attempt or provocation laid in the way to interrupt and break it off : for after they had resolved to present their humble Desires and Propositions to His Majesty , their Committee must not without a special safe Conduct and Protection from Him have access to Him , ( a liberty incident to them not only as they are Members of the Parliament , and employed by both Houses , but as they were free-born Subjects ; ) and yet when they passed over this , His Majesty refused a safe Conduct to the Lord Viscount Say and Seal , being one of the Committee appointed by both Houses to be employed upon that occasion , such a breach of Priviledge that they believe is not to be parallel'd by the example of former times ; and yet their desire was such to obtain the end they drive at , ( that is , a happy and lasting Peace ) that they resolved not to interrupt the Treaty for that time by insisting upon it . And then they had no sooner entred upon the Treaty , but a Proclamation dated at Oxon the 16 of February 1642. entituled His Majesty's Proclamation , forbidding all His loving Subjects , and the Counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex and Hampshire , to raise any Forces , &c. and another Proclamation dated the 8 of February , forbidding the assessing and payment of all Taxes by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses , and all entring into Associations , were published in His Majesty's Name , containing most bitter invectives and scandals against the proceedings of both Houses , by styling them and such as obeyed them Traitors and Rebels , charging them under the name of Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , to endeavour to take away the Kings Life , and to destroy His Posterity , the Protestant Religion , and the Laws of the Kingdoms , with many other such scandals and aspersions ; and even at this time were many designs practising against the Parliament , which in all probability were the grounds and reasons of His Majesty's confidence and denial of their just desire . Insomuch that His Majesty in a Letter sent from Him to the Queen , and read in the House of Commons , did declare , That He had so many fine designs laid open to Him , that He knew not which first to undertake . One whereof probably was the most bloody and barbarous design upon Bristol attempted ( though by God's infinite mercy prevented ) during the Treaty , And whether that of Sir Hugh Cholmley's in betraying of Scarborough Castle , wherewith he was entrusted by the Parliament , to the Queens hands , and acted likewise during the Treaty , and that of Killingworth Castle , which should have been likewise betrayed , and a design discovered by a Letter found in the Earl of Northampton's pocket , slain near Stafford , written to Him from Prince Rupert , were some of the other designs mentioned in His Majesty's Letter , they cannot certainly affirm , but conjecture . And when these collateral provocations and attempts could not prevail to make them desert the Treaty , then comes in His Majesty's Message of the fourth of April , which they have mentioned before , charging them to abuse the people with imaginary Dangers and pretended Fears , to use Force and Rapines upon His good Subjects , with publishing new doctrines , That it is unlawful for the King to do any thing , and lawful to do any thing against Him ; with Malice and Subtilty to abuse the People , that their Pleasure is all their bounds ; with many other such bitter expressions , that no Man could think such an Answer could be any part of a Treaty , or at least to proceed from a heart that desired a happy issue thereunto . Notwithstanding all which , the Lords and Commons were so resolutely fixed to prosecute that Treaty , and ( if possibly they could ) to bring it to a blessed and happy conclusion , that they were content to lie under all these Scandals , and endure all these wounds , so they might make up the breaches of the Commonwealth ; and therefore they did forbear the returning of an Answer to any of these provocations . And then when the Malignant and Popish party ( too-too prevalent with his Majesty ) perceived their constancy , not to be provoked to break that Treaty of their part , they found it necessary to seduce His Majesty to refuse His Consent to their most necessary and just Desires , and to propound such things as could not with the peace and safety of the Church and State be yielded to , and so effected their own desires . All which the Lords and Commons thought it their duty to publish to the Kingdom , to the end that they may see that what hath been long endeavoured by subtile and secret practices , is now resolved to be effected by open Violence and Hostility , that is , the destruction of our Laws and the Protestant Religion , and introducing of Popery and Superstition ; and that there is little or no hope by any endeavour of a Treaty to procure the Peace of this Church and Kingdom , unless both be exposed to the will and pleasure of the Popish party , until the Army and Forces now raised and continued by them be first destroyed or suppressed . And therefore the Lords and Commons do hope , that not only such as are already convinced of their Design and Malice , but even those that by their subtile and false pretences have been ignorantly seduced to joyn with them , that love their Liberty and the Protestant Religion , will now with one heart and mind unite together , to preserve their Religion and Liberty : in the defence whereof the Lords and Commons are resolved to offer up themselves , their lives and fortunes , a willing Sacrifice . Die Sabbati , 6 May , 1643. A Declaration upon the Result of the Treaty , brought in with some Amendments , was this day read in the House of Commons , and ordered to be delivered unto the Lords at a Conference . And it is further Ordered by this House , That this Declaration shall be Printed , and Master Glyn do take care for the Printing of it , and that none shall Print or re-print it , but such as Master Glyn shall appoint , to the end that by his care the Records may be rightly cited , and the Letters and other matters , Ordered to be Printed with it , be carefully Printed . H. Elsinge , Cler. Parliament . D. Com. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , in Answer to a Declaration of the Lords and Commons upon the Proceedings of the late Treaty of Peace , and several Intercepted Letters of His MAJESTY to the QUEEN , and of Prince RUPERT to the Earl of Northampton . Oxford , 3. June , 1643. THough His Majesty be assured , it cannot but be of great Advantage to Him to have such an occasion as is now given Him by the late Declaration of both Houses , to shew to all His good People who it is that is really in fault , that the last Treaty , so much desired by His Majesty , and only begun upon His Desire , broke off so abruptly ( as He doubts not to do , if those who govern in the remaining part of both Houses have but so much ingenuity left , as to suffer what He says to be equally freely published to His People ; ) yet His Majesty cannot without great grief of Soul see that Treaty , which He hoped and expected should have begot the settled Peace and Happiness of His Subjects , in stead thereof beget nothing but Disputes and Declarations : yet it will be some Cordial to Him , when He shall be forced to see the Desolation of this Kingdom and the Misery of His People , that not only it is not He that hath made that Desolate and them Miserable , but that He is able to demonstrate to all the World , that He hath used His utmost and most earnest endeavours to prevent it , as will appear at large by the following state of the Case . After that the Conspiracy of some Persons against the present establisht Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil had made means to infuse into part of the People ( by publishing unheard-of Declarations , obtain'd and past in a new and unheard-of manner , sometimes but by eleven Voices after seventeen hours sitting , and that but in one House ) strange Fears and Jealousies of the other House and of His Majesty , and by them given the Rise to those insufferable Tumults and Seditious unparliamentary Petitions at once to and against the Lords , which they afterwards avowed publickly to protect and encourage , and forced the Lords House , by fearing them , to seem to fear with them , and to joyn with them first in requiring , and next in forcing no less security for those Fears from His Majesty ( who was then in condition to have most real Cause of Fear Himself ) than almost all that Power which the Law had trusted to Him for the security of the Crown and the Protection of His People ; after that His Majesty and most of the Members were forced away from the Parliament ; and that His share in making new Laws was denyed to Him in any case in which they would pretend Necessity , and every Subject that would not submit to any new , extravagant , extemporary , legislative Declaration or Order of one or both Houses , against the antient known Law of the Land , was become sent for up , and imprisoned as a Delinquent , and whosoever would assist them , against the known Law , was not only-protected by them in that , but in any other Case ( although they were of them who had been most apparently active in those former Pressures upon the People , which they now afresh impute to His Majesty ) so that to be of their side was now become a known Sanctuary ; after that nothing was left undone or unsaid that might render His Majesty both weak and odious , and that all that He could say or do to clear Himself was either supprest , or interpreted in a contrary and impossible sense ( so that His very offer to venture His Royal Person against the Irish Rebels was voted to be an Encouragement to that Rebellion ; ) after that from declaring of Law they came to declaring of Thoughts , and forgetting that the Hearts of Kings are inscrutable , presumed to dive into His , and without Apparence , and contrary to Truth , had declared that He meant to make War upon His Parliament , and made that Declaration a ground to levy a real War against Him , and then made that War a ground to begin to make War upon His People , forcing away the Arms and Money of all such as they pleased to suspect of the Crimes of Allegiance and Loyalty ; after that they had so far exprest and discovered the true end of all these Actions , as to propose the total Change of the present Government , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , in the Nineteen Propositions , as the only way to Peace ; and that His Majesty might by all this have been sufficiently perswaded , that it was impossible for Him to obtain Peace from them but either by Submission or by the Sword : yet after all this His Majesty was so averse to the latter Course , as to descend to so great a degree of the former , as from Nottingham to propose to and desire from them a Treaty for Peace ; and being there twice openly and absolutely refused it , yet did then declare , that He would notwithstanding be ready to receive it whensoever they would propose it . And to shew that these Offers proceeded not from His Condition but from His Inclination , after His Victory at Edge-hill , and after that the Earl of Essex had so far forgot his Errand , as to return to London alone , in stead of bringing up His Majesty , and those His good Subjects whom they call'd Delinquents ; His Answer at Colebrook will shew to all the World , that He was still of the same mind as when He sent His Messages from Nottingham ; and His Message so carefully sent from Colebrook to prevent all mis-construction of that march of His which they had necessitated to Brainceford , and His pressing still that a Treaty might go on in that and several other Messages , all slighted and neglected , shewed sufficiently who really was desirous of , and who were averse to Peace . But when the Petition of so many Citizens , that a Treaty might be accepted , finding so little countenance or acceptance from the House of Commons , and the Injuries and Imprisonments which the Petitioners suffered for it from Alderman Pennington and others , finding so much countenance from them , did so far begin to open the eyes of the People , that the Aversion to Peace began to be imputed to them who were truly guilty , and that they found this Discovery made men generally unwilling to part with their money to make themselves miserable , and that again encouraged many of the Members to appear for Peace too , and that consequently their too open and avowed desire of War would but render them unable to continue it , they thought it necessary to make some Propositions which might deceive the People so far as to make them believe they desired Peace , and yet resolved to make them so unreasonable , as they might notwithstanding be sure to be out of all danger of effecting Peace by them , and sent those down to His Majesty . Which though they pretend now to be such as no indifferent man will find any thing contained in them but what was necessary for the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the due execution of Justice , the Preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the establishment of the Kingdoms Peace and Safety ; yet His Majesty is confident that even those who are not very indifferent are yet able to see , that no Propositions could be more unreasonable than those Fourteen , except the former Nineteen . To pass by the Preamble , ( in which most unnecessarily they lay most heavy and most unjust Charges upon His Majesty , and yet draw an Argument of His Aversion to Peace from those known Truths which either His defence or the matter in question , Crimes being impossible to be spoken of but as Crimes , did after extort from Him ) would not any man have expected , that had observed with what violence this War was begun and prosecuted against His Majesty , to have found in the Propositions for Peace the Demand of at least some , and those very important , Rights which were withheld from them before the War , and so had given some colour for it ? But of these there appears not so much as one : and yet till all these are granted and performed , they do as much as say in Terms plain enough in their Conclusion , that they have not any hope , nor will use any endeavours , that His Majesty and His People may enjoy the Blessings of Peace and Justice ; which was certainly by terrour of Arms to demand new Laws , and as great a Proof that they did so , as they seem to confess it unparliamentary if they had done it . Is not the taking away of the Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and indeed the whole establisht Ecclesiastical frame of Order and Government , a new Law ? yet unless His Majesty will yield to take it away ( though there were but five Lords present when the Bill past , and though no other form be yet offered or shewed to Him , but the Presbyterians and Independents are left to fight it out among themselves what shall succeed in the place , ) His Majesty is told , He must not hope for Peace . And the division likely to ensue between different Parties , what shall after be introduced , shews sufficiently what hope there should be of Peace if He should pass it . Are not the Bill against Scandalous Ministers ( in which most of their own Faction are appointed Commissioners , that they may make way for and introduce a new Clergy of their own ; ) the Bill against Pluralities , ( which makes no difference of conditions , or merits of Persons , or of value of Livings , and looks not only forwards , but extends to the immediate dispossessing of present Incumbents of what is vested in them for their Lives by the Law of the Land ; ) the Bill for the Consultation of Divines ( Persons of their own choice , and most of them of their Faction , and of no esteem but with themselves , hardly at all bounded as to the matter , and absolutely unlimited as to the time of their consultation , ) all news Laws ? Is not the settling of the Militia both by Sea and Land , and the Forts and Ports , in such a manner as shall be agreed on by both Houses ( in which His Majesty is expected with a blind implicite Faith to trust them with the whole Power of the Kingdom , and with His only means of defending Himself and protecting His Subjects , though into what hands or for what time or in what manner they will order or dispose of it is so far from appearing to Him , that it doth not yet appear that both Houses know themselves , and how they have already used that Power is known to all the World ) both a new and a strange Demand ? Are the Earl of Bristoll's Removal and Exclusion from all possibility of Employment , ( a Person uncondemned , unimpeacht and unsummoned , no crime or error either proved or but named against him , ) or the choice of the Judges and Master of the Rolls , the change of Commissioners of the Peace and Oyer and Terminer , or the restoring of Members of the Houses , even to such menial places of Service as required a personal attendance , and who had yet refused to attend upon command , or the assenting to whatsoever Acts He shall be advised for paying of Debts contracted upon the publick Faith , that is , by the Authority of both Houses ( by which His Majesty must allow Himself to be no no part of the publick , and must directly allow , and , as it were , ratifie that Rebellion which this Money was raised to foment ) either due to them by Law , or reasonable in themselves ? Doth the directing His Majesty with whom and how far to make Alliances belong to them ? ( or was that at all necessary , His inclination to the strictest bands with Princes and States of the Protestant Religion being by the Match of His Daughter sufficiently expressed ? ) And yet till all this be done , and unless He will pardon all that have born Arms against Him , and leave those that have assisted Him to their Mercy who have none , they will not promise any hopeful endeavours for Peace and Justice . But is there any thing else that is due by Law , which was before denied and is here demanded , that can in any degree justifie or extenuate that ever Peace was broken and Justice destroyed ? Not so much as one tittle . Did His Majesty give any Commission till they had mustered many men ? Or did He so much as take any Guard to Him , till both they had a much greater many months , and had of their own Authority ordered a Serjeant-Major-General of their City Forces , and till His Magazine and Town were by Arms kept against Him , though He were provoked to it before by all the other Indignities and Injuries which Insolence and Injustice could devise ? Was not Sir John Hotham , for all his known Treason refused to be left by them to Justice and the trial of the Law , before ever any that was but call'd a Delinquent was protected by His Majesty ? And was not His Majesty then denied that which themselves confess to be the due and right of the meanest Subject , and do so far expect , as to look upon it rather as a scorn than a satisfaction now His Majesty offers it to them ? Was any one Papist armed by His Majesty before many of that Religion ( and multitudes of persons against whose Recusancy the Law is as severe as against theirs ) were armed against Him ; or than either , until their mere being of that Religion made them without colour of Law be plunder'd and imprison'd in all parts , and some of them fly into His Army for protection ? Did not His Majesty before of himself often offer to vindicate the Privileges of Parliament from any imaginable breach of them in the business of the Lord Kimbolton and Five Members ? and did He not offer to wave their Charge , willingly submitting it to the publick Peace ? So that the obtaining that demand , or the disbanding of the Army , or the disarming of Papists , or the trial of Delinquents , though they make some such shew as they are set in this place , yet not any of them were any grounds of this their War : And all that is due in these Demands having been offered before the War , or occasioned or necessitated by it , and being still to be had without it , the whole People cannot but see , that nothing but Fears and Jealousies have been the fumes with which they have so intoxicated His seduced Subjects , as to contribute to their own Misery , to obtain no one Right , how small and inconsiderable soever , denied to them by His Majesty , and that the maintenance and advancement of Religion , Justice , Liberty , Property and Peace , are really but their Stalking-Horses , and neither the Ground of their War nor of these Demands ; which will appear to any indifferent Man that shall duly weigh them , as far from being moderate as from being necessary . Yet such was His Majesty's most earnest desire to catch at any thing that by producing a Treaty might settle a Peace , and so far were any such Enemies of it ( as are supposed by this Declaration ( from being prevalent with Him against this desire , that His Majesty proposed that persons should be appointed by His Majesty and both Houses to Treat even upon these very Propositions , and such other as His Majesty proposed , which were only Demands according to or in behalf of the Law establisht , and which more concerned His Subjects than Himself . And His Majesty cannot but appeal to all the World , whether not only any of their Propositions did , but whether any other Propositions that could be devised could express more desire of the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion than His Majesty's Fourth Proposition , ( in which His readiness to consent to the execution of all Laws made , and to any good Laws to be made , for the suppressing of Popery , His desire that the Laws already made to preserve the Common-Prayer from the scorn and violence of Sectaries be backt and fortified , and His Offer at the same time that tender Consciences be eased by it , are so clearly and carefully exprest and united ; ) or of the due execution of Justice than His Majesty's Fifth Proposition , ( which refers all such Delinquents as should by the Treaters be excepted in the Pardon , to the usual course and known Law of the Land ; ) or of the preservation of the publick Liberty and Property , ( for His Majesty conceives that He hath a Property too , without maintaining of which He will be never able to defend His Subjects ) than His First , Second and Third ; or of the Peace of the Kingdom , than His Sixth Proposition , which by restoring His Subjects by a Cessation to a short Trial of the quiet and benefit of Peace , would have rendered them so far in love with that almost-forgotten Happiness , that seeing nothing demanded by them that was worth a War , they would have had a hard work to have engaged them again into so unprofitable a Madness . And His Majesty is so confident of His advantage in all these , that He conjures His Subjects seriously to read , consider and compare what He and what they demanded , and by their indifferent Propositions to judge of their several Intentions . And indeed , the violent party both in the City and the Houses ( which , for all the publick Fears and Jealousies they pretend , inwardly and really are fearful and jealous of nothing so much as of Peace ) dislike nothing more in His Majesty's Propositions than the Moderation ; and suspecting that the reasonableness and unreasonableness of what His Majesty and what they askt would but too generally appear by the Discussion of both in a free and open Treaty , and so might in despight of them produce a Peace , earnestly and openly oppose the Treaty , and so far oppose His Majesty's Proposition of Cessation , that it sufficiently appeared by their aversion to the Shadow of Peace ( as themselves call it ) how much and how heartily they were averse to the Substance it self . But when they found that they could perswade no Man to joyn with them in rejecting all imaginable manners of Treaty and Cessation , that did not joyn with them in abhorring any imaginable manner of Peace , they reserved their Authority to enable them to break off both , upon somewhat more plausible difference in the Circumstances and Conditions . A safe Conduct is demanded by the Houses , and their first Art is to get the Lord Say named in that Demand for a Treater , which they knew certainly ( he having born Arms against His Majesty , and been excepted in one of His Proclamations of Pardon ) His Majesty must except against : but when they could not perswade even both Houses ( who well remembred an example of no elder date than since His Majesty was at Colebrook , when the same exception at the person of . Sir John Evelyn was made by His Majesty , and not excepted at by both Houses ) that this exception was so unparallel'd a breach of Priviledge , as to deserve to hinder the Treaty from going on , their next Arts are so to bound and limit their Committee , both in the Matter , Manner , Time and Power as might wholly render it uneffectual : And to that end they first obtain that their Committee should Treat with none but with His Majesty , ( a Course which how lofty , how advantagious , and how unreasonable soever , yet His Majesty , out of His earnest desire of Peace , contrary to their hopes and expectations , was contented to admit ; ) and next obtain that they should not Treat upon any point but of the Cessation , till that were concluded , and for that allowed but four days , and that at twice , ( in hope that some matter of Advantage might happen in the time of that delay ) and allow them no Power ( without still sending to the Houses upon every occasion ) to conclude farther than the Papers they brought down or delivered , or so much as to explain or new-word any thing in them , ( a new and a strange way of Treating , and by which at that distance it was wholly and plainly impossible that any thing should be concluded : ) and when His Majesty had quitted all wherein Himself or His Army were solely concerned , and yielded almost to all that they proposed , and at last insisted upon nothing but that they might not make use of the leisure of their Army , occasioned by this Cessation , to force what Sums they would from what Countries they pleas'd , ( for they neither would nor could name any other bound of their Taxes than their pleasure , when they imputed that assertion to His Majesty ) and so extremely burthen His Subjects , and advantage and enable themselves against His Majesty , ( in contradiction to the Principle lay'd down by themselves , and approved of by His Majesty , That by the very nature of a Cessation , matters should be preserved in the state they are in , and neither party have liberty much to advantage himself ; ) nor yet insisted any further upon that neither , than to leave room still for satisfaction ( if any Reason could be offered against so reasonable a Limitation ) by a continuance of the Treaty concerning it ; they vouchsafed Him no offer of any such Reason , nor allowed their Committee any farther Time or Power to Treat concerning it , without expressing any better cause for so abrupt an end of so important a Debate , than to avoid the Wast of Time : though His Majesty could not conceive that could be called a Wast , or how time could be better spent , than to settle such a degree of publick Peace , as might reduce the minds of all Men to such a Temper as might make a full Peace much more probable . Nor did His Majesty find in the Treaty it self that the Committee were any better enabled , ( though to avoid delay , and that a Conclusion might be made possible ) His Majesty often desired it . They were limited twice to four days , and once to seven : they were bounded to two Propositions , and to their bare narrow Instructions concerning those : nor had they so much as any Power or Instructions at all concerning that most important part of their own Proposition , so often prest by themselves , His Majesty's Return to His Parliament . So that resolving ( as it will be afterward shewed they did ) to yield no farther to His Majesty's Proposition than with such Limitations as would in effect retain what they seemed to give up , they expect that His Majesty should entirely yield to theirs without any Limitation , and ( to invert their own words upon another occasion ) should yield to that which would have produced to them an absolute Victory and Submission , under pretence of Agreement and Peace : It being evident to all Men , that His Rights forced from Him by Violence being not absolutely restored , His Army being disbanded , and He returned to London , the Members of both Houses for dissenting from them and assisting of Him remaining expelled , no security from Tumults for the rest of the Members being given , and all good Subjects being totally discouraged by so absolute a Prevalence of the Factious and Rebellious , His Majesty were as much in the disposal of the Five Members as if they had him in the Tower , and He ought His Crown wholly to their Grace and Favour if they did not Depose Him. And yet they would be thought to desire nothing , in desiring that the Armies should be upon these Terms disbanded , but only that the Kingdom might be eased of their Burthen , and the spring of these Calamities might be stopped . His Majesty demands , That His own Revenue , Magazine , Towns , Forts and Ships , taken by Force , be restored to Him. The Revenue ( which they could easily pay back out of other Mens Purses ) they easily agree about ; but to part with such strengths which had and did help to enable them to leave no Subject any more of his Right , than they had to the detaining of these , they can by no means endure . And therefore they propose such Limitations as in effect limit away all , and yet may seem to the vulgar or to the careless not to signifie much : to wit , That these Strengths may be put into such hands as they will confide in , and that no less than three years ; That the Commanders may , during that time , not admit of any Forces upon whatsoever occasion without Consent of the Houses , and they , and all Generals and Commanders of the Armies on either side , may swear to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom against all Forces raised without consent of both Houses , and this for no limited time . His Majesty , who had asked nothing but what was His by Law , and who in order to Peace had not asked so much , as by Law was due to Him , ( to wit , the punishment of those who had taken these things from Him ) could not but wonder to see such things asked of him , to which by Law there was no Pretence : He therefore endeavours to limit their Limitations to the Law of the Land ; He names those Persons to this Custody whom the Law had named first , and exprest Himself most willing that they should be put out at the same door they came in at ; that the Law , which had vested them , might eject them , if they had offended against it : But expected not that the Injury done Him , of taking these things from Him and them contrary to Law , should be a reason why any new conditions or Limitations should be laid upon Him or His Ministers , which the Law laid not . To this the Committee replies , not denying what the King asked to be legally His , or to have been illegally taken from Him , nor making any legal , or so much as colourable , or at all any Exceptions , against the Persons legally vested in those Places , ( and without any Cause shewed , it would have ill become His Majesty to have devested His Servants of their Rights , in the instant when some of them are venturing their Lives for his Service ) but retire to their old inaccessible Fort of Fears and Jealousies . To this His Majesty rejoyns , shews what he had done to prevent and destroy Fears and Jealousies in them , intimates what they had done to create Fears and Jealousies in Him ; that having by Force taken these things from Him when He had them , He had more Reason to have insisted upon further Security to inable him to keep them , than simply to desire them to be returned to Him , ( and much more than to grant them more hold of them , to enable them the better to wrest them from Him again : ) represents to them , that by the same Reason , upon the same ground , they may ask Him all His Legal Power , since all the Power vested in Princes , for the necessary Protection of their Subjects , may possibly be employed for their hurt ; and concludes , in His Opinion , with a very wholesome Advice against that dangerous ( and now too Epidemical ) Disease of Fears and Jealousies , and prescribes to them to make the Law their Rule and Measure , as the best Antidote and Cure for that Disease . This insisting upon this Answer , as His Majesty for these Reasons thought to be most reasonable , so He likewise thought it most necessary ; First , because themselves having told Him in the Debate about Cessation in the point of Ships , that for them to allow Him the Approbation of Commanders , was to give Him up the Strength , He could not want Logick so much as not to draw this Conclusion from these Premises , That for Him to allow them the Approbation of the Commanders , both of Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , was in that to give all back to them , which they would seem to restore to Him. Secondly , because his Majesty by now consenting upon the ground of Jealousies to such Demands , as exceed those ( which before they had joyned the injustice of forcing these things from Him , to the unreasonableness of demanding them ) His Majesty in His weakest Condition denied to them , He must appear to justifie those Jealousies , to approve of those Demands and of that Injustice , and to condemn Himself as guilty of the woful effects of that Contention , for not having sooner consented to them . Thirdly , because He must condemn the Lords House of the same Crime , for having twice refused to joyn in that demand , and having had no Jealousies as long as they had no Tumults . Fourthly , because He must either quit , during the lives of these several Persons required to be sworn , and at least for three years ( when the Militia in their own Bill was asked but for two ) His known Right of sole raising Men , and without the consent of both Houses ( even although no Parliament were sitting , for the Bill that says it may continue , does not say it must ) He must neither be able to discharge His Duty to Himself by His own Defence , nor make good His Oath , by the protecting of his Subjects against any sudden , dangerous Rebellion or Invasion ; or the Commanders of all His Ships , Towns , Forts and Magazines , and all the Commanders of both Armies ( that is , the most considerable Militia of England ) must according to this new Oath oppose any opposition He shall make , and must be equally obliged by it to fight against His Forces , as against those of the Rebels or Invaders . Fifthly , because if He should give them so a great a Prerogative , for so long a time , as this share in the choice of men to places of so high Power and Trust , the Dependance of Subjects upon the Crown would be much diverted and He could never expect to be faithfully served , when no other Crime of theirs appearing to Him , He should so farr devest the present Proprietaries of their legal Right , as to submit it a new to the Arbitrariness of their Confiding , who have given His Majesty no greater Cause to confide in their Choice . Sixthly and lastly , because if He should allow them that power for that time upon that Reason , He cannot doubt but against that time were ended , the Sweetness of Power being once tasted , they would be so unwilling to quit it , that the same powerful violent party would not want the like Fears to beget the like Demands of the same or greater interest , in the choice of the same or greater Places ; and the same Consequences would not likewise fail to follow , if these Demands were not consented to , and even His good Subjects seeing it the most prosperous , might be induced to think Faction and Sedition the wisest Course ; and when they saw His Majesty give such an Encouragement to Rebellion , might think it pity He should ever be without one . And His Majesty conceives , Fear and Jealousie may be a good reason to make Him cautious how He parts with His Right , though a very insufficient justification of their forcing that from Him , to which they could pretend none . But still His Majesty hoped that they only insisted upon such Limitations of his Proposition , till they saw what Limitations he would offer to theirs ; and therefore to reduce them to Moderation by His Example , He proposes to the Houses ( for the Committee had no Power or Instruction to treat of the principal point of it ) no other Limitations than were both due by Law and necessary in themselves , and offers as soon as he was satisfied in His first Proposition , ( to which if they would have put Him in mind of any such Objection in the Treaty , He would never have required that the exact Computation of his Revenue taken from Him should be agreed on before Disbanding , which is now objected to Him , not as an Injustice , but as a purposed Delay ) as soon as the Houses were restored to that Condition in which they were before the Tumults , and these Distractions forced the Members from thence , and as soon as He and those Houses were secured from Tumults ( only adding His own opinion , That adjourning twenty miles from London could only effect it , and offering them the choice of any place at that distance in His whole Kingdom ) He would immediately disband , and return to His Parliament ; and expected much more that this Message when it was received at London should have met with Bells and Bone-fires , than have received neither Approbation nor Answer . But that violent Party which looks upon Peace like a Monster , fearing lest if the Treaty should any longer continue , so fair an approach to Peace might by degrees steal it on upon them before they were aware , prevail to return no other Answer , than immediately to send for their Committee from Oxford , and to send the Lord of Essex to Reading . His Majesty waits awhile , and again in a Message He had occasion to send to the Houses concerning Ireland , He takes occasion to put them in mind of that former Message , and to renew the expressions of His Desire of Peace : But this Message had no better luck than the other , for no Answer hath been sent to it , only in stead of an Answer , the same violent Party makes a shift to go a step or two higher , and to prevail in the House of Commons to vote Excises upon Commodities , and the making of a new Great Seal , though the making of it will be Treason by the Statute of the five and twentieth of Edward the Third ( and an Order of the House of Commons will be but an insufficient Plea against that Statute ) and though they might have remembred , that it is by the old one that both most of them hold their Lands , and all of them are called to that House . But since His Majesty would not allow them a share in making of Peers ( as they ask'd him in their Nineteen Propositions ) nor allow of their choice of Justices of the Peace ( as they ask'd Him in their Fourteen ) and did still pretend to making of Sheriffs ( which they have denied Him by their Votes ) it seems they thought it necessary to make that which ( if it could be made legal by Voting ) would make all those , and to end the Dispute about His Majesty's Negative Voice , by passing by Commission what new Bills they pleased , and so to obtain as absolutely an unlimited Power over their fellow-Subjects as over their Sovereign Himself . Yet His Majesty would take no notice of all this , but sends once more , a third Message , to desire an Answer to His first ( which had then lain in their hands above a Month. ) This pressing for Peace appears so intolerable to them , that the House of Commons ( as the best way to make a final end of all such Messages , and indeed to cut off all Entercourse ) is prevailed with by these men to commit the Messenger , and the next day to impeach His Majesties Royal Consort of High Treason , as if they would give Him a fair warning how He trouble them about Peace again , lest His turn be next , and they impeach him too . But though they vouchsafe His Majesty no Answer , yet the People is still thought worthy of some satisfaction : and that produces this Declaration , which pretends fully and sufficiently to shew , that in the Treaty their Demands were such and so moderate , as was fit and necessary for them to make , and just and reasonable for His Majesty to assent unto ; and His Majesty's were such as had neither Reason nor Justice , either in the matter or manner of them , and such as left the People no hope or expectation to see an end of their present Calamities ; and charge the King through His Councellors in many Circumstances , before it and during it , to have laboured to interrupt the Treaty , and to have appeared averse to Peace : and in this Question His Majesty is content to accept of the Arbitrator they themselves have chosen , and to refer it to the People to judge . Their First Argument is , That this Treaty is for the disbanding of the Armies and Forces in opposition to each other ; that these Towns , Forts and Ships are a great part of their Forces , so that for them to restore them absolutely to the King , would be for them to disband totally , and for His Majesty's Forces to continue . To this His Majesty answers , That this Treaty was intended by Him to be in order to a firm and settled ( that is a just ) Peace , and never to be such wherein a pretended Equality should exclude evident Justice . Let Equality determine the manner of the disbanding of the Armies raised upon these Distractions , but let Justice restore what Violence hath taken , and determine of known undoubted Rights ; since by this Argument , if any Prince seize upon any Strength that belongs to His stronger Neighbour , and Arms be taken up upon it , the stronger must never in a Treaty , when the Armies are to be disbanded , expect to have His Strength restored to him , lest the other return to be what He was and what He ought to be , that is , the weaker of the two . Secondly , His Majesty answers , That by the same reason of Security , other Power and Prerogatives being Strength as well as Forces , and neither more vested in Him , nor less possible to be used for the Peoples hurt , they may as well require a share and interest in those too , and , that things may be made sufficiently equal between the sides , may expect to be as much Kings as He. Thirdly , in their own opinion and by their own confession ( as it appears by their Argument used in the Cessation in the point of Ships ) if they be but allowed the Approbation of Commanders , His Majesty gives up this strength to them , and not they to Him , and it will be their Forces , and not His , which are to continue undisbanded , and that that they say to be contrary to Equality , and ( as they came by these Forces ) it is evident to be contrary to Justice . Fourthly , His Majesty answers , that these Forces are not so great , or so great a Strength of the side that shall possess them , but that the Arts , Union , Industry and Violence of that Party was so much too strong for His Majesty when He had that Strength , as to take that Strength from Him ; and therefore His Majesty wonders they should make any difficulty to restore what it may appear by so fresh experience that they are so able to resume : and therefore His Majesty hopes His People will attribute it to His great Desire of Peace , that He did not demand some farther security to enjoy that which is not denied to be His Majesty's . And His Majesty observes that both this and the second Answer were given by His Majesty to the same Arguments made upon the same occasion by their Committee in the Treaty , and yet this Declaration repeats the same Arguments without replying to those Answers . Fifthly , His Majesty desires that the Difficulty with which His Majesty raised His Army , and the Ease with which they raised theirs , may be considered ; how impossible it would have been for Him to have raised Forces , if they had not raised first , and how much slowlier ( this Army being disbanded ) He could raise a new one , and how quick and ready their Body of fierce , eager Sectaries and Schismaticks would be to return into an Army upon the least Call , and how conveniently they inhabit for so speedy a meeting , being to continue most of them in or so near London , that their Quarters in War were usually much more distant than their Dwellings in Peace : and then His Majesty doubts not but it will appear , that in this respect too the real and total Disbanding is of His Majesty's part only , and that in effect the Continuance of Forces is still of theirs . Their Second Argument , why His Majesty should admit of their Limitations , is a bundle of Precedents . To which His Majesty replies , First , that the Records which are here quoted for these are now in the same hands as his Majesty's Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , and therefore knows not how He can either have their Truth sufficiently considered and examined , or without it conside in their Quotations . Secondly , all the particular Circumstances both of matter and time , what induced it , and what followed it , do not herein appear ( though very necessary to be known , that they may be possible to be answered . ) But this His Majesty can find upon view , That some of them concern not any part of what is now demanded , but one of them concerns a Chancellor , Treasurer , and Privy-Seal , and another concerns Privy-Councillors , and another the Protectorship , another the choice of some without whose Advice , or of four of them , nothing should be done by the King , ( which it seems they have an eye upon demanding too , which made them run so much in their heads who collected these as to put them in here : ) That some concern not the Persons now demanding , but conclude only for the Merchants to chuse an Admiral , and not for the Houses to confide in him ; which Precedent may be of some use to the Common-Council , but of none to the Parliament : That some are of no concern at all , as only about appointing of Clarks for payment of Wages ( yet put in to encrease the bulk : ) That hardly any of the Precedents that concern any of the things in Question , concern any more than part of those which are altogether demanded in the Limitations desired ; some concerning only the Command of Ships ( and those too not granted by Act , but by Commission , and that , for ought appears , only during pleasure ; ) some extending but to one Town or Place , as Berwick or Jersey : That most of these Precedents appear to have been when the Kings were in Minority and under Protectors , some when they were in extreme Age and Impotency , some in the Reign of a King who was shortly after deposed , in Parliament too , ( an unlikely Circumstance to invite His Majesty at this time to follow that Example ) others in His Reign who succeeded Him , and ( having no Right to the Crown but the Criminal Consent of both Houses ) had Reason to deny them nothing who had given Him All. And of some of the Precedents now quoted , the Inconveniences are known to have been so great and so suddenly found , that they were so speedily revoked in Parliament ( with no less a Brand than as being contrary to the Customs of the Realm , and to the blemishing of the Crown ) that if they had ingenuously added those Circumstances , these Precedents would more have justified His Majesty for not yielding , than them for either asking any thing towards those , or but for quoting them at all . But doth any of these Precedents tell us that these Parliaments claim'd any Right in any of these , or that any King yield any degree of Power in any one of these Points to both Houses , when they had first taken them from Him by Force , and rais'd an Army by Ordinance against Him , and He was in a condition to resist what they had raised ? And if either any of these Kings were so much in their Power , that his Consent was as much forced from Him as these Particulars were forced from His Majesty , or if they were so far out of Danger of any farther Encroachments upon their Power , that He could have no cause of Fears and Jealousies , in granting some of these to them ; nay that their advice in the Choice arose wholly from His Majesty's Desire , and not their Demand , then the Precedents fit not this Case , and so make nothing for their purpose . But now that the Perpetuity of this Parliament hath so far encouraged those , who by Arts and Violence have gotten Power over it , that they may probably hope to make this Power as perpetual as it , and have given so sufficient Evidence what further use they would make of any Power , His Majesty supposes Himself to have more reason to be cautious in that Point than any of His Predecessors , who were content to share any part of this Power but for once , with but a temporary Assembly ; especially since their several Propositions have shewed how much more they wish , and M. Prinne's Books ( printed by Order of a Committee of the House of Commons , signified by Warrant under M. White 's hand ) have shewed how much more they pretend to ; and since any Grant of His is desired by these Men , but to enable them to obtain the rest of their pretences or desires ; what he yielded to them concerning my Lord of Essex and Sir John Conyers being Lieutenants of Yorkshire and the Tower , being prest in these very Precedents as an Argument to Him , why he should grant all they ask now . On the other side , if his Majesty should make use of their own kind of Weapon , and do the same or as great things , or make them the like or as great demands , as their Predecessors have tacitely approved of , or directly assented to , when they were done or made by His , ( as in the just Famous time of Queen Elizabeth , in the Case of Stanhope and Savile , or in the same time in Wentworth's Case , or in the Reign of Henry the Eighth , in the Power given to Him to dispose of the Kingdom by His Will and Testament , and others of the like and near as high kinds ) He believes both Houses would think what others then did , to be no Argument to perswade them either to approve or consent , but would rather for ever wave all Arguments from Precedents , than direct themselves by the same Rule . Their third Argument is , That His Majesty had formerly exprest that His Forts and Castles should be only in such hands as both Houses might safely confide in . And His Majesty expresseth still as much ; and till some just legal cause be shewed him why the Persons now in those Commands cannot be safely Confided in by them , He conceives they might safely confide in them if they pleas'd . But His Majesty did likewise once say , He would put all those places , both of the Forts and Militia , into such hands as both Houses should approve or recommend , unless such were named against whom He had just and unquestionable Exceptions . To which His Majesty replies , That His Offer not giving them satisfaction then , ( for they would then limit no time for the Militia , which was the Condition of that Offer of His Majesty's ) and since it seems it would give none yet , ( for they now ask no less for the Ships than for those , and more for both , as to the time and other Circumstances , than He then offered for these ) and they , by forcing those Places from Him since , and some of the Persons legally vested in those Places , by their faithfulness to him in this War , having given Him so much more cause not to yield to it now , He conceives the case to be so altered by all these differences , that though , out of His earnest desire to satisfie them as long as He thought them capable of satisfaction by it , He then intended what He spoke , yet He may insist upon what He now insists , without being said to have receeded from His Word . Did not they refuse to accept of four Persons named in His Majesty's Bill concerning the Militia , which themselves had but newly offered Him in their Ordinance concerning it ? And had those Persons in that time given them so great cause for that refusal as His Majesty hath had given Him for this ? And yet will they confess that ill Counsel prevail'd with them to recede from their Words , and that therefore His Majesty had the more cause to be farther secured ? Their fourth Argument is , That unless these Limitations be granted , those secret and wicked Councellors , that have been Instruments of the present Miseries , will have the disposing of those Places , and His Majesty carry but the Name . To this His Majesty replies , That knowing who have been the Instruments of these Miseries , He should by that believe the secret and wicked Councellors spoken of , to be the active part of the close Committee ; for if He have any wicked Councellors about him , He confesseth they have cause to call them Secret as well as Wicked , since they have not only wholly concealed themselves from Him , but He having often press'd to have some named , could never obtain from them the Name so much as of one , nor since hath heard so much as one proof or charge either of being wicked Councellors , or of any Legal Crime against any of His Servants whom they have named , though they have publisht them withal to be incapable of Pardon : However He finds , that if what they say were true , the ends of these Councellors and of their violent Party is but just the same , that is , to dispose of these Places , and that His Majesty may only carry the Name . But they have found a Letter of His Majesty 's to the Queen , which shews that the great and eminent Places of the Kingdom are disposed of by Her Advice , ( and then conclude from Her Religion , that they are by consequence disposed of by the advice of Papists and Jesuits ) and that the Persons there named , even during the sitting of Parliament , are either all impeacht by them , or bear Arms against them . To this His Majesty replies , First , That He cannot but deplore the condition of the Kingdom , when Letters of all sorts , of Husbands to Wives , even of His Majesty to His Royal Consort , are intercepted , read , brought in Evidence , and publisht to the World. Secondly , That if they will remember how far many of those Persons of both Sexes , who have received most notable marks of Favour from Her Majesty , are , even in their own Opinion , from so much as inclining to Popery , they must confess her Favours and Recommendations not to be disposed of by Priests and Jesuits . Thirdly , That the Places there named , in which Her Majesty's Advice may seem to be desired , are not places ( as they call it ) of the Kingdom , but private menial places , a Treasurer of the Household , a Captain of the Pensioners , and a Gentleman of the Bed-chamber : That concerning the other more publick Places , His Majesty absolutely declares Himself , without leaving room for Her Advice ; which seems to prove the contrary to that which by this they intend to prove . Fourthly , That of the Persons there named there is not one that either is a Papist , or so like one , that a Jesuit may be thought to have recommended him , nor any one ( except the Lord Digby ) that was either impeacht or otherwise taxt , or that could appear to His Majesty to have ever been in any degree dislik'd by both or either House , before assisting His Majesty against a Rebellion did lately become Treason ; and whoever considers the Time and other Circumstances even of that Impeachment , and that their Eyes were then so dazled with Fears and Jealousies as to take a Coach and six Horses for an Army raised against them , will hardly look upon that Impeachment with that reverence which hath usually been paid to Accusations of that kind . And for their bearing of Arms in such a Time wherein all His Majesty's Subjects do either bear or assist Arms , either for or against Him , He supposes that it will not be thought strange , if He chuse Persons for such Places as are in His own Disposal , rather out of the first Sort than out of the second . And as His Majesty hath fully answered their Observations upon His Letters , so He believes that one thing more ( though unobserved by this Declaration ) cannot but be observed out of them by His People ; and that is , That in His Majesty's most private Letters to the Person nearest to Him , wherein He cannot ( as by some in His publick Declarations He is ) be suspected to say any thing out of Design or Policy , His own clear perswasion that the Rebels , and not He , have been the cause , and are the fosterers of this War and universal Distraction , and His Sense of it , and His Desire of the end of it , are so plainly exprest , that they will by this Accident be much satisfied with His Majesty's Innocence and Reality , and believe that the reading this in such a Letter , is the very next Degree to reading it in His Heart . Their fifth and last Argument is , The attempts of Force and Violence against the Kingdom and this Parliament , and they instance in four . The first is , a Design many years since to bring into this Kingdom the German Horse , to compel the Subjects to submit to an Arbitrary Government . And to this His Majesty replies , That He esteems His Condition more miserable than that of any of His Subjects , when He sees a few Factious persons have obtained that power , as to be able to publish to all His People , in the name of both Houses , a Charge which ( coming forth with the semblance of such Authority ) may much work with them against Him , and yet do not ( which is certainly because they cannot ) tell any one proof or particular either whence , whether , when , by whom , or by whose Design these Horse should have been brought . They confess it is many years since , and it seems it is so many that these particulars are all worn out of the memory of man. The second is , the endeavour to bring up the Northern Army by Force and Violence to awe the Parliament . To this His Majesty hath so often answer'd , and received so little Reply , that He will only now briefly say , that according to the Evidence they have publish'd themselves , ( and that before hearing the persons concern'd in it , after so long a time of the Houses leisure and their attendance , whose Answer it was perhaps feared would have cleared it more ) it doth not appear that there was ever any Endeavour used in it , nor any thing further than a mere motion , which died as soon as it was conceived ; and it doth appear that His Majesty absolutely dislik'd it as soon as by way of Discourse it was but named to Him : But if it had been really endeavoured , it had been but an Endeavour towards that which was directly put in Execution by the Tumults , and those countenanc'd by the Refusal of the House of Commons , not only to punish them , but so much as to joyn with the Lords in a Declaration against the like for the future , and by the stopping the legal Proceedings against Riots by a single Order of the House . The third is , His Majesty's coming in Person to the House of Commons with many armed men to demand their Members to be delivered up . His Majesty confesseth He came ; He denies that ( to His knowledge ) He came accompanied with any men otherwise armed than with His Guard and Pensioners , in the same manner as He usually came to the House of Lords , and with some Gentlemen ( as His Train when He goes to any publick place is always so waited on ) with their usual Weapons , their Swords . And if they had been as careful to publish what Persons of Quality ( as Serjeant-Major Ashly for one ) testified upon their knowledge and Oath , as what mean , unknown and unsworn Persons delivered upon their bare Credit or upon hear-say , it would have appeared to His People how little Violence was intended by any who came with Him however armed , and what Care He took , and what Orders He gave to be sure to prevent any that possibly might have happened . His Majesty likewise confesses , that He demanded the Members He had accused of High Treason ; but puts them withal in mind , that the House of Commons had hardly left him any other Course , having by their single Order , the night before , intercepted all ordinary proceedings of Justice against them , forbidding all Officers to attach any Member for any Crime without the Consent of the House , and encouraging the People in that case to assist them against any Officer ; though their Privileges had been confess'd by a late Petition of both Houses not to extend to Treason ; and though this Order were as illegal and unjustifiable , as not only His Majesty's coming to the House , but even as any thing they would have had the People believe that He intended when He came . But whatever Breach of Privilege there was in this , His Majesty did not offer to justifie it by their preceding breach of Law , but offered them often Reparation and Satisfaction for it : but it seems nothing but the Ships , Forts , Ports , Magazine and Militia of the whole Kingdom would appear to them a Reparation for a single , and ( this Circumstance considered ) perhaps a disputable , Breach of Privilege . The Fourth is , the Treason of the Earl of Strafford , to bring over the Irish Popish Army to conquer the Kingdom . To this His Majesty replies , That whatever the Earl of Strafford could have said ( for this Army He is sure was never brought , nor , that He ever heard , was ever endeavoured to be brought over , either to that or any other purpose ) His Majesty cannot see why it might not have remained buried with him , or why any other satisfaction should be given for it , or other security against the like , than the Punishment he hath already undergone . Having given what Reasons they can to justifie their Limitations of His Majesty's Propositions , this Declaration in the next place attempts to satisfie that Reason insisted on by His Majesty , That it is His Right by Law , ( to which they should have added , and contrary to Law forced from Him ; ) and not being able to deny that , and yet being willing to deny something , they quarrel at the Phrase , and deny that this Power of disposing these Commands is by Law absolutely vested in His Majesty , and that because He is trusted with them for the Defence and Safety of the Kingdom . His Majesty still justifies what He said Himself , and yet confesses all that they say too , but only denies the Consequence ; for no Man is absolutely vested in any thing , if being trusted with it to some end hinder him from being so . The House of Commons is trusted with a Preparatory , the House of Lords is trusted with a Judicatory , the King , Lords and Commons are trusted with a Legislative Power , and all these have those Trusts vested in them for the publick Good ; and are not yet all these Trusts absolute , that is , subject to the Control of no other Power ? Is no Man absolutely vested in his Goods , because all we have we are trusted with for the Glory of God ? His Majesty meant only that this was so absolutely vested in Him by Law , as nothing but a new Law could without Breach of Law take or hold it from Him. But the Declaration is content to admit that too , only denies it to be a Reason why His Majesty should deny to alter that Law , when by Circumstance of Time and Affairs that Power becomes destructive to the Commonwealth and Safety of the People , the Preservation whereof is the chief End of the Law. And His Majesty is equally ready to confess that it is no Reason , but doth absolutely deny that this is the Case , ( insisting that the circumstances of Time and Affairs hare made this Power more necessary than ever to remain in His Majesty for the protection and safety of His People ; ) and He claims Himself to be as absolutely trusted by Law with the final Judgment , whether it be the Case or no , and with a Power of rejecting any such Alteration upon any such Pretence , if it appear but a Pretence to Him , as either House is trusted to propose any such Alteration to the other , or both to Him , if it appear to them necessary and convenient . But , says this Declaration , the two Houses of Parliament being the Representative Body of the Kingdom , are the most competent Judges thereof : And says his Majesty , the Representative Body of the Kingdom is indeed , and that is the King , Lords and Commons ; else either the Head is no part of the Body , or at least will be no longer than the Body please . Indeed the two Houses in some sense represent the Kingdom , in any Action which the Law ( which is the Rule of the Kingdom ) hath intrusted and enabled them to do ; but either one House or His Majesty do equally represent it in any thing which the same Law hath entrusted and enabled Him or them to do : And for those Actions in which the Law requires the Consent of all three , every one is to be allowed their own several distinct Judgment , for themselves only , and any one without the other two have as much Right as any two without the third , to represent the Kingdom , and to be competent Judges of the Case . And His Majesty cannot be take notice how much Reason He had , not to yield to this Demand , since the grant of this Demand would be received as an Admission of this Case , and it would Logically enough follow , That if His People cannot be safe and He retain this Power , He doth not deserve to retain any : And if their Demands were granted , and the Armies upon their Demands disbanded , this Consequence in all Probability would soon be both perceived and prest . But His Majesty may without Prejudice admit both Houses to be the most competent Judges in this particular , and then put them in mind , that before so many things had been done by the violent Party to turn the Tide of Fears and Jealousies , before they had involved the King and Subject in a common Suffering , and equally destroyed all the Property of the one and Prerogatives of the other by Orders and Ordinances , and so there then appeared less necessity that this Power should remain in the Crown , either for the preservation of it Self , or of the People , and little danger appeared to the People if this Power were thus shared ; the House of Lords did then twice deliver their Judgment , That this Power in His Majesty was not become destructive to the Common-wealth and Safety of His People , nor the Alteration of this Law necessary , by twice denying to joyn with the Commons in their desire , That part ( for the Ships and the Time were not then named ) of this Power might be shared , and of this Law altered : by which denial the Commons were forced to Petition for it by themselves . Nor did they only deny it , but both times in full Houses , after long and free debates , it was carried upon the Question above Twenty Voices , and that at a time when all the Papist Lords had left the Town , and hardly any Bishops were left uncommitted ( Twelve being at once clapt up upon an Accusation of Treason , which they themselves have since been ashamed of enough to wave ) who were then the Persons usually represented to the People to be the evil Councellors of the Lords House , and to whose prevalence it was imputed in the first Remonstrance of the House of Commons , that their good and necessary Motions did not pass in that House . And as they denyed it twice , so they would have denyed it till now , if the Petition of many thousand poor People about London ( who certainly did not then believe the Lords to be competent Judges ) and the Demand of the House of Commons joyned to it , to be told the Names of those Lords who denyed it , and the direct Threats of so many Petitioners ( to which the former Tumults gave sufficient credit that they would be really executed upon them ) had not made many of the Lords to be of his Mind , who would not dispute with him who commanded thirty Legions , and give way to the potent Minor part to appear the Major , by absenting themselves , and suffering them to pass what they pleased . So that neither the Votes which then past to desire these particulars , nor the Execution of these Votes and seizing these particulars with a Violence yet greater than obtained the Votes , nor the multitude of Consequences of the same kind built upon that Foundation , can at all be said to have had the Authority of both Houses ; though most of those Actions have been such , as the Authority even of both Houses , how full and free soever , would not be sufficient to justifie . And this Opinion of the necessity of altering the Law in these points , was even then at most but the Opinion of the House of Commons , awed by a few Members assisted by the Common People , and together with them awing the Lords . They next pretend heartily to wish , that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom may be the Rule of what is or what is not to be done ; but how little fruit hath been gathered from this Tree , they say let the Experience of the last Eighteen years judge . To this His Majesty replies , That it is true in some sense , they are willing these Laws should be His Rule , that is , that He go no farther ( though they will by no means allow Him to go near so far ) but almost all their Actions , and most of their Demands , and particularly these , do sufficiently shew , that they will not admit of these Laws and Statutes to be any Rule to them . And how much better fruit they have graffed than they found growing , and whether they have not made use of the Cure and Remedy of Grievances , a Parliament , to impose more of all kind of Grievances upon the People in eighteen Months , than can be objected to his Majesty or Ministers upon the breach and in the Intermission of Parliaments during those eighteen years , let Experience be Judge . And it cannot but appear strange to His Majesty ( if any thing could still appear strange to Him ) that the Illegalities under which His Subjects suffered by some of His Ministers in some part of His Reign , should be now , and by them , laid as a Charge upon Him , when not only the People have suffered far greater Illegalities and Pressures upon the same , if not less , pretences , by those who charge Him , with them ; but when He hath by His Acknowledgments , by His ample Satisfactions , by the submitting the Offenders to Punishment , how great or near so ever to Him , and by His many and solemn Protestations , given security to His People that they shall never suffer the like under Him ; and when they on the other side as good as profess to the People , that they think themselves obliged to maintain ( and consequently are likely to continue ) what they have done , because they have done it , and that their Actions shall not be retracted , lest some reflection or dishonour fall upon both Houses , and lest they may seem to pronounce a sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves : This being one of the Reasons given by them , why they cannot re-admit the Members they have expelled . And His Majesty is confident that His People , when they shall consider both His Ministers Actions and theirs , and after compare His Ingenuity with their Principles , will easily conceive under whose Government they are most likely to return to the known Rule of the Law , and to find that ease , and to be continued in those Rights in and to which they were born , and of the Exorbitance of whose Power they have most reason to have any Fears and Jealousies , and against whom they have most reason to desire to be secured that they shall enjoy their Rights . Nor do they with more colour oppose His Majesty's Limitations and Conditions than they defend their own . They object against His Majesty's Demand or Limitation of being satisfied in His first Proposition , That if His Ships , Forts , &c. were to be delivered before disbanding , it must after be left to the pleasure of the Papists , and other evil Councellors about His Majesty , whether thay would disband or not . But His Majesty replies , That He made not His Limitation in these terms , As soon as His first Proposition should be wholly granted to Him , but , As soon as He should be satisfied in His first Proposition ; which left room enough upon debate , to have agreed either upon the time of delivery , or upon sufficient caution , that after the delivery the disbanding should unavoidably follow . Nor can His Majesty look upon this Objection otherwise than as a jest , since if after the performance of part of the Conditions He had refused to perform the rest , He is perswaded that so open a breach of Faith would have given them a far greater strength than they had parted with in the Ships , and Forts , and have raised against Him a far greater Army than He should have refused to disband . They object against His Demand of the restitution of Members , that in His Demand no distinction is made of Persons or Offences ; when the reason thereof is , that really no distinction can be made , they being all equally innocent , and all equally injuriously expelled , not only for committing no Crime , but for that Duty and Loyalty which deserves both approbation and reward . And if they could make any distinction in this point , or any Objection in any other , which might possibly have satisfied His Majesty , why did they not continue the Treaty , and there offer it to and debate it with His Majesty , rather than break off the Treaty without giving any Answer to any part of His Majesty's Message , and to turn themselves wholly to the People , from whom no return could possibly be made that might be in order to Peace ? They object against the Reason of this Demand , [ That these Members have been expelled only for adhering to His Majesty ] That the same Reason may be used for the Judges who adhered to Him , by furnishing Him with great Sums by Illegal Judgments about Ship-Money and Monopolies ; and that He may as well require the Houses to repeal the Impeachments and Proceedings against them . To which His Majesty replies , That by never having appeared at all in the favour , excuse , or extenuation of the fault of those Judges ( who are to answer for any unjust Judgment , in all which His Majesty left them wholly to their Consciences , and whensoever they offended against that , they wronged His Majesty no less than His People ) and by His being yet so careful of these Lords and Gentlemen , it may appear that His Majesty conceives , that those only adhere to Him , who adhere to Him according to Law. And whether the remaining part of the Houses be not more apt to repeal their own Impeachments and Proceedings against those Judges ( if they conceive they may be made of use , and brought to adhere to them ) then His Majesty is to require they should , may appear by their requiring in their Fourteen Propositions , that Sir John Brampston ( impeacht by themselves of so gret Misdemeanors ) may be made Chief Justice , and by their freeing and returning Justice Barkley ( accused by themselves of High Treason ) to sit upon the Bench , rather than free and imploy Justice Mallet , who was not legally committed at first , but fetcht from the Bench to Prison by a Troop of Horse , and who after so many Months Imprisonment remains not only unimpeacht , but wholly without any knowledge of what Crime he is suspected . They next object against the Persons in whose behalf the Demand is made . And to this His Majesty replies , That to shew how far He was from having raised this Army , or from intending to imploy it to destroy this Parliament , or the Act for the continuance thereof , as is falsely and maliciously charged upon him ; to avoid the Objection made against him , as if He only pretended to desire to rule by Law , but would really be the only Judge of Law Himself , and deny all Judgment to both Houses ; to shew how willing He was that both Houses should be the Judges of what belonged to them to Judge , whensoever they might be in that full and free condition in which it belonged to them to be ; and to avoid the Destruction of the Kingdom , which would be occasioned by the delay of Disbanding , if that were not ended before all the present Differences ; His Majesty proposed this way of a full and free Meeting in Parliament , and to refer those many Differences between Him and the remaining part of both Houses ( on which He might with Justice have insisted , and which in themselves were necessary to be settled ) till they might be settled in that Meeting , and insisted for the present only upon that which was necessary for the setling of such a Meeting . And in such a Convention , if the Persons now in question should upon debate have appeared guilty of such Crimes wherewith this Declaration charges them , as to have deserted the House , ( when intolerable Tumults and unjustifiable Votes drove them from it ) to have disobeyed and contemned the Authority of the House , ( for not having submitted their Allegiance to that Authority ) to have neglected the Trust reposed in them , ( for staying no longer where they could not with freedom discharge it ) and to have by Practices and Hostility endeavoured to destroy both Parliament and People , ( for having assisted His Majesty , and defended His Person against an Army raised and fighting against Him ; ) His Majesty would have been very well contented , if the Houses should then judge so , that they should have been finally expelled , and that the People might enjoy their interest and freedom of Choice and Election , when it should have been justly devolved to them . But by their declining of this course , it is evident that they well know , in such a full and free Meeting , who would appear by most voices to be the innocent , and who the guilty , who the deserters , and who the drivers , and that then and there they would as little be able to justifie their own Votes as to condemn these Persons ; and therefore having by Force got sole possession of the Place , are wisely resolved to admit none to judge there of what is Law , but only such of the major part of whose Judgments they are secure , as having been made instruments to violate it . To His Majesty's demand of security from such Tumults as formerly awed the Houses , they only answer , That what is said of awing the Members is a high and dangerous aspersion , raised without doubt to invalid the Acts and Proceedings of Parliament ; but to the known Particulars urged by His Majesty they are wholly silent ; and neither deny such Tumultuous assemblies to have been , nor the Lords to have twice in vain complained of them , and desired the House of Commons to joyn with them in a Declaration against them ; nor can they deny but the Lords added this Reason , Lest such Assemblies might be derogatory from the good Acts made and to be made in this Parliament ; all which Acts nevertheless that House undoubtedly did not intend to invalid , either by that desire or by that reason . Nor can any Man , that hath seen what Protestations His Majesty hath taken , ( all which He doth now again renew ) for maintaining of the Laws consented to by His Majesty this Parliament , but sufficiently free His Majesty from the aspersion of having rais'd this to invalid those . But if they mean by their Proceedings , the Votes , Orders , Ordinances and Declarations , wherewith they have almost dayly opprest His Subjects and defamed His Majesty since those Tumults , if they mean the countenance they have given by personal Contributions , by Oaths , by Commissions of Generalship and the like , to the present Rebellion raised against Him ; He then confesseth , not that He raised this Aspersion , but that He declared this Truth , as an argument of the more evident invalidity of their present Proceedings , which those Tumults , ( and apprehensions of the like , and of an Army now in the City to boot ) rather than the inclination of both Houses , may appear to have produced . And this appears to be no less their Opinion too , by their being so infinitely unwilling to suffer the Members to meet in so secure a manner , that they may be hindred by no awe from declaring to all the World whether they were awed before or no ; and thence the World may judge of these Mens aversion from all Agreement , when in order to so blessed a thing as Peace , they refuse so just a demand as Security . They next Object against adjourning twenty Miles from London : And in the first place they object against it , That in making that a Condition of Disbanding to which by Law they are not bound to consent , His Majesty requires a new Law by Arms. In which they are wholly deceived , for His Majesty never made it a condition : To have Security for Himself and both Houses from Tumults ( which they cannot deny to have been , and against which notwithstanding they do not offer any other kind of Security ) His Majesty did demand as a Condition , ( and Security is undoubtedly His Majesty's due by Law ) but the Adjournment was only expressed as that which His Majesty only conceived to be the only Security ; not but if they could find a better or but another way , His Majesty would as readily approve of it . But His Majesty appeals to the World , whether His Majesty ought to have done less for His Safety and that of the Members , and the freedom of their Votes , than to demand Security against Tumults ; whether He could do more for Peace , than to be ready to accept any sufficient Security that they should offer , and withal to be industrious to find out a fit means for that Security Himself , and to propose it in so large a manner to them , as to leave them to chuse their own place out of all the rest of England ; and whether on the other side they could do less toward either , than not to grant the Security , when they cannot deny the Danger , and not only not to seek after and offer any one way that might secure , but so absolutely to refuse that reasonable way of Security which is offered to them ; whether the inconvenience of removing Records twenty miles ought to be in any balance with the Miseries of a War ; whether the avoiding of this ( but tacite ) confession of that Truth , ( which they call a Scandal , but can never prove one ) that His Majesty was forced for His Safety to withdraw from His Parliament , ( of which the Army raised without His consent , to bring in triumph to the Houses Persons accused of High Treason by Him , were alone a sufficient testimony ) and that the Members were awed ( when their Names were sometimes demanded , and sometimes posted , their Persons laid hands on , and the Tumultuous multitude neither punish'd nor discountenanc'd so much as by a Declaration ; ) whether the fear lest London ( in which and by a part of which all this was done ) should seem to suffer under a Charge ; and lastly , whether the Doubt , lest in any place out of London His Majesty should again come to the House of Commons with armed men , ( upon what appearance of Right , after what orders against his known Right , and with how little either intention , offer or colour of Violence He came thither , having been shewed before ) can appear a sufficient Reason for their Resolution against such an Adjournment , in order to the publick Peace : and whether , although there were no necessity of it but His Majesty's Desire , ( Who out of compliance with them hath put the absolute Power out of His own hands , not only of Adjourning the Parliament whither , but of Dissolving it when He pleased ) it might not seem no unreasonable Request after so large a Grant. Their third part is , to prove His Majesty's aversion to Peace by several Circumstances . The first is , His having denied to receive their Petitions : which His Majesty never did . For if they mean ( which was all He ever did towards any refusal ) His refusing to receive any from or by any Person accused of High Treason by Him , ( when they had other and more direct ways of sending to Him ( as they did then by the Earl of Essex , if they had not gone out of their way out of desire to have it refused ) they may as well say , He hath refused all that have ever since come to Him from them , for He continued always to make that Exception : and if their hope of present and total Victory had not made them insist upon that before Edge-hill which they quitted after , the Petition offered to have been sent from my Lord of Essex from the head of his Army had been then received too by any other kind of hand ; though , if His Majesty were rightly informed of the Contents of that Petition , neither their offer of such a Petition could shew any inclination to Peace in them , nor could His absolute resusal have shewed any aversion to it in His Majesty . The second is , That their Committee must not , without a special safe Conduct and Protection from Him , have Access to Him ; a Liberty incident to them not only as Members of the Parliament , and employed by both Houses , but as they were free-born Subjects . To this His Majesty replies , That He never denied their Committee to have access to Him without a safe Conduct , nor did He ever so much as mention any to them . The first motion concerning a safe Conduct , was in a Letter from the Lord Grey of Wark , Speaker pro tempore of the Lords House , to either of His Majesty's Secretaries , dated the third of Novemb. 1642. desiring one for that Committee , which after attended His Majesty at Colebrook ; and the same was again desired for the Committee appointed to treat at Oxford , by a Letter from the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the same House , to the Lord Falkland , dated the 28. of February . And must it not seem strange to all the World , that His Majesty's granting of that which both Houses in order to the Treaty ask'd of Him , should be after charged upon Him as a provocation laid in the way to interrupt or break off the Treaty ? And since undoubtedly ( and that reasonably ) it would have been interpreted aversion in His Majesty from Peace , if He had denied this when it was as'd ; His condition was very hard , when , it seems , He could not either way have avoided this imputation , whether he had denied or granted it . But His Majesty desires His Subjects to consider the great difference between what His Majesty hath cause to complain of , and what they do . Master Alexander Hampden , imployed by His Majesty with an Olive-branch , a Message for Peace directed to both Houses , inclosed in a Letter to the Speaker of the Lords House , having His Majesty's pass , testifying that He was so employed , having delivered this Message to the Lords House , and that House having received it as a gracious Message , is committed by the House of Commons ( notwithstanding the liberty of access said to be incident to all free-born Subjects ) for not having a safe Conduct from their General , upon pretence of an Order of that House but lately made , and never past the Lords , nor publish'd by themselves : and notwithstanding that the Lords at a Conference desired the Messengers release upon the aforesaid reasons , and that he was sent to them , and that their own Messengers had divers times of late gone to Oxford in the same manner , and none of His Majesty's had come otherwise , yet the only Answer returned was , That they would stand to their own Order . Upon which His Majesty cannot but observe , First , that how great Authority soever both Houses expect to have with His Majesty , yet one House hath but a little with the other : Secondly , That the Privilege of that House is as little considered as their Intercession , since undoubtedly , if the Lords ( who in many cases have power to commit , which the House of Commons hath not over more than their own Members , in any case but of breach of Privilege ) had committed a Messenger sent to the House of Commons ( especially from any to whose Messengers they paid half that respect which they owe to His Majesty's ) upon an Order only of their own House , and having committed him without their consents , should not release him at their desire , it would have been look'd upon by them as no less a breach of Privilege than His Majesty's coming to their House : Thirdly , That by this His Majesty hopes that the Violent party doth now see better times are not far off , since He is told by this very Declaration , That evil Spirits do then rage most , when they think they must be cast out . The grounds of their third and fourth ( for such as have been taken notice of by the bye , and replied to before , need not to be repeated ) are these . During the Treaty two Proclamations issued at Oxford against Associations , and raising of Forces and Taxes by virtue of Ordinances , in which His Majesty charges a Traitorous and Rebellious Army of Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , ( but not both Houses , as , for want of being charged , they charge themselves ) to endeavour to take away His Life , and the Religion and Laws of the Kingdom . And some Letters were intercepted , by which , they say , it probably appears to them , that His Majesty had then designs upon Killingworth , Scarborough and Bristol . But His Majesty thinks it strange that it should be expected , that this Treaty should have so much influence on one side , and so little on the other ; that during the Treaty Taxes may be illegally laid and levied , and His Majesty may not legally forbid them ; that Souldiers of the Earl of Essex his Army daily rail against Episcopacy , break into Churches , pull down Organs and Monuments , tear Surplices and Common-Prayer-Books , and His Majesty may not call them Brownists ; that that Army may go on daily during the Treaty in overt acts of Rebellion and Treason , and it must be an Interruption of the Treaty in His Majesty to call them Rebels and Traytors ; that He may not say they endeavour to take His Life , who have shot at Him as often as He hath come within Cannon-shot of them ; and that the Treaty should not oblige them from taking any Town or Castle of His Majesty 's from Him , and yet His Majesty be obliged by it neither to regain any of His Towns , nor receive any of His own Castles ; that Sir William Waller may really take Malmesbury and Tukesbury , and His Majesty must not so much as think of Scarborough or Bristol ; upon which City as His Majesty doth avow to have had a Design to recover it from the Rebels , so He absolutely denies it to have been either bloody or barbarous , Epithets which they are pleased to give it , but for what reason He cannot imagine , His Majesty abhorring all thought of what is printed at London , That it was intended , Man , Woman and Child should have been all killed in that Town , that had not such a Word or wore not such a Ribband : though some Word or Mark might well be agreed on , not with intention to kill all that had it not , but that more particular care might be taken of their protection that had it , not only from all danger , but from all disrespect . But the execution upon cold blood of some of the principal Citizens of that City for their Loyalty to His Majesty upon a single Order , without the least colour of any Legal proceedings , will appear to all men most barbarous and bloody , and such a Murther as His Majesty must not leave unrevenged , nor can His Subjects look upon otherwise , than as purposely now committed to make Peace yet more impossible , and as an earnest of that intolerable Arbitrary Government , which they must always expect to suffer under , if that Violent party should prevail . Since therefore , notwithstanding these frivolous Objections , His Majesty's Desire of Peace ( by His earnestness for it both before , and during , and after the Treaty ) doth so fully appear ; and since their inclination to the contrary , ( by their most earnest and utmost endeavours to hinder both the beginning , continuance , and renewing of the Treaty ) is no less evident ; since in the Treaty His Majesty's main aim was the immediate disbanding of the Armies , and that Differences might be debated in a full and free Convention in Parliament , and that to that end the Parliament might be restored to the natural and genuine Condition , and all things only restored into that state wherein they were when the Houses were full and free ; since His Majesty ask'd nothing that they could deny to be due to Him by Law , and His Majesty denied nothing that themselves could claim by Law to belong to them , nor any one thing of that publick necessity or value as deserves the shedding of one drop of that Sea of Blood , which will be spent in this unnatural natural Quarrel ; since His Majesty made the last most reasonable Proposition , and they will never suffer it to be granted nor debated , and three Messages of His Majesty's cannot obtain one Answer ; His Majesty hopes that the scales will now fall from the eyes of His most blindly-seduced Subjects , and they will now be able do discern both their Duty and their Interest by so clear a Light , that it will be no longer in the power of this Violent party to ingage them to be Wicked that they may be Miserable , and by opposing Justice to destroy Peace . And His Majesty doth most earnestly conjure those whose fault hath hitherto proceeded rather from want of heat than want of light , who out of too much care of their private safety have been either lookers on , or have at once dislik'd and countenanc'd these Courses , that they at last rouze up their Courage to take part with their Conscience , and fear to be Damned more than to be Plundred , and consider that if they will desert and oppose that Party whom their Tameness only makes considerable , and unite themselves with but half that industry to defend His Majesty , and the Religion and Law establisht , which the others use to destroy them all , they may avoid the One , and be in no danger of the Other , their numbers being such , that if they once but knew one another , by meerly joyning to appear to think as they do they might speedily end this ( truly styled by them ) the worst kind of War , both as it is of English against English , and of Subjects against their Prince . But if they shall still suffer themselves to be carried away with the Stream , they will by that suffer the Power of the Violent party to take so deep a root ( by being seized of all the Arms , Ships , and strong places of the Kingdom ) that if they should happen to prevail in this War against His Majesty , they will ( in despight not only of them , but of their present Rulers , if they should be willing to divert them ) extirpate the Law Root and Branch , alter the whole frame of Government , introduce Democracy , Independence and Parity , and leave neither King , Church nor Gentleman : And ( besides that they will then appear to themselves guilty of this intolerable Innovation which they have not timely enough opposed ) this Party will then forget that they did not oppose them at all , and remember that they did assist them but a little , will distinguish between those who assisted them out of Zeal and out of fear ; and who are now call'd Moderate , they will then call Malignant , and the Inequality , Injustice and Oppression they will then indure , will too late discover to them to their Costs , that they have undone themselves with too much Discretion , and obtain'd nothing by their unjustifiable cautious Compliance but to be destroyed last . By the King A Proclamation , warning all His MAJESTY'S good Subjects no longer to be misled by the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances of one or both Houses , by reason the Members do not enjoy the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament : With His MAJESTY'S gracious offer of Pardon to the Members of both Houses , and of Protection to such of them as shall repair to Him. WHereas We have been long since driven by Force and Violence from Our Palace at Westminster , ( the place of sitting for Us and Our two Houses of this Parliament ) so that We could not with safety of Our Life be present with Our great Council , and much the greater part of the Members of both Houses of Parliament have been likewise driven by Tumults and Force for their safety from their Attendance upon that Council , the said Members having been threatned and assaulted for delivering their Opinions freely in the Houses , or have out of Conscience and Duty withdrawn themselves from being present at the Debates and Resolutions which they have well known to be so contrary to their Duty and Allegiance , or for so withdrawing , or for freely speaking in the Houses , have been expelled or suspended from being Members of that Council , contrary to the ancient Practice and just Privileges of Parliament ; since which time , and by which means , a great and Rebellious Army hath been raised against Us , under the Command of Robert Earl of Essex , which Army hath not only endeavoured to take Our Life from Us in a set Battel , but the same , and other Forces raised by the like means , have committed all the Acts of Outrage , Robbery and Murther upon Our good Subjects throughout the Kingdom , and still continue to do the same : And though in truth a very small part of that great Councel remain there together , yet under pretence of having the countenance of Our two Houses of Parliament , some Seditious Persons assume to themselves ( with the assistance of those Rebellious Armies , and of divers mutinous and desperate Brownists , Anabaptists , and other ill-affected Persons in Our City of London , by whose means they awe such Members of both Houses who yet continue amongst them ) a power to do things absolutely contrary to the Laws of the Land , and destructive to Our Rights , and to the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and to alter the whole frame and Government of this Kingdom , disposing of the Lives and Fortunes of Us and Our good Subjects according to their discretion , subjecting both to their own unlimited Arbitrary Power and Government : We have only accused some particular Persons , whom We well knew to be the Authors and Contrivers of these desperate Counsels and Actions , and have forborn to censure or charge the whole number of the Members remaining , by whose Orders and Authority the evils have been pretended to be done , well hoping that the Sense of the miserable Distractions of the Kingdom , would at length have brought them to discern where they had erred , and Our often Messages and Complaints of the Violence offered to Us , and to the Members of both Houses , would have procured Justice and Redress , and that the Power and Reputation of such amongst them who wished well to the Peace of the Kingdom , and Honour and Dignity of Parliaments , would at last have so far prev●●●ed , that a right understanding might have been begotten between Us and Our People , and all shew of Force and Violence so taken away and suppressed , that We might in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , with the Advice of that Our great Council , have so setled the present Distempers , that there might be no fear left of the like for the future . But finding to Our great grief , that the Power of those Seditious Persons who first contrived these desperate and bloody Distractions continues so great , That as they have driven and now keep Us and the much greater part of both Houses from being present at that Council , so they so far awe those who remain there , that they cannot with freedom give their Votes and Resolutions according to their Consciences , and the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom : That the Members of both Houses have been compelled to make Protestations to live and die with the Earl of Essex , the General of the Rebellious Army , and other unlawful and Treasonable Protestations , and that such who have refused to take the said Protestations have been expelled and imprisoned for such their refusal ; That the great Affairs of the Kingdom are managed ●nd concluded by a private Committee without being ever reported to the Houses , contrary to the Laws and Rules of Parliament ; That the Common-councel of London ( most of them being Persons factiously chosen out of Brownists , Anabaptists , and such who oppose the regular wholesome Government of that City , and have promised themselves the destruction of the Church ) are grown the Superintendants over both Houses , and obtrude upon them what Conclusions and Resolutions they please ; That they take upon them to justifie this Rebellion against Us , and have presumed , under pretence of the Order of both Houses , to invite Foreign Forces to invade this Kingdom ; to send Agents to Foreign Princes , to negotiate and treat with them in their own Names ; to imprison Our good Subjects contrary to Law , prohibiting Our Judges to grant Habeas corpus according to Law ; to introduce a new Clergy throughout the Kingdom , by displacing Godly Learned Divines , without the least colour of Law or judicial Proceedings , and putting ignorant Seditious Preachers in their Places , to poison the hearts of the People ; to countenance the vilifying of the Book of Common-Prayer established by the Law of the Land ; to seize , levy , and take away what they please of the Estates and Fortunes of Our Subjects , by disposing of the Twentieth Part of their Estates , by exhausting them with insupportable Weekly Taxes , for the maintainance of their Rebellious Army , and by endeavouring to lay odious Excises upon Victuals , Goods and Merchandize of Our People for the same purpose , whilst they suffer Our poor Protestant Subjects of Our Kingdom of Ireland , whose defence was undertaken by Our two Houses , and that Army raised for the suppressing that horrid Rebellion , to be starved , and in danger of disbanding , or necessitated to desert that Kingdom for want of Money , Victual and such other necessaries as were to be provided for them by Act of Parliament , out of those Moneys , which they have spent to destroy Us and this Kingdom ; by exacting from Merchants Tonnage and Poundage , and other Impositions upon Merchandizes as well Native as Foreign , contrary to an Act made this present Parliament , with a penalty of Praemunire , on those who shall pay or receive it it : And lastly , that they have ( after the breaking of the late Treaty by a peremptory recalling the Committee , who in truth during their abode with Us had no Power to Treat , by reason of their strict Limitation ) so far rejected all possible means and Overtures of Treaty and Accommodation , that instead of answering our gracious Messages , the House of Commons hath imprisoned Our Messenger sent by Us to them to invite both Houses to an Accommodation , and especially to move them to take such a course for the freedom of Parliament , that We might safely advise with that Our great Council for the setling those miserable Distempers ; and have maliciously and in contempt of Us ( and after an attempt to Murther Her at Burlington-Road , the place of Her Landing ) impeached Our Royal Consort of High Treason , for assisting Us with Arms and Ammunition to defend Us from this Rebellion : 'T is time now to let Our good Subjects know , that they may no longer look upon the Votes and Actions of the Persons now remaining as upon Our two Houses of Parliament , Freedom and Liberty to be present , and of Opinion and Debate there , being essential to a Parliament ; which Freedom and Liberty all Men must confess to be taken away from this Assembly , when they remember the great Tumults brought down to awe and terrifie both Houses , and that they were then brought down when any great Debate was in either House , and not like to be so carried as some Seditious Persons who governed those Tumults did desire ; that in the greatest heat and fury of those Tumults the principal Governors amongst them directed the unruly People to go to White-hall , where Our own Person then was , and designed by Force to have surprised the Person of Our Son the Prince ; that when it was desired that a Declaration might be made against such Tumults , instead of consenting thereunto , the Tumults themselves were justified , and when a Legal course was prescribed by the Lords , and taken by the proper Ministers of Justice , to suppress and prevent such Tumults and Riots , that Legal course was superseded by those who were then present of the House of Commons , and the Ministers of Justice punished and imprisoned for executing the Law ; when they remember that several Members of either House have been threatned and assaulted in those Tumults , and their own Names proscribed as Persons disaffected , because they freely used to speak their Consciences in both Houses ; that the House of Peers have been so far threatned and menaced , that the Names of those have been with Threats demanded by the House of Commons at the Bar of the Lords House , who refused to consent to this or that Proposition which hath been in debate before them , and Tumultuous Petitions countenanced which have been presented to that same purpose ; that the Members of both Houses have been imprisoned and forbid to be present at those Councils , for no Reason but because their Opinions have not been liked ; that Our Negative Voice ( Our greatest and most soveraign Privilege ) is boldly denied ; that a presumptuous Attempt hath been made by the major part of the remaining part of the House of Commons to make Our Great Seal of England , the making of which by the express Letter of the Law is High-Treason , and would subvert the ancient and fundamental Administration of Justice ; that at this time We and the major part of both Houses are kept by a strong and Rebellious Army from being present at that Council , and that those who are present are by the same Army awed and forced to take unlawful and Treasonable Protestations to engage their Votes ; and that such Resolutions and Directions which concern the Property and Liberty of the Subject are transacted and concluded by a few Persons ( under the Name of a Close Committee , consisting of the Earl of Manchester , the Lord Say , Master Pym , Master Hampden , Master Stroud , Master Martin , and others , the whole number not exceeding seventeen Persons ) without reporting the same to the Houses , or having the same confirmed by the Houses , contrary to the express Law and Customs of Parliament . All which for the matter of Fact We are ready to make proof of , and desire nothing but to bring the Contrivers of all the aforesaid Mischiefs to their Tryal by Law ; and till that be submitted to , We must pursue them by Arms or any other way , in which all our good Subjects ought to give Us assistance to that purpose : The imagining the Death of Us , Our Royal Consort , or Our Eldest Son , the Levying War against Us in Our Realm , or adhering to Our Enemies in Our Realm , giving to them Aid or Comfort , the counterfeiting Our Great Seal or Money , being by the express Words of the Statute of the 25 Year of King Edward the J. Chap. 2. High Treason . And how applicable this is to those who have actually born Arms against Us , and to those who have consented that such Arms be born , to those who have promised to live and die with the Earl of Essex , and those who every day consent to some Act for the support and encrease of that Army , We shall leave to all the World to judge ; and hope that this gracious Warning and Information now given by Us will make that impression in the Hearts of Our People , that they will no longer suffer themselves to be mis-led from their Duty and Allegiance upon any pretences whatsoever . And We do declare , That We shall proceed with all severity against all Persons whatsoever who shall henceforward assist , vote or concur in any kind toward the maintaining or countenancing such Actions and Resolutions , which by the known and express Laws of the Land are High Treason , and against all those who shall adhere to them who are in Rebellion against Us , as against Rebels and Traitors , in such manner as by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm is directed and appointed . And since by the Power of Seditious Persons We and both Houses are kept from being secured against Tumultuous Assemblies , and both Houses from Adjournment to some place of Safety , which being done might quickly make an end of these miserable Distractions , whereby We are debarred from the benefit and advice We expected from that Our great Council , the Members thereof being scattered into several places ; therefore that the whole Kingdom may see that We are willing to receive Advice from those who are trusted by them , though We cannot receive the same in the place to which they were called , for the Reasons aforesaid , nor intend to receive Advice from them elsewhere in the capacity of Houses of Parliament , We do hereby declare , that such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the Faction of the Malignant Party expelled for performing their Duties to Us , and into whose Rooms no Persons have been since chosen by their Countries , as the rest who shall desire Our Protection , shall be welcome to Us at Our City of Oxford , until by the Adjournment of the Houses to some fit and free place , or otherwise due course be taken for the full and free Convention in Parliament of Us and all the Members of both Houses . And for their better encouragement to resort to Us , We do hereby Will and Command all the Officers and Souldiers of our Army , to suffer all such Persons who are Members of either House , with their Attendants and Servants , to come to Us to this Our City of Oxford . And that none of Our good Subjects may believe that by this Our necessary Declaration against the Freedom and Liberty of that present Assembly , We may have the least intention to violate or avoid any Act or Acts passed by Us for the good and benefit of Our People this Parliament , we do hereby declare to all the World , That We shall , as We have often promised , as inviolably observe all those Acts , as if no such unhappy Interruption had happened of the Freedom and Liberty in that Council ; and desire nothing more than to have such a free Convention in Parliament , that we may add such further Acts of Grace as shall be thought necessary for the Advancement of the true Protestant Religion , for the maintenance of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the preservation of the Liberty , Freedom and Privileges of Parliament . And that all the World may see how willing and desirous We are to forget all the Injuries and Indignities offered to Us by such who have been misled through Weakness or Fear , or who have not been the principal Contrivers of the present Miseries , We do offer a free and general Pardon to all the Members of either House , ( except Robert Earl of Essex , Robert Earl of Warwick , Edward Earl of Manchester , Henry Earl of Stamford , William Viscount Say and Seal , Sir John Hotham Knight and Baronet , Sir Arthur Hesilrigge Baronet , Sir Henry Ludlow , Sir Edward Hungerford , Sir Francis Popham , Knights , Nathanael Fiennes , John Hampden , John Pym , William Stroude , Henry Martin and Alexander Popham , Esquires , Isaak Pennington Alderman of London , and Captain Venne , who being the principal Authors of these present Calamities , have sacrificed the Peace and Prosperity of their Country to their own Pride , Malice and Ambition , and against whom We shall proceed as against Persons guilty of High Treason by the known Laws of the Land , and shall in the proceeding be most careful to preserve all Privileges in the fullest manner that by the Law or the usage of former times is due to them ) if they shall within Ten days after the publishing this Our Proclamation return to their Duty and Allegiance to Us. And lastly , We further enjoyn and command all Our Subjects upon their Allegiance to Us , as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God , and as they desire that they and their Posterity should be free from the foul Taint of High Treason , and as they tender the Peace of this Kingdom , that they presume not to give any Assistance to the before-mentioned Rebellious Armies in their Persons or Estates in any sort whatsoever , but joyn with Us , according to their Duty and the Laws of the Land , to suppress this horrid Rebellion . And Our Pleasure and Command is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chapels within this Our Kingdom . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the twentieth Day of June , in the Nineteenth Year of Our Reign . God save the King. A DECLARATION CONCERNING THE CESSATION IN IRELAND . ALSO DECLARATIONS and PASSAGES of the PARLIAMENT at OXFORD . MDCXLIII . Octob. 19. The Grounds and Motives inducing His MAJESTY to agree to a Cessation of Arms for one Year with the Roman Catholicks of IRELAND . AS there hath been no Argument with which the Minds and Affections of Our People have with more Subtilty and Malice been infected and corrupted , by the great Authors and Contrivers of this unnatural and odious Rebellion in England , than with the gross and senseless Imputations of Our neglect of Our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland ; so there is no Calumny of theirs against which We can with more Confidence , Clearness and Integrity justifie Our Self and all Our Actions before God and Man. We will not now trouble Our Self with the remembring Our several Messages and Importunities to Our two Houses of Parliament in that business ; Our offer to engage Our own Royal Person in that War , and the scornful rejection of that offer ; Our consenting to all Propositions and Acts proposed to Us for the raising of Men or providing of Money for that Service , till it was evident that Men and Money being raised under pretence of quenching the Rebellion there , were both imployed in kindling and maintaining the Rebellion here ; Our granting a Commission to Persons named by themselves , for the managing the Affairs of that Kingdom , according to Instructions drawn by themselves , not one of which have been observed by them : We shall have occasion of publishing all these particulars in a full and clear Narration to the World , that all Our good Subjects may see that the same Men ( and only they ) who have brought all these Miseries and Calamities upon them here , have been the Promoters ( if not the Contrivers ) of the Miseries of their Brethren in Ireland , by preventing those Remedies , and diverting that Assistance which , being seasonably applyed , might have eased that poor People of many of those Calamities they have since endured . But for the present We shall only ( being to publish the Articles of Cessation agreed on Our behalf by the Persons trusted by Us in that Kingdom ) let Our good Subjects briesty know the Grounds and Circumstances of that Treaty and Conclusion . About the Month of November last ( after We had been advertised , as well by Our Council-board of that Kingdom , as several Petitions and Remonstrances of all the principal Commanders and Officers of Our Army , of the miserable condition of Our Forces there , by the extream want of Money , Victuals and Ammunition ; of which they were so far from being like to receive supply from Our two Houses here , who had undertaken to defray those Charges , that We had had too sad experience , that both the Money raised by Act of Parliament , and the Men raised by Our own Commission for that purpose , were imployed against Us in that Rebellious Army , which not long before had given Us Battle ) a short Petition was sent to Us by the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom , which they had received in the name of the Roman Catholicks of Our Kingdom of Ireland , directed to Us , in which nothing was desired of Us , but that We would appoint some Persons to hear what they could say for themselves , with many expressions of Duty and Submission to Us. Shortly after , in the end of that Month , or beginning of December , the Committee for Ireland attended Us at Oxford , and set forth by their Petition , That all passages by which Comfort and Life should be conveyed unto that gasping Kingdom seemed totally to be obstructed , and that unless timely Relief were afforded , Our Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes a prey , their Lives a sacrifice , and their Religion a scorn to the merciless Rebels . Hereupon We granted a Commission to some Persons of Honour and Trust to meet and confer with such Persons as the Rebels should imploy , but without power to conclude any thing , or with other Authority than only to receive such Propositions as they should make , and to derive the same to Us. The meeting upon this Commission produced little effect , in so much that the Lieutenant-General of Our Army there ( whom We trusted principally in that Commission ) being unsatisfied with the Cavils and Proceedings of the Rebels , in February marched out with 2500. Foot and 500. Horse , to force Victual and Provision from them for the subsistance of Our Army ; in which Expedition he performed those good services which are known to most men : so that all men may observe , the discourse or expectation of a Treaty caused Us not to omit any opportunity which was offered for Our advantage . No success of Our Army there ( though God blessed it then with a very great Victory ) could supply those extreme wants they suffered , by not having received any Relief either of Money or Victual in above four Months from hence ; and therefore the Lords , Justices and Council by their Letter of the 16 th . of March signified unto Us , That the State and Army there were in very terrible want of means to support a War , and that unless supplies of Money , Munition , Arms , Cloaths , and other Abiliments of War were speedily sent thither , there was little hope to escape utter Destruction and Loss of the Kingdom . And by their Letter of the 4 th . of July , after mentioning how often and how much in vain they had recommending their condition to the Two Houses , they told Us plainly , that unless the supplies then mentioned in their Letters to the Speaker of the House of Commons , ( a Copy of which was sent to Us ) were forthwith sent to them , That Our Army would be forced through wants to disband or depart the Kingdom , and that there would be nothing to be exspected there but the instant Loss of the Kingdom , and the destruction of the remnant of Our good Subjects yet left there . In stead of any redress or relief according to these Letters , such Ships as were by the care and charity of well-affected Persons provided to transport Cloths and Victual to them , were in their Voyage thither seized , and taken by the Ships under the Command of the Earl of Warwick , and in stead of endeavours to send more Forces thither , attempts were made to draw the Scotch Forces from thence into this Kingdom . So that We thought Our Self bound in Duty and Conscience , since it was not in Our power otherwise to preserve that Kingdom from utter Ruine , at least to admit any Expedient , which with God's blessing might be a means to preserve that People ; and therefore We directed the Lord Marquess Ormond ( whom for his Courage , Affection and Loyalty , We had made Our Lieutenant-General of that Our Army , and who having gotten so many notable Victories upon the Rebels , was very well approved of by the two Houses of Parliament ) to agree on Our behalf to such a Cessation of Arms with the Rebels , as upon his understanding and knowledge of the condition of Our affairs there should be thought reasonable . This Cessation was concluded on the 15. day of September for one whole year ; and the Articles thereof , printed at Dublin , were sent to Us by Our Lords Justices and Council , and arrived here on Saturday last , with a Letter from them to one of Our Secretaries , expressing the great sufferings of Our Army there , through want of relief out of England . We have thought fit with this true and plain relation to publish the said Articles according to the Copy sent Us , that all Our good Subjects may see how We have proceeded herein . What opinion the principal Persons as well of Our Council as the Officers of Our Army there have of this Cessation , may appear by the Testimony which We have caused to be Printed after the Articles , with their names who have set their hands to the same . And let all Our good Subjects be assured , that as We have for these Reasons , and with this Caution and deliberation , consented to this Preparation to Peace , and to that purpose do continue Our Parliament there ; so We shall proceed in the accomplishing thereof with that care and circumspection , that We shall not admit even Peace it self , otherwise than as it may be agreeable to Conscience , Honour and Justice . By the Lords , Justices and Council . Jo. Borlase . Hen. Tichborne . UPON consideration had of the annexed Articles of Cessation of Arms , whereby it is concluded and accorded , that there be a Cessation of Arms , and of all Acts of Hostility , for one whole year , beginning the fifteenth day of September , Anno Domini one thousand six hundred forty three , at the hour of twelve of the Clock of the said day ; We the Lords Justices and Council , according to His Majesty's Letters of the one and thirtieth of July last , do by this Proclamation in His Majesty's Name ratifie , confirm and publish the same ; and do require all His Majesty's Subjects whom it may concern , by Sea and Land , to take notice thereof , and to yield all due Obedience thereunto in all the parts thereof . Given at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin , the 19th . day of September , 1643. R. Bolton Canc. Roscomon . Cha. Lambart . Tho. Rotherham . Tho. Lucas . La. Dublin . Edw. Brabazon . Geo. Shurley . Ormonde . Ant. Midensis . Gerard Lowther . Fr. Willoughby . Ja. Ware. God Save the KING . ARticles of Cessation of Arms agreed and concluded on at Singingstown in the County of Kildare , the 15. day of September , in the nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , by and between James Marquess of Ormond , Lieutenant-General of His Majesty's Army in the Kingdom of Ireland , for and in the Name of Our Gracious Sovereign Lord CHARLES , by the Grace of God King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , &c. by virtue of His Majesty's Commission , bearing date at Dublin , the last of August , in the said nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , of the one part ; and Donnogh Viscount Muskery , Sir Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell Baronet , Torlogh O-Neal , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , authorized by His Majesty's Roman Catholick Subjects , of whose party they are , and now in Arms in the said Kingdom , &c. to treat and conclude with the said Marquess for a Cessation of Arms , by virtue of an Authority given unto them , bearing date at Cashel , the 7. day of September , in the said nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , of the other part . FIrst , It is concluded and accorded , that there be a Cessation of Arms , and of all Acts of Hostility , between His Majesty 's said Roman Catholick Subjects , who are now in Arms , &c. in this Kingdom , and their Party , and all others His Majesty's good Subjects , for one whole year , to begin the fifteenth day of Septemb. Anno Dom. 1643. at the hour of 12. of the clock of the said day . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that free passage , Entercourse , Commerce and Traffick , during the said Cessation , shall be between His Majesty 's said Roman Catholick Subjects who are now in Arms , &c. and their Party , and all others His Majesty's good Subjects , and all others in League with His Majesty , by Sea and Land. Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those for whom they are authorized to treat and conclude as aforesaid , that all Ships , Barques and Vessels which shall bring Provisions to any Harbour in this Kingdom , in the hands or possession of such as shall obey the Articles of this Cessation , from Minehead and White-haven , and from all the Ports between , on that side where Wales is situate , so as they be Ships belonging to any of the said Ports , and do not use any Acts of Hostility to any of the said Roman Catholicks who are now in Arms , &c. or to any of their Party , or to any who shall be waged or employed unto or by them , shall not be interrupted by any of their Party , nor by any Ships or other Vessels , of what Country or Nation soever , under their Power or Command , or waged , employed , or contracted with on their behalf , or by any Forts , Garrisons , or forces within this Kingdom under their power , in their coming to this Kingdom , or returning from thence . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Lord Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named parties do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those for whom they are authorized as aforesaid , that all Ships , Barques and Vessels which shall bring Provisions to any Harbour in this Kingdom , in the hands of such as shall obey the Articles of this Cessation , from any Ports in the Kingdom of England , having His Majesty's Pass , or the Pass of any who is or shall be His Majesty's Admiral or Vice-Admiral , or the Pass of any Governour or Governours of any the Ports in England in His Majesty's Hands , or which shall hereafter during this Cessation be in His Majesty's Hands , or the Pass of the said Marquess , shall not be interrupted by any of those for whom the said Lord Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons are authorized as aforesaid , neither in their coming to this Kingdom , nor in their return so as they use not any Act of Hostility to any of their said Party : And this to be a Rule until His Majesty's pleasure be further declared therein , upon application of the Agents of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. to His Majesty . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said James Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake for and in the name of His Majesty , that no interruption shall be given by any Ship or Ships under His Majesty's Power and Command , or waged , employed , or contracted with , by or in the behalf of His Majesty , or by any of His Majesty's Forts , Garrisons , or Forces within this Kingdom , to any Ship or Ships that shall trade with any of the said Roman Catholicks who are now in Arms , &c. or any of their Party , or which shall come in or go out of any the Cities , Towns , Harbours , Creeks or Ports of this Kingdom in the hands of the said Roman Catholicks now in Arms , &c. with Arms , Ammunition , Merchandize , Commodity , or any thing whatsoever , during this Cessation : as on the other side , the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery , and the rest above-named of that Party , do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those by whom they are authorized , that no interruption shall be given by any Ship or other Vessel whatsoever under the Power and Command of their Party , or waged , employed , or contracted with , by , or in the behalf of their Party , or by any Forts , Garrisons , or Forces within this Kingdom in their power , to any Ship or Ships that shall Trade with any of His Majesty's Subjects obeying this Cessation , or which shall come in or go out of any the Cities , Towns , Harbours or Ports of this Kingdom which shall obey this Cessation , with Arms , Ammunition , Merchandize , Commodity , or any other thing whatsoever , during this Cessation . Provided that no Ship or Ships shall be admitted free Trade , by colour of this Article , but such as are warranted by the precedent Articles . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Leimster be as followeth : viz. That the County of Dublin , the County of the City of Dublin , the County of the Town of Droghedagh , and the County of Lowth , shall remain and be , during the Cessation , in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them respectively ; saving and excepting unto the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the said Counties , or any of them , by any of the said Party . And it is further concluded and accorded , that as much of the County of Meath , as is on the East and South sides of the River of Boyne , from Droghedagh to Trim , and thence to the Lordship of Moylagh , and thence to Moyglare , and thence to Dublin , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them respectively ; saving and excepting to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , and their party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , and Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and of their Party , within the said limits and boundaries : and that the residue of the said County of Meath , shall remain in the hands and possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except the Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said last-mentioned Quarters in the County of Meath by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and such as adhere unto them , or by any of them respectively . And that so much of the County of Kildare as is on this side of the Liffy , where Naas is situate , and on the other side of the Liffy , from Dublin Westward into the County of Kildare , so far as the Rye water at Kilcock , and so far betwixt that and the Liffy , as shall be at the same distance from Dublin , as the said Rye water is at Kilcock , on that side of the Liffy , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the hands and possessions of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively ; except such Castles , Towns , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said 15th . day of Sep. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said Quarters by the said Roman Catholick Subjects who are now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; and that the residue of the said County of Kildare shall remain in the hands of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said 15th . day of Sep. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively within the said last mentioned Quarters in the said County of Kildare . And that the several Counties of Wicklow , West-Meath , King County , Queens County , Catherlagh , Kilkenny , County of the City of Kilkenny , Weixford and Longford , shall during the said Cessation remain in the hands of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of Septemb. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said County by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that what Corn hath been sown by any of His Majesty's Army , or by any of His Protestant Subjects , or their adherents , or by any of them , within any of the Quarters allotted in the Province of Leimster to the said other Party , the same shall be enjoyed by the sowers and manurers , paying for the same as they did agree ; and in case they did not agree , paying the fourth sheaf unto such Garrison within whose Quarters the same shall fall . And that in case any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or any of their Party , have sown Corn within any the Quarters allotted in the Province of Leimster to the said other Party , the same shall be enjoyed by the sowers and manurers , paying for the same as they did agree ; and in case they did not agree , paying the fourth sheaf unto such Garrisons within whose Quarters the same shall fall . And it is likewise concluded and accorded , that those places which have been protected by the Lords Justices , or any Officer of His Majesty's Army , do pay according to the agreement which was made ; and if no agreement were made , to pay the fourth sheaf to those Garrisons or Persons who protected them , in whose soever Quarters they are : And this to continue for a Rule , other than as to so many of those Garrisons who granted such protection , and are since regained by the said Party , or some of them , for whom the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery , and the Persons above-named are authorized as aforesaid . And that the Tenants of the Town of Balliboght in the County of Dublin , if they have not been protected , shall pay according to agreement ; and if no agreement made , then the fourth sheaf , and to continue their possession during this Cessation . And it is further concluded and accorded , that where His Majesty or any of His Protestant Subjects or their adherents shall happen to have any Garrison or Garrisons within the Quarters set forth in the next precedent Article for the said other Party , that such Garrison and Garrisons shall have such competency of the Lands , as well profitable as unprofitable , now termed Wast , as shall be found necessary for them by any indifferent Commissioners to be appointed to that purpose . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Munster be as followeth : viz. That the County of the City of Corck , and so much of the County of Corck as is within the subsequent Garrisons , viz. from Youghall and Mogeely , thence to Formoye , thence to Michells-town , thence to Liscaroll , and so in a line from Michells-town and Liscaroll North-ward , as far as His Majesty's out-Garrisons on that side do extend , and from Liscaroll to Mallow , thence to Corck , thence to Carrig-croghan , thence to Rochfordstown , thence to Bandon-bridge , thence to Timmoleagie , and thence forward to the Sea , together with the said Garrisons , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them ; saving and excepting to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the said Counties or any of them by any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party : And that the residue of the said County of Corck shall likewise remain to the said Party last named ; saving and excepting to His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their Adherents all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the last mentioned Quarters by them or any of them . And that the County of Tipperary , the County of Limerick , the County of the City of Limerick , the County of Kerry , the County of Waterford , the County of the City of Waterford , and the County of Clare , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except Knockmorne , Ardmore , Piltowne , Cappoquin , Ballinetra , Strongcally , Lismore , Balliduffe , Lisfinny and Tallow , all situate in the County of Waterford , or as many of them as are possessed by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid ; and likewise except all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , as within the said Counties respectively , on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto that Party respectively , in the said County of Waterford and the rest of the last mentioned Counties . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for Corn sown , and what shall be payed by places protected , and for the laying out Wasts for the respective Garrisons , shall be observed in the Province of Munster , as it is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Ulster be as followeth , viz. That such Counties , Baronies , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the Province of Ulster , which the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or any that adhere unto them , and all places protected by any Commander deriving Authority from His Majesty , shall , during the said Cessation , remain entirely in the hands and in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and such as adhere unto them ; excepting such Castles , Lands and Hereditaments as on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party . And that all such Counties , Baronies , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the said Province , which on the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; shall remain entirely during this Cessation in the hands and possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; saving and excepting thereout all places protected by any Commander deriving Authority from His Majesty , and likewise excepting thereout all such Territories , Castles , Towns , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto them . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for Corn sown , and what shall be payed for protected places , and for the laying down of Wasts for the respective Garrisons , shall be observed in the Province of Ulster , as is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Connaght be as followeth : viz. That the County of Galway , Roscomon , Slego and Letrym , in the Province of Connaght , and all such Castles , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the said Province , which the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; shall , during the said Cessation , remain entirely in the possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; excepting all such Territories , Castles , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments within the said several Counties , which upon the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Forces , or by any of them ; and that those who after taking protection from any of His Majesty's Forces , or any of that Party , or from any Governours deriving Authority from His Majesty there , have joyned themselves to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , shall pay no Contribution unto such who protected them . But in regard there may be a Rule different touching Persons that may be said to do this , and consequently touching the Contributions payable by them ; it is concluded and accorded , that such disputes and questions , if any shall arise , be determined by Commissioners indifferently chosen on each side . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for sowers and manurers of Corn within the Quarters of each other shall be observed in the Province of Connaght , as is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Marquess of Ormond for and in the name of His Majesty doth promise and undertake , that no Interruption shall be given unto any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party , in any of the said Counties , Quarters , or places by the said precedent Articles unto them or any of them limited as aforesaid , during this Cessation ; like as the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named persons who are authorized as aforesaid , do promise and undertake , that no Interruption shall be given unto any of His Majesty's Forces , Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto them , within any of the said Counties , Quarters , or places by the precedent Articles limited unto them as aforesaid , during the said Cessation . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that no Officer of the Army or Souldier of either side shall be admitted , without licence from the Commander in chief of the Army on bothsides , or of the Commander of the next chief Garrisons respectively , to pass or repair into any of the Garrisons on either side ; save that it be lawful for either Party to furnish any Garrison in their Power , during the Cessation , with Victuals , Cloth , Ammunition or other Necessaries , by licence as aforesaid , which is not to be denied upon demand . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that if any Army or Forces in this Kingdom , raised by His Majesty's Authority , or any part thereof , or any other His Majesty's Subjects , shall not yield obedience to the Articles of this Cessation , but shall publickly stand in opposition thereunto , that the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party may prosecute such : and the said James Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake , that such who shall so stand in opposition shall not be assisted , protected , or defended against the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party , by His Majesty or any of His Forces ; and yet nevertheless the same shall not be understood to be any breach of Cessation as to other parts of the Kingdom which shall conform and yield thereunto . And whereas the assistance of His Majesty's Forces is desired by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. against such as shall oppose the Articles of this Cessation , and will not yield obedience thereunto , or interrupt the Trade and Traffick , albeit that it is not to be supposed that there will be any such , the said James Marquess of Ormond doth further promise and undertake , that their said request shall be made known to His Majesty , and upon signification of His pleasure the same shall be obeyed . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that if in other cases it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , that yet no Act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the Party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General , Lieutenant-General , or other chief Commander of either side in that Province in which the said Cessation is pretended to be violated , therewith , and to allow fourteen days after notice given for reparation or satisfaction ; and in case reparation or satisfaction be not given or tendred , then fourteen days notice to be given before Hostility begin . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that all Prisoners and Hostages of both sides in all parts of the Kingdom , excepting such of them as are indicted of any Capital offence , shall be mutually released and set at liberty within seven days after publication of the said Cessation . And the said Marquess of Ormond doth further promise and undertake , that such Prisoners who are indicted of any Capital offence shall be set at liberty upon Bail , until His Majesty's further Pleasure be known therein . Provided nevertheless , that if any party of His Majesty's Army in any other Province of the Kingdom shall not within Ten days after Publication of these Articles yield obedience thereunto , that the same shall be no breach of Cessation , but that His Majesty be first made acquainted with such Disobedience , and His Direction expected therein : and that all other Persons that do reside with either Party , and all Women and Children , shall be permitted within seven days after publishing of this Cessation , or when they please , with their Goods and Chattels to depart to what place they please , with a safe Conduct or Convoy , if they desire it . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , may at any time , during the Cessation , send such Agents to His Majesty as they shall think fit ; and the said Agents shall have safe Conduct in writing from the chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being upon demand . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake for and in the name of His Majesty , that all and every of the precedent Articles , which have been agreed unto and undertaken by the said Marquess for and in the behalf of His Majesty , shall be faithfully , truly and inviolably observed , fulfilled and kept . And the said Viscount Muskery , Sir Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell , Torlogh O-Neale , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , for and in the behalf of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , do promise and undertake , that all and every of the precedent Articles which have been agreed unto and undertaken by them for and in the behalf of their Party , shall be faithfully , truly and inviolably observed , fulfilled and kept . Lastly , It is concluded and accorded , that all possessions , and likewise all Goods and Chattels , that shall be found in specie by either Party after the hour of twelve aforesaid , and before publication of this Cessation , shall be restored to the owners ; and after publication , all Possessions and Goods that shall be taken , to be restored to the owners upon demand , or damages for the same . In witness whereof the said Marquess to the said Articles remaining with the said Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons , hath put his Hand and Seal : And the said Viscount Muskery , Sir , Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell Baronet , Torlogh O-Neale , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , to that part of the Articles remaining with the said Marquess of Ormond , have put their Hands and Seals , the day and year above written . Muskery . Lucas Dillon . Nic. Plunket . Rob. Talbot . Rich. Barnewell . Torl . O-Neale . Geffry Browne . Ever Mac-Gennis . Jo. Walsh . An Instrument touching the manner of payment of 30800. pound Sterling by several Payments . VVHereas by an Instrument bearing Date with these presents , we have , in the behalf and by Authority from the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom , freely given unto His Majesty the Sum of thirty thousand pounds Sterling , wherein the times or manner of payments are not expressed ; we do therefore hereby agree , that the same shall be paid in manner following : viz. 5000. pounds within one Month next after the Date of these presents , the one half in money , and the other half in goods and merchantable Beeves , not under four or above ten years old , at the rate of 30 pounds the score , at the City of Dublin : 5000 pounds more within one month next after the said first month , the one half in money , and the other half in Beeves , as aforesaid , at the like rates , at the City of Dublin aforesaid : also within two months next after , 5000 pounds more , whereof one half of Beeves , as aforesaid , at the like rates , and the other half in money : one other 5000 pounds at or before the last of February next : and the Sum of 10000 pounds , being the last payment of the said thirty thousand pounds , at or before the last day of May next , which shall be in the year 1644. And we hereby further agree that 800 pounds more shall be paid to His Majesty's use , to whom the Lords Justices shall appoint , at the Garrison of Naas , within two months next ensuing , the one half by one months end next after the Date hereof , and the other half by the end of one month more next after the first month . All other payments in money , save the eight hundred pounds , shall be paid at Dublin ; and the rest of the Beeves , save the said first two payments , to be paid within the several Provinces to His Majesty's use , to such persons as shall be appointed by His Majesty's Lords Justices , or other chief Governour or Governours in this Kingdom , they first giving notice to us , or any one or more of us , of their pleasures therein . In witness whereof we have hereunto put our Hands and Seals , the sixteenth day of September , 1643. Muskery . Lucas Dillon . Nic. Plunket . Rob. Talbot . R. Barnewell . Tor. O-Neale . Geffry Browne . Ever Mac-Gennis . Jo. Walsh . VVHereas the Lord Marquess of Ormond hath demanded the Opinions as well of the Members appointed from the Council-board to assist his Lordship in the present Treaty , as of other Persons of Honour and Command , that have since the beginning thereof repaired out of several parts of this Kingdom to his Lordship : they therefore seriously considering how much His Majesty's Army here hath already suffered through want of relief out of England , though the same was often pressed and importuned by His most Gracious Majesty , Who hath left nothing unattempted which might conduce to their support and maintenance , and unto what common Misery not only the Officer and Souldier , but others also His Majesty's good Subjects within this Kingdom are reduced ; and further considering how many of his Majesty's principal Forts and places of strength are at this present in great distress , and the imminent danger the Kingdom is like to fall into ; and finding no possibility of prosecuting this War without large Supplies , whereof they can apprehend no hope nor possibility in due time : they for these causes do conceive it necessary for His Majesty's Honour and Service , that the said Lord Marquess assent to a Cessation of Arms for one whole Year ; on the Articles and Conditions this day drawn up , and to be perfected by virtue of His Majesty's Commission , for the preservation of this Kingdom of Ireland . Witness our Hands , the fifteenth day of September , 1643. Clanrickard and St. Albans , Roscomon , Richard Dungarvan , Edward Brabazon , Inchequin , Thomas Lucas , James Ware , Michael Ernly , Foulk Huncks , John Powlet , Maurice Eustace , Edward Povey , John Gifford , Philip Percival , Richard Gibson , Henry Warren , Alanus Cooke , Advocatus Regis . MDCXLIII . By the King A Proclamation for the Assembling the Members of both Houses at Oxford , upon occasion of the Invasion by the Scots . VVHereas We did by our Proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of June last , upon due consideration of the Miseries of this Kingdom , and the true Cause thereof , warn all Our good Subjects no longer to be mis-led by Votes , Orders , or pretended Ordinances of One or Both Houses , by reason the Members do not enjoy the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament , which appears by several instances of Force and Violence , and by the course of their Proceedings mentioned in Our said Proclamation , and several of Our Declarations ; since which time Our Subjects of Scotland have made great and Warlike preparations to enter and invade this Kingdom with an Army , and have already actually invaded the same , by possessing themselves by force of Arms of Our Town of Berwick , upon pretence that they are invited thereunto by the desires of the two Houses : the which as We doubt not all Our good Subjects of this Kingdom will look upon as the most insolent Act of Ingratitude and Disloyalty , and to the apparent breach of the late Act of Pacification so solemnly made between the Kingdoms , and is indeed no other than a design of Conquest , and to impose new Laws upon this Nation , they not so much as pretending the least Provocation or Violation from this Kingdom ; so We are most assured that the major part of both Houses of Parliament do from their Souls abhor the least thought of introducing that Foreign Power , to increase and make desperate the Miseries of their unhappy Country : And therefore that it may appear to all the World how far the major part of both Houses is from such Actions of Treason and Disloyalty , and how grossly those few Members remaining at Westminster have and do impose upon Our People , We do Will and require such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the Faction of the Malignant party expelled for performing their Duty to Us , and into whose rooms no Persons have been since chosen by their Country , as the rest who have been driven thence , and all those who being conscious of their want of Freedom now , shall be willing to withdraw from that Rebellious City , to assemble themselves together at our City of Oxford , on Munday the twenty second day of January , where care shall be taken for their several Accommodations , and fit places appointed for their meeting , and where all Our good Subjects shall see how willing We are to receive Advice for the Preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and , as far as in Us lyes , to restore it to its former Peace and Security , ( Our chief and only end ) from those whom they have trusted , though We cannot receive it in the place where We appointed . And for the better encouragement of those Members of either House to resort to Us , who may be conscious to themselves of having justly incurred Our Displeasure by submitting to or concurring in unlawful Actions , and that all the World may see how willing and desirous We are to forget the Injuries and Indignities offered to Us , and by an Union of English Hearts , to prevent the lasting Miseries which this Foreign Invasion must bring upon this Kingdom , We do offer a free and General Pardon to all the Members of either House , who shall at or before the said twenty second day of January appear at Our City of Oxford , and desire the same , without Exceptions : which considering the manifest Treasons committed against Us , and the Condition We are now in , improved , by God's wonderful blessing , to a better degree than We have enjoyed at any time since these Distractions , is the greatest instance of Princely and Fatherly Care of Our People that can be expressed , and which malice it self cannot suggest to proceed from any other Ground . And therefore We hope and are confident , that all such who upon this our gracious Invitation will not return to their Duty and Allegiance , shall be no more thought Promoters of the Religion , laws and liberty of the Kingdom , ( which this way may be , without doubt , setled and secured ) but Persons engaged from the beginning , out of their own Pride , Malice and Ambition , to bring Confusion and Desolation upon their Country , and to that purpose ( having long since contrived the Design ) to invite and joyn with a Foreign Nation to ruine and extinguish their own , and shall accordingly be pursued as the most desperate and malicious Enemies of the Kingdom . And Our pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chapels within this Our Kingdom , and Dominion of Wales . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the two and twentieth day of December , in the Nineteenth year of Our Reign , 1643. God Save the KING . MDCXLIII . IV. A Letter from the Lords at Oxford , and other Lords whose Names are subscribed , to the Lords of the Privy-Council , and the Conservators of the Peace of the Kingdom of Scotland . Our very good Lords , IF for no other Reason , yet that Posterity may know we have done our Duties , and not sate still while our Brethren of Scotland were transported with a dangerous and fatal mis-understanding , that the Resolution now taken among them for an Expedition into England is agreeable to their obligation by the late Treaty , and to the Wishes and Desires of this Kingdom , expressed by the two Houses of Parliament ; we have thought it necessary to let your Lordships know , That if we had dissented from that Act , it could never have been made a Law : And when you have examined and considered the Names of us who subscribe this Letter ( who , we hope , are too well known to your Lordships , and to both Kingdoms , to be suspected to want Affection to Religion , or to the Laws and Liberties of our Country , for the Defence and maintenance of which we shall always hold our Lives a cheap Sacrifice , ) and when you are informed that the Earls of Arundel and Thanet , and the Lords Stafford , Stanhope , Coventry , Goring , and Craven , are in the parts beyond the Seas , and the Earl of Chesterfield , Westmorland , and the Lord Mountague of Boughton , under restraint at London for their Loyalty and Duty to His Majesty and the Kingdom ; your Lordships will easily conclude how very few now make up the Peers at Westminster , there being in truth not above five and twenty Lords present or privy to those Councils , or , being absent , consenting or concurring with them ; whereas the House of Peers consist of above one hundred , besides Minors and Recusant Lords , neither of which keep us company in this Address to your Lordships . How we and the major part of the House of Commons come to be absent from thence , is so notorious to all the World , that we believe your Lordships cannot be strangers to it ; How several times during our sitting there , Multitudes of the meanest sort of People , with weapons not agreeing with their condition or custom , in a manner very contrary and destructive to the privilege of Parliament , fill'd up the way between both Houses , offering Injuries both by words and actions to , and laying violent hands upon , several Members , and crying out many Hours together against the established Laws , in a most tumultuous and menacing way ; How no remedy would be submitted to for preventing those Tumults : After which , and other unlawful and unparliamentary Actions , many things rejected , and setled , upon solemn debate in the House of Peers , were again after many Threats and Menaces resumed , altered and determined , contrary to the Custom and Laws of Parliaments ; and so , many of us withdrew ourselves from thence , where we could not Sit , Speak and Vote with Honour , Freedom and Safety , and are now kept from thence for our Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign . And we must therefore protest against any Invitation which hath been made to our Brethren of Scotland , to enter this Kingdom with an Army , the same being as much against the Desires as against the Duty of the Lords and Commons of England . And we do conjure your Lordships by our common Allegiance and Subjection under one gracious Sovereign , by the Amity and Affection between the two Nations , by the Treaty of Pacification , which by any such Act is absolutely dissolved , and by all Obligations both Divine and Humane which can preserve Peace upon earth , to use your utmost endeavours to prevent the effusion of so much Christian blood , and the Confusion and Desolation which must follow the unjust Invasions of this Kingdom , which we and , we are confident , all true English men must interpret as a Design of Conquest , and to impose new Laws upon us . And therefore your Lordships may be assured we shall not so far forget our own Interests and the Honour of our Nation , as not to expose our Lives and Fortunes in the just and necessary defence of the Kingdom . But if your Lordships in truth have any doubts or apprehensions that there now is , or hereafter may be , a purpose to infringe your Laws or Liberties from any Attempt of this Kingdom ; we do engage our Honours to your Lordships , to be our selves most religious observers of the Act of Pacification , and if the Breach and violation do not first begin within that Kingdom , we are most confident you shall never have cause to complain of this . And having thus far expressed Our selves to your Lordships , we hope to receive such an Answer from you as may be a means to preserve a right understanding between the two Nations , and lay an Obligation upon us to continue Your Lordships most affectionate humble Servants , Ed. Littleton C. S. L. Cottington . D. Richmond . M. Hartford . M. Newcastle . E. Huntington . E. Bathon . E. Southampton . E. Dorset . E. Northampton . E. Devonshire . E. Bristol . E. Berkshire . E. Cleveland . E. Marlburgh . E. Rivers . E. Lindsey . E. Dover . E. Peterburgh . E. Kingston . E. Newport . E. Portland . E. Carbury . V. Conway . V. Falconbridge . V. Wilmot . V. Savile . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Darcy and Coniers . L. Wentworth . L. Cromwell . L. Rich. L. Paget . L. Digby . L. Howard of Charleton . L. Deincourt . L. Lovelace . L. Pawlet . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Herbert . L. Cobham . L. Capell . L. Percy . L. Leigh . L. Hatton . L. Hopton . L. Jermyn . L. Loughborough . L. Byron . L. Widderington . MDCXLIII . IV. Votes of the Commons at Oxford . Die Veneris Januar. 26. 1643. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , THat all such Subjects of Scotland as have consented to the Declaration intituled the Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , and concerning the present Expedition into England , according to the Commission and Order of the Convention of Estates from their meeting at Edinburgh , August . 1643. have thereby denounced War against the Kingdom of England , and broke the Act of Pacification . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all such of the Subjects of Scotland as have in a Hostile manner entred into the Town of Berwick upon Twede , have thereby broke the Act of Pacification . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all His Majesty's Subjects of the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales are , both by their Allegiance and the Act of Pacification , bound to resist and repress all such of the Subjects of Scotland as have in a Hostile manner already entred , or shall hereafter enter into the Town of Barwick upon Twede , or any other part of His Majesty's Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , as Traytors and Enemies to the State. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That shall such of His Majesty's Subjects of the Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , that shall be abetting , aiding and assisting to the Subjects of Scotland in their Hostile Invasion of any part of His Majesty's Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , shall be deemed and taken as Traitors and Enemies to the State. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all His Majesty's Subjects of Scotland are bound by the Act of Pacification to resist and repress all of that Kindom that already haveraised Arms , or shall rise in Arms , to invade this Kingdom of England or Dominion of Wales . Votes of the Commons at Oxford , March 12. 1643. Resolved upon the Question Nemine contradicente , THat the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their Votes or consent to the raising of Forces under the Command of the Earl of Essex , or have been abetting , aiding or assisting thereunto , have levied and made War against the King , and are therein guilty of High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their Votes and consents for the making and using of a new Great Seal , have thereby counterfeited the Kings Great Seal , and therein committed High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the said Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their consents , or have been abetting , aiding or assisting to the present coming in of the Scots into England in a Warlike manner , have therein committed High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , who have committed the Crimes mentioned in the three former Votes , have therein broken the Trust in them reposed by their Country , and ought to be proceeded against as Traitors to the King and Kingdom . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all the Endeavours and Offers of Peace and Treaty made by His Majesty , by the advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , have been refused and rejected by the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster . MDCXLIII . IV. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , of their Proceedings touching a Treaty for Peace , and the Refusal thereof ; with the several Letters and Answers that passed therein . IF our most earnest Desires and Endeavours could have prevailed for a Treaty , our Proceedings therein , without this Declaration , would have manifested to all the World the clearness of our Intentions for the restoring the Peace of this Kingdom : But seeing all the means used by Us for that purpose have been rendred fruitless , we hold our selves bound to let our Countries know , what in discharge of our Duty to God and to them we on our parts have done since our coming to Oxford , to prevent the further effusion of Christian blood , and the Desolation of this Kingdom . His Majesty having by His Proclamation , upon occasion of the Invasion from Scotland and other weighty reasons , commanded our attendance at Oxford upon the 22. of January last , there to advise Him for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and to restore it to its former Peace and Security ; these Motives , with the true sense of our Countries Miseries , quickned our duty to give ready obedience to those His Royal Commands , hoping ( by God's blessing ) to have become happy Instruments for such good Ends. And upon our coming hither , we applyed our selves with all diligence to advise of such means as might most probably settle the Peace of this Kingdom , ( the thing most desired by His Majesty and our selves : ) And because we found many gracious offers of Treaty for Peace by His Majesty had been rejected by the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster , we deemed it fit to write in our own names , and thereby make tryal , whether that might produce any better effect for accomplishing our desires and our Countries Happiness . And they having ( under pain of Death ) prohibited the address of any Letters or Message to Westminster , but by their General , and we conceiving him a Person who ( by reason of their trust reposed in him ) had a great influence into and Power over their Proceedings , resolved to recommend it to his Care , and to engage him in that Pious Work , with our earnest desire to him to represent it to those that trusted him , ( to prevent all exceptions and delay : ) And thereupon , the 27. of the same January , dispatched a Letter away under the hands of the Prince His Highness , the Duke of York , and of 43. Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , Viscounts and Barons of the House of Peers , and 118. Members of the House of Commons there present , ( many others of us by reason of distance of place , sickness and imployments in His Majesty's Service , and for want of timely notice of the Proclamation of Summons ; not being then come hither : ) which Letter we caused to be inclosed in a Letter from the Earl of Forth the Kings General . A true Copy of which Letter from us to the Earl of Essex hereafter followeth , viz. My Lord , HIS Majesty having by His Proclamation of the 22. of December ( upon the occasion of the Invasion threatned , and in part begun , by some of His Subjects of Scotland ) summoned all the Members of both Houses of Parliament to attend him here at Oxford ; we , whose Names are under-written , are here met and Assembled in obedience to those His Majesty's Commands . His Majesty was pleased to invite us in the said Proclamation by these gracious expressions . [ That His Subjects should see how willing He was to receive Advice for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and , as far as in Him lay , to restore it to its former Peace and Security , ( His chief and only end , ) from those whom they had trusted , though He could not receive it in the Place where He appointed . ] This most gracious Invitation hath not only been made good unto us , but seconded and heightned by such unquestionable Demonstrations of the deep and Princely sense which possesses His Royal Heart of the Miseries and Calamities of His poor Subjects in this unnatural War , and of His most entire and passionate Affections to redeem them from that sad and deplorable condition , by all ways possible consistent either with His Honour or with the future Safety of the Kingdom , that , as it were Impiety to question the Sincerity of them , so were it great want of Duty and Faithfulness in us , ( His Majesty having vouchsafed to declare , that He did call us to be Witnesses of His Actions , and privy to His Intentions , ) should we not testifie and witness to all the World the assurance we have of the Piety and sincerity of both . We being most entirely satisfied of this truth , we cannot but confess that , amidst our highest afflictions in the deep and piercing sense of the present Miseries and Desolations of our Country , and those farther Dangers threatned from Scotland , we are at length erected to some chearful and comfortable thoughts , that possibly we may yet ( by God's Mercy , if his Justice have not determined this Nation for its Sins to total Ruine and Desolation ) hope to be happy Instruments of our Countries Redemption from the Miseries of War , and restitution to the Blessings of Peace . And we being desirous to believe your Lordship ( howsoever ingaged ) a person likely to be sensibly touched with these considerations , have thought fit to invite you to that part in this blessed Work , which is only capable to repair all our misfortunes , and to buoy up the Kingdom from Ruine ; that is , by conjuring you by all the Obligations that have Power upon Honour , Conscience or publick Piety , that laying to heart as we do , the inwardly-bleeding condition of your Country , and the outward more menacing Destruction by a Foreign Nation , upon the very point of invading it , you will co-operate with us to its Preservation , by truly representing to , and faithfully and industriously promoving with those by whom you are trusted , this following most sincere and most earnest desire of ours ; That they joyning with us in a right sense of the past , present , and more threatning Calamities of this deplorable Kingdom , some persons be appointed on either part , and a place agreed on , to treat of such a Peace as may yet redeem it from the brink of Desolation . This Address we should not have made , but that His Majesty's Summons by which we are met , most graciously proclaiming Pardon to all without exception , is evidence enough that His Mercy and Clemency can transcend all former Provocations , and that He hath not only made us witnesses of His Princely Intentions , but honoured us also with the name of being Security for them . God Almighty direct your Lordship , and those to whom you shall present these our most real desires , in such a course as may produce that happy Peace and Settlement of the present Distractions , which is so heartily desired and prayed for by us , and which may make us Your , &c. From Oxford , the 27. of Jan. 1643. We are not ashamed of that earnest , meek and Christian request we made in that Letter , ( though it was cryed through London Streets in scorn , as the Petition of the Prince and Duke of York for Peace ) and we thought it would have prevailed to have procured a Treaty for so blessed a thing as Peace , and for such an end as redeeming the Kingdom from Desolation ( the only desire of that our Letter : ) But instead of a compliance with us in this Christian work of Treaty and Accommodation , we received a mere frivolous Answer , or rather a paper of Scorn , in form of a Letter , directed to the Earl of Forth , wherein was inclosed a Printed paper , called A National Covenant of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and two other Papers in writing , one called A Declaration of both those Kingdoms , and the other , A Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , Pamphlets , full of Treason , Sedition and Disloyalty ; which being publick , and needless here to be inserted , the Copy of the Letter hereafter followeth . My Lord , I Received this day a Letter of the nine and twentieth of this instant from your Lordship , and a Parchment subscribed by the Prince , Duke of York , and divers other Lords and Gentlemen ; but it neither having Address to the two Houses of Parliament , nor therein there being any acknowledgment of them , I could not communicate it to them . My Lord , the maintenance of the Parliament of England and of the Privileges thereof is that for which we are all resolved to spend our blood , as being the foundation whereupon all our Laws and Liberties are built . I send your Lordship herewith a National Covenant solemnly entred into by both the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and a Declaration passed by them both together , with another Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland . I rest , Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . Essex-House , Jan. 30. 1643. Whosoever considers this Letter , will easily find it was fully understood to whom ours was desired to be communicated , under the expression of [ those by whom their General was trusted : ] And although it be pretended , because there was no Address to the two Houses of Parliament nor ackuowledgment of them , it could not be communicated to them , it is notoriously known , he did so far impart it , that a Committee of theirs advised the Answer , and it appears by the penning , they all concurred in the resolution therein mentioned ; whereby it is evident that this was but an excuse framed to avoid a Treaty . And what could that printed Covenant and two Declarations enclosed signifie , but to let us know , that before we come to any Treaty , we must also joyn in that Covenant with them for the absolute extirpation of Church-Government here , ( without , nay though against , the Kings Consent , ) submit the Lives , Liberties and Estates of us , and all those who according to their Allegiance have assisted His Majesty , to their Mercy , and admit and justifie the Invasion from Scotland , according to the plain sense of their Declaration ; which all indifferent Men will think strange Preparatives to a Treaty for Peace ; and after such a yielding and submission , we know not what is left to Treat upon . These things are too apparent to every ordinary understanding : And yet we are not forward to apprehend the Scorn of that Letter , or take it for a Denial of a Treaty , but being still sollicitous for that happy Peace which alone could redeem this Kingdom from Ruine , we resolved to try another way , and for avoiding Delay , or Cavil about Names or Titles , or descants upon words , to forbear writing ; and humbly besought His Majesty to send Messengers with Instructions , to desire a Treaty for Peace : Who was pleased to name Mr. Richard Fanshaw and Mr. Thomas Offly ( Gentlemen of clear Repute and Integrity ) and , to avoid their danger in repairing to Westminster , at our desire , commanded the Earl of Forth , His General , to write to theirs for a safe Conduct for those two Messengers , ( for such is our Condition at present , that a free-born Subject , sent upon the Kings Message , cannot but with such leave repair to London or Westminster , without danger of his Life . ) The Letter for the safe Conduct was as followeth . My Lord , I Cannot so willingly write to you in any business as in that of Peace , the Endeavour thereof being the principal Duty of those who are trusted in places of our Commands , especially when the Blood that is spilt is of persons under the same Allegiance , of the same Country and Religion . His Majesty continuing constant in His pious and fervent desires of a happy end to these bloody Distractions , I do hereby desire your Lordship to send me a safe Conduct to and from Westminster , for Mr. Richard Fanshaw and Mr. Tho Offly , to be sent by His Majesty concerning a Treaty for Peace . I rest , Your Lordships humble Servant , Forth . To this was returned a Letter directed to the Earl of Forth , in these words , viz. My Lord , YOV shew your Nobleness in declaring your willingness to write to me in any business as of that of Peace , and I joyn with you in the same opinion , that it ought to be a principal Duty of those who are trusted in places of our Command ; and therefore whensoever I shall receive any directions to those who have intrusted me , I shall use my best endeavours ; and when you shall send for a safe Conduct for those Gentlemen mentioned in your Letter , from His Majesty to the Houses of Parliament , I shall with all cheerfulness shew my willingness to further any way that may produce that Happiness that all honest Men pray for , which is a true understanding between His Majesty and His faithful and only Council , the Parliament . Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . Essex-House , 19. Feb. 1643. That this doth neither grant a safe Conduct , nor give any direct Answer to the Earl of Forth 's Request , every ordinary Eye may see , ( and yet such Requests amongst Generals are rarely denied ) and we may easily thereby discern how fearful they at Westminster are , lest the poor distressed People of this Kingdom should by the advantage of a Treaty and free debate of the present Difference , see how grossly they had been deceived and misled , and so obtain an end of their Miseries ; for otherwise who could have believed , that when these Differences arose and were continued for want of a free Convention in Parliament , and that a main end of the Treaty was to resolve how we , according to Our Duty and the Trust reposed in us by our Countries , might with them freely debate , and advise His Majesty in those things that concerned the maintenance of our Religion , Parliament-Privileges , the Kings Rights , and the Subjects Liberty and Property , that this Letter should tell us , that the Party we are to Treat withal is the Kings only Council , excluding all others , not only our selves , called by the same Authority to Council as they were , but His Privy-Council also and Council at Law ? so that we could have no hopes of a Treaty , unless we should first agree that they are the Parliament , and the Kings only Council , whereby they that are parties would bccome the only Judges of all things in question ; which would be a Submission , and not a Treaty . Having received these frivolous delays , which we might have interpreted absolute denials of any Treaty of Peace , we yet resolved not to give over our endeavours for that which so much concerned the good of our Country , and the welfare of all Professors of the true Protestant Religion , but by our humble and earnest desires to his Majesty , prevailed with Him to write His Royal Letters , and once more desire a Treaty for Peace , ( though it had been so often formerly rejected ) and to avoid all colour of Exception , to direct it To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster : which was done , and enclosed in a Letter from the Earl of Forth to their General . A Copy of both which Letters hereafter follows . My Lord , I Have received your Letter of the 19 th . of this Month , which , according to my Duty , I shewed to His Majesty ; Who observing in it your expressions concerning Peace , ( that whensoever you shall receive any directions to those that have entrusted you , you shall use your best endeavours , ) is graciously pleased to send this enclosed , which is desired may be delivered according to the directions . Directed to the Earl of Essex , Subscribed by the Earl of Forth . C. R. OVT of Our most tender and pious sense of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom , and Our unwearied desires to apply all Remedies which , by the blessing of Almighty God , may recover it from an utter Ruine , by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , We do propound and desire , That a convenient number of fit Person may be appointed and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such Place as you shall nominate , with an equal number of fit Persons whom We shall appoint and authorize , to Treat of the ways and means to settle the present Distractions of this Our Kingdom , and to procure a happy Peace ; and particularly , how all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , there to Treat , consult and agree upon such things as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , with due consideration to all just and reasonable ease of tender Consciences ; to the settling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Privileges , of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject ; and all other Expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting Peace both in Church and State , and a perfect understanding betwixt Vs and Our People : wherein no Endeavours or Concurrence of Ours shall be wanting . And God direct your hearts in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of March , 1643. Superscribed To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . We now appeal to all the World , what could more have been done by His Majesty or us in order to Peace , here being so great a Condescending from a King to Subjects , all indifferent Advantages left to them , both for time and place of Treaty , and choice of Persons to Treat : But what their Intentions to Peace are , will appear by their Letter enclosed in one from their General to the Earl of Forth ; both which are as followeth . My Lord , I Am commanded by both Houses of Parliament to send a Trumpeter with the inclosed Letter to His Majesty , which I desire your Lordship may be most humbly presented to His Majesty . I rest Essex-House , March 9. 1643. Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . May it please Your MAJESTY , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from Your Majesty , dated the third of March instant , and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , ( which by the Contents of a Letter from the Earl of Forth unto the Lord General , the Earl of Essex , we conceive was intended to our selves ) have resolved , with the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to represent to Your Majesty in all humility and plainness as followeth : That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace ; so will we never be wanting to do our utmost for the procuring thereof : But when we consider the Expressions in that Letter of Your Majesty's , we have more sad and dispairing thoughts of attaining the same than ever ; because thereby those Persons now assembled at Oxford , who , contrary to their Duty , have deserted Your Parliament , are put into an equal Condition with it ; and this present Parliament , convened according to the known and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , ( the continuance whereof is established by a Law consented unto by Your Majesty , ) is in effect denied to be a Parliament : The Scope and Intention of that Letter being to make provision how all the Members ( as is pretended ) of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament : Whereof no other conclusion can be made , but that this present Parliament is not a full nor free Convention , and that to make it a full and free Convention of Parliament , the presence of those is necessary who , notwithstanding that they have deserted that great Trust , and do levy War against the Parliament , are pretended to be Members of the two Houses of Parliament . And hereupon we think our selves bound to let Your Majesty know , That seeing the Continuance of this Parliament is settled by a Law ( which , as all other Laws of Your Kingdoms , Your Majesty hath sworn to maintain , as we are sworn to our Allegiance to Your Majesty , these obligations being reciprocal , ) we must in duty , and accordingly are resolved , with our Lives and Fortunes , to defend and preserve the Just Rights and full Power of this Parliament : And do beseech Your Majesty to be assured , that Your Majesty's Royal and hearty Concurrence with us herein will be the most effectual and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting Peace in all Your Majesty's Dominions , and of begetting a perfect understanding between Your Majesty and Your People ; without which Your Majesty's most earnest Professions and our most real Intentions concerning the same must necessarily be frustrated . And in case Your Majesty's three Kingdoms should , by reason thereof , remain in this sad and bleeding Condition , tending , by the continuance of this unnatural War , to their Ruine ; Your Majesty cannot be the least , nor the last Sufferer . God in his goodness incline Your Royal Breast , out of pity and compassion to those deep Sufferings of Your Innocent People , to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate Evils , by the joynt Advice of both Your Kingdoms now happily united in this Cause by their late solemn League and Covenant . Which as it will prove the surest Remedy , so is it the earnest prayer of Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England . Westminster the 9 of March , 1643. Gray of Wark Speaker of the House of Peers in Parliament , pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament . Whosoever considers that this should be a Letter from Subjects , might well think it very unbeseeming Language in them , to call His Majesty's earnest endeavours for Peace but Professions , and their own feigned pretence most real Intentions , but much more menacing Language , that is Majesty cannot be the least , or last Sufferer ; which expressions from Subjects in Arms to their Soveraign , what dangerous Construction they may admit , we are unwilling to mention . But we need not wonder at the manner of their expressions , when we see in this Letter the Parliament it self , as far as in them lies , destroyed , and those who here style themselves the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , not to resolve upon their Answer to their King , without the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners , as they call them , of the Kingdom of Scotland . If they had only taken the Advice of the Scotish Commissioners , they had broken the Fundamental Constitution of Parliament ; the very Writs of Summons , the Foundation of all Power in Parliament , being in express terms for the Lords to treat and advise with the King and the Peers of the Kingdom of England , and for the Commons to do and consent to those things which by that Common-Council of England should be ordained , thereby excluding all others . But their League , it seems , is gone further ; the Scots must consent as well as advise , so that they have gotten a negative voice , and they , who in the former Letter would be the Kings only Council , are now become no Council without the Scotish Commissioners : The truth is , they have ( besides the solemn League and Covenant with the Scots , which their Letter mentions , a strange and traitourous presumption , for Subjects to make a Covenant and League with Subjects of another Kingdom without their Prince ) made private bargains with the Scots touching our Estates , and a private agreement not to treat without their consent , as some of themselves being afraid of a Treaty openly declared to the Common-Council of London : And therefore 't is no wonder , that being touched to the quick with the apprehension that they are not , nor can be in this condition , a full and free Convention of Parliament , they charge us with deserting our Trust , and would have us to be no Members of the Parliament . They may remember it was our want of freedom within , and the seditious Tumults without , their many multiplied Treasons there , and imposing traitourous Oaths , which inforced our absence : But concerning that and the want of freedom in Parliament we shall say no more here , ( that being the Subject of another Declaration ) only we wish them to consider by what Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom ( which they have lately wrested to serve all turns ) they can exclude us from our Votes in Parliament , who were duely summoned , chosen and returned Members of Parliament , and take in those of another Kingdom to their Resolutions , who are not bound by our Laws . But what violation soever they make of the Laws , they are forward to put the King in mind of His Duty ; and therefore tell Him , That He is sworn to maintain the Laws , as they are sworn to their Allegiance to Him , these Obligations being reciprocal . It is true in some sense , that the Oath of the King and Subjects is reciprocal , that is , each is bound to perform what they swear , the King as well as the Subjects ; but he that will well weigh their Letter , and make one part have connexion with the other , and examine that part of their Covenant , whereby they swear they will defend the Kings Person and Authority no further or otherwise than in preservation of their Religion and Liberties , may easily find another construction , viz. That the Subjects Allegiance is no longer due than the King performs His Duty , nay , no longer than He in their opinion observes His Duty , whereof they themselves must be Judges ; and if He fail in His Duty , they may take up Arms against Him : A Principle which as it is utterly destructive to all Government , so , we believe , they themselves dare not plainly avow it , lest as they now make use of it against the King , so the People finding their failure of Duty and breach of Trust , should hereafter practise it by taking up Arms against them , and so shake of that yoak of Tyranny imposed by their fellow Subjects which lies so heavy upon them . It were well as they still press upon the King maintenance of the Laws , they would also know that their Obligation to observe the same is reciprocal ; and while they here resolve to defend and preserve the full Power of this Parliament ( which in their sense can be no other than the Power they have exercised this Parliament ) they would take notice that they are therein so far from observation of the Laws , that they desperately resolve an utter subversion of them : For what can more tend to the destruction of the Laws , than to usurp a Power to themselves without the King , and against His will to raise Arms , to attribute to their Orders or pretended Ordinances the power of Laws and Statutes , to inforce Contributions , Loans and Taxes of all sorts from the Subject , to imprison without cause shewed , and then prohibit Writs of Habeas Corpus for their enlargement , to lay Excises upon all Commodities , to command and dispose of the Lives and Estates of the free-born Subjects of this Kingdom at their pleasure , to impose Tonnage and Poundage ; contrary to the Law declared in the late Act for Tonnage and Poundage ; and all this done and justified as by a legal civil Power founded and inherent in them ? All which are manifest breaches of the Petition of Right and Magna Charta , the great Evidence of the Liberties of England ; which Charter by express words binds them and us , though assembled in Parliament , as well as the King : And though it be not now , as heretofore it hath been , taken by solemn Oath on the Peoples part as well as on the Kings , nor a Curse , as heretofore , pronounced on the Violators ; yet they having taken a Protestation to maintain the Laws , and the Liberties and Properties of the Subject , and inclusively that Charter , let them take heed , whilst they make use of this their pretended Power to the destruction of the Law , lest a Curse fall upon them and upon their Posterity . God knoweth , and it is too certain a truth , that our selves and many other good Subjects in this Kindom , even under the Power of the Kings Army , have suffered exceedingly in Liberty and Estates , during this present Rebellion , by many heavy Charges ; the sad consideration whereof makes our hearts bleed , because we can see no way for relief , so long as this unnatural Rebellion continues : But as these things were first practised by them , and thereby necessitated upon the Kings Army ; so it was never yet pretended that they were done by virtue of a Law , but either by Consent , or by the unhappy and unavoidable exigences of War , and to expire with the present Rebellion , which God in mercy hasten . For our parts , we have the inward comfort of our own Consciences witnessing with us , that we have improved all opportunities and advantages for the restoring of this Kingdom to its former Peace ; and we must witness for His Majesty His most hearty desires thereof : And though both His Majesty and our endeavours therein have been made frustrate , yet God in his great goodness hath raised up our spirits , not to desert our Religion , our King , our Laws , our Lives , the Liberties of us English free-born Subjects ; and , by God's assistance and His Majesty's concurrence , we do resolve to unite our selves as one Man , and cheerfully adventure our Lives and Estates for the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion of the Church of England , ( of which we profess our selves to be , ) for the defence of the Kings Person and Rights of His Crown , for the regaining and maintaining the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , and the Liberty of the Subjects Person and Property of his Estate , according to the known Laws of the Land , to repel those of the Stotish Nation , that have in a warlike manner entred this Realm , and to reduce the Subjects thereof now in Rebellion to the Kings Obedience . And we doubt not but the same God will enlighten the eyes of the poor deceived People of this Land , like true-hearted honest English-Men , to joyn unanimously with us in so just and pious a work . And the God of Heaven prosper us , according to the goodness of the Cause we have in hand . The Names of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , who did subscribe the Letter to the Earl of Essex , dated January , 27. 1643. CHARLES P. YORK . CUMBERLAND . Ed. Littleton C. S. Fra. Cottington . D. Richmond . M. Hartford . E. Lindsey . E. Dorset . E. Shrewsbury . E. Bath . E. Southampton . E. Leicester . E. Northampton . E. Devonshire . E. Carlisle . E. Bristol . E. Berkshire . E. Cleveland . E. Rivers . E. Dover . E. Peterburgh . E. Kingston . E. Newport . E. Portland . V. Conway . L. Digby . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Wentworth . L. Cromwell . L. Rich. L. Paget . L. Chandois . L. Howard of Charleton . L. Lovelace . L. Savile . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Percy . L. Wilmott . L. Leigh . L. Hatton . L. Jermyn . L. Carrington . JOhn Fettiplace , Esq Sir Alex. Denton . Sir John Packington . Sir Tho. Smith . F. Gamul , Esq Jo. Harris , Esq Joseph Jane , Esq Rich. Edgcombe , Esq Jonathan Rashleigh , Esq G. Fane , Esq P. Edgcombe , Esq Will. Glanvill , Esq Sir Ro. Holborne . Sir Ra. Sydenham . Fra. Godolphin , Esq Geo. Parry , D. of Law. Amb. Manaton , Esq Ri. Vivian , Esq Jo. Polewheele , Esq John Arundell , Esq Tho. Lower , Esq Sir Edw. Hide . Will. Allestree , Esq Sir Geo. Stonehouse . Ed. Seymour , Esq Peter Sainthill , Esq Sir Will. Poole . Roger Matthew , Esq Ri. Arundell , Esq Ro. Walker , Esq Giles Strangwaies , Esq Sir John Strangwaies . Sir Tho. Hele. Sir Ger. Naper . Sam. Turner , D. in Physick . Will. Constantine , Esq Hen. Killegrew , Esq . Ric. King , Esq . John Dutton , Esq Hen. Bret , Esq Will. Chadwel , Esq Sir Theobald Gorges . John George , Esq Sir Tho. Fanshaw . Humf. Conningesby , Esq Ri. Seaborne , Esq Arth. Lord Ranelaugh . Tho. Tomkins , Esq Sir Sampson Evers . Sir John Culpeper . Jeffrey Palmer , Esq Sir John Harrison . Tho. Fanshaw , Esq Sir Rog. Palmer . Sir Orlando Bridgman . Will. Watkins Esq John Smith , Esq . Sir Tho. Bludder . Sir Ed. Littleton . Sir Harvy Bagot . Sir Ri. Leveson . Sir Ri. Cave . Ri. Weston , Esq Sir Ri. Lee. Sir Tho. Whitmore . Sir Ed. Acton . C. Baldwin , Esq R. Goodwin , Esq Tho. Howard , Esq Tho. Littleton , Esq . Sir Ro. Howard . Sir John Meux . Matthew Davis , Esq Sir F. Cornwallis . Tho. Jermyn , Esq John Taylor Esq William Basset , Esq Sir William Portman . Sir Edw. Rodney . Tho. Hanham , Esq Ed. Phelips , Esq John Digby , Esq Ed. Kirton , Esq Christ. Leuknor , Esq . Sir Edw. Alford . John White , Esq John Ashburnham , Esq Will. Smith , Esq Tho. Leedes , Esq Sir Ja. Thynne . W. Pleydell , Esq Ro. Hyde , Serjeant at Law. Sir Ed. Griffin . Sir Walter Smith . Geo. Lawe , Esq Ric. Harding , Esq Sir Hen. Herbert . End. Porter , Esq Sam. Sandys , Esq John Bodvill , Esq Will. Morgan , Esq Will. Thomas , Esq Jo. Mostyn , Esq Hen. Bellasis , Esq Sir Geo. Wentworth . Will. Mallory , Esq Ri. Aldburgh , Esq John Salisbury , Esq Will. Herbert , Esq William Price , Esq Sir John Price . Sir Ri. Herbert . Charles Price , Esq Phil. Warwick , Esq Tho. Cooke , Esq Sir Rob. Crooke . Herb. Price , Esq John Whistler , Esq These Peers following , being disabled by several accidents to appear sooner , have since attended the Service and concurred with us : Viscount Cambden . Lord Abergavenny . Lord Arundell . Lord Capell . Lord Newport . Peers imployed in His Majesty's Service , or absent with leave . Marquess of Winchester . Marquess of Worcester . Marquess of New-castle . Earl of Darby Earl of Huntingdon . Earl of Clare . Earl of Marleborough . V. Falconbridge . L. Morly . L. Darcy and Coniers . L. Stourton . L. Evers . L. Daincourt . L. Pawlet . L. Brudenel . L. Powys . L. Herbert of Cherbury . L. Hopton . L. Loughborough . L. Byron . L. Vaughan . L. Widderington . Peers absent in the parts beyond the Seas . Earl of Arundell . Earl of St. Albans . L. Viscount Montague L. Viscount Stafford . L. Stanhope . L. Coventry . L. Goring . L. Craven of Hamsted . L. Craven of Ryton . Peers in Prison for their Loyalty to His Majesty . Earl of Chesterfield . L. Mountague of Boughton . Whoever views these numbers , and considers how many Peers are at this time under Age , will quickly know who and how many are privy or consenting to the Counsels at Westminster . These Members of the Commons House following , being disabled by several accidents to appear sooner , have since attended the Service , and concurred with us . Peter Venables , Esquire . Sir John Pawlet . Edward Bagshaw , Esq Sir John Burlasey . Francis Newport , Esquire . Anthony Hungerford , Esq John Russel , Esquire . Thomas Chichley , Esquire . Earl of Cork . Sir Gervase Clifton . Sir Guy Palmes . Robert Sutton , Esquire . Gervase Hollis , Esquire . Sir Patricius Curwen . Sir Henry Bellingham . Sir George Dalston . Sir Thomas Sandford . Sir William Dalston . Michael Wharton , Esquire . Sir Robert Hatton . James Scudamore , Esq . Sir John Brooke . Sir John Stepney . Imployed in His Majesty's Service , or absent with leave , or by Sickness . Sir John Fenwick . Hugh Potter , Esquire . Walter Kirle , Esquire . William Stanhope , Esquire . Sir William Carnaby . Sir Thomas Danby . John Fenwick , Esquire . Ralph Sneade , Esquire . Sir William Ogle , Sir Thomas Jermyn . Sir John Stowell . Sir Robert Strickland . Sir Philip Musgrave . John Cowcher , Esquire . John Coventry , Esquire . Sir Henry Slingsby . Sir John Mallory . John Bellassis , Esquire . Sir. Thomas Ingram . Lord Mansfield . Thomas Heblethwayte , Esquire . Sir Hugh Cholmely . Sir George Wentworth . Sir Walter Lloyd . Sir Henry Vaughan . Francis Lloyd . John Vaughan , Esquire . Richard Ferrers , Esq . George Hartnoll , Esq . Sir William Vdall . Robert Hunt , Esquire . Thomas May , Esquire . Sir Thomas Bowyer . Sir Thomas Roe . Whoever now considers how many have retired themselves unto several Counties , and so are absent from Westminster , and yet cannot through the danger of Travelling be present at Oxford ; how many have withdrawn themselves into the parts beyond the Seas ; how many of their own principal Instruments are Voted out of the House by themselves , as Sir John Hotham and his Son , Sir Alexander Carew , Mr. Martin , Mr. Fiennes , and many others ; and how many now are Imprisoned by them ; how many Members from the beginning have been factiously kept from the House upon questions of Election ; and how many without any colour are kept in , by not suffering their Elections to be reported ; and that there are Thirty five Members dead , into whose rooms no new Persons are chosen ; how many since are become Barons by descent or Creation ; will easily conclude how small the number is which remains , and of those how few in truth have Right in sit there . CHARLES R. March 19. 1643. Our express Pleasure is , That this Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford be read by the Parson , Vicar or Curate , in every Church and Chapel within Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales . The Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford according to His MAJESTY'S Proclamation , Concerning their Endeavours since they came thither for the Peace of the Kingdom , and the Reasons , enforcing their Abscence from Westminster . VVE the Lords and Commons of Parliament , being upon just and important reasons absent from the City of Westminster , whither we were Legally called or sent by the Power and Authority of His Majesty's Writ , when He summoned His Parliament , and being by His gracious Proclamation of the two and twentieth day of December convened at Oxford , with full liberty to present our humble Advice to His Majesty , for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom ; thought it most agreeable to our Duty to God , our zeal and tenderness of His Majesty's Honour and Safety , and our Affection and Compassion of the bleeding condition of our miserable Country , to use our utmost and earliest endeavours to prevent the effusion of more Christian English Blood , and to close those Wounds through which this Kingdom is in danger , in a short time , to languish even to Desolation . And finding the ill success which had attended all the Overtures of Treaty and Accommodation made by His Majesty ; His Majesty's most gracious Message from Nottingham being with so much contempt rejected , which being sent by Members of both Houses , those Messengers were not suffered to deliver it as Members , or to sit in the House whilst the same was debated , contrary to the Privilege of Parliament ; and that to the two last Messages sent by Him , of the twelfth of April , and nineteenth of May , ( in both which are most gracious expressions of His Princely and passionate inclinations to Peace , as may appear by those Messages herewith again re-printed , ) there hath not been the least Answer returned to His Majesty ; but on the contrary His Messenger imprisoned , and to this day detained , and an Order that on pain of Death none should presume to come thither from His Majesty , upon what business soever , without leave from the Earl of Essex ; in pursuance of which Order , though the same passed only the Commons , a sworn Messenger of His Majesty's hath been barbarously put to death for carrying a Legal Writ to London : we thought any address for Peace would most successfully pass through His hands , and that when * we had considered how unhappily he had been made an Instrument of so much Blood and Devastation , he would with great chearfulness have interposed in a business of Reconciliation , and at least have met us half way in so blessed a Work ; and therefore , with His Majesty's leave , ( which He most readily and graciously gave us , and for which we doubt not He shall receive the Thanks and Prayers of all His good Subjects ) we direct a Letter to that purpose to him , signed under our hands . Whosoever reads that Letter ( and we hope it will be read by all men ) will bear us witness ( and it will be a Witness against those who have rejected it , ) that we have done our parts . In stead of vouchsafing us any Answer , or proposing us any other way towards Peace , ( if that which we proposed was not thought convenient , ) he writes a short Letter to the Earl of Forth , General of His Majesty's Army , acknowledging the receipt of ours , but saying , that it neither having Address to the two Houses of Parliament , nor therein there being any acknowledgement of them , he could not Communicate it to them ; whereas the Address was in the way prescribed , ( prescribed under pain of Death , no Address being allowed , as aforesaid , but by the Earl of Essex , ) and he being desired to represent to and promove with those by whom he is trusted our most sincere and earnest desire of a Treaty : so that if there had been the least inclination to or enduring of an Overture of Peace , he might have as easily communicated it to all those by whom he is instrusted as to a Committee , by whose Advice ( 't is well known ) his Answer was sent , and with it , and as part of it , a Paper intituled , The Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , and , A Declaration of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and another , A solemn League and Covenant ; the Declarations and Covenant being against the King of both Kingdoms , without the consent of and against the major part of the Nobility , and we are confident the Gentry and Commonalty , of This. And if his Lordship would make good his own Letter , and spend his Blood , or but use his endeavour , for the maintenance of the Parliament of England , being indeed the foundation whereupon all Our Laws and Liberties are supported , we should not Treat at this distance , at least a Treaty would not have been rejected . We suffered not Our Selves to be discouraged with this refusal , but a safe Conduct was desired for two Gentlemen ( against whom there neither was nor could be the least exception ) to go to Westminster , to present such Propositions as might best conduce to the Peace of the Kingdom ; conceiving that by such means our meaning and intentions might best appear , and all formalities and unnecessary insisting and mistakes upon words might be removed . This safe Conduct ( which hath never been denied by His Majesty , or His Generals , to any person who hath desired to have admittance to Him , ) was likewise absolutely refused by the Earl of Essex ; yet with some expressions , That if any Propositions should be sent to those by whom he was intrusted , he would use his utmost endeavours to advance the Peace : which though it seem'd nothing agreeable to his former Answers , obtained yet so much credit with us , that we besought His Majesty once more in His own Royal Name to press and desire a Treaty , and to direct His Message under such a Title , that they who call themselves the two Houses of Parliament , could not take any Exception , but should be compelled to return some Answer or other . And an Answer it hath drawn from them , but such an one as will sufficiently inform the World ( if there could yet have remained any doubt of it ) how much they are Enemies to Peace . Those Answers , Declarations , and that Covenant , are likewise publick to all men : God and the World must judge between us . In the mean time we must , without bitterness or sharpness of Language , ( to which neither example or provocation shall transport us ) tell these men , That most of us are too well known , even to themselves , to be suspected to incline to be either Papists or Slaves , or that we can possibly be made Instruments to advance either Popery or Tyranny . And since the defence of the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , seems to be ( and in truth is on our part ) the Argument of this bloody Contention , and that we are endeavouring all ways to destroy one another in the behalf of that we all do or all pretend to desire ; we think our selves obliged to Truth , to the present Age , and to Posterity , to let the World know , That as we are much more tender of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom , than of our Lives and Fortunes ; so the uneasie Condition wherein we are , and the heavy Judgments and Proscriptions imposed on us by our Equals , have proceeded and been caused from that Conscience , Loyalty and Duty in which we have been Born and Bred , and from which we could not swerve without the manifest breach of our Allegiance , and those civil Oaths we are obliged by : As , we hope , will appear to all men by this our ensuing Declaration . We shall pass over ( only acknowledging His Majesty's abundant care and favour to His People ) those excellent Laws made this Parliament for the vindication and removal of those Mischiefs and Inconveniences which seemed to threaten our Rights and Liberty , to all which there are very few amongst us who concurred not fully , ( however we are now traduced with the negligence of both ; ) and that most gracious Offer of His Majesty , to consent to an Act for the ease of tender Consciences in matters indifferent , which if it had been accepted , would have prevented many of the Miseries have since besallen this poor Kingdom . And because the Name and Privilege of Parliament is pretended in defence of those Actions which are done contrary to the known Laws , ( by which only Right and Wrong can be measured and determined , ) and by that venerable Name many of our Companions and Friends have been led into unwarrantable Actions ; before we come to consider the state and condition of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom by these Distractions , we shall let the World know , how much the inherent and essential Privileges of Parliament have been violated ; how we ( being called by His Majesty , and trusted by our Country with their Suffrages in that Council ) hath been driven , and are now kept from the place whither we were first called by His Majesty , and where some Members still sit ; and lastly , how far this miserable and ( to say no more ) this unjustifiable Civil War , and this desperate and odious Invasion of a Foreign Power to invade this Kingdom , is from having the Countenance , Authority and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . The great Industry and ill Arts used by those who have since been principal Instruments of the present Rebellion , to bring in Persons of their Faction into the House of Commons ; the admitting and receiving such who were neither lawfully chosen nor lawfully returned by their Country , and the putting and keeping out others whose Opinions were not liked ; the reprehending , reproaching and imprisoning of Members for speaking freely according to their Consciences in matters in debate ; the posting and setting up mens Names in publick places , and proscribing them as Enemies to their Country , who dissented in the Houses in opinion in matters debated , and being complained plained of , no reparation granted ; the sitting at unparliamentary hours , thereby wearying and tiring many Members from attendance , and so in a thin House altering and reversing the resolution taken in a full House ; the refusing to receive and suppressing Petitions against Persons in favour , though in point of Bribery and corruption in Judicatory , and the like of other Petitions from whole Counties for the preservation of the Government of the Church , as from Notinghamshire and Somerseshire , whilst others against it were received with great countenance and approbation , from mean , unknown People ; the getting with great labour and Faction several hands to Petitions from Counties , and then framing new Petitions at London , and annexing the hands formerly gotten in the Country to those Petitions , of which they who subscribed their hands know nothing , as in the Petition of Buckinghamshire , and the setting names in London to Petitions in the name of , as if they had been subscribed in remote Counties ; the usurping of Jurisdictions to supersede Acts of Parliament , and to dispense with the breach of Laws in force ; the suffering undutiful and disloyal language against the Sacred Person of the King , without so much as Reprehension , and the denying His Majesty's Negative Voice ; we insist not so much on , ( though very prejudicial and scandalous to the Privileges and Honour of Parliament ) as on those Acts of Force and Violence which are contrary and destructive to the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament . Shortly after His Majesty returned from Scotland , there being a very long debate in the House of Commons concerning an unparliamentary Remonstrance to be published to the People of the State of the Kingdom , ( which many of us then thought might prove prejudicial to the Peace thereof ) Captain Venne , then a Member of the House of Commons , ( who had before bragged of having brought down the People upon the two Houses , and so drawn Resolutions from them , ) sent Notes in writing under his Hand into the City , that the People should come down to Westminster , for that the better part of the House was like to be over-powered by the worser part : whereupon , both at that time and some days after , Multitudes of the meanest sort of people , with weapons not agreeing with their condition or custom , in a manner very contrary and destructive to the Privilege of Parliament , filled up the way between both Houses , offering Injuries both by words and actions to , and laying violent hands upon , several Members , proclaiming the Names of several of the Peers , as evil and rotten-hearted Lords , crying out many hours together against the established Laws in a most tumultuous and menacing way . This action of Captain Venne's was complained of to the House of Commons , and Witnesses offered to prove it ; a fellow who had assaulted and reproached a Member of the House of Commons in those Tumults was complained of , and shewed to the House , in the number of those who brought a Petition to the Bar : and yet in neither of these cases Justice , or so much as an Examination , could be obtained . Upon a suggestion and pretence of Danger , and suit made to His Majesty , a Guard was allowed and appointed by Him for the Security of both Houses : shortly after this Guard was refused and discharged by themselves , and a new Guard appointed by them without His Majesty's Consent , thereby to awe all those who concurred not with them . A legal Writ issuing out by the direction of the House of Peers under the Great Seal of England , to prevent those Tumults which daily infested both Houses , the Justices of the Peace , for executing that Writ according to their Oaths , were imprisoned by the House of Commons . A Commission under the Great Seal of England , for enquiry after Riots committed in Southwark , was likewise superseded by an Order of the House of Commons : and when the Lords desired by several Messages , that the House of Commons would joyn with them in a Declaration against Tumults , they refused , or neglected to joyn with them , it being said by Mr. Pym in the House of Commons , God forbid we should dishearten our Friends who came to assist us . And albeit some of the Lords professed , that if the People were again drawn down in that tumultuous manner , they would no more come to the House ; and albeit an Order was made , that in such a case the House should be presently adjourned ; yet those Tumults again appearing , that Order , though urged by several Lords , was not suffered to be executed . The House of Commons having desired the House of Peers to join with them in desiring His Majesty that the Militia of this Kingdom might be put into such hands as both Houses did confide in , and this desire having been put to the Question , and carried negatively by much the major part of the Lords ; it being again resumed at another time ( contrary to the course of Parliament ) the debate was begun with a Declaration made by several of those Lords against whom that Question was twice carried by Votes , ( and that by much the major part ) that whosoever refused in this particular to joyn with the House of Commons , were in their opinions enemies to the State ; words destructive from the Liberty and Freedom of debate . During the time that this business of the Militia was in debate , ( that is , before it had the approbation and consent of the House of Peers ) a Petition in a tumultuous manner was delivered to the House of Lords , in the name of the Knights , Gentlemen , Free-holders , and others the Inhabitants of the County of Hartford , reckoning up the causes of the present Fears , Troubles and Distractions , and amongst them the want of Compliance in that Honourable House with the House of Commons , in entertaining those many good motions , and passing those necessary Bills presented to them from that House for the publick good , and desiring liberty to protest against all those as Enemies to the publick who refused to joyn with the Honourable Lords whose endeavours were for the publick good , and with the House of Commons , for the putting the Kingdom into a posture of Safety under the Command of such persons as the Parliament should appoint . Several Petitions of the same nature , particularly one under the Title of the Knights , Gentlemen , Free-holders , and other Inhabitants of the County of Surrey , directed to the House of Peers , concluded with this close , That they should be in duty obliged to mantain their Lordships so far as they should be united with the House of Commons in their just and pious proceedings ; sufficiently intimating that if they joyned not with the House of Commons , they then meant as much as others had plainly professed . About the same time , a Citizen saying at the Bar of the House of Commons , That they heard there were Lords who refused to consent and concur with them , and that they would gladly know their names , or words to that effect : a Petition in the name of many thousand poor People , in and about the City of London , was directed to the House of Commons , taking notice of a malignant Faction that made abortive all their good motions which tended to the Peace and Tranquillity of this Kingdom , desiring that those noble Worthies of the House of Peers , who concurred with them in their happy Votes , might be earnestly desired to joyn with that Honourable House , and to sit and Vote together as one entire body ; and professing that unless some speedy remedy were taken for the removing all such Obstructions as hindred the happy progress of their great Endeavours , their Petitioners should not rest in quietness , but should be forced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand , to remove the disturbers of the Peace , and ( Want and necessity breaking the bounds of Modesty ) not to leave any means unessayed for their relief ; lastly , adding , that the cry of the poor and needy was , that such Persons who were the obstacles of their Peace , and the hinderers of the happy proceedings of this Parliament , might be forthwith publickly declared , whose removal they conceived would put a period to those Distractions . And this Petition was brought up to the House of Lords by the House of Commons at a Conference : And after , the same day , Master Hollis , a Member of the House of Commons , in a Message from that House , pressed the Lords at their Bar to joyn with the House of Commons in their desire about the Militia ; and farther , with many other expressions of like nature , desired in words to this effect , That if that desire of the House of Commons were not assented unto , those Lords who were willing to concur , would find some means to make themselves known , that it might be known who were against them , and they might make it known to those that sent them . After which Petition so strangely framed , countenanced and seconded , many Lords thereupon withdrawing themselves , the Vote in order to the Militia , twice before rejected , was then passed . After these and other unparliamentary Actions , many things rejected and settled , upon solemn debate , were again , after many Threats and Menaces , resumed , altered and determined , contrary to the Custom and Laws of Parliament . And so many of us withdrew our selves from thence , where we could not Sit , Speak and Vote , with Honour , Freedom and Safety , and are now kept from thence for our Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign . And though some of us Sate and continued there long after this , hoping that we might have been able to have prevented the growth and progress of farther Mischief ; yet since the Privilege of Parliament is so substantial and entire a Right , that as the Invasion of the Liberties of either House is an injury to the other and the whole Kingdom , so the Violence and Assaults upon any of our fellow-Members , for expressing their opinions in matters of debate , were instances to us what we were to look for when we should be known to dissent from what was expected ; and under that consideration every one of our just Liberties suffered violation . Many of us for these and other reasons , after His Majesty Himself was by many Indignities and Force driven from Westminster , have been , contrary to the Right and Freedom of Parliament , Voted out of the House , without committing any Crime , and some of us without hearing , or so much as being summoned to be heard ; and so our Countries , for which we were and are trusted , have been without any Proxies or Persons trusted on their behalf . An Army hath been raised without and against His Majesty's Consent ; and a Protestation enjoyned to live and die with the Earl of Essex , their General of that Army ; and a Member now amongst us , refusing to take that Protestation , was told , That if he left not the Town speedily , he should be committed to the Tower , or knocked on the head by the Souldiers . All Persons , even the Members of both Houses , have been and now are forced or injoyned to contribute for the maintenance and support of that Army . A trayterous Covenant is since taken by the Members who remain , and imposed upon the Kingdom , That they will to their power assist the Forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament , against the Forces raised by the King , with many other Clauses directly contrary to their Allegiance ; and another for the alteration of the Covenant of the Church established by Law : and such Members as have refused , according to their Duty and Conscience , to take those Covenants , have been imprisoned or expelled ; so as they have suffered none to reside with them , but those who are engaged with them in their desperate courses . The whole Power and Authority of both Houses is delegated , against the Law and nature of Parliament , to a close Committee , which assumes and usurps the Power of King , Lords and Commons , disposes of the Persons , Liberties and Estates of us and our fellow-Subjects , without so much as communicating their Resolutions to those that sit in the Houses . And when an Order hath been reported , to be confirmed by them , it hath been only put to the Question , no debates being suffered , it having been said in the House where the Commons sit to those who have excepted against such an Order when presented , That they were only to Vote , not to dispute ; and thereupon all Argument and contradiction hath been taken away . And to shew how impossible it is to contain themselves within any * bond of civility and humanity , when they have forfeited their Allegiance , after the attempt in a most barbarous manner to murther the Queens Majesty at Her landing at Burlington , by making many great shot at the house where She lodged for Her repose after a long Voyage by Sea , where by God's blessing it was disappointed , they impeached Her of High Treason , for assisting the King Her Husband and the Kingdom in their greatest necessities . All Petitions and Addresses for Peace have been with great Art and Vehemence discountenanced and suppressed ; whilst others for Sedition and Discord have with no less industry and passion been promoted . And when the Members of the House of Commons , in August last , had agreed , upon a long and solemn debate , to joyn with the Lords in sending Propositions of Peace to His Majesty , the next day printed Papers were scattered in the Streets , and fix'd upon the publick places both in the City and Suburbs , requiring all Persons well-affected to rise as one man , and to come to the House of Commons next Morning , for that 20000 Irish Rebels were landed ; which direction and information was likewise that day given in Pulpits by their Seditious Preachers : and in some of those Papers were subscribed , That the Malignant Party had over-voted the good , and if not prevented there would be Peace , ( the Propositions for Peace being the day before carried by nine and twenty Voices . ) A Common-council was called late at night , though Sunday , and a Petition there framed against Peace , which was the next morning brought to the House , countenanc'd by Alderman Pennington ( a known Promoter and Governour of those Tumults , ) and attended with a multitude of mean Persons , who used Threats , Menaces and Reproaches to the Members of both Houses . Their Petition took notice of Propositions passed by the Lords for Peace , which if allowed , would be destructive to Religion , Laws and Liberties ; and therefore desired an Ordinance according to the Tenor of an Act of their Common-council the night before . Thanks was given them by the Commons , whilst the Lords complained of the Tumults , and desired a concurrence to suppress them , and to prevent the like ; many of the People telling the Members of both Houses , That if they had not a good Answer , they would be there the next day with double the number . By these Threats and Violence the Propositions formerly received were rejected , and all thoughts of Peace laid aside . Shortly after , great numbers of Women resort to the House where the Commons sate , with a Petition for Peace . Troops of Horse were hereupon sent for , who wound and kill several of the Women , and disperse the rest . Then special notice was taken of those Members who seemed most importunate and desirous of Peace ; and thereupon the late Covenant eagerly and severely pressed upon them . By reason whereof and the other miscarriages , whereby their freedom was absolutely taken from them , divers of both Houses withdrew themselves . And we must now appeal to all our fellow-Subjects of this Kingdom , who have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , who have any knowledge of the Rights , Customs and Privileges of Parliament , or of the Frame and Constitution of this Realm , whether we or they have failed in our Duty to our King or Country ; and whether we have not in discharge of a good Conscience undergone the evils we have born . And then we doubt not , we shall not be thought less Members of Parliament , though we are not at Westminster , than if that City were in the possession of a Foreign Enemy . Yet we confess the Place to be so material , that if there were that Liberty and Freedom which is due to the Members , and indeed is the life of Parliament , the Act of those in the House ( being a lawful Act ) is the Act of the House , though there were a greater number absent , all who were of another opinion : but in our case , when we are by force driven away , and by force kept away , and when nothing can be said to justifie the Actions which are done , but the Reputation and Number of the Actors , we rely so much upon the understanding and honesty of our Country-men , that they will believe , when they see our concurrence and unanimity in Resolutions and Counsel for their Peace , welfare and security , ( as we are confident the number of those who concur in this Declaration is greater than hath concurred in most , if not in any of those things of which we complain , ) that it will be better for them to be advised by us at Oxford than by those at Westminster ; from whence we are absent only by reason of those Outrages and Violence offered to our Persons or our Consciences , which takes away all Freedom and consequently all Authority , from those Councils , and where indeed these men ought not to undertake to act any thing , till that Freedom and Liberty be restored to us , who as long as this Parliament shall continue ( notwithstanding all the Votes of those who are guilty of Treason and Rebellion ) mustaccount our selves , and shall be accounted by our Country , the true and lawful Members of Parliament . Having said thus much to undeceive our Brethren , and that our fellow-Subjects may be no longer seduced to unlawful actions by colour and pretence of Parliament , we shall briefly present to their view and consideration the danger and condition of His Majesty's Person , His Honour and Rights , the Religion and Liberty of the Kingdom , the defence and maintenance of which those Persons with whom we cannot agree seem and pretend to undertake . For their Care of the Honour and Safety of His Majesty's Person , ( to the which we are so absolutely obliged and so solemnly sworn ) we shall need only to mention ( which we mention with great sadness of Heart and Horrour ) the taking by force His Majesty's Forts , Towns , Navy , the assuming a power over the Militia of the Kingdom , the denying his Majesty's Negative Voice , the uncomely , insolent and disloyal mentioning of His Majesty's Person , the neglect , contempt and violation of Leagues made by His Majesty with Foreign Princes , in the Injuries and Affronts done to their publick Ministers and otherwise , the transcendent presumption of sending Agents to Foreign Princes , and in the Name of the States of England , the traytourcus distinction between the Person of the King and His Office , and declaring that an attempt upon His Life is not High-Treason ; ( which Doctrine is so much countenanced , that Persons who have threatned to Kill the King , having been complained of , have been left unpunished , and the Witnesses and Prosecutors threatned or discountenanced ) the raising an Army against Him , and therewith giving Battle to His Person : All which are known to be very unagreeable with the Affection , Duty and Loyalty of Subjects , and English-men . Concerning Religion , we cannot but with bleeding Hearts and trembling Souls consider the unheard-of Impieties and Prophanations exercised in Churches and Consecrated places ; the Countenance and licence given to scandalous , debosh , ignorant Lay-persons to Preach and exercise the Office of the Ministry ; the suppressing and cruel using and imprisoning in Gaols and on Ship-board Godly , Learned , Orthodox Divines , famous and exemplary in their Lives and Doctrine , the most eminent Assertors of the Protestant Religion against Popery and Innovations ; the scurrilous and scandalous reviling , scoffing and suppressing the Book of Common-Prayer , compiled by glorious Martyrs for the Protestant Religion , established by Law , and so long and so publickly used and acknowledged as an excellent and unparallel'd form of Devotion and Divine Service ; the suspending the execution of the Act of Parliament made in the first year of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory , for Uniformity of Common-Prayer , by an Order under the hand of a private Member of the House of Commons , and that during the recess of both Houses ; the stirring up and inciting the People to Rebellion in Pulpits ; and ( which is the greatest Scandal and Reproach to the Protestant Religion that can be imagined ) the making Religion it self the ground and cause of Rebellion ; lastly , after having lived so many years in the most glorious and most unblemished Church of Christendom , the total defacing and pulling down the whole Fabrick of it , censuring and reproaching the Doctrine , and destroying the Discipline , and ( as if we were cast ashore in some uninhabited Climate where the Elements of Christianity were not known ) the calling ( without the least shadow or colour of Law or Lawful Authority , against His Majesty's express Consent , manifestly against the Statute of 25 th . year of King Henry the Eighth ) an assembly of Divines , composed of some Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Ministers , ( all under the style of Godly and Learned Divines ) most of which are not otherwise known than by their Schism and Separation from that Church in which they were born , and to which they have subscribed ; and these Men now must new-make and mould the Religion by which we must all be saved . God in his good time we hope will vindicate his own Cause , and repair the breaches which have been lately made . For the Laws of the Land and the Liberty of the Subject , so speciously urged and pretended to be the end of those who have disturbed our Peace , we need say little ; every place and every person is an ample evidence and testimony of the bold and avowed violation of either . The Charter of our Liberties , Magna Charta , so industriously and Religiously preserved by our Ancestors , and above Thirty several times confirmed in Parliament , that Rampire and Bulwark of all the precious Privileges and Immunities which the Subjects of this Kingdom could boast of , and which distinguishes them from all the Subjects of Christendom , is levelled and trampled under foot , scorned , despised and superseded by Votes and Orders ; Men of all sorts , Clergy and Laity , imprisoned without the least charge that by the Law is called a Crime , and their Estates are sequestred by Persons of whom the Law can take no notice ; Committees made by Committees , Rob , Banish , and Imprison the Lords and Commons of England ; Men committed by Persons of no Authority , for no cause , to Prison , have by Habeas Corpus ( the good old Remedy and Security for our Liberty ) been brought to the Kings Bench , and by command of those who first committed them remanded , and Commands given to the Judges that they should grant no Habeas Corpus ( which they were sworn to grant ) to any Persons committed by them , or by those to whom they grant Authority to commit , which themselves have not Power to do . Neither can we pass over the motion made by Mr. Rigby , a Member of the House of Commons , to transport those Lords and Gentlemen who were Prisoners , and by them accounted Malignants , to be sold as Slaves to Argiers , or sent to the new Plantation in the West - Indies ; urged the second time with much earnestness , because the Proposer had contracted with two Merchants to that purpose : the which though it took no effect at that time , may awaken those who have observed so many things to pass and be ordered long after they have been once or twice denied and rejected . And who sees the new and inhumane way of imprisoning Persons of Quality under Decks on Ship-board , by which cruel usage many of our Country-men have been murthered , may have reason to fear they may be hereafter carried a longer voyage than is yet avowed . The twentieth part of our Estates is at once taken , and if we are not willing to obey that Order , the other Nineteen are taken from us as Malignants ; a term unknown and undefined , and yet crime enough to forfeit our Lives and all that we have . Our fellow-Subjects have been executed in cold blood , for doing that which by the Laws of God and Man they were bound to do ; and after their Murther , their Estates seized , and their Wives and Children exposed to Misery and Famine . Laws made , and Penalties imposed by Laws this Parliament are suspended , dispensed withal , and those things done by Order against which those Laws were made . And that there may be no face of Justice over the Land , the Judges are prohibited to ride their Circuits , for the administration of that Justice which the King owes His People , and they are bound to execute . And after all this , and after the merciless shedding so much English Blood , after the expending so much Money ( much of which was given for relief of our poor Protestant Brethren of Ireland , and diverted for the improving the Distractions at home ) after the transportation of such vast sums of Money and great Treasure into Foreign parts , to the unspeakable impoverishing this Poor Kingdom ; to make our Misery lasting and our Confusion compleat , a Foreign Enemy is invited and brought into the Bowels of this Kingdom , to drink our blood , to divide our Possession , to give us new Laws , and to Rule over us . And the better to make way to those horrid Impositions , by confounding and making void all civil Rights and Proprieties , and the better preparing the Kingdom to be shared by Strangers , a New Great Seal ( the special Ensign of Monarchy , and the only way by which Justice is derived and distributed to the People ) is counterfeited and used , albeit it be by the express letter of the Statute of the 25 th . year of King Edward the Third declared to be High Treason . Having now made this clear plain Narration to the Kingdom , ( the truth and particulars whereof are known to most Men ) that when Posterity shall find our names in the Records of these times , as Members trusted by our Country in that great Council by whose Authority and Power the present Alteration and Distraction seems to be wrought , it may likewise see how far we have been and are from consenting to these desperate and fatal Innovations ; we cannot rest satisfied without Declaring and Publishing to all our fellow-Subjects and to the whole World , that all our Intentions and Actions have been , are , and shall be directed to the defence of His Majesty's Person and just Rights , the preservation of the true Protestant Religion , and Liberties of the Kingdom established by Law : That as we do with all humility to God Almighty , and as a great Blessing from him , acknowledge His Majesty's happy and Religious Reign and Government over this Kingdom , and especially the excellent Laws and Statutes made in His time , and particularly those in this Parliament ; so we do with all duty and submission Declare , That His Majesty is the only Supream Governour of this Realm in all Causes , Ecclesiastical and Temporal ; That His Natural Person is not to be divided from His Kingly Office , but that our natural Allegiance , and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , do bind us and all His other Subjects to Loyalty and Allegiance to His Natural Person ; That His Majesty's Negative Voice ( without which Monarchy is dissolved ) is an inherent Right of His Crown , and that no Orders of one or both Houses of Parliament , without His Majesty's express Consent , can make a Law to bind the Subjects either in their Property or Liberty ; That we do from our Souls abhor the present Rebellion raised in this Kingdom against His Majesty , and that all His Majesty's Subjects are bound by their natural Allegiance , and the Oaths lawfully taken by them , to the utmost of their power to resist and repress the same , and particularly the Army now under the Command of the Earl of Essex , and all other Armies raised or to be raised without His Majesty's Consent , under pretence of the two Houses of Parliament . And we do disclaim all Votes , Orders and Declarations in countenance or maintenance of the said Armies ; and Declare , That no Oath or Covenant voluntarily taken , or inforced , doth or can bind or dispense with the breach of those other Oaths formerly and lawfully taken to His Majesty ; and that all those who aid , assist or abett this horrid and odious Rebellion , are and ought to be accounted and pursued as Traitors , by the known Laws of the Land ; That we utterly detest and disclaim the Invitation which hath been made to His Majesty's Subjects of Scotland to enter this Kingdom with an Army , the same being as much against the Desires as against the Duty of the Lords and Commons of England , and all true-hearted English-Men . And we do Declare and publish to the World , That as any such Invasion or Hostile entry into the Kingdom by the Rebellious Subjects of Scotland is a direct and peremptory breach of the late Act of Pacification between the two Kingdoms ; so that we and all the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by our Allegiance , and by that very Act , to resist and repress such Invasion : And whosoever is or shall be abetting , aiding or assisting to those of Scotland in their Hostile Invasion of this Kingdom , ought to be looked upon as betrayers of their Country , and are guilty of High Treason by the known Laws of the Kingdom . And that our weak , misled and seduced Country-men may no longer pay an implicite regard and reverence to the abused name of Parliament , ( which these guilty Persons usurp to themselves ) and so submit to those Actions and Commands which two Houses of Parliament ( never so legally and regularly constituted ) have not Authority to require or enjoyn ; and since these Men will not suffer their poor Country to be restored by a Treaty to the benefit of a Parliament , which would with Gods blessing easily remove these Miseries , and prevent the like for the time to come ; we must and do declare to the Whole Kingdom , That as at no time either or both Houses of Parliament can by any Orders or Ordinances impose upon the People without the Kings Consent ; so by reason of the want of Freedom and Security for all the Members of Parliament to meet at Westminster , and there to Sit , Speak and Vote with Freedom and Safety , all the Actions , Votes , Orders , Declarations , and pretended Ordinances , made by those Members who remain still at Westminster , are void and of none effect ; and that as many of the Lords and Commons assembled at Westminster as have at any time consented to the raising of Forces under the Command of the Earl of Essex , or to the making and using of the new Great Seal , or to the present coming of the Scots into England in a warlike manner , have therein broken the Trust reposed in them by their Country , and are to be proceeded against as Traitors . And yet we are far from dissolving or attempting the dissolution of this Parliament , or the violation of any Act made and confirmed by His Majesty's Royal Assent this Parliament , which we shall always maintain and defend : Acts of Parliament are only in danger to be destroyed by those who undervalue and despise the Authority and Power of Acts of Parliament , who therefore deny the Kings Negative Voice and neglect His Concurrence , that their own Resolutions may be reputed as Acts of Parliament , to the Ruine and Confusion of all Laws and Interest . It is our grief in the behalf of the whole Kingdom , that since the Parliament is not dissolved , the Power thereof should , by the Treason and Violence of these Men , be so far suspended , that the Kingdom should be without the fruit and benefit of a Parliament , which cannot be reduced to any Action or Authority , till the Freedom and Liberty due to the Members be restored and admitted ; and they who oppose this , must be only looked upon as the Enemies to Parliament : In the mean time we neither have nor shall attempt any thing for the Adjourning , Dissolving or Proroguing thereof , otherwise than as it may stand with the Act in that case provided . Lastly , we Declare , That our endeavours , actions and resolutions tend and are directed , and shall always be directed , to the maintenance of God's true Religion established by Law within this Kingdom , to the defence of His Majesty's Sacred Person , His Honour and just Rights , to the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , settled and evident by the Laws , Statutes and Customs of the Realm , and the just Freedom , Liberty and Privilege of Parliament ; and that what we shall do for the defence and maintenance of all these , proceeds from the Conscience of our Duty to God , our King and Country , without any private and sinister ends of our own , and out of our sincere love to Truth and Peace , the which as we have , so we shall always labour to procure , as the only blessed End of all our Labours . And we do therefore conjure all our Country-Men and fellow-Subjects , by all those precious obligations of Religion to God Almighty , of Loyalty towards their Soveraign , of Affection towards one another , and of Charity and Compassion towards their bleeding Country , to assist and joyn with us in the suppressing those Enemies to Peace , who are so much delighted with the Ruine and Confusion they have made , that they will not so much as vouchsafe to Treat with us , that all specious Pretences might be taken away , and the grounds of this bloody Contention clearly stated to the World. If these Men , with a true sence and remorse of the ill they have done , shall yet return to their Duty and Loyalty , they shall ( God willing ) find us of another temper towards them , than they have been towards us : And if the Conscience of their Duty shall not draw all our fellow-Subjects and Country-Men to joyn with us in assisting His Majesty , we hope that the prudent consideration , That 't is impossible to Reason for our miserable Country ever to be restored to Peace and Happiness , but by restoring all just and legally-due Power and Authority into His Majesty's hands again , will direct them what is fit to be done by them . And if any yet shall be so unskilful , and , to say no worse , vulgar-spirited , to hope by a Neutrality and odious Indifferency to rest secure in this Storm , though we shall not follow the examples of other Men , in telling them , that their Estates shall be forfeited and taken from them , as pernicious and publick Enemies , ( God be thanked , the Law is not so supprest , but that it proceeds in Attainders and Forfeitures , and all Men know an Estate escheated to His Majesty by High Treason is as much , as legally His Majesty's , or his to whom His Majesty grants it , as ever it was the unhappy Persons who hath so forfeited it ) yet we must let them know , that their Condition is like to be very dangerous ; and that as they ( for resistance of whom His Majesty's Armies are raised ) have declared to them what they are to expect at their hands , that is , to be dealt with as pernicious and publick Enemies , so they have reason to believe , that His Majesty cannot look upon them as Persons who have performed that Duty they are obliged by their natural Allegiance and their Oaths enjoyned by Law , which is , to defend the King to the utmost of their Power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against His Majesty's Person , His Crown and Dignity , and to do their best endeavours to disclose and make known to Him all Treasons and Conspiracies which shall be against Him , to their power to assist all Jurisdictions , Privileges , Preheminencies and Authorities belonging to Him , or united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm . The just and pious consideration and weighing of which Oath and Obligation must stir up all Men of Loyalty and Conscience , to be industrious and active on His Majesty's behalf against this horrid and odious Rebellion , and against the Authors and Fomenters of the same . And we are confident it will not a little encrease the Indignation of all good true English-Men , to find these Disturbers of their Peace , who have so speciously pretended the defence of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , unite themselves with and govern their Actions by the concurrent ▪ Advice and Consent of Commissioners of another Kingdom , whose business is to alter our Laws , and confound our Government . And if all the other particulars so plainly set down in this Declaration , and so publickly known to most Men , were wanting , there could not be a greater instance of deserting the Dignity and Right , and , as much as in them lies , cancelling all the Liberties and Privileges of Parliament , than for these Men to break the Trust reposed in them by their Country , and to submit themselves to the Advice , and oblige themselves to the Consent of Agents of another Kingdom , who have cast off their Allegiance , and united themselves together against their natural and native King , and against the Laws of both Kingdoms , and have given an ample testimony to all those they have misled , how far they are from submitting or intending to be governed by Parliament , or by those who would yet be thought the two Houses of Parliament , by joyning four Scotch-Men ( Agents for the Rebellious Army which hath invaded this Kingdom ) in equal Power and Authority with seven Lords and fourteen Commons , by whose sole and uncontrolled managery and consent all business of Peace and War , which doth or may concern this languishing Kingdom , must be governed : And yet these Men take it very heinously that His Majesty should move them , in order to Peace , to agree that all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament ; because ( they say ) from thence no other Conclusion can be made , but that this present Parliament is not a full nor free Convention , and that to make it such the presence of us is necessary . We must appeal to all the World , whether in truth that Conclusion be not very apparent from the truth of their Proceedings , and even to the Consciences of these Men themselves ; whether whilst we were amongst them , we enjoyed that Liberty and Freedom which was due to us ; and whether ( if there were no danger or breach of Duty in being willingly and constantly present where Actions of Treason are plotted and concluded ) we could now be with them without engaging our selves in that Covenant , which as it takes away all freedom and liberty of Council , so cannot be taken without the violation of our Duty and Allegiance . For the deserting the great Trust reposed in us , we cannot with the least colour be accused ; we wish it had not been or were not now broken on their parts ; on ours we are sure it is not ; except observation of our Oaths lawfully taken and enjoyned , and submission to the known established Laws of the Land , the preservation of which is our greatest Trust , be to desert the Trust reposed in us . What they have done , who have broken through all these , and will not at last consent to the binding up the wounds they have made , we must leave to the World to judge . In the mean time , since 't is apparent they use their utmost endeavours to make Peace impossible , and ( having enriched themselv●● by these publick Calamities , and impoverished their Country by the transportation of ●he Wealth thereof into Foreign parts ) have left themselves no other means to repay those vast Sums they have extorted from the People upon that they call Publick Faith , ●ut out of the Estates of those who have preserved their Duty and Loyalty entire , and at the price of their Religion and Laws intend to establish a Government and Empire to themselves ; all good Men who desire Peace will joyn with us in the suppressing these Enemies of Peace , and by a resolute and unanimous Declaration of themselves , rise as One Man in the assistance of His Majesty with their Persons and their Fortunes , which is the only means , with God's blessing , to restore and preserve the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the very Being of Parliaments : The which if these Men have any mind to do ( it being not so easily to be done any other way ) they will at last be willing that all the Members of both Houses may meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , which we have always desired , and shall be always ready to do . His MAJESTY's Message to both Houses , April 12. 1643. Concerning Disbanding of both Armies , and His MAJESTY'S Return to both Houses of Parliament . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end , or for any longer time than That , and until things may be so settled , as that the Law may have a full , free , and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects . 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His First Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the Just , Known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to Him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any Just and Legal Exceptions against any of the Persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him. 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of Sitting and Voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their Birth-rights and the free Election of those that sent them , and having been Voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made . 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies as , to the great breach of the Privileges and the high Dishonour of Parliaments , have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons , to joyn in a Declaration against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which Security His Majesty conceives can be only settled by Adjourning the Parliament to some other place , at the least twenty Miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses . His Majesty will most chearfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament , at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be Adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , such Provisions will be made against Seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions , and such care will be taken concerning the Legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance , or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the Power to raise Arms without His Majesty's Consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved , by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the Real good of His Subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the Penalties against them ) to make known to all the World , how causeless those fears and jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this Offer of His Majesty be not consented to ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the Destruction and Desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not by the most interessed , passionate or prejudicate Person , be imputed to His Majesty . His MAJESTY'S Message to both Houses May 19. in pursuance of the foregoing Message . SInce His Majesty's Message of the twelfth of April ( in which he conceived He had made such an Overture for the immediate Disbanding of all Armies and Composure of these present miserable Distractions , by a full and free Convention in Parliament , that a perfect and settled Peace would have ensued ) hath in all this time ( above a full Month ) procured no Answer from both Houses , His Majesty might well believe Himself absolved before God and Man , from the least possible Charge of not having used His utmost endeavour for Peace : Yet when He considers that the Scene of all this Calamity is in the Bowels of His own Kingdom , that all the Blood which is spilt is of His own Subjects , and that what Victory soever it shall please God to give Him , must be over those who ought not to have lifted up their hands against Him ; when He considers that these desperate civil Dissentions may encourage and invite a Foreign Enemy to make a Prey of the whole Nation ; that Ireland is in present danger to be totally lost ; that the heavy Judgments of God , Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable Attendants of this unnatural Contention ; and that in a short time there will be so general a habit of uncharitableness and Cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdom , that even Peace it self will not restore His People to their old Temper and Security ; His Majesty cannot but again call for an Answer to that His Message , which gives so fair a Rise , to end these unnatural Distractions . And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestness , because He doubts not the condition of His Armies in several parts , His strength of Horse , Foot and Artillery , His plenty of Ammunition ( which some Men lately might conceive He wanted ) is so well known and understood , that it must be confessed , that nothing but the Tenderness and Love to His People , and those Christian Impressions which always have and He hopes always shall dwell in His heart , could move Him once more to hazard a Refusal . And He requires them , as they will answer to God , to Himself and all the World , That they will no longer suffer their fellow-Subjects to welter in each others Blood ; that they will remember by whose Authority and to what end they met in that Council , and send such an Answer to His Majesty as may open a door to let in a firm Peace and Security to the whole Kingdom . If His Majesty shall again be disappointed of His Intentions herein , the Blood , Rapine and Distraction which must follow in England and Ireland , will be cast upon the Account of those who are deaf to the motion of Peace and Accommodation . CHARLES R. May 19. 1643. OUR express Pleasure is , That this Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford be read by the Parson , Vicar or Curate , in every Church and Chapel within Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales . MDCXLIV . April 15. The Petition of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , Presented to His MAJESTY the day before the Recess : And His MAJESTY'S Gracious Answer to the same . To the Kings most excellent MAJESTY , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , according to Your MAJESTY'S Proclamation . WE most humbly acknowledge Your Princely Goodness in calling us to receive our Advices for preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and to restore it to its former Peace and Security . How earnestly we have sought a Peace with Your Majesty's most gracious Concurrence , doth appear by the printed Declaration of our Proceedings touching a Treaty for Peace , wherein we aimed at a free and full Convention of Parliament , as the most hopeful way to unite these unhappy Divisions . And since that hath been refused , we have applyed our Advices for supporting Your Armies , the visible means now left for maintaining our Religion , restoring the Laws , and procuring the Safety of the Kingdom ; being assured from Your Majesty , You do and will employ Your Armies to no other end . And although our selves are most fully satisfied of Your Majesty's pious and just Resolutions herein ; yet because Fears and Jealousies have been and are maliciously scattered amongst Your Subjects , to poison their Affections , and corrupt their Loyalty to Your Majesty ; therefore , to the end we may be enabled by Your gracious Answer to satisfie all the World , or to leave them unexcusable who will not be satisfied , we do in all humility present to Your Majesty these Petitions . That Your Majesty will give direction for the re-printing Your Protestation made in the head of Your Army , and Your other Declarations , wherein Your constant Resolution is declared , to maintain and defend the true reformed Protestant Religion , and that the same may be with more diligence published amongst the People ; that so Your Princely Christian Zeal and Affection to that Religion , and to maintain the same against all Popery , Schism and Profaneness , may be manifested ; and which we beseech Your Majesty upon this our Petition to declare again to all the World , to the discountenance and suppression of those Scandals laid upon Your Majesty by those who disturb our Peace . That when there may be a full and free Convention of Parliament , a National Synod may be lawfully called , to advise of some fit means for the establishing the Government and Peace of our Church ; to whom may be recommended a care for the ease of the tender Consciences of Your Protestant Subjects . Touching our Laws , we cannot ask more of Your Majesty than to declare and continue Your former Resolutions , to hold and keep them inviolable and unalterable , but by Act of Parliament . And for avoiding the Scandal maliciously infused into many of Your Subjects , that if Your Majesty prevail against this Rebellion , You intend not to use the frequent Council of Parliaments ; we humbly pray and advise Your Majesty to declare the sincerity of Your Royal Heart therein , to satisfie Your seduced Subjects against such false and malicious Aspersions . And in respect the present Contributions , Loans , Taxes , and other Impositions for maintenance of Your Armies , have been submitted unto as Exigences of War and Necessity , because of this unexampled Rebellion and Invasion ; we humbly beseech Your Majesty to Declare , That they shall not be drawn into example , nor continue longer than the present Exigence and Necessity , nor be at any time mentioned as Precedents : And that for the farther security of Your People , Your Majesty will vouchsafe to promise Your Royal Assent to a Law to be made and declared to that purpose in a full and free Convention of Parliament . And that for the present ease and encouragement of those under Contributions by Contract with Your Majesty , You will be pleased that those Contracts may be so observed , that Your Subjects may not have just cause of complaint against the Commanders , Governors , Officers or Souldiers of Your Army , or of or in any Your Garrisons , Castles or Forts , for taking any Money , Horses or other Cattel , Provisions or other Goods , or any Timber or Woods of any Your Subjects , or Free-Billet , or Free-Quarter , in any place where the Contributions and Taxes agreed on are paid ; humbly beseeching Your Majesty's gracious Care herein , and that the Offenders may receive exemplary punishment . Lastly , That Your Majesty will retain Your pious endeavours to procure the Peace of this languishing Kingdom , not to be removed or altered by any advantages or prosperous success . His MAJESTY'S Gracious Answer to the aforesaid Petition . AS We shall always acknowledge the great Comfort and Assistance We have received by your Councils since your Meeting here according to Our Proclamation ; so We must give you very particular Thanks for the Expressions you have made in this Petition of your Confidence in Us , and for the Care you have therein taken , that all Our good Subjects may receive ample satisfaction in those things upon which the Good and Welfare of their Condition so much depends . We have long observed ( though not without wonder ) the sly , subtile , and groundless Insinuation infused and dispersed amongst our People by the disturbers of the Publick Peace , of Our favouring and countenancing of Popery : And therefore as in Our constant , visible practice We have to the utmost of Our Power , ( and We hope , sufficiently ) manifested the gross falshood of those Imputations and Scandals , so We have omitted no opportunity of publishing to all the World the clear Intentions and Resolutions of the Soul in that point . We wish from Our heart that the true Reformed Protestant Religion may not receive greater Blemish by the Actions and Practices of these Men , than it doth or shall by any Connivence of Ours . We will take the best care We can ( and We desire your assistance in it ) to publish to all Our good Subjects that Our Protestation , and those Declarations you mention : And We do assure you , there is not an Expression in either of them , for the maintenance and advancement of Our Religion , with which Our Heart doth not fully concur ; and in which We shall be so constant , that if it shall not please God to enable Us by Force to defend it , We shall shew Our Affection and Love to it by dying for it . We may without vanity say , It hath pleased God to enlighten Our Understanding to discern the clear Truth of the Protestant Religion , in which We have been born and bred , from the Mists and Clouds of Popery , the which ( if it hath made any growth or progress of late within the Kingdom , as We hope it hath not ) is more beholding to the unchristian Rage and Fury of these Men than to any Connivence or Favour of Ours . For a National Synod , We have often promised it , and when God shall give so much Peace and Quiet to this Kingdom , that regular and lawful Conventions may be esteemed , shall gladly perform that Promise , as the best means to re-establish Our Religion , and make up those Breaches which are made : And We shall then willingly recommend unto them a special care of the ease of tender Consciences of Our Protestant Subjects , as We have often expressed . For the Laws of the Land , We can say no more than We have said in that Protestation you mention , and We thank you for being satisfied with it ; in which God knows Our Resolution to be so firm and stedfast , that We will give any Security under Heaven for the observation of it . And as Our greatest desire at this present is to meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , which We are confident would quickly put an end to all these Troubles : So , when it shall please God to restore that Blessing to Us , We shall value and esteem that Council , and frequently consult with it , and be advised by it , as the best means to make both King and People truly happy ; and We shall then by an Act given wipe out the footsteps of these extraordinary Supplies , which nothing but this real visible Necessity which oppresses us all could have compelled Us to make use of , and which shall never be mentioned or remembred by Us to the least Prejudice of your Rights and Liberties . And in the mean time , We shall leave nothing undone for the preservation of particular Contracts , and prevention of the disorder and licence of the Souldier , which is in Our Power to do , no particular Person enduring half that sadness of heart for those Breaches and Pressures which We Our Self do : For the prevention and suppression whereof We shall proceed with all Rigour and Severity . Lastly , as the support and maintenance of the Religion , Laws and Privileges of Parliament is ( as you well know ) the only Argument of Our defensive Arms ; so those being secured , We shall with all imaginable Joy lay down those Arms : And as you have been Our Witnesses and Our Assistants in Our earnest desires of Peace , so We promise you , We shall not only with the same earnestness always embrace it , if it shall be offered , but pursue and press it upon the least likelihood of Opportunity . And this Our Resolution , by God's Blessing , shall never be altered by any Advantages or prosperous Success . His MAJESTY'S Protestation . I DO Promise in the presence of Almighty God , and as I hope for his Blessing and Protection , That I will , to the utmost of My Power , defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and by the Grace of God in the same will live and die . I desire to Govern by the known Laws of the Land , and that the Liberty and Property of the Subject may be by them preserved with the same care as My own just Rights : And if it please God by His blessing upon this Army raised for My necessary defence , to preserve Me from this Rebellion , I do solemnly and faithfully Promise , in the sight of God , to maintain the just Privileges and Freedom of Parliament , and to govern by the known Laws of the Land , to My utmost Power ; and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented to by Me this Parliament . In the mean while , if this time of War , and the great necessity and streights I am now driven to , beget any violation of those , I hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of this War , and not to Me , Who have so earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom . When I willingly fail in these particulars , I will expect no Aid or Relief from any Man , or Protection from Heaven : But in this Resolution I hope for the chearful Assistance of all good Men , and am confident of God's Blessing . MDCXLIV . [ The Declaration of the most Excellent and Potent Prince , CHARLES King of Great Britain , sent to the Protestant Churches beyond the Seas . ] CHARLES by the Providence of Almighty God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , To all those who profess the true Reformed Protestant Religion , of what Nation , degree and condition soever they be , to whom this present Declaration shall come , Greeting . Whereas We are given to understand , that many false Rumors and Scandalous Letters are spread up and down amongst the Reformed Churches in Foreign parts by the politick , or rather the pernicious , industry of some ill-affected Persons , that We have an inclination to recede from that Orthodox Religion which We were born , baptized and bred in , and which We have firmly professed and practised throughout the whole course of Our Life to this moment , and that We intend to give way to the introduction and publick Exercise of Popery again in Our Dominions : Which Conjecture or rather most detestable Calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrid Tumults and more than barbarous Wars throughout this flourishing Island , under pretext of a kind of Reformation , which would not only prove incongruous , but incompatible with the Fundamental Laws and Government of this Kingdom : We desire that the whole Christian World should take notice and rest assured , that We never entertained in Our Imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy Religion , which when we received the Crown and Sceptre of this Kingdom , We took a most Solemn and Sacramental Oath to profess and protect . Nor doth Our most constant practice and quotidian visible presence in the exercise of this sole Religion , with so many Asseverations in the head of Our Armies , and the publick Attestation of Our Barons , with the circumspection used in the Education of Our Royal Off-spring , besides divers other undeniable Arguments , only demonstrate this ; but also that happy Alliance of Marriage We contracted betwixt Our Eldest Daughter and the Illustrious Prince of Orange , most clearly confirms the reality of Our Intentions herein ; by which Nuptial Engagement it appears further , that Our endeavours are not only to make a bare Profession thereof in Our Own Dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad as much as lyeth in Our Power . This most holy Religion of the Anglicane Church , ordain'd by so many Convocations of Learned Divines , confirm'd by so many Acts of National Parliaments , and strengthned by so many Royal Proclamations , together with the Ecclesiastick Discipline and Liturgy thereunto appertaining , ( which Liturgy and Discipline the most eminent of Protestant Authors , as well Germans as French , as well Danes as Swedes and Switzers , as well Belgians as Bohemians , do with many Elogies , and not without a kind of envy , approve and applaud in their publick Writings ; particularly in the Transactions of the Synod of Dort , wherein , besides other of Our Divines who afterwards were Prelates , one of Our Bishops assisted , to whose Dignity all due respects and precedency was given ; ) this Religion , We say , which Our Royal Father of blessed Memory doth publickly assert in that His famous Confession address'd ( as We also do this Our Protestation ) to all Christian Princes , this , this most holy Religion , with the Hierarchy and Liturgy thereof , We solemny protest that , by the help of Almighty God , We will endeavour , to Our utmost Power and last period of Our Life , to keep entire and inviolable , and will be careful , according to Our duty to Heaven , and the tenor of the aforesaid most sacred Oath at Our Coronation , that all Our Ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbences shall preach and practise the same . Wherefore We enjoyn and command all Our Ministers of State beyond the Seas , as well Ambassadors , as Residents , Agents and Messengers , and We desire all the rest of Our loving Subjects that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce in any Foreign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this Our solemn and sincere Protestation , when opportunity of time and place shall be offered . Given in Our Vniversity and City of Oxford , the 14th . day of May , 1644. The goodly CEDAR of Apostolick EPISCOPACY , comp●●●d with the moderne Shoots & Slips of divided NOVELTIES in the Church before the Introduction of the Apostles Lives PAPERS AND PASSAGES CONCERNING THE TREATY OF PEACE AT UXBRIDGE , MDCXLIV . XLV . By the King A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Resolution for settling a speedy Peace by a good Accommodation , and an Invitation to all His Loyal Subjects to joyn together for His Assistance therein . AMongst the many Troubles wherewith ( for more than two years last past ) We have been involved , nothing hath more afflicted Us than the real sense of Our Subjects Sufferings , occasioned by this most unnatural War ; and the chief of Our Care hath been ( and by God's assistance shall still be ) to settle them in a happy Peace , with that freedom of enjoyning the exercise of their Religion , Rights and Liberties , according to the Laws of this Kingdom , as they or any of their Ancestors enjoyed the same in the best times of the late Queen Elizabeth , or Our Royal Father . And as we have always profest in the sincerity of Our Heart , That no Success should ever make Us averse unto Peace ; so have We always , when God hath blessed Us with any eminent Victory , sollicited the Members of both Houses of Parliament remaining at Westminster , by frequent Messages , for a Treaty conducing thereunto : and in particular upon Our late Victory over the Earl of Essex his Army in Cornwal ( which We wholly attribute to the immediate hand of God ) We presently dispatch'd a Message to them to desire a Treaty for Peace and Accommodation ; of which , as likewise of that former Message for Peace which We sent them from Evesholm the fourth of July last , We have yet received no Answer ; and therefore have resolved with Our Army to draw presently towards London and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , not looking upon those parts as Enemies to Us , and so to suffer by the approach of Our Army or the disorders thereof , ( which We will use all possible means to prevent ) but as Our poor Subjects oppressed by Power , ( of which We rest assured the greater part remain Loyal to Us ) and so deserving Our Protection . And We hope that at a nearer distance of place there may be begot so right an understanding between Us and Our People , that at length We may obtain a Treaty for Peace , and a full , free and peaceable Convention in Parliament , and therein make an end of these unhappy Differences by a good Accommodation . In which We hereby assure all Our People upon Our Royal Word , and the Faith of a Christian , ( which is the greatest Security We can give them ) that We will insist only upon the setling and continuance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , Our own undoubted known Rights , the Privileges of Parliament , and Our Subjects Liberty and Property , according to the Laws of the Land , and to have all these settled in a full and free Parliament , whereby the Armies on both sides may be presently disbanded , this Kingdom may be secured from the danger of a Conquest by Foreign Forces , all Strangers now in Arms may return to their own Countries , and Our poor Subjects be freed of those grievous burthens , which by reason of the late Distractions have ( much against Our Will ) too much pressed them . And to the end Our Subjects may no longer be misled be false pretences , We do desire all of them , as well in Our own Quarters as where the Rebels have usurped a Power , to take into serious consideration the Duty and Loyalty which by the Law of God and their Oath of Allegiance they owe unto Us , and more particularly that part thereof which concerns the Defence of Our Person , and Assistance of Us against Rebels and such as rise in Arms against Us ; which they may find plainly set down in the Statute of the II. year of King Henry the Seventh , Cap. 1. And We do hereby require Our Subjects within Our own Quarters through or near which We shall pass , by that Duty they owe to Us and their Country , that they forthwith prepare themselves , with the best Arms they can get , to be ready , and joyn , and go along with Us in this present Expedition , ( We resolving to take special care to place them under the Command of Gentlemen of Quality of their own Countries , to their good content and satisfaction . ) And we likewise require and authorize all Our good Subjects , as well the Trained Bands as others , of Our City of London , and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , to chuse their own Commanders and Leaders amongst those Gentlemen and Citizens that are of approved Loyalty to Us , and Lovers of the Peace of their Country , and upon Our approach towards those parts to put themselves into Arms , and march in warlike manner to assist Us in this good Work , and free themselves from the Tyranny of their fellow-Subjects under which they groan ; commanding and authorizing them to seize such places of Strength in those Southern and Eastern Counties as the Rebels have possessed themselves of , to oppose with force of Arms such Persons as shall resist them in obeying these Our Commands , and to apprehend and secure the Persons of all such as shall endeavour to continue this Rebellion , and to hinder the settling of the Peace of this Kingdom in a full and free Convention of Parliament , ( the only visible means lest , by blessing of God , to redeem this Nation from utter Ruine ; ) wherein We will afford Our utmost Protection and Safety unto all Our Subjects that shall give Obedience to these Our Commands . And as We doubt not but that all Our good Subjects will come chearfully to Our assistance for so good an end ( beyond which We do not require it ; ) so We trust that God , who hath hitherto wonderfully preserved Us , will crown this Action with happy Success , for his Glory , and the welfare of this poor Nation . Given at Our Court at Chard , the thirtieth day of September , 1644. God Save the KING . By the King A Proclamation for a Solemn Fast on Wednesday the Fifth of February next , upon occasion of the present Treaty for Peace . VVHereas Almighty God in his Justice , to punish the Common and Crying Sins of the Land , hath sent a Civil Sword throughout all Our Dominions , which hath miserably wasted , and threatens a speedy and utter Desolation to the same ; and now in the height of these Calamities , a Treaty is assented to , to begin at Vxbridge on Thursday the Thirtieth day of this instant January , touching the composing and ending of those unhappy Differences and Distractions , about which so much blood hath been already spilt , which Treaty may , by the blessing of God ( who is the disposer of all mens hearts and of all events ) be a means to produce a Peace : and whereas it is the Duty , and hath been the practice , of Christians under Affliction , to set apart some time for publick and solemn Humiliation and Prayer , for removing of God's Judgments , and particularly for a Blessing and good Success to the means conducing to their Deliverance : We do therefore by this Our Praclamation appoint and streightly charge and command , that on Wednesday being the 5. of February next ensuing , a solemn Fast be kept in all places within Our Dominions , whither the notice of this Our Proclamation shall or may come before that time , that both Prince and People may then joyn together in a true Humiliation , and Devout and earnest Prayers to God , that He would be pleased so to bless and prosper this intended Treaty , that it may produce a happy Peace in all Our Dominions , such as may be for his Honour , and the good of His Church , and of Us and all Our Subjects . And We do hereby charge and require all Our Subjects , of what degree or condition soever they be , which shall have notice of this Our Proclamation , That they do religiously prepare and apply themselves to a due observation of the same , by Fasting , Humiliation , and Prayer on that day , and in hearing of God's Word , as they will answer to God their neglect of this Christian Duty , and as will Answer to Us their neglect of this Our just and necessary Command . And for the better and more orderly observation of this Fast , We do hereby appoint , that the Form of Prayer and Service of God set forth in the Book heretofore published for the Monthly Fast , with such Alterations and Additions as shall be prepared and fitted for this present purpose , and published in Print before the said day , shall be used in all Churches and Chapels where this Fast shall be kept . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this 27. day of January , in the Twentieth year of Our Reign , 1644. God Save the KING . HIS Majesty having received an Account from His Commissioners of their proceedings in the late Treaty at Vxbridge , to the end that all His People may be fully satisfied of His earnest and constant endeavours to procure the publick Peace , whereby to put an end to these present Miseries , hath commanded this full and plain Narrative of all the Passages concerning that Treaty to be made and published . AFter His Majesty's Message from Evesham of the 4. of July last , desiring and propounding a Treaty for Peace , and His second Message from Tavestock of the 8. of September last , renewing that desire ; at length , on the 23. day of November last past , the Earl of Denbigh and others repaired to His Majesty at Oxford with Propositions , in these words following . VVE Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Your Kingdoms , from the sense of that Duty we owe unto Your Majesty , and of the deep Sufferings and many Miseries under which Your People of all Your Kingdoms lie bleeding in this unnatural War , after long and serious consultation about the best ways and means of their Preservation , and for settling Your Majesty's Throne , and Your Subjects in Peace and Security , have with common consent resolved upon these Propositions , which we do humbly tender unto Your Majesty . The humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace , agreed upon by the mutual Advice and Consent of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , united by solemn League and Covenant , to be presented to His Majesty . I. That by Act of Parliament in each Kingdom respectively , all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either of the Houses of the Parliament of England , and the late Convention of Estates in Scotland , or Committees flowing from the Parliament , or Convention in Scotland , or their Ordinances and Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , and all Indictments , Outlawries and Attainders against any for the said Causes , be declared Null , suppressed and forbidden ; and that this be publickly intimated in all Parish-Churches within His Majesty's Dominions , and all other places needful . II. That His Majesty , according to the laudable Example of His Royal Father of happy memory , may be pleased to swear and sign the late solemn League and Covenant ; and that an Act of Parliament be passed in both Kingdoms respectively , for enjoyning the taking thereof by all the Subjects of the three Kingdoms , and the Ordinances concerning the manner of taking the same in both Kingdoms be confirmed by Acts of Parliaments respectively , with such Penalties as by mutual Advice of both Kingdoms shall be agreed upon . III. That the Bill be passed for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellours and Commissaries , Deans and Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellours , Treasurers , Sub-treasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church and all other their under-Officers , out of the Church of England and Dominion of Wales , and out of the Church of Ireland , with such Alterations concerning the Estates of Prelates as shall agree with the Articles of the late Treaty , of the Date at Edenborough 29 of Novemb. 1643. and joint Declaration of both Kingdoms . IV. That the Ordinance concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . V. That Reformation of Religion according to the Covenant be settled by Act of Parliament in such manner as both Houses shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines . And for as much as both Kingdoms are mutually obliged by the same Covenant , to endeavour the nearest Conjunction and Uniforminy in matters of Religion , that such Unity and Uniformity in Religion according to the Covenant as , after Consultation had with the Divines of both Kingdoms now assembled , shall be joyntly agreed upon by both Houses of the Parliament of England , and by the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , be confirmed by Acts of Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively . VI. That for the more effectual disabling Jesuits , Priests , Papists and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State and deluding the Laws , and for the better discovering and speedy conviction of Recusants , an Oath be established by Act of Parliament to be administred to them , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , worshipping of the consecrated Host , Crucifixes and Images , and all other Popish Superstitions and Errors ; and refusing the said Oath being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by the said Act , to be sufficient conviction in Law of Recusancy . VII . An Act of Parliament for Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . VIII . An Act for the true levying of the Penalties against them , which Penalties to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , wherein to be provided that His Majesty shall have no loss . IX . That an Act be passed in Parliament , whereby the practices of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duly executed , and a stricter course taken to prevent the saying or hearing of Mass in the Court , or any other part of this Kingdom . X. The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the four last preceding Propositions , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XI . That the King do give His Royal Assent To an Act for the due Observation of the Lords day ; And to the Bill for the suppression of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God ; and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom . And to the Bill against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and non-Residency . And to an Act to be framed and agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament , for the reforming and regulating of both Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester , and Eaton . And to an Act in like manner to be agreed upon for the suppression of Interludes and Stage-playes ; this Act to be perpetual . And to an Act for the taking the Accompts of the Kingdom . And to an Act to be made for relief of sick and maimed Souldiers , and of poor Widows and Children of Soldiers . And to such Act or Acts for raising of Moneys for the payment and satisfying of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom , and other publick uses , as shall hereafter be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament . And to an Act or Acts of Parliament for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries , and all Wardships , Liveries , Primer seisins , and Ouster le maines , and all other charges incident or arising for or by reason of Wardship , Livery , Primer seisin , or Ouster le main . And for the taking away of all Tenures by Homage , and all Fines , Licences , Seisures , and Pardons for Alienation , and all other charges incident thereunto , and for turning of all Tenures by Knights service , either of His Majesty or others , or by Knights service or soccage in Capite of His Majesty , into free and common Soccage ; and that His Majesty will please to accept in recompence hereof 100000 pounds per annum . And give Assurance of His consenting in the Parliament of Scotland to an Act ratifying the Acts of Convention of the Estates of Scotland called by the Council and Conservatory of Peace , and the Commissioners for the common Burthens , and assembled the 22 day of June 1643. and several times continued since , in such manner , and with such additions and other Acts , as the Estates convened in this present Parliament , shall think convenient . XII . That an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively for confirmation of the Treaties passed betwixt the two Kingdom , ( viz. ) the large Treaties , the late Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , and the settling of the Garrison of Berwick of the 29. of November 1643. and the Treaty concerning Ireland of the 6. of August 1642. with all other Ordinances and Proceedings passed betwixt the two Kingdoms in pursuance of the said Treaties . XIII . That an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties with the Rebels without consent of both Houses of Parliament , and to settle the prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of Parliament , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms ; and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . XIV . That an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively , for establishing the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , bearing date the 30. of January 1643. in England and 1644. in Scotland , with the Qualifications ensuing . 1. That the Persons who shall expect no Pardon be only these following , RUPERT and MAURICE , Count Palatines of the Rhene , James Earl of Derby , John Earl of Bristol , William Earl of Newcastle , Francis Lord Cottington , John Lord Pawlet , George Lord Digby , Edward Lord Littleton , William Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Matthew Wren , Bishop of Ely , Sir Robert Heath Knight , Doctor Bramhall Bishop of Dery , Sir John Biron Knight , William Widdrington , Colonel George Goring Henry Jermin Esq ; Sir Ralph Hopton , Sir Francis Doddington , M. Endymion Porter , Sir George Ratcliffe , Sir Marmaduke Langdale , Sir John Hotham , Captain John Hotham his Son , Sir Henr , Vaughan , Sir Francis Windebanke , Sir Richard Greenvile , Master Edward Hyde , Sir John Marley , Sir Nicholas Cole , Sir Thomas Riddel Junior , Colonel ..... Ware , Sir John Strangwaies , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Richard Floyd , John Bodvile Esq ; Mr. David Jenkins , Sir George Strode , Sir Alexander Carew , Marquiss of Huntley , Earl of Montross , Earl of Niddisdale , Earl of Traquaire , Earl of Carnewath , Viscount of Aubayne , Lord Ogilby , Lord Rae , Lord Harris , Lodwick Lindsey sometime Earl of Crawford , Patrick Ruthen sometime Earl of Forth , James King sometime Lord Ethyn , Irving younger of Drunim , Gordon younger of Gight , Lesly of Auchintoule , Sir Robert Spotswood of Dumipace , Colonel John Cockram , Master John Maxwel sometime pretended Bishop of Ross , Master Walter Balcanquall , and all such others as being processed by the Estates for Treason , shall be condemned before the Act of Oblivion be passed . 2. All Papists and Popish Recusants who have been , now are , or shall be actually in Arms , or voluntarily assisting against the Parliaments or Estates of either Kingdom . 3. All persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion in Ireland . 4. That Humphry Bennet Esq ; Sir Edward Ford , Sir John Penruddock , Sir George Vaughan , Sir John Weld , Sir Robert Lee , Sir John Pate , John Ackland , Edmund Windham , Esquires , Sir John Fitz-herbert , Sir Edward Laurence , Sir Ralph Dutton , Henry Lingen Esq ; Sir William Russel of Worcestershire , Thomas Lee of Adlington Esq ; Sir John Girlington , Sir Paul Neale , Sir William Thorold , Sir Edward Hussey , Sir Thomas Lyddel , Senior , Sir Philip Musgrave , Sir John Digby of Nottingh . Sir Henry Fletcher , Sir Richard Minshal , Laurence Halsteed , John Denham , Esquires , Sir Edmund Fortescue , Peter St. Hill Esq ; Sir Tho. Tildesly , Sir Hen. Griffith , Michael Wharton Esq ; Sir Hen. Spiller , Sir George Benion , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Walgrove , Sir Edward Bishop , Sir Robert Owsly , Sir John Maney , Lord Cholmely , Sir Thomas Aston , Sir Lewis Dives , Sir Peter Osborn , Samuel Thorneton Esq ; Sir John Lucas , John Blomey Esq ; Sir Thomas Chedle , Sir Nicholas Kemish , and Hugh Lloyd Esq ; and all such of the Scotish Nation as have concurred in the Votes at Oxford against the Kingdom of Scotland and their Proceedings , or have sworn or subscribed the Declaration against the Convention and Covenant ; and all such as have assisted the Rebellion in the North , or the Invasion in the South of the said Kingdom of Scotland , or the late Invasion made there by the Irish and their Adherents ; and that the Members of either House of Parliament who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also Voted both Kingdoms Traitors , may be removed from His Majesty's Councils , and be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not without the advice and consent of both Kingdoms bear any Office , or have any employment concerning the State or Commonwealth : And also that the Members of either House of Parliament who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and not rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. may be removed from His Majesty's Councils , and be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not , without the advice and consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any employment concerning the State or Common-wealth : And in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon by His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland respectively , shall think fit . 5. That by Act of Parliament all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be made incapable of any place of Judicature or Office towards the Law , Common or Civil ; and that all Serjeants , Councellors and Attourneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be made incapable of any practice in the Law , Common or Civil , either in publick or in private : And that they , and likewise all Bishops , Clergy-men , and other Ecclesiastical persons , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , shall not be capable of any preferment or imployment either in Church or Commonwealth , without the advice and consent of both Houses of Parliament . 6. The persons of all others to be free of all personal censure , notwithstanding any Act or thing done in or concerning this War , they taking the Covenant . 7. The Estates of those persons excepted in the first three preceding qualifications , to pay publick Debts and Damages . 8. A third part in full value of the Estates of the persons made incapable of any imployment , as aforesaid , to be imployed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages , according to the Declaration . 9. And likewise a tenth part of the Estates of all other Delinquents within the joynt Declarations . And in case the Estates and proportions aforementioned shall not suffice for the payment of the publick engagements , whereunto they are only to be employed that then a new proportion may be appointed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , providing it exceed not the one moity of the Estates of the persons made incapable , as aforesaid , and that it exceed not a sixth part of the Estate of the other Delinquents . 10. That the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of England , who in Lands or Goods be not worth 200 l. sterling , and the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of Scotland , who in Lands or Goods be not worth 100 l. sterling , be at liberty and discharged . 11. That an Act be passed whereby the Debts of the Kingdom , and the Persons of Delinquents , and the value of their Estates may be known ; and which Act shall appoint in what manner the Confiscations and proportions before mentioned may be levied , and applyed to the discharge of the said engagements . XV. That by Act of Parliament the Subjects of the Kingdom of England may be appointed to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined in such manner as both Houses shall think fit : The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XVI . That an Act of Parliament be passed for the setling of the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , and for the raising of such Moneys for maintenance of the said Forces and of the Navy as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit : The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XVII . An Act for the settling of all Forces both by Sea and Land in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , of persons of known Integrity , and such as both Kingdoms may confide in , for their faithfulness to Religion and the Peace of the Kingdoms , of the House of Peers , and of the House of Commons , who shall be removed or altered from time to time as both Houses shall think fit ; and when any shall die , others to be nominated in their places by the said Houses . Which Commissioners shall have power , 1. To suppress any Forces raised without Authority of both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliaments without consent of the said Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , and to suppress any Foreign Forces that shall invade this Kingdom : And that it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Force without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , any Commission under the great Seal or Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding , and they to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed of as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . 2. To preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbance of the publick Peace that may rise by occasion of the late Troubles ; so for the Kingdom of Scotland . 3. To have power to send part of themselves , so as they exceed not a third part , or be not under the number of to reside in the Kingdom of Scotland , to assist and Vote as single persons with the Commissioners of Scotland , in those matters wherein the Kingdom of Scotland is only concerned : so for the Kingdom of Scotland . 4. That the Commissioners of both Kingdoms may meet as a joynt Committee , as they shall see cause , or send part of themselves , as aforesaid , to do as followeth . 1. To preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them . 2. To prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , as aforesaid , or any troubles arising in the Kingdoms by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same , according to the Treaty , and to do further accordingly as they shall respectively receive Instructions from both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , and in the Intervals of Parliaments from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace . 3. To raise and joyn the Forces of both Kingdoms to resist all Foreign Invasion , and to suppress any Forces raised within any of the Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , by any authority under the great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of both Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , or the said Commissioners of that Kingdom whereof they are Subjects ; and that in those cases of joynt concernment to both Kingdoms , the Commissioners to be directed to be there all , or such part as aforesaid , to act and direct as joynt Commissioners of both Kingdoms . 4. To order the War of Ireland according to the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April , and to order the Militia , and conserve the peace of the Kingdom of Ireland . XVIII . That His Majesty give His assent to what the two Kingdoms shall agree upon in prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty , which are not yet finished . XIX . That by Act of Parliament all Peers made since the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament , being the 21. day of May 1642. and who shall be hereafter made , shall not sit or Vote in the Parliament of England , without consent of both Houses of Parliament ; and that all Honour and Title conferred on any , without consent of both Houses of Parliament , since the 20. day of May 1642. being the day that both Houses declared , That the King , seduced by evil Counsel , intended to raise War against the Parliament , be declared null and void . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , those being excepted whose Patents were passed the great Seal before the 4. of June 1644. XX. That by Act of Parliament the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliament by the Commissioners , to continue during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the aforementioned Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting : And that the Chancellor or Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Commissioners of the great Seal or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , Chancellors of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Judges of both Benches and of the Exchequer of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , to continue quamdiu se bene gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the aforementioned Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , adding the Justice General , and in such manner , as the Estates in Parliament there shall think fit . XXI . That by Act of Parliament the Education of Your Majesty's Children , and the Children of Your Heirs and Successors , be in the true Protestant Religion , and that their Tutors and Governours be of known Integrity , and be chosen by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , or in the Intervals of Parliaments by the aforenamed Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Parliaments at their next sitting : and that if they be Male , they be married to such only as are of the true Protestant Religion ; if they be Female , they may not be marryed but with the advice and consent of both Parliaments , or in the Intervals of Parliament by their Commissioners . XXII . That Your Majesty will give Your Royal Assent to such ways and means as the Parliaments of both Kingdoms shall think fitting for the uniting of the Protestant Princes , and for the entire Restitution and Re-establishment of Charles Lodwick , Prince Elector Palatine , His Heirs and Successors , to His Electoral Dignity , Rights and Dominions : Provided that this extend not to Prince Rupert or Prince Maurice , or the Children of either of them , who have been the Instruments of so much blood-shed and mischief against both Kingdoms . XXIII . That by Act of Parliament the concluding of Peace or War with Foreign Princes and States be with advice and consent of both Parliaments , or in the Intervals of Parliaments by their Commissioners . XXIV . That an Act of Oblivion be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively , relative to the Qualifications in the Propositions aforesaid , concerning the joint Declaration of both Kingdoms , with the exception of all Murderers , Thieves , and other Offenders not having relation to the War. XXV . That the Members of both Houses of Parliaments , or others , who have during this Parliament been put out of any Place or Office , Pension or Benefit , for adhering to the Parliament , may either be restored thereunto , or otherwise have Recompence for the same , upon the humble desire of both Houses of Parliament . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland . XXVI . That the Armies may be Disbanded at such time and in such manner as shall be agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , or such as shall be Authorized by them to that effect . XXVII . That an Act be passed for the granting and confirming of the Charters , Customs , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Mis-user , or Abuser . That the Militia of the City of London may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , whereof the Lord Major and Sheriffs for the time being to be three : And that the Militia of the Parishes without London , and the Liberties within the weekly Bills of Mortality , may be under Command of the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council of the said City , to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removable by the Common-Council . That the Citizens or Forces of London shall not be drawn out of the City into any other parts of the Kingdom without their own consent , and that the drawing of their Forces into other parts of the Kingdom in these distracted times may not be drawn into example for the future . And for prevention of Inconveniences which may happen by the long intermission of Common-Councils , it is desired that there be an Act , that all By-Laws and Ordinances already made or hereafter to be made by the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , touching the calling , continuing , directing and regulating of the same , shall be as effectual in Law to all intents and purposes , as if the same were particularly enacted by the Authority of Parliament ; and that the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council may add to , or repeal , the said Ordinances from time to time , as they shall see cause . That such other Propositions as shall be made for the City for their farther Safety , Welfare and Government , and shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , may be granted and confirmed by Act of Parliament . Upon consideration of which Propositions His Majesty sent the Duke of Richmond , and the Earl of Southampton with this Message of the 13. of December . HIS Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions , and finds it very difficult , in respect they import so great an Alteration in Government both in Church and State , to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate , wherein those Propositions , and all the necessary Explanations and Reasons for assenting , dissenting , or qualifying , and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue , and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen , may be discussed and weighed . His Majesty therefore proposeth and desireth , as the best Expedient for Peace , That you will appoint such a number of Persons as you shall think fit , to Treat with the like number of Persons to be appointed by His Majesty upon the said Propositions , and such other things as shall be proposed by His Majesty , for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion ( with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , as His Majesty hath often offered ) the Rights of the Crown , the Liberty and Property of the Subjects , and the Privileges of Parliament ; and upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace . Unto which Message this Answer of the 27. of December was returned to His Majesty . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , VVE Your Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects of both Kingdoms have considered of Your Majesty's Message of the 13. of December 1644. sent by the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Southampton , directed to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland now at London , and do in all humbleness return this Answer : That we do consent there be a Treaty for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; but find that it will require some time to resolve concerning the Instructions and manner of that Treaty ; and therefore , that Your Majesty might not be held in suspence touching our readiness to make use of any opportunity for attaining such a blessed and happy Peace in all Your Majesty's Dominions , we would not stay Your Majesty's Messengers till we did resolve upon all those particulars , which we will take into our serious consideration , and present our humble desires to Your Majesty with all convenient speed . Westminster the 20. of December , 1644. Signed in the name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , Lowdon . Gray of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker , of the Commons House assembled in Parliament . And afterwards , upon the 18th . of January following , Sir Peter Killegrew brought this farther Answer to His Majesty . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , VVE Your Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , do make our further Answer to Your Majesty's Message of the 13 th . of December last 1644. concerning a Treaty for Peace , as followeth . We do consent that there be a Treaty for a safe and well-grounded Peace between Your Majesty and Your humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliament of both Kingdoms ; and for the present have appointed Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembrook and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzill Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , Edmund Prideaux , for the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster ; and John Earl of Lowdon , Lord Chancellor of Scotland , Archibald Marquefs of Argyle , John Lord Maitland , John Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnston , Sir Charles Erskin , George Dundas , Sir John Smith , Master Hugh Kennedy , and Master Robert Barclay , for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Master Alexander Henderson , upon the Propositions concerning Religion : Who , or any Ten of them ( there being always some of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms ) are appointed and authorized to meet at Vxbridge , on what day Your Majesty shall be pleased to set down before the last day of this present January , with such persons as Your Majesty shall appoint under Your Sign Manual for that purpose ; and the number of the persons to Treat not to exceed Seventeen on either part , unless the persons named for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland now not here , or any of them , shall come , and then Your Majesty may have the like number if You please ; there to Treat upon the Matters contained in the Propositions we lately sent unto Your Majesty , according to such Instructions as shall be given unto them ; and the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , to be first Treated on and agreed , and the time for the Treaty upon the said Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , not to exceed Twenty days . And for the things mentioned in Your Message to be propounded by Your Majesty , when the Persons sent by Your Majesty shall communicate the same to the Committees appointed by us as aforesaid , we have directed them to send the same to us , that they may receive our Instructions , what to do therein . And to the end that the Persons that are to be sent from Your Majesty and from us with their Retinue , not exceeding the number of one hundred and eight on either part , may repair to Vxbridge , stay there , and return at their pleasure without interruption , that mutual safe Conducts be granted to the said Persons according to the several Lists of their Names . Signed by Order of the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster . Signed in the name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland . Lowdon . Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in the Parliament of England . Whereunto His MAJESTY returned an Answer inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , dated the 21 of January ; which Letter and Answer were as followeth . The Letter . My Lord , I Am commanded by His Majesty to return this His Answer to the Message lately sent Him from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , by Sir Peter Killegrew . I have likewise sent your Lordship His Majesty's safe Conduct for the persons desired , and also a List of the names of those His Majesty hath appointed to Treat , for whom , together with their Retinue , His Majesty hath desired a safe Conduct . The Answer inclosed . HIS Majesty having received a Message by Sir Peter Killegrew from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , concerning a Treaty , returns this Answer ; That His Majesty doth very willing consent that there be a Treaty upon the Matters contained in the Propositions lately sent unto Him in such manner as is proposed , and at the place appointed in the said Message ; and to that purpose His Majesty will send the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Earl of Chichester , the Lord Capell , the Lord Seymour , the Lord Hatton , the Lord Culpeper , Secretary Nicholas , Master Chancellor of the Exchequer , the Lord Chief Baron Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardiner , M. John Ashburnham , M. Jeffrey Palmer , ( together with Dr. Steward , Clerk of His Majesty's Closet , upon the Propositions concerning Religion , ) to meet with the persons mentioned in the said Message at Vxbridge on Wednesday night the 29 th . of this instant January , the Treaty to begin the next day ; which persons , or any Ten of them , shall be sufficiently authorized by His Majesty to Treat and conclude on His Majesty's part . And to the end that the persons aforesaid and their Retinue may repair to Vxbridge , stay there , and return at their pleasure without interruption , or go or send , during their abode there , to His Majesty , as often as occasion shall require , His Majesty desires that a safe Conduct may accordingly be sent for the said persons and their Retinue , according to a List of their names herewith sent . And then also inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , His Majesty sent Propositions to be Treated upon on His Majesty's part ; which Letter and Propositions follow . My Lord , I Am commanded by His Majesty to send these enclosed Propositions to your Lordship , to be presented to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , to the end that there may be as little loss of time as is possible ; but that the same may be treated on as soon as may be thought convenient , after the entry upon the Treaty . His MAJESTY'S Propositions to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . I. THAT His Majesty's own Revenue , Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , which have been taken or kept from Him by force , be forthwith restored unto Him. II. That whatsoever hath been done or published contrary to the known Laws of the Land , or derogatory to His Majesty's Legal and known Power and Rights , be renounced and recalled ; that no seed may remain for the like to spring out of for the future . III. That whatsoever illegal Power hath been claimed or exercised by or over His Subjects , as Imprisoning or putting to Death their Persons without Law , stopping their Corpus's , and imposing upon their Estates without Act of Parliament , &c. either by both or either House , or any Committee of both or either , or by any Persons appointed by any of them , be disclaimed , and all such persons so committed forthwith discharged . IV. That as His Majesty hath always professed His readiness to that purpose , so He will most chearfully consent to any good Acts to be made for the suppression of Popery , and for the firmer settling of the Protestant Religion established by Law ; as also that a good Bill may be framed for the better preserving of the Book of Common-Prayer from scorn and violence ; and that another Bill may be framed for the ease of tender Consciences , in such particulars as shall be agreed upon . For all which His Majesty conceives the best expedient to be , that a National Synod be legally called with all convenient speed . V. That all such persons as upon the Treaty shall be excepted , and agreed upon on either side , out of the General Pardon , shall be tried per Pares , according to the usual course and known Law of the Land , and that it be left to that either to acquit or condemn them . VI. And to the intent this Treaty may not suffer interruption by any intervening Accidents , that a Cessation of Arms , and free Trade for all His Majesty's Subjects , may be agreed upon with all possible speed . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 21th . day of Jan. 1644. The Earl of Essex upon receipt hereof returned to Prince Rupert , together with a safe Conduct , this Letter of the 25. of January . Sir , I AM commanded by both Houses of the Parliament of England , and desired by the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to desire Your Highness to let His Majesty know , That they do agree , that their Committees do begin the Treaty at Vxbridge on Thursday the 30 th . of this January , with the Persons appointed by His Majesty , on the matters contained in the Propositions lately sent unto His Majesty , in such manner as was proposed . And their Committees shall have Instructions concerning the Propositions sent from His Majesty in your Highness Letter . And you will herewith receive a safe Conduct from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , for the Persons that are appointed by His Majesty to come to Vxbridge , to Treat on the Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace , with their Retinue , in a List hereunto annexed . Sir , I am Your Highness humble Servant , Essex . Westminster , 25. Jan. 1644. Thursday the 30th . of January , all the Commissioners named by His Majesty , and Commissioners named by the two Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , did meet at Uxbridge , where their Commissions were mutually delivered in and read , and are as followeth . His MAJESTY'S Commission . CHARLES R. VVHereas after several Messages sent by Us to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , expressing Our desires of Peace , certain Propositions were sent from them ; and brought unto Us at Oxford , in November last , by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and upon our Answers , Messages , and Propositions to them , and their Returns to Us , it is now agreed , That there shall be a Treaty for a safe and well grounded Peace , to begin at Vxbridge on Thursday the 30 th . of this instant January , as by the said Propositions , Answers , Messages and Returns in writing may more fully appear : We do therefore hereby appoint , assign and constitute James Duke of Richmond and Lenox , William Marquess of Hartford , Thomas Earl of Southampton , Henry Earl of Kingston , Francis Earl of Chichester , Francis Lord Seymour , Arthur Lord Capell , Christopher Lord Hatton , John Lord Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas Knight , one of Our principal Secretaries of State , Sir Edward Hyde Knight , Chancellour and Under-Treasurer of Our Exchequer , Sir Richard Lane , chief Baron of Our said Exchequer , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Mr. John Ashburnham , and Mr. Jeffrey Palmer , ( together with Doctor Richard Steward , upon these Propositions concerning Religion ) to be Our Commissioners touching the premises ; and do hereby give unto them , and to any Ten or more of them , full power and authority to meet , and on Our part to Treat with Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Bafil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Esquires , Sir Henry Vane the younger , Knight , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , Esquires , for the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster ; and John Earl of Lowdon , Lord Chancellour of Scotland , Archibald Marquess of Argyle , John Lord Maitland , John Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnston , Sir Charles Erskin , George Dundas , Sir John Smith , Mr. Hugh Kennedy , and Mr. Robert Barclay , for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , ( together with Master Alexander Henderson , upon the Propositions concerning Religion ) or with any Ten or more of them , upon and touching the matters , contained in the said Propositions , Answers and Messages , or any other , according to the manner and agreement therein specified , or otherwise , as they , or any Ten or more of them , shall think fit , and to take all the premises into their serious considerations , and to compose , conclude and end all differences arising thereupon , or otherwise , as they , or any Ten or more of them , in their wisdoms shall think fit , and upon the whole matter to conclude a safe and well-grounded Peace , if they can . And whatsoever they , or any Ten or more of them , shall do in the premises , We do by these presents ratifie and confirm the same . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the eight and twentieth day of January , in the Twentieth year of Our Reign , 1644. Their Commission to the English Commissioners . Die Martis , 28. January , 1644. BE it Ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , shall have power and authority , and are hereby authorized , to joyn with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Alexander Henderson upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , to Treat with the Lord Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Capel , Lord Seymour , Sir Christopher Hatton , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Hyde , Sir Richard Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Master John Ashburnham , and Master Jeffrey Palmer , or any Ten of them , upon the Propositions formerly sent to His Majesty ( for a safe and well-grounded Peace , ) from His Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , together with Doctor Steward upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , and upon His Majesty's Propositions , according to such Instructions as have been given to them , or as they from time to time shall receive from both Houses of Parliament . Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam . Their Commission to the Scots Commissioners . AT Edenburgh the saxteínt day of Julii , the ȝeir of God M. Vj c fourty four ȝeires . The Estaites of Parliament presentlie conveined be vertew of the last act of the last Parliament , haldin by His Majesty and thrie Estaites in Anno 1641. considdering that this Kingdome , efter all uther meanes of supplicationnes , Remonstrances , and sending of Commissionaris to His Majesty , have bein used without successe , did enter into a solemne League and Covenant with the Kingdom and Parliament of England , for Reformationne and defence of Religionne , the Honor and Happines of the King , the Peace and Safety of the thrie Kingdoms , of Scotland , England and Ireland , and ane Treattie aggried upon , and ane Armie and Forces raised and sent out of yis Kingdom for these endis : Quhairupone the Conventionne of Estaites of this Kingdome , the nynt of Jannuary last , being desirous to use all good and lawful meanes , that Treuth and Peace might be established in all His Majesty's Dominions , with such a blessed Pacificationne betwixt His Majesty and His Subjectis as might serve most for His Majesty's trew Honor , and the Safety and Happines of His People , granted Commissione to Johne Erle of Lowdonne Heigh Chancellor of Scotland , Johne Lord Maitland , than and ȝit in England . Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , ane of the Lordis of Sessionne , and Maister Robert Barclay now in England , to repaire to England , with powar to thame , or any twa of yame , to endeavoure the effectuating of ye foirsaides endis , conforme to the Commissione and Instructiones than givin to thame , as the Commissione of the dait foirsaid proportis . Lyke as the saides Johne Lord of Maitland , Sir Archibald Johnestounne , and Maister Robert Barclay have evir sinceattendit in England , in the discharge of the foirsaid Commissione ; qunhil lately that Sir Archibald Johnestounne returned with some Propositiones , prepaired by the Committie of both Kingdomes , to be presented to the Estaites of Scotland , and to both Howss of the Parliament of England , and by thame to be revised , and considderit , and than by mutual advyse of both Kingdomes to be presented for ane safe and weill-grounded Peace . Qwhilkies Propositiones ar revised , and considderit , and advysed be the Estaites of Parliament now conveined , and their sense and resultis drawin up yrupone . Whiche Commissione is to endure while the comming of the Commissionaris underwrittin . And heirewith also considderin , that the endis for the whilk the samen was granted ar not ȝit effectuate , and that the Propositiones with ye Estaites thair resultis yrupone ar to be returned toye Parliament of England ; thairfore the Estaites of Parliament be thir presentis gives full powar and Commissione to the said Johne Erle of Lowdonne , Lord heigh Chancellor of yis Kingdome , Archibald Marqueis of Arg yle , and Johne Lord Balmerino , for the Nobility , Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , Sir Charles Erskyne of Cambuskenneth , and Maister George Dundas of Maner , for the Barrones , Sir Johne Smyth of Grottel Proveist of Edenburgh , Hew Kennedy Burges of Air , and Master Robert Barclay , for the Burrowes , ( the thrie Estaites of yis Kingdom ) and to Johne Lord Maitland supernumerarie in this Commissione , or to any thrie or mae of the haill number , thair being ane of ilk Estaite , as Commissionaris from the Estaites of Parliament of this Kingdome , to repaire to the Kingdome of England ( sick of them as ar not thair already ) and with powar to thameor any thrie or mae of the whole number , thair being ane of ilk Estaite , to endeavour the effectuating of ye foirsaides endis , the concluding of the Propositions , with the Estaites th aire results thairupon , and all such uyr materis , concerning the good of bothe Kingdomes as ar or sall be from time to time committed unto thame be the Estaites of yis Kingdome or Committies thairof , according to the Instructiones givin , or to be givin , to the Commissionaris abovenameit , or thair quorums . And for this effect , the Estaites Ordeanes , Johne Erle of Lowdonne Chancellor , Johne Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , Sir Charles Erskyne of Cambuskenneth , and Hew Kennedy , repaire with all diligence to the Kingdome of England , to the essect before rehearsit , conforme to this Commissione and Instructiones . As also the Estaites Ordeanes ye saides Archibald Marqueis of Argyle , Maister George Dundas of Maner , and Sir Johne Smyth Proveist of Edenburgh , to repaire to ye Kingdome of England , with all sick conveniencie as the occasione of ye businesse shall require , or as they sall be commandit , ather be the Committie from the Parliament heir , they being in Scotland , or be the Committie with the Army , they being in England . And Ordeanes thame to joyne with the remanent Commissionaris to the effect above-mentionat , conforme to the Commissione and Instructiones givin , or to be givin , to the Commissionaris or thair quorums thairanent , be the Estaites of this Kingdom or Committies yrof . And the Estaites of Parliament be thir presentis haldis and sall halde firme and stable all and what summe ever thinges the Commissionaris abovenamit , or any thrie or mae of thame , sall do conforme to this Commissionne , and to the Instructionnes givin , or to be givin to thame . Estractit furthe of the buikes of Parliament , be me Sir Alexander Gibsonne of Dunrie , Kynt , Clerk of His Majesty's Registers and Rollis , under my signe and subscriptione Manuel . Alexander Gibsonne Cler. Regist . After the Commissions read , their Commissioners delivered to His Majesty's Commissioners this Paper . January the 30. VVE are directed by our Instructions , to Treat with your Lordships upon the Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , three days apiece , ( alternis vicibus ) during the space of twenty days , from the 30 of January , beginning first with the Propositions of Religion ; and accordingly we shall deliver unto your Lordships a Paper to morrow morning upon those Propositions . Accordingly the Treaty did proceed upon those Subjects three days apiece ( alternis vicibus , ) beginning with that of Religion upon Friday the last of January , and so continuing Saturday the first , and Monday the third of February ; which was after resumed , Tuesday the 11. Wednesday the 12 , and Thursday the 13. of February , and again the two last days of the 20. And the like course was held touching the Militia and Ireland . But because the Passages concerning each Subject severally will be more clearly understood , being collected and disposed together under their several heads , therefore all those which concern Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , are put together . And in like manner the Passages preparatory to the Treaty , concerning the Commissions , the Manner of the Treaty , and a Seditious Sermon made the first day appointed for the Treaty , and such as hapned in the Treaty touching His Majesty's Propositions , the demands of farther time to Treat , and other emergent Passages which have no relation to those of Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , are in like manner digested under their several heads , with their particular dates . And first those which concern the Commissions . Friday the last of January His Majesty's Commissioners delivered unto their Commissioners this Paper . Ult. January . VVE having perused the Power granted to your Lordships , in the Paper delivered by the Earl of Northumberland , and finding the same to relate to Instructions , we desire to see those Instructions , that thereby we may know what Power is granted to you : and we ask this the rather , because by the Powers we have seen , we do not find that your Lordships , in the absence of any one of your number , have power to Treat . Their Answer 31. January . BY our Instructions we or any Ten of us , whereof some of either House of the Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be present , have power to Treat with your Lordships . Their farther Answer , ult . Jan. VVHereas your Lordships have expressed unto us a desire of seeing our Instructions , to know what Power is granted us ; and this the rather , because you say you find not by what you have seen , that in the absence of any one of our number we have power to Treat : to this we return in Answer , That since the Paper already delivered in by us , declaring that by our Instructions any Ten of us , whereof some of either House of Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be present , had power to Treat with your Lordships , hath not given you satisfaction in the particular of the Quorum , we shall send unto the two Houses of Parliament , to have the Quorum inserted in the Commission , and do expect the return of it so amended within two or three days , when we shall present it unto your Lordships . But as for your desire in general to see our Instructions , it is that for which we have no Warrant , nor is it , as we conceive , at all necessary , or proper for us so to do , for that the Propositions upon which we now Treat have been already presented from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms unto His Majesty , and whatsoever is propounded by us in order unto them , is sufficiently warranted by what both Parliaments have done in the passing and sended of those Propositions , and by the Commissions authorizing us to Treat upon them already shewn unto your Lordships ; so as there can be no need to shew any other Power . Accordingly on Saturday the first of February they did deliver their Commission for the English Commissioners renewed as followeth . Die Sabbati primo Febr. BE it Ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , shall have power and authority , and are hereby authorized , to joyn with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Alexander Henderson upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , or any Ten of them , whereof some of either House of the Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , are to be present , to Treat with the Lord Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Capel , Lord Seymour , Sir Christopher Hatton , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Hyde . Sir Richard Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardner , Master John Ashburnham , and Master Jeffrey Palmer , or any Ten of them , upon the Propositions formerly sent to His Majesty ( for a safe and well-grounded Peace , ) from His Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , together with Doctor Steward upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , and upon His Majesty's Propositions , according to such Instructions as have been given to them , or as they from time to time shall receive from both Houses of Parliament . Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam . The same last of January their Commissioners delivered to His Majesty's Commissioners this Paper . January 31. HAving considered your Commission and Power from His Majesty given in last night by your Lordships , we find that you are authorized to Treat only upon certain Propositions sent to His Majesty from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , and upon His Majesty's Answers , Messages and Propositions to them , and their Returns to His Majesty : wherein we observe , that the Propositions sent to His Majesty from His Majesty's Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both His Kingdoms , are mentioned to be sent to His Majesty from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster ; and upon His Majesty's Answers , Messages and Propositions to them , and their Returns to His Majesty , that a Treaty is to begin : and wherein we also observe , you have no Power thereby to Treat upon the Propositions sent to His Majesty from His humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , and the Answers , Messages , and Propositions sent from His Majesty to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland then at London , and their Returns to His Majesty . We desire those defects may be cleared and speedily amended . The King's Commissioners Answer . 31. January . VVE conceive our Power being to Treat upon the Propositions brought by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and those Propositions being sent from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , there need no mention of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms in that place , but that our Power is ample to Treat with your Lordships upon the whole , both by express words , and by other general words in the Commission , which give power to Treat upon those Propositions or any other ; which general words are not observed by your Lordships in your Paper ; and our Power is to Treat with the Lords and others authorized for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland by name : yet since you insist upon it , it shall be altered by Tuesday next . And in the mean time ( if your Lordships please ) we desire * the Papers promised yesterday , in the Paper delivered by the Earl of Northumberland , may be delivered unto us , that there may be as little loss of time as may be . Their Reply . 31. January . IN Answer to your Lordships Paper concerning your power to Treat , we are content to proceed in the Treaty with your Lordships , in expectation that the Defects mentioned by us in our Paper shall be supplied by Tuesday next . On Munday the third of February , the King's Commissioners did deliver their Commission renewed as followeth . CHARLES . R. VVHereas certain Propositions were sent unto Us from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and from the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , which were brought unto Us at Oxford in November last by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and upon Our Answers , &c. [ as followeth verbatim in His Majesty's former Commission . ] Touching the Manner of the Treaty . The King's Commissioners Paper . 31. January . WE desire , to the end there may be a greater freedom in debate ( which we conceive will much conduce to the happy conclusion of this Treaty ) that nothing may be understood to be concluded on either side but what is delivered in writing , according as your Lordships have begun . And we declare , That what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party , if the Treaty break off upon any other Proposition , or part of any other Proposition . Their Answer . 31. Jan. WE shall deliver our demands and Answers in writing , and desire your Lordships to do the like . The King's Commissioners Reply . 1. February . WE desire a full Answer of our Paper , that nothing shall be taken as agreed upon but what is put in writing , and your Concurrence in declaring , That what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition , or upon any part of a Proposition , shall not be binding or prejudicial to either Party if the Treaty break off . Their further Answer . 1. February . ACcording to our former Paper , we shall deliver our Demands and Answers in writing , and we desire your Lordships to do the like , and nothing shall be taken as agreed upon but what is put in writing . And we shall acquaint the Houses of Parliament , that you have declared , what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party if the Treaty break off . 3. February . IN Answer to Your Lordships Paper formerly delivered , we do declare , that what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party , if the Treaty break off upon any other Propositions or part of any Proposition . Touching the Seditious Sermon . The King's Commissioners Paper . 31. January . WE have certain Information from divers Persons present in Vxbridge Church yesterday , that there was then a Sermon preached by one Mr. Love , in which were many passages very Scandalous to His Majesty's Person and derogatory to His Honour , stirring up the People against this Treaty , and incensing them against us , telling them , That we come with hearts full of Blood , and that there is as great distance between this Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell , or words to that effect ; with divers other Seditious passages both against His Majesty and this Treaty . We know His Majesty's hearty desire of a happy and well-grounded Peace , such as may be for Gods Honour , and the good of all His Subjects , as well as Himself ; and we that are entrusted by His Commission come with clear Intentions to serve Him in it , according to our Consciences and the best of our Judgments . And this being preached in your Quarters , where we are now under safe Conduct , we desire your Lordships to consider how much this may reflect upon our Safety , how much it may prejudice and blast the blessed hopes of this Treaty , and how just offence and distrust it may beget in His Majesty : And therefore we desire Justice against the Man , that he may have exemplary Punishment . Their Answer . 31. Jan. TO the Paper delivered in by your Lordships this day , concerning the Information received of several Scandalous passages preached in a Sermon in Vxbridge Church by one Master Love , we do return this Answer , That the said Master Love is none of our Retinue , nor came hither by any privity of ours ; That we conceive it most reasonable and agreeable to the business we are now upon , that all just occasions of Offence on either part be avoided ; and as it hath been our desire , so it shall be our endeavour , to take the best care we can , to prevent all prejudices upon the present Treaty which may blast the blessed hopes thereof , or may beget any just offence and distrust in His Majesty , and shall be as tender of the Safety of your Lordships Persons , according to the safe Conduct , as of our own . We shall represent your Lordships Paper concerning this business ( if your Lordships so desire ) unto the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , who will proceed therein according to Justice . The King's Commissioners Reply . 1. February . VVE insist upon our former desire concerning the Sermon preached by Mr. Love , and must refer the way of doing Justice to your Lordships , and if your Lordships are not satisfied that such Words as we have charged him with were spoken by him , we are ready to produce the proof thereof to your Lordships . Their further Answer . 1. February . WE will represent both your Lordships Papers concerning Master Love unto the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , who will proceed therein according to Justice . In the next place , according to the order before mentioned , do follow the Passages and Papers concerning Religion . Their Paper . 31. January : ACcording to the * Paper delivered by us to your Lordships yesternight , we do now offer these Propositions following , which concern Religion . That the Bill be passed for abolishing and taking away of all Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. according to the Third Proposition . That the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . That the Directory for Publick Worship , already passed both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Propositions concerning Church-Government , hereunto annexed and passed both Houses , be enacted as a part of Reformation of Religion , and Uniformity , according to the Fifth Proposition . That His Majesty take the Solemn League and Covenant , and that the Covenant be enjoyned to be taken , according to the Second Proposition . To this was annexed the following Paper of the 31. January . That the ordinary way of dividing Christians into distinct Congregations , and most expedient for Edification , is by the respective bounds of their Dwellings . That the Minister and other Church-Officers in each particular Congregation shall joyn in the Government of the Church , in such manner as shall be established by Parliament . That many particular Congregations shall be under one Presbyterial Government . That the Church be governed by Congregational , Classical and Synodical Assemblies , in such manner as shall be established by Parliament . That Synodical Assemblies shall consist both of Provincial and National Assemblies . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. February . HAving considered your Lordships Paper , containing the Propositions concerning Religion , with the Paper annexed , and finding the same to contain absolute Alterations in the Government both of the Ecclesiastical and Civil State ; we desire to know whether your Lordships have power to Treat and debate upon the said Propositions , and upon debate to recede from or consent to any Alterations in the said Propositions , if we shall make it appear to be reasonable so to do , or whether your Lordships are bound up by your Instructions to insist upon the Propositions without any Alteration . Their Answer . 1. February . OUR Paper given in to your Lordships concerning Religion , doth contain no Alterations but such as are usual in a time of Reformation , and by the wisdom of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms are judged necessary at this time for settling Religion and Peace . And as by our Commissions and Papers formerly shewed your Lordships we have made known our Power to Treat upon them ; so are we ready by Debate to shew how reasonable they are , and that there will be no reason to expect that we should alter or recede from them . But as for your demand of our shewing what farther Power we have by our Instructions , it is that we have no warrant to do , as we have already signified to your Lordships by a former Paper . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. February . YOUR Lordships first Proposition in the Paper concerning Religion , referring to the Third Proposition sent to His Majesty , we find that refers to the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh , 29. Nov. 1643. and to the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms : We desire your Lordships we may see those Articles and Declarations , and your Lordships second Proposition in that Paper , referring to the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines ; we desire to see those Ordinances . Their Answer , 1. Feb. ACcording to your Lordships desire in the * third Paper , we now deliver in the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. of November 1643. and the * joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms ; and we shall speedily deliver to your Lordships the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. Feb. VVE desire to know whether the Propositions which we have received from your Lordships touching Religion , be all we are to expect from you upon that Subject . Their Answer , 1. Feb. THere are other things touching Religion to be propounded by us unto your Lordships , upon the Propositions formerly sent unto His Majesty from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which we shall in due time give in unto your Lordships : But we do first desire your Answer to the Paper touching Religion given in yesterday , that some good progress may be made therein before the three days assigned to Treat upon Religion in the first place do expire . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. Feb. VVE desired to know whether the Propositions we formerly received from your Lordships concerning Religion , were all that would be offered concerning that Subject , because we thought it very necessary ( since so great Alterations are proposed by you ) to have a full view of the whole Alterations that are desired , since in an Argument of the greatest weight and highest importance , we cannot possible give a present Judgment of any part till we have a prospect of the Whole : But since your Lordships do not yet think it time to let us have a sight of the rest , but first desire our Answer to the * Paper delivered yesterday , which contains many particulars of which we never heard before , we shall apply our selves to understand the things proposed by you , in such manner as we may return your Lordships a speedy Answer ; and to that purpose must desire your Lordships information in some particulars which are comprized in your Lordships paper . And when your Lordships consider that the * Directory for Worship ( being so long ) was delivered to us but yesterday , that the Covenant , the Articles of the Treaty of Edenburgh , the Declaration of both Kingdoms ( which are comprehended within the First Proposition ) were delivered to us but this day , and therefore we could return no Answer concerning the Bill for abolishing Arch-bishops and Bishops , ( which is proposed to be passed ) according to the Third Proposition , in which the said Articles and Declarations are comprehended , and that the Ordinances for the Sitting of the Assembly are not yet delivered unto us ; we are confident your Lordships will not think us negligent in making as good a progress in the Treaty upon Religion as is in our power , which we shall endeavour to advance with all diligence and the best of our understanding . Afterwards , the same first of February , the * Ordinances for the Assembly of Divines were delivered in . After some debate touching the nature of the Church Government intended by the Paper annexed to the first Paper upon the Subject of Religion , which are here before set down , the Kings Commissioners delivered in this following Paper . 1. Feb. THE Information we desire from your Lordships for the present is , Whether by the Words in the first of those Propositions in your Lordships Paper annexed [ the respective bounds of their Dwellings ] you intend the several bounds of their dwelling Houses , or the bounds of Parishes ; or whether you intend an alteration of the bounds of Parishes . In the second Proposition , What other Church-Officers your Lordships intend shall joyn with the Ministers in the Government of the Church , and what Jurisdiction they shall exercise in order to that Government , and from whom they shall derive it , and in what degree be subordinate to the power from whom they derive it ; and what you intend by Presbyterial Government , in your third Proposition . In the fourth Proposition , What your Lordships intend by Congregational , Classical and Synodical Assemblies . How Synodical Assemblies , Provincial and National shall be constituted as to Persons and Causes , and what shall be the bounds and limits of their Jurisdiction ; and from whom the several Jurisdictions above mentioned shall be derived . To these particulars we would be glad ( if your Lordships think it fit ) to receive satisfaction by Debate , where Questions may be asked and Replies made before any Answer be returned in writing , which may ask much time , and be less satisfactory : but we refer the way to your Lordships . Their Answer . 1. Feb. VVE cannot but be sensible of the great loss of time occasioned by your Lordships Questions for Information in your last Paper , and shall have small hopes of good success in this Treaty , having these two days made so little progress , unless your Lordships be pleased to give us full Answers to our Demands concerning Religion : Yet to give all satisfaction with as little expence of time as may be , we are ready by present Conference to clear the Questions in your Paper . The King's Commissioners Reply in two several Papers next following . 2. Feb. VVE conceive there was no cause your Lordships should apprehend any loss of time occasioned by our Questions , for that your Propositions concerning Religion were not delivered to us till Friday last , and the Directory then delivered with them , so long , that the reading of it spent the residue of that day , and divers other Papers to which the Propositions referred , and without which we could not consider them , were not delivered us before yesterday , and some of them not till after the Paper which imputes a delay to us ; and your Lordships having propounded only general heads of a Presbyterial Government , without any particular Model of it , which in several Reformed Churches ( as we are informed ) is various both in Names and Powers , it was necessary to understand the particular expressions in your Paper , the Alteration desired being so great , and being proposed to be enacted , which will require His Majesty's Consent , whom we ought to satisfie , having so great a Trust reposed in us . And we desire your Lordships to consider how impossible it hath been for us to give your Lordships , in less than two days , a full Answer ( which in your last Paper you require ) to what you propose , which is in effect to consent to the utter abolishing of that Government , Discipline and publick Form of the Worship of God , which hath been practised and established by Law here ever since the Reformation ; and which we well understand , and the Alteration of which in the manner proposed , takes away many things in the Civil Government , and provides no remedy for the Inconveniences which may happen thereby : And to consent to the Alienation of the Lands of the Church , by which ( for ought appears ) besides infinite other Considerations , so many Persons may be put to beg their Bread , to oblige His Majesty and all His Subjects to the taking a new Oath or Covenant , and to receive and consent to a new Government , we do not , nor without information cannot , understand ; and which ( in truth ) appears to us , by your Lordships Propositions , not to be yet agreed upon in the particulars , and your Lordships having declared to us , that you have other things to propose to us concerning Religion , which you do not yet think it fit time to acquaint us withal . Notwithstanding all which difficulties , we shall proceed with all possible expedition , and desire your Lordships will not object Delays to us , till we give you just occasion . February 2. THAT we may make a right use of the Information your Lordships were pleased yesterday to afford us in debate upon the questions proposed by us concerning the Propositions in your Lordships Paper annexed , for the future Government of the Church , and so have some understanding of that Government intended by your Lordships in place of that you propose to be abolished , we desire to receive your Lordships Answer in writing , whether these short Collections upon the Debate yesterday be the Sum of your Lordships Resolutions , or Informations upon the Questions formerly proposed by us . We conceive that the information given to us in debate by your Lordship 's to the Questions we proposed to you in writing was , 1. That the Congregational Assemblies consist of the Ministers and Ruling Elders . 2. That the Classical Assemblies consist of many Congregational Assemblies . 3. That the Provincial Assemblies are constituted to the several Classical Assemblies . 4. That all these Congregational , Classical and Provincial Assemblies together , constitute a National Assembly . 5. That the Authority and Jurisdiction of the several Assemblies shall be setled by Parliament . And if your Lordships have any thing else to inform us concerning this Government , we desire to receive the same from your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Paper . 3. February . VVE are readyby present Conference to enter upon consideration of your Lordships First Proposition , concerning Religion , and shall desire to receive or give satisfaction , whereby we may be of one mind in that Argument . And for the better entering into this Debate , we desire to know whether in respect of Alteration mentioned in the Third Proposition to be made in the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy , you would have this individual Bill pass or not . Their Answer . 3. Feb. VVE desire the Bill for the utter abolishing of Episcopacy , which now remains with His Majesty , may be passed without prejudice to us to insist upon the * Alterations mentioned in the Third Proposition ; and we are ready to give your Lordships a present Conference upon the First proposition , concerning Religion , according to your desire . After a Conference , wherein much time was spent in debate concerning that individual Bill which was presented for abolishing Episcopacy , their Commissioners delivered this Paper . 3. February . VVE desire your Lordships Answer to our Demands upon the Propositions for Religion , and in the first place to the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , which hath been so much debated , that upon the expiring of the first three days appointed to Treat concerning Religion , we may be able to return such an account to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms as may give them hopes of a happy progress in this Treaty . The King's Commissioners Answer . 3. Feb. VVE conceive we have offered so weighty Doubts and Considerations to your Lordships in this days Debate concerning several parts in the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , ( your Lordships having confined and limited our Debate to that individual Bill as it is now penn'd , not the consideration of abolishing Episcopacy in general ) that your Lordships cannot expect a positive Answer from us now ( being after eleven a clock at night ) touching that Bill : But we shall be ready by the next day assigned for the Treaty upon this Argument , to deliver our Opinions to your Lordships ; the which we shall be then the better able to do , when we have found by the progress in our other Debates how far a blessed and a happy Peace is like to be advanced by our endeavouring to give your Lordships satisfaction in this particular . This being the last of the three first days assigned for the Treaty upon Religion , that Subject was again taken up the 11 th . of February , being the first of the second three days appointed for Religion : And their Commissioners delivered this Paper . 11. Feb. HAving received no satisfaction in the first three days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion , we do now desire your Lordships clear and full Answer to our former Demand on this Subject , that no farther time may be lost in a matter which doth so much concern the Glory of God , the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners Answer . 11. Feb. VVE gave your Lordships as much satisfaction in the first three days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion as in so short a time , and upon so little information from your Lordships , could reasonably be expected in a matter of so great and high importance : And as we have given your Lordships already * many Reasons concerning the Injustice and Inconveniency which would follow upon passing the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy , according to your first Proposition ; so we are now ready by Conference to satisfie your Lordships , why we conceive that the said Bill is not for the Glory of God , or the Honour of the King , and consequently cannot be for the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms : And if your Lordships Reasons shall convince us in those particulars , we shall willingly consent to what you desire ; if otherwise , we shall offer to your Lordships our Consent to such other Alterations as we conceive may better contribute to the Reformation intended , and such as may stand with the Glory of God , and , in truth , be for the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms . Their Reply . 11. Feb. VVE have received no satisfaction from your Lordships concerning the Propositions delivered in by us for Religion in the name of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , not have you made appear unto us any Injustice or Inconveniency in the passing of the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy . And as it cannot be denied but the settling of Religion is a matter which doth highly concern the Glory of God , the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of his Kingdoms ; so do we desire your Lordships will grant those Demands which have been made unto you by us to that end ; and we are ready by present Conference to receive what your Lordships will offer upon any of those Propositions , and to return that which may give your Lordships just satisfaction . The King's Commissioners Answer . 11. Feb. YOUR Lordships having expressed in your Paper of the first of February , that there are other things touching Religion to be propounded by your Lordships to us , we presume that by this time you may be enabled by your Instructions to propose the same ; and therefore we desire to receive them from your Lordships : Which we hope your Lordships will think very reasonable , when you consider how incongruous a thing it will appear to most Men , to consent to real and substantial Alterations in the matter of Religion , without having a view of the whole Alterations intended , when at the same time there is mention of other Alterations . Their Answer thereunto . 11. Feb. WE shall deliver in very speedily that which remains with us touching Religion to be propounded unto your Lordships : But we do desire ( as before ) your Lordships Answers unto our Demands in the same order that we have proposed them , not conceiving it reasonable there should be any time spent in Debates or Answers upon what we shall hereafter offer , till we have received satisfaction in our former Propositions ; which we desire may be speedily done , lest otherwise the Treaty be retarded , and the Expectation of both Kingdoms altogether frustrated . Notwithstanding this , they delivered in this further Answer . 11. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships Paper this day delivered to us , we desire that His Majesty do give His Royal Assent to an Act of Parliament for the due Observation of the Lords Day , and to the Bill for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels in and about the Worship of God , &c. and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom , and to the Bill against enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual persons , and non-Residency . And we shall in due time give in to your Lordships our Demands concerning Papists , contained in the sixth , seventh , eighth , ninth and tenth Propositions ; and for His Majesty's Assenting to an Act to be framed and agreed upon in both Houses of Parliament , for the regulating and reforming of both . Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester , and Eaton , and for the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and the Children of His Heirs and Successors , in the true Protestant Religion , as in the 21 Proposition . Some part of the 11th . and most part of the 12th . of February , was spent in Argument by Divines touching Episcopacy and the Presbyterial Government . Afterwards their Commissioners gave in this Paper , 12. Feb. THere having now been several days spent in debate upon the Propositions for Religion , and all Objections alledged to the contrary either from Conscience , Law or Reason , being fully answered , and the time allotted for that so important a part of the Treaty almost elapsed , we should be wanting to the Trust reposed in us , if we should not press and Expect ( as we now do ) a clear and positive Answer to those Demands concerning Religion which we have offered unto your Lordships from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , as most necessary for the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace in all His Majesty's Dominions . The King's Commissioners Answer . 12. Feb. WE deny that the Objections alledged by us against the passing the for abolishing Episcopacy from Conscience , Law or Reason , have been fully answered by your Lordships ; or that indeed we have received any satisfaction from your Lordships in these particulars . We have received no Information from your Lordships to satisfie us that Episcopacy is , or hath been , an impediment to a perfect Reformation , to the * growth of Religion , or that it is prejudicial to the Civil State ; which we have often desired from you Lordships , without effect , and which are the Grounds upon which your Lordships propose the abolishing Episcopacy ; And we shall be very willing , and are desirous to receive your Lordships Reasons in these particulars . And how short soever the time allotted is for the Treaty ( for which we cannot be answerable , being not bound up in point of time by His Majesty as your Lordships say you are by your Instructions ; and we should be glad that the same might be enlarged proportionably to the importance of the things to be Treated on ) we should be wanting to the great Trust reposed in us , if we should consent to those Demands as they are proposed to us by your Lordships , otherwise than as they are agreeable to our Consciences and Understandings . And such an Answer your Lordships shall receive from us to your Demands concerning Religion , upon which we hope a safe and well-grounded Peace , by the blessing of God , may be established . Their Paper . 13. Feb. WE did assure our selves , that after so many days debate concerning Religion , and our removal of whatever Objections have been offered by your Lordships , and our making it appear how great a hinderance Episcopal Government is and hath been to a perfect Reformation , to the growth of Religion , and prejudicial to the Civil State ; that your Lordships would have been ready to have answered our expectation with the Grant of our Demands : But if still your Lordships remain unsatisfied , we conceive it cannot with any Justice be imputed unto us , and therefore we again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to what we have delivered unto you concerning Religion . Upon this last Paper , and after the several Debates between the Commissioners , and Arguments by the Divines , and consideration had of all that had been delivered concerning Religion . His Majesty's Commissioners gave in these Four Papers following . 13. February . WE are not yet satisfied that the Bill insisted on by your Lordships , which remains in His Majesty's hands , for the utter abolishing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and Chapters , &c. ought to be enacted , believing it not to be agreeable to Conscience and Justice , to alienate the Lands therein mentioned to Lay-uses ; and not understanding that the alienation thereof is necessary at all to the Reformation of Religion : Besides that there is no certain provision made for any of those who are now legally vested in those possessions , whereby they and their Families shall be in evident danger of want of bread : And it appearing by your Lordships Propositions , which relate to the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. of Novemb. 1643. and the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , to which you require our Assent as well as to the Bill , that part of the Church-land may be after the passing this Bill , assign'd to other uses than is exprest in the said Bill . Upon these considerations , and upon your Debate which hath passed between us upon this Bill , whereby it hath appeared that there would be so great an Alteration in the Civil State by this Bill being enacted , in the failure of Justice at the Common Law , and otherwise in many several particulars of great importance to the Subjects of this Kingdom , which for ought appears to us , is not yet provided for , and that by a particular * Clause in the Bill His Majesty's ancient and undoubted power of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is wholly taken away ; besides , it may be very considerable what inconveniencies would ensue by the passing this Bill now , which looks back and is to begin from November was twelve-month , whereby all those Acts of Jurisdiction exercised by Bishops since that time are already void , which would produce great inconveniences and mischiefs touching the probates of Wills and Administrations throughout the Kingdom ; not to speak of the doubts which may arise in many consciencious Men who have been ordained by Bishops since that time , which may seem to be likewise declared void by this Bill , and so at least to discountenance all Acts which have insued by virtue of that Ordination , and thereby many Questions may arise in Law concerning Marriages , Legitimations and Descents of Inheritance ; and for many other reasons exprest in our Conference and Debate , we conceive that your Lordships may be satisfied , that this individual Bill ought not to pass . For the matter then of the said Bill , the Extirpation of Episcopacy , we desire your Lordships to consider , That it is evident , and we conceive consented to on all parts , that it hath continued even from the Apostles times by continual Succession in the Church of Christ , till within these few years , without intermission or interruption ; and then how perilous a thing it must be , and prejudicial to the publick Peace , to remove and destroy a Form of Government so long exercised in this Kingdom , and under which we have enjoyed as great a measure of Happiness ( to say no more ) as any Nation in Christendom , and which your Lordships have not pretended to be unlawful , before we particularly see the Model of that Government and Jurisdiction which is to be established in the place thereof , that thereby we may be assured that it be such , to which as well those who like , as all those who dislike the present Government , will submit ; otherwise Peace , which is the main end and pretence for Alterations , cannot be established : And therefore we very earnestly beseech your Lordships to consider and weigh , whether , without shaking Foundations , it be not much better , and more agreeable to Christian Prudence and Charity , to remove those particulars from the present Government , and make such Alterations therein as may most probably give satisfaction to all persons seriously disturbed or afflicted in their Consciences , than by destroying the whole , to give just Offence and Scandal to very many Pious and Religious Persons . Under these Considerations , and for the uniting and reconciling all Differences between us in the matter of Religion , and procuring a blessed Peace , we are willing , That Freedom be left to all Persons , of what Opinion soever , in matters of Ceremony , and that all the Penalties of the Laws and Customs which enjoyn those Ceremonies be suspended . That the Bishop shall exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent and counsel of the Presbyters , who shall be chosen by the Clergy of each Diocess out of the learned stand gravest Ministers of that Diocess . That the Bishop keep his constant residence in his Diocess , except when he shall be required by His Majesty to attend him on any occasion , and that ( if he be not hindred by the infirmities of old Age or Sickness ) he Preach every Sunday in some Church within his Diocess . That the Ordination of Ministers shall be always in a publick and solemn manner , and very strict Rules observed concerning the Sufficiency and other Qualifications of those Men who shall be received into Holy Orders ; and the Bishop shall not receive any into Holy Orders without the approbation and consent of the Presbyters , or the major part of them . That competent maintenance and provision be established by Act of Parliament to such Vicarages as belong to Bishops , Deans and Chapters , out of the Impropriations , and according to the value of those Impropriations , of the several Parishes . That for the time to come , no Man shall be capable of two Parsonages or Vicarages with Cure of Souls . That towards the settling of the publick Peace , one hundred thousand pounds shall be raised by Act of Parliament out of the Estates of Bishops , Deans and Chapters , in such manner as shall be thought fit by the King and two Houses of Parliament , without the Alienation of any of the said Lands . That the Jurisdiction in Causes Testamentary , Decimal , Matrimonial , be settled in such manner as shall seem most convenient by the King and two Houses of Parliament . And likewise that one or more Acts of Parliament be passed for regulating of Visitations , and against immoderate Fees in Ecclesiastical Courts , and the abuses by frivolous Excommunications , and all other abuses in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . And if your Lordships shall insist upon any other thing which your Lordships shall think necessary for Reformation , we shall very willingly apply our selves to the consideration thereof . 13. February . FOR the confirmation of the Ordinances concerning the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines and the taking the Covenant , we conceive neither of them need be insisted on , if the alterations of Church-Government be agreed upon between us : and if they be not , it will not be reasonable that we consent to those Ordinances . And for the Covenant , we cannot advise His Majesty to swear and sign the same , nor consent that an Act of Parliament should pass for enjoyning the taking thereof by His Majesty's Subjects . 13. February . VVE do not yet conceive that the Directory for publick Worship , delivered to us by your Lordships , ought to be enacted , or that it is so likely to procure and preserve the Peace of this Kingdom , as the Liturgy or Common-Prayer-Book already established by Law , against which we have not yet received from your Lordships any Objections ; which Liturgy ( as the same was compiled by many Learned and Reverend Divines , of whom some dyed Martyrs for the Protestant Religion ) we conceive to be an Excellent Form for the Worship of God , and hath been generally so held throughout this Kingdom till within these two or three years at the most . And therefore since there are no Inconveniences pretended to arise from the Book of Common-Prayer to which we conceive the Directory is not more liable , and since there is nothing commendable in the Directory which is not already in the Book of Common-Prayer , we conceive it much better and more conducing to the Peace of this Kingdom , still to observe the said Form , with such Dispensations as we have expressed in our first Paper now presented to your Lordships : and if there shall be any Alterations proposed by your Lordships of such particulars in the Book of Common-Prayer as good men are scrupled at , we shall willingly endeavour to give your Lordships satisfaction in those particulars ; but as yet can make no further or other Answer than we have already done ; but shall be ready to receive such Objections as your Lordships shall think fit to make against the Book of Common-Prayer , and your Reasons for introducing the Directory . And for the Proposition concerning Church-Government , annexed to your first Paper , we have no Information how that Government shall be constituted in particular , or what Jurisdiction shall be established , or by whom it shall be granted , or upon whom it shall depend . And therein also we desire further Information from your Lordships . 13. February . VVE desire to see the Bills for the Observation of the Lord's day , for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels , and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word , which are mentioned in your Lordships * Paper of the 11. of Febr. we being very ready to consent to the subject Matter of those Bills . We have expressed in our Paper delivered to your Lordships what we conceive fit to be done in the business of Pluralities , which will prevent any inconveniences that way : And when your Lordships shall give us your Demands concerning Papists , and when we shall see the Acts for the regulating and reforming of both Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton , and for the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and the Children of His Heirs and Successors , in the true Protestant Religion , we shall give your Lordships such Answers as shall be fit , being very willing to concur with your Lordships in any good means for the suppressing of Popery , and advancement of the Protestant Religion . And we are well assured that His Majesty hath taken a pious care for the Education of all His Children in the true Protestant Religion ; and having already married one of His Children to the satisfaction ( we conceive ) of all His good Subjects , we are confident , in due time , His Majesty will so dispose of the rest in Marriage as shall be most for the advancement of Religion , and the good and welfare of all His Dominions . Their Answer to the First . 13. February . VVHereas we expected your Lordships resolution for His Majesty's assent unto the Bill for the utter Abolishing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. we find by your Paper given in this Evening , that your Lordships are not yet satisfied that the Bill should pass , and you are pleased to express several Reasons and Objections against it , which were at large answered and cleared at the publick Debate . But what was then said by us is now by your Lordships wholly omitted ; nor may we in writing represent it again unto your Lordships , it not being agreeable to the usage of Parliament to deliver Reasons for or against a Bill , though we were willing by Conference in the Treaty to satisfy all doubts , and remove all scruples which remained with you . And so far were we from consenting that Episcopacy hath continued from the Apostles times by continual Succession , that the contrary was made evident unto your Lordships , and the Unlawfulness of it fully proved . And as for that which your Lordships have propounded for uniting and reconciling all differences in the matter of Religion , it is a new Proposition , which wholly differs from ours , is no way satisfactory to our desires , nor consisting with that Reformation to which both Kingdoms are obliged by their solemn Covenant ; therefore we can give no other Answer to it , but must insist , to desire your Lordships that the Bill may be past , and our other Demands concerning Religion granted . The King's Commissioners Reply thereunto . 13. February . VVE conceive that our Answer to your Lordships concerning the Bill for the utter Abolishing of Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. was so reasonable , that it clearly appears thereby , that the passing that individual Bill is not agreeable to Conscience and Justice , and that it would be very prejudicial to the Civil State and to the Peace of the Kingdom ; neither have the Reasons and Objections given by us against it , first in Debate , and since in Writing , been answered in Debate by your Lordships . And therefore we know no reason why your Lordships may not give an Answer to those Objections in Writing . For as it is not agreeable to the usage of Parliaments , for the two Houses to give His Majesty Reasons why he should pass any Bill presented by them ; so it is no more agreeable to the same usage , for His Majesty to give Reasons why He doth not pass Bills so presented But we desire your Lordships to consider that we are now in a Treaty , and we conceive the proper business thereof to be , for your Lordships to give us Reasons why His Majesty should consent to the Propositions made by you , or for us to give Reasons to your Lordships why we cannot consent to those Propositions ; otherwise it would be only a Demand on your Lordships part , and no Argument of Treaty between us . And we must profess to your Lordships , that as we conceived in our former Paper the Succession of Episcopacy , by Succession from the Apostles time , was consented to on all parts ; so we cannot remember that the contrary thereof was so much as alledged , much less that the Unlawfulness thereof was proved , the Question of the Lawfulness thereof having never yet come in debate . And we shall be very ready to receive any assertion from your Lordships to that purpose , not doubting but we shall give your Lordships full satisfaction in that point . And we conceive the Alterations proposed by us to your Lordships to be a very proper Answer to your Lordships Propositions , and most agreeable to the end for which those Propositions seem to be made . And that since it appears , that the utter abolishing of Episcopacy in the manner proposed is visibly inconvenient , and may be mischievous , the Regulating of Episcopacy , being most consonant to the Primitive Institution , will produce all these good effects towards Peace and Unity , which Regulated Episcopacy is the sum of our former Paper ; we desire your Lordships to consent to the same . And we again offer to your Lordships , that if you shall insist upon any other things necessary for Reformation , we will apply our selves to the consideration thereof . Their Answer to the Second . 13. Feb. VVE conceive your Lordships second Paper , this day delivered to us , is a Denial of our Demands , that the Ordinance for the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament , and that His Majesty take the solemn League and Covenant , and the Covenant be enjoyned to be taken , according to the Second Proposition . Wherein if we mis-conceive your Lordships intention , we desire you would explain the meanings , and accordingly shall make our reports to the Parliaments of both Kingdom . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. COncerning the Ordinances for the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines , and the taking the Covenant , we can give no farther Answer than we have done in our second Paper delivered to your Lordships this day . Their Answer to the Third . 13. Feb. VVE do conceive your Lordships third Paper is a Denial of our Demands , concerning the Directory for publick Worship and the Proposition for Church-Government , against which your Lordships have made no Objection , and your Queries are already satisfied by Conference . And we shall accordingly make our reports to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. OUR expressions in our Answer to your Lordships Demands concerning the Directory for publick Worship , import only what we as yet conceive concerning that matter ; there having hitherto been no debate touching the same , or concerning the Common-Prayer-Book now established by Law , and thereby intended to be abolished . And therefore we did in that Paper , and do still desire to receive your Lordships * Objections against the Book of Common-Prayer , and your Reasons for introducing the Directory . Neither can our Answer to the Propositions for Church-Government , annexed to your first Paper , be otherwise taken , than as our desire to receive information how that Government should be constituted in particular , and what Jurisdiction should be established , by whom granted , and upon whom it should depend ; which Queries were not satisfied by any Conference , your Lordships ( as we conceive ) having declared your selves , that the particular form or model of that Government , mentioned in those Propositions only in General , were not then particularly agreed on ; and we have since desired and expect to receive it : and therefore your Lordships cannot conceive we have denied that which we have not yet seen , nor been informed of . Their Answer to the Fourth . 13. Feb. TO your Lordships Fourth Paper we Answer ; The Bill for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels in and about the Worship of God , &c. and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom , and against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-residency , were heretofore presented to His Majesty , and remain with him ; and we herewith deliver to your Lordships the Ordinance for the due observation of the Lord's day , and we insist on our former Demands concerning them . And when your Lordships have given us your full Answers to our desires already with you concerning Religion , we then shall deliver unto your Lordships our Demands concerning Papists , the regulating the Universities , the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children in the true Protestant Religion , contained in our Paper of the 11. of this instant February . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. VVE have not the Bills here which we desired of your Lordships , in our Fourth Paper , to see , and which you now say were heretofore presented to His Majesty . But we shall take speedy care to have those Bills , if they remain with His Majesty ; and in the mean time desire your Lordships to give us Copies of them , and we shall give your Lordships a speedy Answer , as we shall to the Ordinance for the due observation of the Lord's Day , which we received from your Lordships this night , and had never before seen : and we shall be ready to receive your Lordships * Demands concerning Papists , the regulating the Universities , the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and shall return our Answers accordingly . This last Paper concluded the six days appointed for the Treaty upon Religion , according to the Order prescribed for disposing the first 18. days of the 20. for the Treaty . In the end of which 18. days , after some * Papers mutually delivered concerning the manner how the two last days should be disposed , this Subject of Religion , with the two others , were again resumed , and their Papers following were then delivered in concerning Religion . Their Paper . 21. Feb. VVHereas your Lordships in your * last Paper of Feb. 13. were pleased to say , that ( as you conceived ) the continual succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times was consented to on all parts , and that you cannot remember that the contrary thereof was so much as alledged , much less that the Unlawfulness thereof was proved , the Question of the Unlawfulness thereof having never yet come into debate ; we desire your Lordships to remember , that when a Divine in Commission with you undertook to prove the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , his Arguments were not only answered by another Divine in Commission with us , but that 4 or 5 several Arguments were then brought by him out of the Scriptures to prove the Unlawfulness of it ; and afterwards in an extrajudicial Debate between several Divines on both sides , by consent of the Commissioners , those Arguments were further made good by the Divines on our side , and the pretended continual succession of Episcopal Government from the Apostles times was ( as we conceive ) at the same time sufficiently disproved : so that we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should forget that the Unlawfulness of it was debated . And whereas in your Lordships * last Paper of Feb. 20. you were pleased to say , That if it might be made appear that the Government by Bishops is unlawful , or that the Government which we desire to introduce in the room thereof is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God , your Lordships would immediately give us full satisfaction in our Proposition ; we desire your Lordships to remember besides what hath been proved in debate concerning the unlawfulness of Episcopal Government , and notwithstanding the general experience that the Government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. hath been a hindrance to Reformation and growth of Religion , and prejudicial to the Civil State , and the manifest evidence of the thing it self , that so much of the Government desired by us as hath been presented to your Lordships is agreeable to the Word of God , how we have several times offered our selves to give your Lordships satisfaction by Conference , if any Objections remained with your Lordships to the contrary , which we are still ready to do , and desire your Lordships full Answer to that , and the rest of our Propositions concerning Religion . The King's Commissioners Answer . 21. Feb. VVE did conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times had been so clearly manifested to your Lordships by our Conference on the 12. of this instant , that your Lordships had been fully satisfied therein ; the which since you are not , we would gladly be informed when and where any National Church since the Apostles times was without that Government : and since your Lordships are of opinion that the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy was made good by those Arguments which were given by the Divines on your part , which in truth we did not understand to be made to that purpose when they were first urged , and being now again remembred , in our Judgments do not in any degree prove the same , we being very ready to consent to the abolishing thereof if the same can be proved , and your Lordships assuming that you have proved it , and so that you can again prove it , we desire your Lordships by Conference or in writing to satisfie us in that point ; which we hope being in your Power ( as you say ) to do , and being a sure way to put an end to this debate by our yielding , your Lordships will not refuse to do it . But if neither that , nor the other Proposition , that the Government intended to be introduced by your Lordships is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God , can be evinced , we hope your Lordships will rest satisfied with the Reasons we have given your Lordships in writing , why we cannot consent to your Propositions concerning Religion as they are made and insisted on by your Lordships , and that we have offered your Lordships a remedy against all the inconveniences that have been ever pretended in the Government as it is now established by Law , and which ought not upon less Reasons than we have mentioned to be taken away . Their Reply . 21. Feb. WE do not conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times hath been at all manifested to us in Conference by your Lordships ; and for what your Lordships mention concerning a National Church , it is a new Question , which hath not as yet been any part of the Subject of our Debate . But we desire to bring that to a Conclusion which is in issue between us ; and not doubting but that your Lordships are fully satisfied that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino , we are ready by Conference to shew the Unlawfulness of that Episcopacy which we desire to take away by our Bill , and that the Government which we propose is agreeable to the Word of God. In pursuance of this Paper , the most part of the next day , being the last of the Treaty , was spent in Dispute between the Divines ; and after , their Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 22. Feb. HAving the last night given in a Paper unto your Lordships , wherein we signified that we doubted not but that you were fully satisfied that Episcopacy was not Jure Divino , we are the more confirmed in it , because your Lordships have since that time given us nothing in to the contrary : And we hope we have by clear Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day likewise satisfied you , that the Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. which we desire to be taken away by this Bill , is unlawful ; and that the Government which we desire to be established is agreeable to the Word of God. And therefore we desire your Lordships to agree to the passing of this Bill , and to give us your full and clear Answer to this and the rest of the Propositions concerning Religion . The King's Commissioners Answer . 22. February . ACcording to your Lordships Paper of the last night , we attended your Debate this day concerning the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy ; but did neither then nor do now acknowledge our selves convinced by any Arguments offered by you , that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino , the same having been the opinion of very many Learned Men in all Ages , ( which we do not censure or determine ) but not insisted on by us as the ground of any Answer we have delivered to your Lordships : And we are so far from being satisfied with the Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day urged to prove that the Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. which you desire to be taken away by this Bill , is unlawful , that the weightiest Arguments which were urged ( in our Judgments ) concluded at most against those Inconveniencies which are remedied by the Alteration offered by us to your Lordships , in our * Paper of the 13 of this Month ; and it seems strange to us that your Lordships should think that Government ( without which no National Church hath been since the Apostles times , till within these few years ) to be unlawful : And for the Government desired by you to be established , your Lordships have not offered any such particular Form of Government to us that may inable us to judge thereof ; and we cannot but observe that the Arguments produced to that purpose , were only to prove the same not unlawful , without offering to prove it absolutely necessary . And therefore we conceive our Answer formerly given to your Lordships concerning that Bill , and your Propositions concerning Religion , is a just and reasonable Answer . After the first three days of the Treaty , spent upon the business of Religion , according to the Order formerly prescribed , the Propositions concerning the Militia were next Treated upon the three days following , beginning the fourth of February , and the same was after resumed the 14 th . of February for other three days . Their Propositions touching the Militia . 4. February . WE desire that by Act of Parliament the Subjects of the Kingdom of England may be appointed to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , in such manner as both Houses shall think fit . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . We desire that an Act of Parliament be passed for the settling of the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , and for the raising of such moneys for maintenance of the said Forces and of the Navy , as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . An Act for the settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , of Persons of known Integrity , and such as both Kingdoms may confide in , for their faithfulness to the Religion and Peace of the Kingdom , of the House of Peers , and of the House of Commons , who shall be removed or altered from time to time as both Houses shall think fit ; and when any shall dye , others to be nominated in their places by the said Houses . Which Commissioners shall have power , 1. To suppress any Forces raised without Authority of both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliaments without consent of the said Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of these Kingdoms , and to suppress any Foreign Forces that shall invade this Kingdom : And that it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the Publick peace of the Kingdom , any Commission under the great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding ; and they to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed of as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . 2. To preserve the Peace now to be setled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace , that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles . So for the Kingdom of Scotland . 3. To have power to send part of themselves , so as they exceed not a third part , or be not under the number of to reside in the Kingdom of Scotland , to assist and vote as single persons with the Commissioners of Scotland , in those matters wherein the Kingdom of Scotland is only concerned . So for the Kingdom of Scotland . 4. That the Commissioners of both Kingdoms may meet as a joynt Committee , as they shall see cause , or send part of themselves , as aforesaid , to do as followeth . 1. To preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them . 2. To prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , as aforesaid , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdoms by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same , according to the Treaty ; and to do further , according as they shall respectively receive Instructions from both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of Parliament in Scotland , and in the Intervals of Parliaments from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace . 3. To raise and joyn the Forces of both Kingdoms , to resist all Foreign Invasion , and to suppress any Forces raised within any of the Kingdoms to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , by any Authority under the great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of both Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , or the said Commissioners of that Kingdom whereof they are Subjects . And that in those Cases of joynt Concernment to both Kingdoms , the Commissioners to be directed to be there all , or such part as aforesaid , to act and direct as joynt Commissioners of both Kingdoms . We desire that the Militia of the City of London may be in the ordering and government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Councel assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three . And that the Militia of the Parishes without London and the Liberties within the Weekly Bills of Mortality ; may be under the command of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Councel of the said City , to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . We desire that the Tower of London may be in the government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removeable by the Common-Councel . And that the Citizens or Forces of London shall not be drawn out of the City into any other parts of the Kingdom without their own consent ; and that the drawing of their Forces into other parts of the Kingdom in these distracted times may not be drawn into example for the future . After these Propositions made , the King's Commissioners , for their Information concerning these Propositions , gave in several Papers . The King's Commissioners Paper . 4. February . VVE conceive the Propositions delivered by your Lordships concerning the Militia import very great Alterations in the main foundation of the Frame of Government of this Kingdom , taking by express words , or by necessary consequence , the whole Military and Civil power out of the Crown , without any limitation in Time , or reparation proposed . Therefore we desire to know for what term you intend the Militia shall be settled in such manner as may be a reasonable and full Security , which we are ready and desirous to give , to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles : For the better doing whereof , we are ready by Conference to satisfie your Lordships in any particulars . Their Answer . 4. February . OUR Paper given in to your Lordships concerning the Militia doth not contain the Alterations mentioned in your Lordships Answer , but desires that which by the Wisdom of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms is judged necessary at this time for the security of His Majesty's Kingdoms , and preservation of the Peace now to be settled ; and until your Lordships shall declare an Assent unto the matter therein expressed , we conceive it will not be seasonable to give any Answer concerning the Time : And we are ready to confer with your Lordships upon what shall be offered by you to our Paper concerning the Militia formerly delivered . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. February . VVE are of opinion , that the Propositions in your Lordships Paper contain the Alterations mentioned in the Paper we lately delivered to your Lordships , and take by express words , or necessary consequence , the whole Military and Civil Power out of the Crown ; which Alterations we are ready to make appear in Debate . And the Alterations being so great , we have reason to desire to know the limitation of Time , the consideration of which makes the Propositions more or less reasonable . The King's Commissioners second Paper . 4. Feb. VVE desire to know who the Commissioners shall be in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted ; and whether you intend His Majesty shall be obliged to consent to such Persons ; or whether He may except against them , and name others in their places of known affection to Religion and Peace . Their Answer . 4. February : THE Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted , are to be nominated for England , by both the Houses of the Parliament of England ; and for Scotland , by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; as is expressed in our Paper formerly delivered to your Lordships concerning the Militia . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. Feb. VVE desire a full Answer to our Paper concerning the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia , it being very necessary to know the Persons before consent can be given to the matter ; and whether His Majesty may except against any such persons , and nominate others in their rooms , against whom there can be no just exception . The King's Commissioners third Paper . 4. Feb. VVE desire to know whether your Lordships intend that the Militia of the City of London shall be independent , and not subordinate to those Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted . Their Answer . 4. Feb. IT appears by the Propositions concerning the Militia of the City of London , that the same is to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. February . WE desire an Answer to our Paper concerning the Militia of the City of London , whether the same shall be subordinate to the Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land are to be intrusted ; your Lordships Answer , that the same is to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament ( which yet doth not appear by the Propositions ) being no Answer to the Question . The King's Commissioners Paper . 5. Feb. HAving with great diligence perused your Lordships Paper concerning the Militia , and being very desirous to come to as speedy a conclusion in that Argument as we can ; we will be ready to morrow to give your Lordships our full Answer , which we are confident will give your Lordships satisfaction concerning the matter of the Militia of this Kingdom . The King's Commissioners Paper in Answer to the Propositions concerning the Militia . 6. February . TO suppress any Forces that may be raised to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom , or that shall invade this Kingdom , and to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles , and that His Majesty and all His People may be secured from the Jealousies and Apprehensions they may have of Danger , we do consent , that all the Forces of the Kingdom , both by Sea and Land , shall be put into the hands of Persons of known faithfulness to the Religion and Peace of the Kingdom , in such manner and for such time as hereafter mentioned . That the number of those Persons be Twenty ; or if that be not accepted by your Lordships , such greater or lesser number as shall be agreed upon between us ; and that His Majesty may name half the persons to be so entrusted , and the two Houses the other half . That such Forts and Towns in which Garrisons have been before these Troubles , and such other as shall be agreed upon between us to be necessary for a time to be kept as Garrisons , shall be entrusted likewise to persons to be chosen by the Commissioners , or the major part of them , to be subordinate to the said Commissioners , and to receive orders from them and no others : And all other places which have been fortified since the beginning of these Troubles shall be left as they were before , and the Fortifications and Works slighted and demolished ; and all Forces with all possible expedition to be disbanded , that the Kingdom may be eased of that intolerable burthen . That an Act of Parliament shall be passed for the raising of such Moneys for the maintenance of the Navy and Sea-Forces , as His Majesty and both Houses shall think fit . That when any of the said Commissioners shall dye who was nominated by His Majesty , His Majesty shall name another , and when any shall dye of those named by the two Houses , another shall be chosen by them , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the major part of the said Commissioners named by the two Houses ; and neither the one nor the other to be removed , but by the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses ; except it shall be desired by your Lordships , that His Majesty and the two Houses respectively may remove the respective persons named by them as often as they shall see occasion , to which ( if it shall be insisted on ) we shall consent . These Commissioners , or the major part of them , or such other number of them as shall be aggreed upon , shall have Power by Act of Parliament to suppress any Forces raised sitting a Parliament , without the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliament , without consent of the said Commissioners , or the major part of them , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom , and to suppress any Forces that shall invade the Kingdom . And it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the publick Peace . That they shall have like Power to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles : And if any Forces shall be brought into the Kingdom without the joynt Consent of the King and the two Houses of Parliament , it shall be lawful for any four of the said Commissioners to levy Forces for the supppressing , resisting and destroying of the said Forces so brought in . We are content that this Power to such Persons shall continue for the space of three years , which we doubt not but , by the blessing of God , will be abundantly sufficient to secure all Persons from their Doubts and Fears , and in which time such a mutual Confidence may be begot betwixt His Majesty and all His People , that the Peace will be firm and lasting . That the Commissioners , before their entrance upon the said Trust , shall take an Oath for the due execution of the said Commission ; and that after the expiration of the said term of three years from the time of the issuing the said Commission , they shall not presume to continue any execution of the said Authority , and it shall be high Treason in any of them to execute the said Authority after the expiration of the said three years . And all the Commanders in chief of the Garrisons , Forts , and His Majesty's Ships , shall likewise take an Oath for the due execution of their Trust . That the Commissioners shall have Power to prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdom by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same . We shall be willing that any just Privileges and Immunities be granted by His Majesty to the City of London , as being the chief City of this Kingdom , and the place His Majesty desires to honour with His most usual and most constant Residence : But we conceive it too envious a thing , and may prove very prejudicial to the Happiness of that great City , to distinguish it in a matter of so high importance as the business of the Militia , from the Authority that the whole Kingdom is to submit to . If your Lordships shall not consent to the election of persons in that manner as we have proposed , half by His Majesty and the other half by the two Houses , we do then propose to your Lordships , that the said persons who shall have the said Powers in manner and form above mentioned , may be named by mutual consent upon Debate between us ; in which consideration may be taken of the fitness or unfitness of those who shall be named : And in case that any of them who shall be thus agreed upon shall die within the said term of three years , the survivers , or the major part of them , shall nominate and chuse another in his place who shall be deceased . This way we should most have desired , but in regard the consideration of persons may take up a long time in debate , which neither the time allotted for the Treaty nor the present Distractions will permit , we do propose the former as the most expedite and certain way , but leave the election to your Lordships . And whatsoever shall be found deficient in the settling this according to the present Agreement , or shall be thought fit to be added to it upon any inconveniencies or defects that shall be hereafter discovered , the same shall be mended or supplyed in such manner as shall be thought reasonable by the joynt Consent of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament . After which the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 6. Feb. WE shall be ready against the time that the Militia is again in order to be Treated upon , to give your Lordships an Answer to your Demands concerning the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland ; the which for the present we have not had time to do , having wholly spent these three days in the perfecting the Paper delivered to your Lordships this day , and the Debates in preparation thereof . And at the same time their Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 6. Feb. YOUR Lordships Paper which we have received so late at the end of the third day appointed to Treat upon the Militia , on which we expected a satisfactory Answer to our Demands concerning it , is very far differing from what we have proposed , and unsatisfactory to our just and necessary desires for securing the Peace of the Kingdoms , and wherein we cannot but observe that the Kingdom of Scotland is wholly omitted . We do therefore insist upon our Paper formerly delivered concerning the Militia , and desire your Lordships full and clear Answer , being ready by Conference to remove all Objections which may be made to the contrary . The King's Commissioners Answer thereupon . 6. Feb. VVE conceive the Paper delivered by us to your Lordships , may justly satisfie your Lordships for the securing the Peace of this Kingdom against all Forces that may any ways endanger it at home or from abroad , and for securing the performance of all things that shall be agreed in this Treaty ; and we are ready by Conference to make the Reasonableness thereof appear , and to receive any Reasons from your Lordships to the contrary . And as touching Scotland , we hope your Lordships will be satisfied by the last Paper we delivered to you . Their Paper . 6. Feb. IN our last Paper we insisted upon our former demands for the Militia , and offered by Conference to satisfie your Lordships of the Reasonableness of them , if any Doubts remained with you to the contrary , which we are still ready to do , they being the proper Subject of this part of the Treaty . And whereas your Lordships have in your Paper referred what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland unto another time , and seem to intend it a several Answer ; both Kingdoms being united in the same Cause , and under the same Danger , and mutually providing for the joynt Safety and Security of both and each other , our Propositions are joyntly made by both , and are inconsistent with a divided Answer . The King's Commissioners Answer . 6. Feb. WHereas your Lordships have offered in your last Paper to satisfie us by Conference of the Reasonableness of your Demands , if any Doubts remain with us to the contrary : We desire to receive satisfaction by Conference , that it is reasonable for us to grant the nomination of the Persons by the two Houses only , and that the Time ought not to be limited . Their Paper . 6. Feb. AS we have given to your Lordships our Propositions for the Militia of both Kingdoms in writing , so do we again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to them both in writing , and we are ready to answer any Doubts you shall make upon them in order as we delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms ; but we cannot Treat upon your Lordships Answer which divides them . The three first day allotted for the Treaty upon the Militia being spent , and that Subject resumed upon Friday the 14 th . Saturday the 15 th . and Monday the 17 th . of February , in those days divers Papers were delivered , and some Debates had touching the nomination of the Persons who were to be intrusted with the Militia , whether they should all be nominated by the two Houses only ; and touching the Time , how long they should have it , and whether the same should be unlimited , as it was in the Propositions , or be limited to a certain time ; as likewise concerning the Powers of the English and Scotish Commissioners for the Militia , which are so intermingled in the Propositions , that it was not well understood upon the Propositions how far the Commissioners of one Kingdom and their Power might extend unto and have influence upon the other , and the one upon the Government of the other ; and concerning some other Passages having relation to the Militia : Which would be intricate , if they should be set down in the order of time as they were delivered . And because sometimes divers Papers were delivered together , therefore they are here placed according to their distinct matters . And first touching the Nomination of Persons , and Limitation of the Time. The King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 14. Feb. IF your Lordships are not satisfied with the Papers delivered to your Lordships by us on the 6 th . of February , concerning the Militia as far as the same concerns this Kingdom , we desire , according to your Lordships offer in your * first and * second Paper delivered to us the sixth of February , that your Lordships will satisfie us of the Reasonableness of your Demands , and that the nominating of the Persons ought to be by the two Houses only , and that the time ought not to be limited . Their Answer . 14. Feb. BY your Lordships Paper received this day , we apprehend your desire to proceed in the Treaty upon the Propositions for the Militia as far as the same concerns this Kingdom , without any mention of the Kingdom of Scotland . In Answer whereunto , we refer your Lordships to a former Paper of the 6 th . of February instant , whereby we desired your full and clear Answer to our Propositions for the Militia of both Kingdoms , in order as we have delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms , and that we could not Treat upon your Lordships Answer which divides them . We still insist on that Paper , and when your Lordships shall be pleased to give an Answer thereunto , we shall be ready to clear any Doubts which may remain with your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Reply . 14. February . WE do desire to proceed in the Treaty upon the Propositions for the Militia as the same concerns both Kingdoms joyntly , as well as either of them severally , neither is the contrary expressed ( as we conceive ) in the Paper delivered by us to your Lordships this day : But we cannot reasonably answer to them as they concern one or both Kingdoms , before we receive satisfaction from your Lordships of the Reasonableness of your Demands , which your Lordships were pleased to promise us by two of your Papers of the sixth of February , and which we again desire of your Lordships , concerning the Persons and the Time ; conceiving it unreasonable that all the Persons shall be nominated only by the Houses , and that the Time should be unlimited . Their Answer . 15. Feb. VVE have formerly desired your Lordships Answer to the Propositions for the Militia in order as we delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms , and not to give any Answer which shall divide them . Yet we observe in the matter of your Lordships * third Paper yesterday received , that you desire satisfaction in the particulars there mentioned as the same concern the Kingdom of England only , in pursuance of a former Paper given in by your Lordships the 6 th . of February . We therefore again desire as formerly , that such Answer as your Lordships shall think fit to make to our Propositions concerning the Militia , may be applyed to both Kingdoms joyntly ; and then we shall be ready by Conference to clear any Objections which your Lordships shall make against the Reasonableness of our Demands . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15 February . WE desire that your Lordships will satisfie us of the Reasonableness of your Demands concerning the settling the Militia of both Kingdoms , and that the nominating of the Persons ought to be by the two Houses of Parliament , and the like for the Kingdom of Scotland , and that the Time ought not to be limited . Their Paper . 15. February . YOUR Lordships Demand in your * 4. Paper being made concerning the Militia of both Kingdoms , we are ready upon Conference to give satisfaction to what your Lordships shall object against the nominating of the Commissioners by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , or against the Time for which the Militia is demanded in the Propositions . After some time spent in Conference for Limiting the Time , wherein the Debate was touching the unreasonableness of the Demand , for taking from the King the Power of the Militia , and settling it in Commissioners to be nominated by the two Houses , not limited to any Time , the Kings Commissioners gave in this Paper . 15. Feb. WE desire to know whether your Lordships can by your Instructions consent to a limitation of Time in the settling the Militia , or whether you must insist that the Time be unlimited . Their Answer . 17. Feb. IN Answer to your * sixth Paper of the 15 th . of this instant concerning the limitation of time in the settling of the Militia , we do insist , That the Time be unlimited , according to our former Demands . The King's Commissioners Reply . 17. February . AFter so long Debate between us concerning the limitation of Time in the settling of the Militia , ( in which we conceived your Lordships had been satisfied , that as it is no way necessary for the security of the observation and performance of the present Agreement that the Time should be unlimited , so in respect of other considerations it may be very mischievous that it should be unlimited ) we had great reason to desire to know whether your Lordships had any power by your Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time , and are sorry that your Lordships will not give us an Answer to that Question , that thereupon we might have endeavoured to have given your Lordships other satisfaction than by not knowing your power therein we are enabled to do . Their Paper . 17. Feb. WE conceived that after so long a Debate between us , your Lordships would have been satisfied , that it was most fit concerning the settling the Militia , for the Time to be unlimited , as we have formerly desired , and which by our Instructions we are to insist upon . They also delivered in this Paper : 17. Feb. WE desire a full and clear Answer to what we have delivered to your Lordships concerning the Militia , and to know whether your Lordships be limited by any Instructions or Directions what to grant or deny in the same , and that we may have a sight of such Instructions or Directions . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE do * herewith deliver to your Lordships such a full and clear Answer to your Propositions concerning the Militia , as we hope will give your Lordships satisfaction , being such as , upon the Conference and Information we have received from your Lordships , seems to us to be most reasonable . It appeareth by our Commission , whereof your Lordships have a Copy , that it hath not any reference to any Instructions . It is true , that as we have ( according to our Duty ) from time to time acquainted His Majesty with our proceedings , so in some particular cases we have desired to be assisted with His Majesty's Opinion ; but what Answers we have therein received from His Majesty , we conceive it not proper for us to communicate to your Lordships , nor have we any warrant so to do . Their Reply . 17. Feb. VVE again desire of your Lordships , to know whether you be limited by any Instructions or Directions what to grant or deny unto us concerning the Militia , and that we may have a sight of such Instructions or Directions , and which we conceive your Lordships in Justice and Reason cannot deny , seeing by your Papers and Debates your insisted , that it was just and reasonable for us to let you know whether we had any power by our Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time , which we did accordingly . And your Lordships seventh Paper this day delivered gives no Answer or satisfaction to our former Demand herein . The King's Commissioners Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive it was just and reasonable for us to demand of your Lordships , whether you had power by your Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time concerning the Militia , because the Time is left indefinite , and not expressed in the Propositions And your Lordships Commission , which gives you power to Treat , relating to Instructions , they are thereby part of your Power : and yet your Lordships to that our Demand have given no other Answer than , That by your Instructions you were to insist to have the Time unlimited ; but have not answered whether you had power to consent to a limitation of Time. And we desire your Lordships to remember , that formerly upon our desire to see your Instructions , that thereby we might see what Power was granted to you , by your * Paper of the last of January , your Lordships did answer , it was that for which you had no warrant ; and it appearing to your Lordships that our Commission hath no reference to Instructions , we conceive that your Lordships cannot expect any other Answer than we have already given to your Lordships Demand touching any Instructions or Directions to us , what to deny or consent to grant in the Militia , assuring your Lordships , that we shall not deny , but willingly consent , to grant whatsoever shall be therein requisite for a full security for observing the Articles of the Treaty , or otherwise agreeable to Justice or Reason . Touching the Power which should be given to the Commissioners for the Militia , The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. VVE desire to know what Authority the Commissioners nominated by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland are to have in the Militia of this Kingdom , and what influence the Orders and Advice from the Estates of the Parliament there shall have upon this Kingdom , and how far the same is to be consented or submitted to here . Their Answer . 14. Feb. YOur Lordships Desire expressed in your second Paper this day , may be fully satisfied by the Propositions concerning the Militia , where the Authority of the Commissioners to be nominated is clearly expressed , both in cases of several and of joynt concernment of the Kingdoms ; and if upon perusal thereof any Doubts shall occur to your Lordships , we are ready by Conference to clear the same . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. VVE do not conceive that the Authority of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and in both Kingdoms , is clearly expressed in your Lordships Propositions , and therefore we desire to be informed , whether your Lordships intend that the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power in the setling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have . Their Paper . 15. Feb. WE do conceive that the Authority of the Commissions of both Kingdoms , and in both Kingdoms , is clearly expressed in our Propositions ; by which it doth appear how they are to act as several , or as joynt Commissioners . And if your Lordships shall propound any Objections against our Propositions concerning the Militia of both Kingdoms , we are ready upon Conference to give your Lordships satisfaction . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. WE desire to know , whether in that part of the Proposition wherein the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are appointed to meet as a joynt Committee , and to receive Instructions in the Intervals of Parliament from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace , your Lordships mean the Commissioners to be nominated according to these Propositions , or the * Commissioners intended by the Act of Pacification , or what other Commissioners : and what Jurisdiction you intend the said Commissioners of both Kingdoms shall have , by the power given them to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace , according to the Treaty , and by what Law they shall proceed to hear and determine the same . Their Answer . 15. Feb. WE intend that the Commissioners are to be nominated according to the Propositions , and are to proceed in such manner as is therein expressed : and if your Lordships shall make any Objections hereupon , we are ready by Conference to give you satisfaction . Their further Answer . 15. Feb. FOR further answer to your Lorships second Paper , we conceive that the matter of the Jurisdiction to be exercised by the Commissioners is expressed in the Proposition ; and for the manner of exercising that Jurisdiction , and by what Law they shall proceed to hear and determine , the same are to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. VVE desire to receive a perfect and full Answer from your Lordships to our * first and * second Papers , delivered by us this morning to your Lordships , and whether your Lordships intend , that the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power and Authority in the settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have ; and whether the Advice or Orders of the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland shall have any influence upon the affairs of this Kingdom , or the Commissioners to be named according to these Propositions , otherwise than as the said Advice or Orders shall be approved and confirmed by the two Houses of Parliament of England ; and what Jurisdiction you intend the Commissioners shall have who are to determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of Peace ; and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , try and judge , in the hearing and determining the same . And it is most necessary for us to desire satisfaction from your Lordships to these particulars in writing , since the Answer we shall give to your Lordships upon so much of your Propositions , will very much depend upon our clear understanding your Lordships in these particulars , it being agreed between us , that nothing shall be binding or taken as agreed upon , but what shall be in writing on either part . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive there is a full Answer already given by us in * several Papers of the 14. of this instant to the former parts of your Paper delivered in on the 15. day ; and to the latter part , what Jurisdiction the Commissioners shall have who may determine all differences that shall be by breach of the Articles of Peace , and by what Law and Rule they shall proceed to hear and determine , the same is clearly set down in our * further Answer , of the 15. of this instant , to your second Paper delivered in to us the day before . The King's Commissioners Answer thereunto . 17. Feb. VVE had great reason to desire a perfect and full Answer from your Lordships to our first and second Papers , delivered by us to your Lordships on the 15. of Feb. and we desire your Lordships to consider how difficult a thing it is for us , to give your Lordships a satisfactory Answer to your Propositions as they relate to either or both Kingdoms , or to the Power of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as they are to be a joynt Committee to hear and determine all differences , according to Instructions from both Houses of Parliament of England , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , before your Lordships are pleased to inform us , whether you intend the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power or Authority in the settling all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have ; and whether the Advice , Instructions , or Orders of the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , shall have any influence upon the affairs of this Kingdom , or the Commissioners to be named according to those Propositions , otherwise than as the said Advice , Instructions , or Orders shall be approved and confirmed by the two Houses of Parliament of England ; and what Jurisdiction you intend the Commissioners shall have who are to determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace ; and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , try and judge , in the hearing and determining the same . In all which particulars we are very sorry that we can receive no Answers from your Lordships , for want whereof we may fail in giving your Lordships so satisfactory Answers to your Propositions , as otherwise we might be enabled to do . Their Reply . 17. Feb. IT is clearly expressed in our Propositions delivered to your Lordships , that all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom are to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and in the Kingdom of Scotland by the Estates of the Parliament there ; and we conceive that the Advice , Instructions or Orders of either Kingdom are to have no influence upon the affairs of the other , but such as is and shall be mutually agreed upon by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; and for the Jurisdiction of the Commissioners , and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , we have given your Lordships a full and clear Answer thereunto , in our 5. * Paper of the 15. of February . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. IN the twelfth Proposition your Lordships desire an Act to be passed for confirmation of the late Treaty , for the settling of the Garrison of Berwick , of the 29 of Novem. 1643. which relating to the business of the Militia , we hold it necessary to see , before we can make our full Answer upon the whole , and desire it accordingly of your Lordships . Their Answer . 17. Feb. AS for what concerns the Act for Confirmation of the late Treaty , and for setling the Garrison of Berwick , it is not now to be Treated upon , but is reserved to its proper time . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether by the joynt Power mentioned in your Lordships Propositions to be given to the Commissioners for both Kingdoms , to preserve the Peace between the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them , your Lordships do intend any other than Military power for suppressing Forces only , which is expressed after in a distinct Clause by it self ; and if your Lordships do intend any further Power , that your Lordships would declare the same in certainty and particular . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive the Power of the Commissioners mentioned in the 17. Proposition is there fully expressed , to preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , to prevent the violation of it , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdoms , by breach of the Articles , and to hear and determine all differences which may occasion the same , according to the Treaty , and to raise Forces to resist Foreign Invasion , and suppress intestine Insurrections ; as is more at large set down in the Proposition , to which we refer your Lordships . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether the Commissioners of both Kingdoms meeting as a joynt Committee , the Commissioners of each Kingdom shall have a Negative Voice , so as nothing can be done without their joynt consent in matters of joynt concernment ; and how and by whom it shall be decided , what are cases of joynt concernment to both Kingdoms . Their Answer . 17. Feb. IN all matters of joynt concernment , the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are to act joyntly ; and when they shall meet as a joynt Committee upon such matters of joynt concernment , the Commissioners of each Kingdom are to have a Negative Voice : and in doubtful cases , not expressed in the 17. Proposition to be of joynt concernment , where the Commissioners cannot agree whether or no they be of joynt concernment , they are to represent them to the two Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , to be by them determined , if they be sitting ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , if the cases be such as cannot without prejudice to both or either Kingdom admit of delay , we conceive the Commissioners of each Kingdom are to act severally , and to be accomptable for it to the two Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , at their next sitting . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether by the Propositions for settling the Forces in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , such as both Kingdoms may confide in , your Lordships do intend , that the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland shall approve or except against the Commissioners to be nominated for the Kingdom of England , both at present , and from time to time , as the Commissioners shall dye , or be removed , or altered . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive it to be plain by the Proposition it self , that the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are respectively to be nominated by the Parliaments of either Kingdom , and neither Parliament hath power to except against or approve the persons chosen by the other ; and we are confident there will be no cause of exception , but who are chosen by either will be such as both may confide in . The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether your Lordships intend by your Proposition concerning the settling of the Admiralty of Scotland by Act of Parliament , to alter the inheritance of any person which is already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom . Their Answer thereunto . 15. February . TO your Lordships fourth Paper of the 14. of Feb. it is answered , that by our Propositions for settling the Admiralty of Scotland by Act of Parliament , it is intended that the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , &c. shall be settled in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fittest for the safety and security of that Kingdom . And as touching the inheritance of any person which is already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom , the Estates of Parliament will do that which is agreeable to Justice . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. February . VVE desire to know whether the Papers delivered to us touching the Militia contain all your Lordships Propositions touching the Militia of England and Scotland : and if they do not , that your Lordships will deliver the rest , that we may make our Answers upon the whole . Their Answer . 15. Feb. VVHatsoever is contained in the Propositions concerning the Militia of England and Scotland , is delivered in to your Lordships , except the 23. Proposition and the last Article in the 26. Proposition , which are reserved for their proper place . After all these passages , the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper , in further Answer to their Propositions concerning the Militia . 17. Feb. VVE had no purpose in our * Answer delivered by us to your Lordships on the sixth day of February , to divide our Answers concerning the Militia of the two Kingdoms otherwise than in point of time , and till we might receive satisfaction from your Lordships concerning the Powers to be given to the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned in our Papers since delivered to your Lordships , wherein we are not as yet satisfied by any Papers delivered by your Lordships to us . Our further Answer to those Propositions concerning the Militia is , That we are willing and do agree , that the like course shall be taken and observed touching the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland as is offered in our said Paper of the sixth of February , and as shall be hereafter agreed on for the Kingdom of England , which we conceive to be a full security for the performance and observation of all Articles which shall be agreed upon between us in order to a blessed Peace ; which we are so desirous may be punctually and exactly observed , that we are willing that His Majesty be desired to take a most solemn strict Oath for the full observation thereof ; and likewise that all persons of any immediate trust by office or attendance on His Majesty , and any other whom you shall think fit , shall take such Oath for the due observance of the same , with such reasonable Penalties , as shall be proposed by your Lordships , and agreed to by us : in which we believe we shall not differ with your Lordships , being willing that whosoever shall in the least degree infringe the Agreement which shall be made between us , may be looked upon and accounted as most pernicious Enemies to King and Kingdoms . And if it shall be thought necessary to make any additional settlement of the Militia , with a general reference to the good of the Kingdoms respectively , we desire the same may be done , after the Peace established , by the joynt consent of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament in England , and His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively . And as we shall desire and endeavour to remove all occasions that may interrupt the Peace and Tranquillity of that Kingdom , and a perfect Amity with them , and shall not desire any change of , or to intermeddle in their Laws or Government , or give them cause to apprehend any disturbance or violation of them from this Kingdom ; so are we obliged with all tenderness to preserve the Honour , Dignity and Constitution of this Realm . And therefore as we are yet satisfied , we cannot consent that any Persons authorized by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , or any advice from thence , shall have any influence upon the Militia of this Kingdom , or further interpose in the affairs of this Kingdom than is already provided by the Act of Pacification . And we offer to your Lordships considerations , whether unless there could be an union of the Laws of both Kingdoms , such a mixture of Power as is now proposed , and the influence thereof both upon Martial and Civil affairs , may not prove very inconvenient and prejudicial to both Kingdoms , and give cause of Jealousies to each other , to the disturbance of that mutual Amity so much desired . But if this intermingling of Power in both Kingdoms shall be further insisted on by your Lordships , we propound that the same may be settled as ( after a Peace established ) shall be agreed by the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England , and of His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland : and if your Lordships shall insist on any thing further for necessary Security , we shall apply our selves to the consideration thereof , if we shall have further time so to do , according to our desires grounded upon His Majesty's Letter . Their Paper . 17. Feb. WE do conceive that we have in our former Papers punctually satisfied your Lordships in all you desired to know concerning the Powers of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned by your Lordships : And what your Lordships now offer concerning the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland , that the like course shall be taken in it as is expressed in your Lordships Paper of the 6 th . of Feb. to be observed for the Militia of this Kingdom , your Lordships may remember , that in our Answer to that Paper we told your Lordships it was differing from what we had proposed , and unsatisfactory to our just and necessary desires for securing the Peace of the Kingdoms ; and it cannot be expected that what was so then for the Kingdom of England , should now be thought other for the Kingdom of Scotland . And though both Kingdoms be now united in the same Cause , and labouring under the same Dangers , and therefore necessitated to a mutual and reciprocal Assistance of each other , had proposed a joynt remedy and security by that Commission desired in our 17 th . Proposition ; we find your Lordships say , that ( as yet you are satisfied ) you cannot consent unto it . To which we answer , That we believed we had given your Lordships such convincing Reasons as might have satisfied you , and we doubt not but they may , if you will recollect your memories concerning them , and rightly weight them . This being the last day we are to Treat upon this Subject , it cannot be expected , and , as we conceive , it is altogether needless to use any more Arguments ; we do therefore desire your Lordships will be pleased now at the last to give us your full and positive Answer to our Demands , as we have often already pressed your Lordships . And whereas your Lordships do propound , that if we shall further insist upon the uniting of the Powers of both Kingdoms , it may be done after the Peace establisht ; we desire your Lordships to consider , that it is demanded by us in order to a Peace , and a chief and most necessary means for the attaining and establishing of it . And we further observe , that your Lordships have given us no Answer at all to our 15 th . Proposition ; which we do likewise insist upon , and desire your Answer . The King's Commissioners Answer . 17. February . IF your Lordships had punctually , or in any degree , satisfied us in what we desired to know concerning the Powers of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned by us , we had not troubled your Lordships with so many Questions , to most of which we could receive no other Answers , than the referring us to the Propositions themselves upon which we grounded our Questions . And we conceive that your Lordships Propositions upon the Militia , upon which you still insist , have in truth appeared upon Debate to be most unreasonable in many particulars : As that the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia should be nominated only by the two Houses , and that His Majesty , who is equally to be secured that the Peace should not be broken , should name none ; that the Power given to the Commissioners shall be framed and altered as occasion serves by the two Houses only , and that His Majesty , who is so much concerned therein , shall have no Negative Voice as to such Powers , but is absolutely excluded ; and that the Time should be unlimited , so that His Majesty for Himself and His Posterity should for ever part with their peculiar Regal Power of being able to resist their Enemies , or protect their good Subjects , and with that undoubted and never-denied Right of the Crown , to make War and Peace , and in no time to come , His Majesty or His Posterity should have power to assist their Allies with any supplies of Men , though Voluntiers , or ever more to have any Jurisdiction over Their own Navy or Fleet at Sea , and so consequently must lose all estimation and confidence with Foreign Princes . And many other expressions in the said Propositions do either signifie what we find your Lordships do not expect or intend , or at least are so doubtful , that the clear sense thereof is not evident to all understandings : As by the literal sense of your Propositions , neither the Sheriffs of Counties nor Justices of Peace and other Legal Ministers may raise Forces by the Posse Comitatus or otherwise to suppress Riots , and remove forcible Entries , or to perform the other necessary Duties of their places , without out being liable to the interpretation of the Commissioners for the Militia , that such Forces are raised or Actions done for the disturbance of the publick Peace ; as likewise all Civil Actions and Differences may be comprehended within those Propositions to be tryed before the said Commissioners : neither of which we believe your Lordships intend should be . And therefore we have in our Answers proposed what we thought would be agreeable to the matter and end of those Propositions , that is , a reasonable and full Security for the observation of the Articles of the Treaty , which , according to what we have offered , cannot be broken on either part , without evident prejudice and danger to that part which shall endeavour the breaking thereof ; and that the memory of these unhappy Distractions may be forgotten as soon as may be , that the time of this settlement may be limited to three years , which , by the blessing of God , will be sufficient to beget a good understanding between His Majesty and all His People ; and that the Fifteenth Proposition , and all the other parts of your Lordships Propositions , being not at all necessary to the present Union and Reconciliation , may be deferred till after the Peace established , to be settled by His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament in England , and His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , respectively . But if your Lordships shall not think this way of nomination of Persons to be Commissioners , or the other proposed likewise by us in our Paper of the sixth of February , for the agreement of the Commissioners between your Lordships and us , to be equal ; we shall gladly receive any more equal way from your Lordships , since it is apparent that that already proposed by your Lordships , and which you insist upon in terminis , is not fit to be consented to for the Quiet and Peace of the Kingdom , presuming that you will think the Security ought to be mutual , as the Fears and Jealousies are mutual . And we are most confident that His Majesty so much desires to give all reasonable and fit security on His part , that the Agreement and Peace to be now made shall be inviolably observed : That as He will name no Man for this great Trust against whom there can be just Exception , ( if the Persons are named equally between Him and you ; ) so if the whole nomination were left to Him , He would pitch only upon such as both Kingdoms might have great cause to confide in , and we believe might give full satisfaction to your Lordships . And therefore we hope your Lordships will believe that the Reason we consent not to your Propositions , is , because we conceive them destructive to the End for which they are proposed , Justice , Peace and Unity ; and not that we deny to consent to any reasonable Security for observance of the Agreement to be made , of which we will always be most tender , with regard to all persons concerned . This was the last Paper delivered in the last of the six Days touching the Militia ; but that being taken up again in some part of the two last days of the Treaty , as those of Religion and Ireland also were , their Commissioners upon the breaking up of the Treaty , about two of the clock in the Morning after the 22. of February , gave in a Paper intended for an Answer to this Paper , which nevertheless relates to the Paper here next following , delivered by them the 21 st . of February , mentioning a limitation of time for seven years , and for that cause is herein set down after that Paper , and as their last of that Subject : And the Papers upon that Subject delivered in the mean time , in the two last days , are these following . Their Paper . 21. Feb. VVHereas your Lordships have in several Papers much insisted , That the Commissioners mentioned in the 17 th . Proposition should be for a limited Time , that your Lordships might better give a full Answer to our desires concerning the Militia ; though we conceive the Reasons we have given might have satisfied your Lordships for the Time to be unlimited , yet to manifest our earnest desires of Peace , we propose to your Lordships , the Time for the said Commissioners to be for seven years from the time of the passing the Act for the Militia ; and that after the expiration of such term , the Militia of the Kingdom to be setled and exercised in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , and not otherwise . At the same time the Scotch Commissioners , from themselves apart , delivered in this Paper , signed by their own Secretary only , all the other Papers being signed by two Secretaries , for the English and Scotch Commissioners . 21. Feb. VVE the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland do declare , that our Consent to the Paper given in this day , concerning the limitation of the Power of the Militia in Commissioners , according to the 17 th . Proposition , to continue for seven years from the time of the passing of the Act for the Militia , and after the expiration of that term , to be settled in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , and not otherwise , is to be understood as followeth ; That we will represent the same to the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland or their Committees , to which we are confident they will assent , as that which is conceived to conduce to a happy Agreement , and settling of a firm and blessed Peace . The King's Commissioners Answer . 22. Feb. VVE have hitherto conceived , that this Treaty hath been betwixt us that are appointed Commissioners by His Majesty , and your Lordships the Commissioners from the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , joyntly , and not severally : But finding that your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have delivered to us a distinct Paper , signed only by your Secretary , of the twentieth of Feb. concerning the Militia , and that not concurring with the other joynt Paper delivered and subscribed by both your Secretaries upon that Subject that day ; we desire to know whether the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have a negative voice , or have not power to conclude , without farther power to be granted from the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , and expect in this Treaty to be severally Treated with . And after your Lordships Answer to this Paper we shall be able to give your Lordships a farther Answer to your joynt Paper of the 20 th . of February . Their paper . 122. Feb. THE Treaty is betwixt us that are the Commissioners of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms joyntly , and not severally ; and your Lordships the Commissioners from His Majesty , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , did joyn with the Committees of the two Houses of the Parliament of England , in giving in the other joynt Paper concerning the Militia delivered yesterday , subscribed by both Secretaries : But seeing it contains an alteration , limiting the time to seven years , which in the former Propositions agreed to by both Parliaments is indefinite , they did declare , that they are confident the Parliament of Scotland will assent thereto and they have shewed your Lordships sufficient Power to conclude any thing by them agreed unto . The King's Commissioners Paper . 22. Feb. WE cannot rest satisfied with your Lordships Answer to our Paper delivered to you this day , concerning your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , it being indeed but a repetition of your Lordships Paper , and no Answer to ours thereupon ; and it being very necessary for us to know , whether the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have a negative voice , and whether they have not power to conclude without farther powers to be granted from the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland : Upon the Answer to which we must the rather insist , because your Lordships last Paper gives the reason of the distinct Paper delivered to us from the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland to be , because the limitation of Time now offered differs from the Propositions agreed on by both Parliaments , in which the Time is indefinite ; which seems to us to intimate , that your Lordships who are the Commissioners from the Parliament of Scotland , have not power to consent to any alteration from the said Proposition without first acquainting the Parliament of Scotland , although the other joynt Paper delivered upon that Subject be signed by both your Secretaries ; and thereby it is evident , that it much concerns us to know whether the said Commissioners have a negative voice in this Treaty . For the matter of your Lordships Paper concerning the limitation of time for the Militia to seven years , it is not possible , by reason of this shortness of time for the Treaty ( it being ten of the clock this night when your Paper was delivered ) to give your Lordships a full Answer , it being necessary for us to receive satisfaction from your Lordships in writing , or by Conference , whether by the words , [ and not otherwise ] your Lordships intend that after the expiration of the time limited , His Majesty shall not exercise the Legal Power which He now hath over the Militia , before the same be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : For which resolution and debate we heartily wish the time were sufficient , being very willing to give your Lordships all reasonable satisfaction . And therefore we do propose to your Lordships , that if the Treaty may not now continue , it may be adjourned for such time as you shall think fit , and not totally dissolved , but again resumed ; which we propose as the best Expedient now left us for the procuring of a blessed Peace , and by it the preservation of this now miserable Kingdom from utter Ruine and Desolation . After this , about two of the clock the next morning , they gave this Paper following , which is here mentioned , to be delivered upon their breaking up the Treaty , and intended for an Answer to the Paper of the 17. of February , n o 129. Their Paper . 22. Feb. VVE conceive , if your Lordships would weigh our Demands concerning the Power of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , you will be satisfied with our Answers to your several Questions : Where any Doubts were of the expressions , we did explain them ; and where the Propositions were so clear as they could bear no doubtful sense , we did refer your Lordships to the Propositions themselves . And we conceive our Demands concerning the Militia to be most reasonable , and all Objections made against them to be by us removed . And why your Lordships should insist that the Commissioners should not be nominated by the two Houses only , and His Majesty , who is to be equally secured , should name none , we much marvel at , when you may well consider this Power was not to be exercised by the Commissioners until a Peace had been concluded upon this Treaty , and then His Majesty had been fully secured by the Laws of the Kingdom , and by the Duties and Affections of His Subjects ; neither could the Commissioners do any thing in violation of the Peace to the prejudice of His Majesty , contrary to the Trust reposed in them , they having a Rule prescribed which they were not to transgress and being removable by both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , and being lyable for any miscarriage to severe punishment . And as for their security who have been with His Majesty in this War , an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed , whereby all His Majesty's Subjects in both Kingdoms would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection , with some exceptions mentioned in those Propositions . And if the Commissioners had been severally chosen , the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued , and probably being severally named , would have acted dividedly according to several Interests , and the War thereby might be more easily revived : Whereas the scope of the Propositions we have tendred was to take away occasions of future Differences , to prevent the raising of Arms , and to settle a firm and durable Peace . And to your Lordships Objections , that the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of Time , although the reasonableness thereof hath been sufficiently manifested to your Lordships , yet out of most earnest desires of Peace we have proposed to your Lordships a time of seven years , as is expressed in our Paper delivered to your Lordships the 21 st . of this instant . And for the peculiar Royal Power which your Lordships mention to reside in His Majesty concerning the Militia , and to make Peace and War , we cannot admit thereof , or that it is otherwise exercised than by Authority from His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively ; neither are the Commissioners to have power to make Peace or War , but that is referred to the 23 d. Proposition to be Treated upon in due time . And for the Navy and Fleet at Sea , the principal means to maintain them is to be raised by the free gift of the Subjects out of Tonnage and Poundage , and other payments upon Merchandice ; and the Navy and Fleet being a principal means of our security , the reasons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land. And for what your Lordships alledge concerning Sheriffs and Justices of Peace and other legal Ministers , not to raise the Posse Comitatus , or Forces to suppress Riots , without being lyable to the interpretation of the Commissioners ; we say this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners , but in executing of Justice and legal Process , nor can be intended to be any disturbance , but for the preservation of the Peace ; nor can their power of hearing and determining Civil Actions and differences be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made , and as is clearly and plainly exprest in the 27 th . Proposition . And whereas we seek the Militia to be setled in the 15 th . Proposition , and the other parts of our Propositions , in order to and for procuring of a Peace , and which are necessary to a present Union , your Lordships defer them until the Peace shall be established : Which delay , we hope , upon second thoughts your Lordships will not judge to be reasonable . And when your Lordships do take into serious consideration the great Calamities , and how occasioned , ( to say no more ) you cannot think but that we ought to be most careful of preventing the like for the future . And seeing all we desire for these so important ends is limited to a few years , we ought to insist upon such a remedy as may be a fitting cure , and in so doing we hope we shall be justified before God and Man. Wherefore we again most earnestly desire your Lordships , as you tender the deplorable Estates of these bleeding Kingdoms , the setling of Religion , the Honour of His Majesty , and the composing these miserable Distractions , that your Lordships will give your full and clear Answer to our Demands concerning the Militia . This last Paper was delivered about two of the clock , when the Treaty was at that instant breaking up , and at the same time the King's Commissioners had ( upon the like occasion of two Papers of theirs given in a little before , concerning Ireland , hereafter mentioned ) delivered in a Paper , No. 179. that they might give Answer thereto the next day , dated as of that day , as had been formerly used , which was not granted ; so that in Answer to this Paper so earnestly requiring an Answer in the Close thereof , it was impossible to give in any Paper at the present , neither would any be received but at present . The Papers touching Ireland . After the first six days of the Treaty spent upon Religion and the Militia , according to the same order formerly proposed , the Propositions concerning Ireland were next Treated upon , the three days following , beginning the 7th . of February ; and the same was also taken up again the 18th . of February , for other three days . Their Propositions touching Ireland . 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties with the Rebels without consent of both Houses of Parliament , and to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and His Majesty to assist , and to do no act to discountenance or molest them therein . The King's Commissioners Paper . 7. February . VVE desire to know , whether the Paper we have received from your Lordships contain in it all the Demands your Lordships are required by your Instructions to insist upon concerning Ireland , which if it doth , we are ready to enter upon that Debate ; but if it do not , we then desire to receive all the Propositions your Lordships intend to make concerning Ireland together , being confident that upon a whole view of the business we shall give you full satisfaction in that Argument . Their Paper . 7. February . WE are to insist upon other things concerning Ireland , which being part of other Propositions , we conceive not so proper to give your Lordships , till we have received your Answer to our Paper formerly delivered , and are ready by present Conference to satisfie any Doubts that remain with your Lordships concerning that Paper . Notwithstand they delivered in these further Papers and Propositions following . Their Paper . 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively , to confirm the Treaty concerning Ireland of the 6 th . of August 1642. ( which Treaty we herewith deliver ) and that all Persons who have had any hand in plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland , may expect no Pardon , and their Estates to pay publick Debts and Damages ; and that the Commissioners to be nominated as is appointed in the 17 th . Proposition , may order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April 1644. ( which we herewith deliver ) and to order the Militia , and to conserve the Peace of the Kingdom of Ireland . And that by Act of Parliament the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , or in the Intervals of Parliament by the said Commissioners , to continue during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the said Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting ; and that the Judges of both Benches and of the Exchequer in Ireland be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , to continue quamdiu bene se gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the aforesaid Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . Together with these last Propositions they delivered the Treaty of the sixth of August , 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April therein mentioned , together with another of the 9 th . of March ; which see in the Appendix , N o 7 , and 8. The Kings Commissioners Paper . 9. February . WE desire to know what your Lordships intend or expect by those Words in your * first Paper concerning Ireland , [ and His Majesty to assist ] since you propose to have the prosecution of the War of Ireland to be setled in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms . Their Answer , 9. Feb. BY the words in our Paper concerning Ireland [ and His Majesty to assist ] we conceive is to be understood , the giving of His Royal Assent to such Acts of Parliament as shall be presented unto him by both Houses , for raising of Moneys from the Subject , and for other things necessary to the prosecution of the War in Ireland , and to be further aiding by his Power and Countenance in whatsoever shall be requisite for the better carrying on of that War. The King's Commissioners Paper . 10. Feb. WE conceive that His Majesty had , and hath Power to make a Cessation in Ireland ; and having upon just grounds , and for the good and safety of His Protestant Subjects there , and for the preservation of that whole Kingdom , consented to such a Cessation , we desire to be informed by your Lordships , how that Cessation can be declared void , without a breach of Faith and Honour in His Majesty : and we are ready by Conference particularly to inform your Lordships of the Motives which induced His Majesty to consent to that Cessation . Their Answer , 10. Feb. WE conceive that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation in Ireland , nor had any just grounds to do the same ; and therefore we insist , as in our former Paper , That an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and conceive that His Majesty is bound in Honour and Justice to consent unto the same : and we are ready to confer with your Lordships as is desired , and to receive your Lordships full Answer to this and the other particulars expressed in our Paper concerning Ireland . After long Debates in Conference , which spent the greatest part of the day , touching the Motives of that Cessation , and the King's Power to make it , His Majesties Commissioners delivered in this Paper , 10. Feb. WE have received no satisfaction or information in your Lordships Debate , to alter our opinion of his Majesties Power to make the Cessation in Ireland ; and having carefully perused and considered the Statute alledged by your Lordships , we cannot find any particular clause in that Statute , neither have your Lordships mentioned any , ( though often desired by us so to do ) whereby His Majesties Power to make a Cessation there is taken away : and therefore we are still of opinion , that His Majesty had full Power to make and consent to that Cessation . And we conceive that we have given your Lordships an account of very just grounds to induce His Majesty to do the same , it appearing to His Majesty by the Letters and Advice from the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom , and of the Officers of His Majesties Army there ( which we have read to your Lordships , and of which Letters and Advices we now give * Copies to your Lordships ) That his Majesties good Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom were in imminent danger to be over-run by the Rebels , and His Army to be disbanded for want of necessary Supplies ; and that there was no such probable way for their Preservation , as by making a Cessation . Neither have your Lordships given us any satisfying Reasons against the making the said Cessation , or made it appear to us , that that Kingdom could have been preserved without a Cessation ; and therefore we cannot apprehend how His Majesty can with Justice and honour declare the same to be void . We shall be ready against the next time assigned for the Treaty touching Ireland , to give your Lordships a further Answer to your Propositions concerning that Argument ; the Treaty concerning Ireland of the sixth of August , 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , 1644. ( which we did never see till your Lordships delivered us Copies of them ) making so great an Alteration in the Government there , that we cannot be prepared for the present to make a full Answer to those Propositions . Their Answer , 10. Feb. IT is very contrary to our expectation to find your Lordships unsatisfied , after those Arguments and Reasons alledged by us , that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , and that upon the perusal of the Statute , it appears not to you , that His Majesty had no Power to make that Cessation : it is strange to us your Lordships should forget all the other Arguments used by us from the Common-Law , from other Proceedings in Parliament , and Circumstances as this case stands , on which we still insist , and do affirm , that His Majesty had no Power to make or consent to that Cessation : we do not see any just grounds in the Copies of the Letters given us by your Lordships for His Majesties assenting to the Cessation , nor do we know by whom those Letters were written . We are therefore still clearly of opinion , notwithstanding all your Lordships have alledged , that it was unfit for His Majesty to agree unto that Cessation , being destructive to His good Subjects , and to the Protestant Religion there , and only for the advantage of the Popish Rebels , to the high Dishonour of God , the Disservice of His Majesty , and evident prejudice of His three Kingdoms . We therefore again desire your Lordships full Answer to what we have delivered to you concerning Ireland . The King's Commissioners Paper , 10. Feb. WE have given your Lordships our Reasons why we are not satisfied with your Arguments , that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation ; and as upon the perusal of the Statute we can find no ground for that Opinion , so your Lordships in your whole Debate have not insisted or mentioned one clause in that Statute ( though often desired ) which makes it good , neither have your Lordships given us any Argument from the Common-Law , other than by telling us , That it is against the Common-Law , because the private Interest of the Subscribers for Money , was concerned in it . To which we give this Answer , That their Interest was conditional upon Payment of their Moneys for the maintenance of the War , which was not performed ; and that if they had paid their Moneys , yet this Cessation was rather for the advance of that Interest , there being ( as it appears by the * Papers ) no other visible means of preservation of the Army in Ireland ; and that the Statute which gave that private Interest , doth not take away the Kings Power of making a Cessation ; and we conceive that Argument of Interest was waved . But if your Lordships shall insist upon it , we again desire , as we did formerly , that a Case may be made of it , and that the Debate may be again resumed . Neither do we know that any Argument was used by your Lordships from the Proceedings in Parliament ; and if you shall give any , we shall be ready to answer it . And we conceive that the Advice given to his Majesty from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Testimony of the Officers of the Army , expressing the miserable condition of that Kingdom , and inability to bear the War , should appear to your Lordships to be just grounds for His Majesties assenting to the Cessation . One of the Letters delivered by us to your Lordships , bearing date the fourth of April , 1643. was sent by the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , to Mr. Secretary Nicholas , in which was inclosed their Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons , of which your Lordships have likewise an Extract , and a Remonstrance of the Officers of the Army to the Lords Justices and Council there ; and the other Letter of the fifth of May 1643. to His Majesty , was from the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom : All which ( if your Lordships please ) shall be examined by you , with the Originals . And we are therefore of opinion , that our Answer formerly delivered , is a good Answer to the point of Cessation in question , and that it was not unfit for His Majesty to agree to that Cessation , nor destructive to the Protestant Religion , nor for the advantage of the Popish Rebels ; but much for the advantage of the Protestant Subjects there , who were in apparent hazard of Destruction by Force and Famine , occasioned by the want of Supplies which had been promised to them , as we have formerly said . And we shall give your Lordships a further Answer to your other Propositions concerning Ireland , when the time comes again for that Debate . Here ended the first three days of the Treaty concerning Ireland ; and the night before the return of the next three days , their Commissioners delivered this Paper , 17. February . WE conceived that the Arguments used by us , that His Majesty neither had , nor hath Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels of Ireland , might have fully satisfied your Lordships ; and if any Doubts yet remain , we are ready by Conference to clear them . Your Lordships may well call to mind the several Clauses we insisted upon in the Statute , and the Arguments we have given from the Common-Law , and other Proceedings in Parliament : And we do affirm that several great Sums of Money were paid by particular Persons and by Corporations , who , according to the true intent of the Statute , ought to have the benefit of the same , according to divers other Acts of Parliament in pursuance thereof ; and upon failer of Payment by any particular Persons , the Forfeiture was to accrue to the common benefit of the rest , not failing ; and we do deny that the Argument of Interest was at all waved by us . And we conceive those Wants alledged by your Lordships ( if any such were ) in justifying the Cessation were supplied from time to time by the Houses of Parliament , until His Majesties Forces were so quartered in and about the common Roads to Ireland , that Provisions going thither , were intercepted , and neither Money , Cloaths , Victuals , or other things could pass by Land with safety to be transported . And when that both Houses of Parliament were desirous further to supply those Wants , and for that purpose did tender a Bill to His Majesty , it was refused . And we will still alledge , that we have no reason to be satisfied concerning the Cessation by any Arguments used by your Lordships , or by any thing contained in the Extracts of the Letters and Papers delivered to us by your Lordships , as from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Officers of the Army ; nor ( though desired by us ) have your Lordships afforded us liberty to compare those Extracts with the Originals , whereby we might have the Names of the Persons by whom they were written , which we now again desire . We are therefore still clearly of opinion as is expressed in our former Paper of the 10. of February , concerning the Cessation , and do desire your Lordships full Answer to our Demands concerning Ireland . The King's Commissioners Answer , 18. Feb. WE did not conceive that your Lordships had believed that any Arguments used by you could satisfie us against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , which appears to have been made by him by the Advice of His Council there , and for the Preservation of His Majesties Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom , who in all probability would have perished by Famine and the Sword , if that Cessation had not been made ; and we shall be very ready to receive farther Information from your Lordships by Conference , or otherwise in that particular , either concerning any Clauses in the Statute , or Arguments at Common-Law , or Proceedings of Parliament ( your Lordships having never mentioned the one , or made any Case upon the other ) upon which you intend to insist . And for the several great Sums of Money that were paid by particular Persons and Corporations upon that Statute mentioned by your Lordships , we are sorry that we are compelled , by your Lordships insisting thereon , to inform your Lordships , that His Majesty had clear Information , that not only much of the money raised by the Act for the four hundred thousand Pound , which was passed for the better suppressing that most wicked and execrable Rebellion in Ireland , and for the payment of the Debts of this Kingdom , but also of the Money raised by the Statute ( on which your Lordships insist ) for the speedy and effectual reducing of the Rebels of Ireland , &c. and other Moneys raised by Contribution and Loan for the relief of His Majesties distressed Subjects of that Kingdom , were expended contrary to the intent of the Acts by which the same were levied , and of the Persons who lent and contributed the same , towards the maintenance of the Forces in this Kingdom under the Command of the Earl of Essex ; and that many Regiments of Horse and Foot , levied for the War of Ireland , under the Command of the Lord Wharton , the Lord Kerry , Sir Faithful Fortescue , and others , were likewise imployed in that Army under the Earl of Essex at Edge-hill ; and therefore His Majesty refused to consent to the Bill presented to His Majesty after this , for the levying more Money for Ireland , justly fearing that the same might be used as the former had been . And for the few Cloaths ( for there were no Moneys ) intercepted by his Majesties Souldiers in His Majesties Quarters , which are said to be intended for Ireland , the same were intercepted near Coventry , and going thither , after that City had refused to receive His Majesty , though at the Gates . But His Majesty never refused to give any safe Pass through His Quarters for any Goods or Provisions which were intended or prepared for Ireland , neither was the same ever desired . For the Extracts and Copies of the Letters delivered by us to your Lordships from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Officers of the Army , we have been , and are willing that your Lordships should compare them with the Originals : but for your having the Names of the Persons who writ the same ( since there can be no doubt of the truth of our Assertions ) we conceive it not reasonable to desire the same , not knowing what inconvenience any of them ( since you seem not to like that Advice ) might incur , if at any time they should be found within your Quarters . And having now satisfied your Lordships in the matter of the Cessation , we shall gladly proceed in the Treaty with your Lordships upon any thing that may be apparently good for His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , and the re-setling of that Kingdom in His Majesties Obedience . Their Reply , 18. Feb. WE do conceive that the Arguments used by us , might have fully satisfied your Lordships against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , having answered whatsoever your Lordships have hitherto alledged to the contrary , and offered , if any other Doubts yet remain , by Conference to clear them , which still we are ready to do ; and we have heard nothing just or reasonable for that Cessation . It will be made evident , that the Necessities which by your Lordships were made Excuses for the Cessation , were created on purpose to colour the same ; and we are compelled by your Lordships Paper to let you know , that the Committees of Parliament sent into Ireland to endeavour to supply their Necessities , were discountenanced by the principal Instruments for that Cessation , and when they had taken up 2000 l. upon their personal security for the Army there , they were presently after commanded from the Council by a Letter brought thither from His Majesty by the Lord Ormond's Secretary : and when the Officers of the Army were contented to subscribe for Land in satisfaction of their Arrears , it was declared from His Majesty , that He disapproved of such Subscriptions , whereby that course was diverted . And we do affirm , that whatever Sums of money raised for Ireland were made use of by both Houses of Parliament , were fully satisfied with advantage , and , as we are informed , before the Bill mentioned in our former Paper was refused by His Majesty . And for the Regiments of Horse and Foot mentioned by your Lordships to be raised for Ireland , and imployed otherwise by the Houses of Parliament ; it is true that Forces were so designed , and when the Money , Arms , and other Provisions were all ready , and nothing wanting but a Commission from His Majesty for the Lord Wharton who was to command them , the same could not be obtained , which was the cause those Forces did not go thither : and when twelve Ships and six Pinnaces were prepared with a thousand or more Land-Forces for the Service of Ireland , and nothing desired but a Commission from His Majesty , the Ships lying ready and staying for the same , were three Weeks together at three hundred Pound a day charge ; yet the same was denyed , though often desired . And where your Lordships seem to imply , that the Provision seized by His Majesties Forces , were going for Coventry , it was made known to His Majesty , that the same were for Ireland . And your Lordships must needs conceive , that the Papers you delivered to us being but Extracts , and for that you deny us so to compare them with the Originals , as to have the Names of the Persons by whom they were written , it is altogether unreasonable for us to give any credit to them , it being manifest by this and our former Papers and Debates , that the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , is both unjust and unlawful . We therefore insist on our Demands concerning Ireland , as apparently good for His Majesties Subjects there , and for reducing that Kingdom to His Majesties Obedience . Before His Majesties Commissioners gave Answer to this last Paper , they being also to answer the rest of the Demands concerning Ireland , for their necessary Information touching some Doubts that did arise upon those Demands , and the Articles of the Treaty of the 6 th of August concerning Ireland , and Ordinances delivered with them , the King's Commissioners gave in these several Papers . The King's Commissioners First Paper . 19. Feb. IN the eighth Article of the Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , dated 29. Novemb. 1643. at Edenburgh , delivered to us by your Lordships among the Papers for Ireland , and desired by the twelfth Proposition to be confirmed by Act of Parliament , It is agreed , that no Cessation , nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatsoever , shall be made by either Kingdom , without the mutual advice and consent of both Kingdoms , or the Committees in that behalf appointed , who are to have full power for the same , in case the Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Parliament or Convention of Estates in Scotland , shall not sit . We desire to know whether that Article extend to any Cessation , Pacification , or Agreement in Ireland . Their Answer . 19. Feb. WE did , in Answer to your Lordships Paper of the first of February , upon the Propositions concerning Religion , deliver the Treaty of the 29. of November 1643. mentioned by your Lordships , and not among the Papers for Ireland , to which it hath no relation . The King's Commissioners Reply . 20. Feb. YOur Lordships did deliver the Treaty of the 29. of November , 1643. to us with the Papers concerning Ireland , and on the 7. day of this instant February , and not upon the first of February , upon the Propositions concerning Religion . Their Answer . 20. Feb. WHen your Lordships peruse your Papers , you will rest satisfied with our Answer of the 19. of this instant to your first Paper that day given to us ; for it will appear appear by your Lordships third Paper of the first of February , and our Paper given to your Lordships in answer of it , that the Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. Novemb. 1643. was delivered to your Lordships on the first of February , upon the Proposition of Religion , and not upon the third of February , with the Papers concerning Ireland . The Article of the Treaty of the 29. of November , 1643. which occasioned these Papers , being by their Papers thus acknowledged not to concern Ireland , and so not pertinent to that Subject , the Kings Commissioners insisted no farther . The Kings Commissioners Second Paper . 19. Feb. BY the thirteenth Proposition it is demanded , that an Act be passed to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advices of both Kingdoms . We desire to know , whether , if the two Kingdoms shall not agree in their advice touching that War , each have a negative Voice , or whether the Scots Commander in chief of the Forces in Ireland , may manage that War in such case according to his own discretion . Their Answer . 19. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships second Paper , the Prosecution of the War of Ireland is to be setled in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , but is to be managed by a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , wherein the Committee of each Kingdom hath a negative Voice ; but in case of disagreement , the Houses of Parliament of England may prosecute the War as they shall think fit , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August , 1642. between the two Houses and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , 1644. delivered to your Lordships formerly . The Kings Commissioners Third Paper . 19. Feb. BY the twentieth Proposition , in the Intervals of Parliament , the Commissioners for the Militia have power to nominate the Lord Deputy of Ireland , and other Officers and Judges there . We desire to know whether that Power be limited to the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , or only to the Commissioners for England ; and whether in such cases the Commissioners of Scotland shall vote as single Persons . Their Answer . 19. Feb. THe power of the Commissioners in the Intervals of Parliament to nominate the Lord Deputy of Ireland , and other Officers and Judges there , mentioned in the twentieth Proposition , being no matters of joynt concernment , is to be limited to the Commissioners of the Parliament of England , wherein the Commissioners of Scotland are to vote as single Persons . The Kings Commissioners Fourth Paper . 19. Feb. THe Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , giving Power to the Lieutenant of Ireland ( when the Scotish Army shall be joyned with his Army ) to give Instructions to the Scotish Commander in chief , and the Orders of the two Houses of the 9. of March , 1644. and the 11. of April , 1644. appointing the General of the Scotish Forces in Ireland to command in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots ; and both being desired to be Enacted , we desire to know , whether the Lieutenant of Ireland shall command the Scots Forces , or whether the Scotish General shall command all Forces , both British and Scots . Their Answer . 19. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships fourth Paper , we say , that the Ordinances of the 9. of March and 11. of April , 1644. were made when there was no Lieutenant of Ireland : and when a Lieutenant shall be made with the Approbation of both Houses , according to our former Demands in the seventeenth and twentieth Propositions , it will be a fitting time to give further Answer to your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Reply . 20. Feb. VVE desire a full Answer from your Lordships to our fourth Paper delivered to your Lordships yesterday , concerning the Power of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and the General of the Scots Forces , your Lordships having proposed to us , that the Articles of the Treaty and the Ordinance of the 11. of April be enacted by His Majesty ; by one of which the General of the Scots Forces is to receive Instructions for the managing the War there from the Lieutenant of Ireland , and by the other ( which is the later ) the General of the Scots Forces is to command in chief both the British and Scots Forces , by which it seems the Lievtenant of that Kingdom is to have no Power in the prosecution of that War. Their Answer , 20. Feb. WE do insist upon our former Papers , that the prosecution of the War in Ireland is to be settled in both Houses of Parliament , and is to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , as in those Papers is set down ; and when a Lievtenant of Ireland shall be appointed , as is expressed in the Propositions , and it shall be necessary for the good of the service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn , the Commander of the Scotish Army shall receive Instructions from the Lord Lievtenant or Deputy , or other who shall have the chief Government of the Kingdom for the time , according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners fifth Paper , 19. February . THe last part of the seventeenth Proposition gives power to the Commissioners for the Militia of both Kingdoms , as a joynt Committee to order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April , and to order the Militia , and conserve the Peace of the Kingdom of Ireland ; and by that of the 11. of April , the Earl of Leven being appointed Commander in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots , we desire to know , whether he shall be subordinate to those Commissioners for the Militia , and be obliged to observe such Orders as he shall receive from them . Their Answer , 19. Feb. THe Commissioners of the Militia desired by the seventeenth Proposition are to order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April ; and the Earl of Leven being by that Ordinance Commander in chief of the Forces , there , is obliged to observe such Orders as he shall receive from those Commissioners . Their Commissioners likewise the same 19. of Feb. delivered in some Papers of Demands on their part . Their * Answer . 19. Feb. WE desire that no Cessation of Arms or Peace in Ireland may be Treated upon , or concluded , without consent of both Houses of Parliament of England . Another , 19. Feb. WE desire to know , whether any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland be consented unto by His Majesty , and for what time , and whether any Commission be now on foot , or other Authority given by His Majesty for that purpose . The King's Commissioners Answer to both , 20. February TO your Lordships * sixth and seventh Papers delivered to us yesterday concerning any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland , your Lordships well know , that long after the War begun in this Kingdom , and the want of a Supply from hence , that a Cessation hath been made with His Majesties consent , and we conceive that the same expires in March next , and we are confident there is no Peace made there : But for the making a Peace or a farther Cessation , we can give no farther Answer till we may know whether there may be a blessed Peace made in England ; since if the miserable Civil Wars shall continue in this Kingdom , we cannot conceive it possible for His Majesty by Force to reduce the Kingdom of Ireland , or to preserve His Protestant Subjects there without a Peace or Cessation . Their Reply , 20. Febr. WE conceive your Lordships have given no Answer to us , whether any Commission be now on foot , or other Authority given by his Majesty for any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland , other then that which determines in March next ; nor to our desire that no Cessation of Arms or Peace in Ireland may be Treated upon , or concluded , without consent of both Houses of the Parliament of England : nor do we understand why your Lordships should delay your Answer herein till the Peace in England be concluded , since it hath been so clearly manifested to your Lordships by the true meaning of the Act passed by His Majesty this Parliament , that His Majesty can make no Peace nor Cessation without the Consent of the two Houses ; and that your Lordships satisfactory Answer to this and our other Demands concerning Ireland will much conduce to the settling the Peace of this Kingdom . We therefore again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to the particulars expressed in our sixth and seventh Papers , yesterday delivered to your Lordships . The King's Commissioners Answer , 20. Febr. VVE do not hold our selves any ways obliged to answer your Lordships Demand , whether any Commission be on foot , or other Authority from His Majesty , for a Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland ( that Question not arising upon any Propositions on His Majesties part : ) yet for your Lordships satisfaction , we do again assure you , we do not know there is any Peace or Cessation made there , other than that which determines in March next . But what Commission the Marquess of Ormond , as Lievtenant of Ireland , or General of the Forces there , hath to that purpose , we do not know , and therefore cannot inform your Lordships . And as to the other particulars in that Paper , we do * refer our selves to the Answers formerly given in to your Lordships Demands touching that Subject , with this , that we do conceive it to be most clear , that His Majesty is in no wise restrained by express words , or by the meaning of any Act made this Parliament , from making a Peace or Cessation in Ireland without the consent of the two Houses . Their Paper , 19. Feb. THere being but three days left to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , and for that your Lordships have given no satisfactory Answers to our Demands concerning them , we therefore now desire to confer with your Lordships how to dispose of the three days yet remaining , that we may receive your Lordships full and clear Answers thereunto . The King's Commissioners Answer , 19. February . VVE see no cause why your Lordships should think our Answers upon the Propositions for Religion and the Militia were not satisfactory . And for that of Ireland , we have received many Papers from your Lordships concerning that business besides the Propositions themselves , to all which we doubt not to give a full and clear Answer to your Lordships to morrow , being the time assigned , and the last day of the Treaty upon that Subject . * After , we shall be ready to confer with your Lordships of disposing the remainder of the time . Accordingly , after the before-mentioned Demands and Answer thereunto of the 19. of February , the King's Commissioners in Answer to theirs of the 18. of February , n. 149. delivered in this Paper . 20. February . VVE have already told your Lordships how far we are from being satisfied by what you have alledged against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , neither have your Lordships in any degree answered the important Reasons which induced his Majesty so to do , it being very evident , that by the Cessation , there His Majesties Protestant Subjects have been preserved and subsisted , which without it they could not have done , the two Houses forbearing to send any relief or supply to them , and His Majesty not being able . And we desire your Lordships to consider how impossible it was , whilst the War continued in England with such fierceness and animosity , by Arms to reduce the Kingdom of Ireland to His Majesties Obedience ; and therefore His Majesty had great reason to preserve that by a Cessation which he could not reduce by a War : And we are most confident that the Necessities ( which are not offered as excuses for , but were the real grounds of the Cessation ) were very visible to all those in that Kingdom , whose Advices His Majesty ought in reason to follow , and whose Interests were most concerned , and would not have given such Advice , if any other way could have been found out to preserve them . And we have been credibly informed , that the Committee sent into Ireland ( which His Majesty never understood to be sent thither to supply the Necessities , but to observe the Actions of His Majesties Ministers there , having in their Journey thither signed Warrants in their own names to apprehend the Persons of Peers of this Realm , and Persons of His Majesties Privy Council ) were never discountenanced there ; for His Majesties directions , that Persons who were not of His Privy Council there should not be present at those Councils , cannot be interpreted a discountenance to them in any thing they ought to do . And we are most assured , that His Majesty sent no Message or Letter to divert the course of the Officers subscribing for Land in satisfaction of their Arrears , but the Soldiers were meerly discouraged from the same , by discerning that for want of Supplies they should not be able to go on with that War. And we do assure your Lordships , that His Majesty doth not believe that the Sums of Money raised for Ireland ( which your Lordships do admit to have been made use of by both Houses of Parliament otherwise then was appointed ) are yet satisfied in any proportion , the greatestpart of the Money raised upon the Bill for 400000 l. and of the Moneys raised upon the charitable Collections , as well as the Adventurers Moneys , being imployed upon the War here ; and if the same were since satisfied , it doth no ways excuse the diverting of them , when in the mean time that Kingdom suffered by that diversion : and that the fear that other Moneys so raised might likewise be misimployed , was a great reason ( amongst others ) that made His Majesty not consent to that Bill mentioned by your Lordships . And for the Regiments of Horse and Foot , which your Lordships in your Paper of the 18. of this Month say were designed for Ireland , ( though they were imployed otherwise , because a Commission could not be obtained for the Lord Wharton , who was to command those Forces ; it is well known that those Forces were raised before His Majesties Commission was so much as desired , and then the Commission that was desired should have been independent upon His Majesties Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and therefore His Majesty had great reason not to consent to such a Commission , and so the damages of keeping those six Pinnaces and the 1000 Land-Forces ( if any such were ) proceeded not from any default of His Majesty . And for the Provisions seized by His Majesties Forces , it is notorious that they were seized in the way to and near Coventry , and that it was not made known to His Majesty that the same were for Ireland till after the seizure thereof , when it was impossible to recover the same from the Soldiers who had taken them ; whereas if a safe Conduct had been desired * by His Majesty , as it ought to have been , the same being to pass through his Quarters , there would have been no Violence or Interruption offered . For the giving the Names of the Persons who subscribed the Letters delivered to your Lordships ( the Originals of which have been shewed to you by us ) we have given your Lordships a full and reasonable Answer : and if your Lordships will assure us , that the giving their Names to you shall be no prejudice to the Persons who did subscribe , if at any time any of them shall be found within your Quarters , we will forthwith deliver their Names to you ; otherwise we conceive your Lordships cannot but give credit to that we have said and shewed to you . All which , we hope , hath clearly satisfied your Lordships , that the Cessation with the Rebels was neither unjust nor unlawful , and that you will proceed to satisfie us by what means the War may be managed in Ireland , with probable hope of the preservarion of His Majesties Protestant Subjects there ; we being very willing to concur with your Lordships in any just and honourable way for the good and settlement of that miserable Kingdom . And together with this last the King's Commissioners delivered in this other Paper , 20. February . HAving given your Lordships clear Reasons , why the Cessation which hath been made in Ireland is not in Reason or Justice to be made void , and that the making void thereof ( if the same might be done ) is not or cannot be for the benefit or advantage of His Majesties Protestant Subjects in that Kingdom , so long as the unhappy Wars in this Kingdom continue ; to the other part of your Lordships first Paper concerning Ireland , for the prosecution of the War there to be settled in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and His Majesty to assist , we say , That it appears by the other Papers delivered to us by your Lordships , as the Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , and the Ordinances of the eleventh of April and ninth of March , and otherwise , That the intent is , that that War shall be managed by a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , and that the Committee of each Kingdom shall have a Negative voice , and consequently it is very probable that upon difference of Opinion between them that War may stand still , or , to the utter Ruin of His Majesties good Subjects there , be absolutely dissolv'd . For whereas your Lordships say , That in case of such Disagreement , the Houses of the Parliament of England may prosecute the War as they shall think fit , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , your Lordships well know , that by that Treaty and that Ordinance the two Houses of the Parliament of England alone cannot prosecute that War , that Ordinance of the 11. of April expresly making the Earl of Leven , the Scots General , Commander in chief of all Forces in that Kingdom , both British and Scotish , without any reference unto His Majesty or His Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and directing that the War shall be managed by the Committee of both Kingdoms , without any other reference to the two Houses of the Parliament of England . And therefore we cannot consent that such an Act of Parliament be passed for the confirmation of that Treaty , or the Ordinance of the 11 of April , as your Lordships propose , by reason that thereby all His Majesties Authority would be wholly taken away in that Kingdom , and in truth that whole Kingdom be thereby delivered into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of Scotland ; which we conceive is neither just , prudent , nor honourable to be done . And we are of Opinion , that it is not agreeable to His Majesties Honour , or the Justice and Protection which He ows to His Subjects of His Kingdom of Ireland , to put the nomination of His Lieutenant and Judges of that Kingdom out of Himself , and to commit the whole Power of that Kingdom to others , and to bind Himself to pass all such Acts of Parliament as any time hereafter shall be presented to Him for raising of Moneys , and other things necessary for the prosecution of the War in that Kingdom , which your Lordships say , in your Paper the 9. of this Instant , you intend by those words [ His Majesty to assist , ] in your first Paper . And we conceive it cannot be expected that His Majesty should consent to an Act of Parliament for prosecution of the War in Ireland to be managed by the Advice of the Houses of Parliament here and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , so long as the War in this Kingdom shall continue . For these and many other Reasons , we conceive it doth appear to your Lordships that the Propositions , as they are delivered to us by your Lordships , are by no means fit to be consented to ; and therefore we desire your Lordships to make other Propositions to us , which may be for the preservation and relief of His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , and for the settlement of that Kingdom , in which we shall very readily concur , and we shall be very willing that the business of that Kingdom , shall , after a Peace settled in this , be taken into consideration , and ordered as His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament here shall think fit . Their Answers to these two Papers . Their Paper , 20. Feb. VVE expected that your Lordships would have been fully satisfied by what we have alledged against His Majesties Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland ; and we cannot find those important Reasons which your Lordships mentioned to have induced His Majesty so to do , or that thereby His Majesties Protestant Subjects there have been preserved or subsisted : but we have made it evident that this Cessation tended to the utter Destruction of the Protestants in that Kingdom , as we conceived was designed by those who advised His Majesty thereunto . And we observe , your Lordships urge that this Cessation was the only means for the subsistence of the Protestants there ; when it cannot be denied but that very many of the Protestants in Vlster , Munster and Connaught have yet subsisted , although they have refused to submit to the Cessation , and opposed the same as the means intended for their Ruin. And we do affirm unto your Lordships , that the two Houses of Parliament have been so far from failing to supply His Majesties good Subjects in that Kingdom , that although His Majesties Forces have , as much as lay in their power , endeavoured to prevent the same , and have taken to themselves that which was provided for those whom your Lordships mention to have been in so great Want and Extremity , yet the two Houses not discouraged thereby , have constantly sent great proportions of all necessary Supplies unto the Protestants there , whereby they have subsisted , and have very lately sent thither , and have already provided to be speedily sent after , in Money , Victuals , Cloaths , Ammunition , and other Necessaries to the value of sevenscore thousand Pounds : and they have not desired any other Provision from His Majesty but what He was well able to afford herein , only His assistance and Consent in joyning with His two Houses of Parliament , for the better enabling them in the prosecution of that War. And we are so far from apprehending any impossibility of reducing that Kingdom during the unhappy distractions here , that although many of the Forces provided by the two Houses for that end were diverted and imployed against the Parliament , to the increasing of our Distractions , yet the Protestants in Ireland have subsisted , and do still subsist , and we have just cause to believe , that if this Cessation had not been obtained by the Rebels ( and that in the time of their greatest Wants ) and that these Forces had not been withdrawn , they might in probability have subdued those bloody Rebels , and finished the War in that Kingdom . For the pretended Necessities offered as grounds of this Cessation , we have already given your Lordships ( we hope ) clear information . For the Persons whose Advice His Majesty followed therein , your Lordships have not thought fit to make them known unto us , and we cannot conceive their Interest in that Kingdom to be of such consideration as is by your Lordships supposed : But we know very well , that many Persons of all sorts have forsaken that Kingdom rather then they would submit unto this Cessation , and great numbers of considerable Persons and other Protestants yet remaining there have opposed , and still do oppose , that Cessation , as the visible means of their Destruction . The two Houses sent their Committees into Ireland for the better supplying and encouraging of the Armies there , and to take an account of the state of the War to be represented hither , that what should be found defective might be supplied . What Warrants they issued we are ignorant of ; but are well assured that what they did was in pursuance of their Duty , and for advancement of the publick Service , and suppressing of that horrid Rebellion : and we cannot but still affirm they were discountenanced and commanded from the Council there where the prosecution of that War was to be managed , and that it was declared from His Majesty , that he disapproved of the Subscriptions of the Officers of the Army , by means whereof that course was diverted . Concerning the Moneys raised for Ireland , we have in our former Papers given your Lordships a full and just Answer , and we are sorry the same cannot receive credit . Those Moneys raised upon charitable Collections , we do positively affirm were only imployed to those ends for which they were given ; and we cannot but wonder the contrary should be suggested . We are confident the Commission desired by the two Houses for the Lord Wharton ( and which your Lordships acknowledged was denied ) was only such as they conceived most necessary for advancement of that Service , and the denial thereof proved very prejudicial thereunto . And we must again inform your Lordships , that it was well known , at the time when the Goods were seized by His Majesties Forces ( as your Lordships allege , near Coventry ) that the same were then carrying for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland ; and some other Provisions made and sent for the same purpose were likewise seized and taken away by some of His Majesties Forces , as we have been credibly informed , not without His Majesties own knowledge and direction . Your Lordships may believe that those who signed the Letters mentioned in your Papers have done nothing but what they may well justifie ; and if the same be well done , they need not fear to give an Account thereof , nor your Lordships to suppose that if they come within our Quarters they shall be otherwise dealt withal then shall be agreeable to Justice . Upon the whole matter , notwithstanding the Allegations , Pretences , and Excuses offered by your Lordships for the Cessation made with the Rebels in Ireland , we are clearly satisfied that the same was altogether unjust , unlawful , and destructive to His Majesties good Subjects , and of advantage to none but the Popish bloody Rebels in that Kingdom . And therefore we still earnestly insist , as we conceive our selves in Conscience and Duty obliged , upon our former Demands concerning Ireland , which we conceive most Just and Honourable for his Majesty to consent unto . We know no other ways to propound more probable for the reducing of the Rebels there : but these being granted , we shall chearfully proceed in the managing of that War , and doubt not , by God's blessing , we shall speedily settle that Kingdom in their due Obedience to His Majesty . Their other Paper , 20. Feb. VVE cannot understand how out of any of the Papers , Articles and Ordinances delivered by us unto your Lordships , there should be a ground for your Opinion , that upon any Differences between the Committees or Commanders imployed about the War of Ireland , the War should stand still or be dissolved : nor do we find that the Ordinance of the 11. of April can produce any such inconvenience as your Lordships do imagine : nor doth the making of the Earl of Leven Commander in chief of the Scotish and British Forces , and the settling of the prosecution of the War of Ireland in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , take away the relation to His Majesties Authority , or of the two Houses of Parliament , or of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland . For , in the first place , His Majesties Consent is humbly desired , and the whole Power is derived from him ; only the Execution of it is put into such a way , and the General is to carry on the War according to the Orders he shall receive from the Committee of both Kingdoms ; and in case of Disagreement in the Committee , the two Houses of Parliament are to prosecute that War , as is expressed in our Answer to your Lordships second Paper of the 19. of February . And when there shall be a Lieutenant of Ireland , and that he shall joyn with the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army , the said Commander is to receive Instructions from him , according to the Orders of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as we have said in our Answer to your Lordships second Paper of this day . Nor doth the naming of the Earl of Leven to be General any more take away the Power of the two Houses , then if he were a Native of this Kingdom ; or is there any part of the Kingdom of Ireland delivered over into the hands of his Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland , who do only joyn with their Councils and Forces for carrying on the War , and reducing that Kingdom to his Majesties Obedience . And we conceive it most conducing for the good of his Majesties Service and of that Kingdom , that the Lieutenant and Judges there should be nominated by the two Houses of Parliament , as is expressed in the twentieth Proposition , who will recommend none to be imployed by his Majesty in places of so great trust , but such whose known Ability and Integrity shall make them worthy of them , which must needs be best known to a Parliament ; nor are they to have any greater Power conferred upon them by the granting this Proposition , then they have had who did formerly execute those places . And we know no reason why your Lordships should make difficulty of his Majesties consenting to such Acts as shall be presented unto him for raising Moneys and other necessaries from the Subject , which is without any charge to himself , for no other end but the settling of the true Protestant Religion in that Kingdom , and reducing it to his Majesties Obedience , for which we hold nothing too dear that can be imployed by us . And we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should make the prosecution of the War of Ireland , which is but to execute Justice upon those bloody Rebels , who have broken all Laws of God and Man , their Faith , their Allegiance , all bonds of Charity , all rules of Humanity and humane Society , who have Butchered so many thousands of Innocent Christians , Men , Women and Children , whose Blood cries up to Heaven for Vengeance , so many of his Majesties Subjects , whose Lives he is bound to require at their hands that spilt them , and to do Justice upon them to put away innocent Blood from himself , his Posterity , the whole Land ; these execrable Antichristian Rebels , who have made a covenant with Hell to destroy the Gospel of Christ , and have taken up Arms to destroy the Protestant Religion , to set up Popery , to rend away one of his Majesties Kingdoms , and deliver it up into the hands of Strangers , for which they have negotiations with Spain and other States ; a War which must prevent so much mischief , do so much good , offer up such an acceptable Sacrifice to the Great and Just God of Heaven , who groans under so much Wickedness to lie so long unpunished ; a War which must reduce that Kingdom unto his Majesties Obedience , the most glorious work that this Kingdom can undertake ; that the prosecution of such a War your Lordships should make to depend upon any other condition , that the Distractions of these Kingdoms should be laid as an impediment unto it , and that there should be any thought , any thing which should give those Rebels hope of impunity , if our Miseries continue , whereas , according to Christian reason and the ordinary course of God's Providence , nothing can be more probable to continue our Miseries then the least connivence in this kind . What can be said or imagined should be any inducement to it ? We hope , not to make use of their help and assistance to strengthen any party here , to bring over such Actors of barbarous Cruelties to exercise the same in these Kingdoms . We desire your Lordships to consider these things , and that nothing may remain with you which may hinder his Majesty from giving his Consent to all good means for the reducing of Ireland , according to what is desired by us in our Propositions . The King's Commissioners Reply to the two last Papers . The King's Commissioners Paper , 20. February . WE are very sorry that our Answers formerly given to your Lordships in the business of the Cessation , which was so necessary to be made , and being made to be kept , have not given your Lordships satisfaction ; and that your Lordships have not rather thought fit to make the reasonableness of your Propositions concerning Ireland appear to us , or to make such as might be reasonable in the stead , then by charging his Majesty with many particulars which highly reflect upon his Honour , to compel us to mention many things in Answer to your Lordships Allegations , which otherwise in a time of Treaty , when we would rather endeavour to prevent future Inconveniences then to insist on past mistakes , we desired to have omitted . And we can no ways admit , that when the Cessation was made in Ireland , his Majesties Protestant Subjects there could have subsisted without that Cessation , nor that the War can be maintained and prosecuted to the subduing the Rebels there so long as the War continues in this Kingdom ; which are the chief grounds laid for the Assertions in your Lordships first Paper delivered this day , concerning the business of Ireland . Neither can we conceive that your Lordships have alleged any thing that could in the least degree satisfie us , that his Majesty had no Power to make that Cessation , or had no Reason so to do , considering ( as we have formerly said , and do again insist upon it ) that by that Cessation ( which was not made till long after this Kingdom was embroiled in a miserable War ) the poor Protestants there ( who for want of Supplies from hence were ready to famish and be destroyed ) were preserved , and that Kingdom kept from utter Ruin , ( so far was it from being a design for their Destruction , or for the advantage of the Popish bloody Rebels , as is insinuated : ) for it appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices of Ireland , Sir William Parsons and Sir John Borlase , and of the Council there , of the fourth of April 1643. before that Cessation made , directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons , a Copy whereof we delivered to your Lordships , though we presume you may have the Original , That His Majesties Army and good Subjects there were in danger to be devoured for want of needful Supplies forth of England ; and that His Majesties Forces were of Necessity sent abroad , to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Country , to keep them alive until Supplies should get to them : but that design failing , those their hopes were converted into astonishment , to behold the Miseries of the Officers and Souldiers for want of all things , and all those Wants made unsupportable in the want of Food ; and divers Commanders and Officers declaring they had little hope to be supplied by the Parliament , pressed with so great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdom , as that it would be extreme difficult to keep them there . And in another part of that Letter ( for we shall not grieve you with mention of all their Complaints ) they expressed , That they were expelling thence all Strangers , and must instantly send away for England thousands of poor despoiled English , whose very eating was then unsupportable to that place ; that their Confusions would not admit the writing of many more Letters , if any , ( for they had written divers others , expressing their great Necessities . ) And to the end His Majesty and the English Nation might not irrecoverably and unavoidably suffer , they did desire that then ( though it were almost at the point to be too late ) supplies of Victuals and Ammunition in present might be hastned thither to keep life until the rest might follow , there being no Victual in the store , nor a hundred Barrells of Powder ( a small proportion to defend a Kingdom ) left in the store , when the out-Garrisons ( as they were to be instantly ) were supplied and that remainder , according to the usual necessary expence , besides extraordinary accidents , would not last above a Month. And in that Letter they sent a Paper signed by sundry Officers of the Army , delivered to them as they were ready to sign that Dispatch , and by them apprehended to threaten imminent Danger , which mentioned , That they were brought to that great exigence , that they were ready to rob and spoil one another ; that their Wants began to make them desperate that if the Lords Justices and Council there did not find a speedy way for their preservation , they did desire that they might have leave to go away ; that if that were not granted , they must have recourse to the Law of Nature , which teacheth all men to preserve themselves . And by a Letter of the 11. of May following ( a Copy whereof we have also delivered to your Lordships ) the Lords Justices and Council there did advertise his Majesty , That they had no Victual , Cloaths , or other Provisions , no Money to provide them of any thing they want , no Arms , not above 40. Barrels of Powder , no strength of serviceable Horse , no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve that Kingdom ; and that though the Winds had in many days , and often formerly , stood very fair for accessions of Supplies forth of England ( the two Houses having then and ever since the full Command of those Seas ) yet to their unexpressible grief , after full six months waiting , and much longer patience and long suffering , they found their expectations answered in an inconsiderable quantity of Provisions , viz. 75 Barrels of Butter and 14 Tun of Cheese , being but the fourth part of a small Vessels-loading , which was sent from London , and arrived there on the fifth of May , which was not above 7 or 8 days Provisions for that part of the Army , in and about Dublin ; no Money or Victuals ( other then that inconsiderable proportion of Victuals ) having arrived there as sent from the Parliament of England , or from any other forth of England , for the use of the Army since the beginning of November before . And besides these , whereof we have * Copies to your Lordships , it was represented to His Majesty by Petition from that Kingdom , That all means by which comfort and life should be conveyed to that gasping Kingdom seemed to be totally obstructed , and that unless timely relief were afforded , His Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes for a Prey , their Lives for a Sacrifice , and their Religion for a Scorn to the merciless Rebels . Upon all which deplorable passages , represented by Persons principally interessed in the managing of the affairs of that Kingdom and the War there , in which number were Sir William Parsons , Sir John Temple , Sir Adam Loftus , and Sir Robert Meredith , Persons of great estimation with your Lordships ( to which we could add many other Advices and Letters from several men of Repute and Quality , but that we will not trouble your Lordships with Repetition of private Advices ) we cannot think but your Lordships are now satisfied , that the Necessities of that Kingdom , which were the ground of the Cessation there , were real , and not pretended : and therefore for Excuses , we leave them to them who stand in need of them ; and we desire your Lordships to consider , as the distracted condition of this Kingdom was , what other way could be imagined for the Preservation of that Kingdom , than by giving way to that Cessation . And though it is insisted on in your Lordships Paper , that some Protestants in Vlster , Munster and Connaught , ( who have refused to submit to that Cessation ) have yet subsisted ; yet your Lordships well know these were generally of the Scotish Nation , who had strong Garrisons provided and appointed to them , and were in those parts of Ireland near the Kingdom of Scotland , whence more ready supplies of Victuals might be had , than the English could have from England , and for whose Supply ( as His Majesty hath been credibly informed , and we believe that your Lordships know it to be true ) special care was taken , when the English Forces and other English Protestant Subjects there were neglected , whereby they were exposed to apparent Destruction by Sword and Famine . And we cannot but wonder at the Assertion , That His Majesties Forces have , as much as lay in them , endeavoured to prevent those Supplies for Ireland , and at the mention of the intercepting those Provisions near Coventry , with His Majesties own knowledge and direction ; whereas , as we have formerly acquainted your Lordships , it was not known to His Majesty , that those Provisions which were taken near Coventry going thither , when His Majesties Forces were before it , were intended for Ireland , till after the seisure thereof , when it was impossible to recover them from the Souldiers ; which might have been prevented , if a safe Conduct had been desired through His Majesties Quarters , which we are assured he would have readily granted for those or any other Supplies for that Kingdom , but was never asked of him . And as there is no particular Instance of any other Provisions for Ireland intercepted by His Majesties Forces , but those near Coventry , which were considerable ; so we can assure your Lordships , that when His Majesty was in the greatest wants of all Provisions , and might have readily made use of some provided for Ireland , lying in Magazines within His Quarters , yet he gave express Order for the sending them away , which was done accordingly , and would have supplyed them further out of His own Store , if He had been able . And no man can be unsatisfied of His Majesties tender sense of the Miseries of His Protestant Subjects in Ireland , when they shall remember how readily He gave His Royal Assent to any Proposition or Acts for raising of Men , Moneys , and Arms for them ; that He offered to pass over in Person for their Relief , ( which His Majesties Subjects of Scotland approved , and declared it to be an Argument of Care in His Majesty ) and if that had proceeded , it might in possibility have quenched the flames of that unhappy Rebellion , as long before it might probably have been prevented , if the Army of Irish Natives there had been suffered to have been transported out of that Kingdom , as was directed by His Majesty . What Provisions are lately sent , or are now sending to Ireland from the two Houses , we know not : but His Majesty hath been informed , that even those Provisions are designed in pursuance of the late Treaty concerning Ireland made with His Subjects of Scotland without His Majesties consent , and only for such who have declared themselves against His Majesties Ministers , and in opposition to that Cessation to which many of them had formerly consented , though they have since , upon private Interest , and the Incouragement and Solicitations of others , opposed the same : and therefore His Majesty cannot look upon those Supplies as a Support for the War against the Irish Rebels , or as a Repayment of those Moneys , which being raised by Acts of Parliament for that War , have been formerly diverted to other uses , of which Money 100000 l. at one time was issued out for the payment of the Forces under the Earl of Essex . And as to diverting the Forces provided for the reducing of Ireland , though we conceived it ought not to be objected to His Majesty , considering the Forces under the Command of the Lord Wharton , raised for Ireland , had been formerly diverted and imployd against Him in the War here in England ; yet it is evident they were not brought over till after the Cessation , when they could no longer subsist there , and that there was no present use for them ; and before those Forces brought over , there was an attempt to bring the Scotish Forces in Ireland , as likewise divers of the English Officers there , into this Kingdom ; and since the Earl of Leven their General , and divers Scotch Forces were actually brought over . To the Allegations that many Persons of all sorts have forsaken the Kingdom , rather than they would submit to that Cessation , we know of none : but it is manifest , that divers who had left that Kingdom , because they would have been famished , if they had continued there , since that Cessation , have returned . Touching the Committee sent into Ireland , we have already answered , they were not discountenanced by His Majesty in what they lawfully might do , although they went without His Privity , but conceive your Lordships will not insist that they should sit with the Privy-Council there , and assume to themselves to advise and interpose as Privy-Councellors . And we again deny the Subscriptions of the Officers of the Army was diverted by His Majesty ; and it is well known , that some Officers apprehending upon some speeches , that the drift in requiring Subscriptions , was to engage the Army against His Majesty , in detestation thereof upon those speeches rent the Book of Subscription in pieces . For the diversion of the Moneys raised for that War , if they had been since repaid , ( the contrary whereof is credibly informed to His Majesty ) yet that present Diversion might be , and we believe was , a great means of the future Wants of that Kingdom which induced the Cessation . As to the Lord Wharton's Commission , we conceive we have already fully satisfied your Lordships the just Reasons thereof . For the Letters whereof your Lordships had Copies , we conceive that you being thereby satisfied of the Contents , and that they came from the Lords Justices and Council there , your Lordships need not doubt of the truth of the matter : and for the Names of the single Persons subscribing , we cannot conceive it is desired for any other purpose , than to be made use of against such of them as should come into your Quarters , you having not granted , though desired , that it shall not turn to their Prejudice , if we should give in their Names . Upon what hath been said it appears , that His Majesties English Protestant Subjects in Ireland could not subsist without a Cessation ; and that the War there cannot be maintained or prosecuted to the subduing of the Rebels there , during the continuance of this unnatural War here , is evident to any man that shall consider , that this Kingdom labouring in a War which imploys all the Force and Wealth at home , cannot , nor will spare considerable Supplies to send abroad ; or if it could , yet whiles there are mutual Jealousies that there cannot be that concurrence in joynt Advices betwixt the King , and the two Houses , as will be necessary , if that War be prosecuted ; and that His Majesty cannot condescend , or your Lordships in reason expect His Majesty should by His Consent to Acts of Parliament for the managing of that War , and raising moneys to that purpose , put so great a Power into their hands , who , during these Troubles , may , if they will , turn that Power against Him ; and it is apparent , that the continuance of the War here , must inevitably cause the continuance of the Miseries there , and endanger the rending of that Kingdom from this Crown . The Kings Commissioners other Paper , 20. Feb. VVE do very much wonder , that it doth not clearly appear to your Lordships , that upon any difference between the Committees of both Kingdoms in the managing the War of Ireland , ( in the manner proposed by your Lordships ) the War there must stand still , or be dissolved : for if the Ordinance of the 11th of April be by His Majesties Royal Assent made an Act of Parliament , ( as your Lordships desire ) all the Forces of that Kingdom , both British and Scotish , are put under the absolute Command of the Earl of Leven the Scotish General , and the managing the War committed wholly to the Committee of both Kingdoms , without any reference to the two Houses of the Parliament of England by themselves : so that whatsoever your Lordships say of your intentions , that the the two Houses of Parliament here shall upon such difference manage the War ( which yet you say must be observing the Treaty of the 6th of August , and the said Ordinance of the 11th of April ) it is very evident , if that Ordinance should be made a Law , the War must stand still or be dissolved , upon difference of opinion between the Committee of both Kingdoms , or else the Earl of Leven must carry on the War according to his discretion ; for he is in no degree bound to observe the Orders or Directions of the Houses of Parliament in England by themselves . Neither doth the asking His Majesties Consent at all alter the Case from what we stated it to your Lordships in our Paper of the 20. of this Instant ; for we said then , and we say still , that if His Majesty should consent to what you propose , He would devest himself of all his Royal Power in that Kingdom , and reserve no Power or Authority in Himself over that War , which is most necessary for His Kingly Office to do . For your Lordships Expression , when there shall be a Lieutenant of Ireland , we presume your Lordships cannot but be informed that His Majesty hath made , and we doubt not but you acknowledge he hath power to make the Lord Marquess of Ormond His Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and who is very well able to manage and carry on that War , in such manner as shall be thought necessary for the good of that Kingdom ; and there is no question but that the naming the Earl of Leven to be General , to receive Orders only from the joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , doth more take away the Power of the two Houses here , than if he were a Native of this Kingdom , and to obey the Orders of the two Houses . And we conceive it evident , that the giving the absolute Command of all Forces , both British and Scotish , to the Earl of Leven , General of the Scotish Forces , who is to manage the War according to the Directions of the joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , doth not amount to less than to deliver the whole Kingdom of Ireland over into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland : and therefore we must ask your Lordships Pardon , to believe our selves obliged in Prudence , Honour , and Conscience , very much to insist on that consideration , and very earnestly to recommend the same to your Lordships . And we conceive it most conducing to the good of His Majesties Service and of that Kingdom , and the Lieutenant and Judges there be nominated ( as they have always been ) by His Majesty , who will be sure to employ none in places of so great Trust , but such , whose known Ability and Integrity shall make them worthy ; and if at any time He shall finde himself deceived by those He shall chuse , can best make them Examples of His Justice , as they have been of His Grace and Favour . And we beseech your Lordships to consider how impossible it is for His Majesty to receive that measure of Duty , Reverence and Application , which is due to Him , and His Royal Progenitors have always enjoyed , if it be not in His own immediate Power to reward those whom he shall by experience discern worthy of publick Trust and Imployment . We have made no difficulty to your Lordships of His Majesties consenting to Acts for the raising of moneys , and other necessaries for the setling of the true Protestant Religion in that Kingdom ; only we think it unreasonable that His Majesty should engage himself ( as is proposed ) to pass all such Acts as shall be presented to Him , before He know whether such Acts are reasonable or no , and whether those ( other necessaries ) may not comprehend what in truth is not only unnecessary , but very inconvenient . Neither will the Argument , that the moneys are to be raised from His Subjects , without any charge to Himself , seem reasonable to His Majesty , His Majesty considering His own charge much less than the Damage and Pressures which may thereby befall His good Subjects , the preserving them from which , is His Majesties most sollicitous and earnest desire . And we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should conceive any Expressions made by us , concerning the Prosecution of that War of Ireland , to be unagreeable to the Zeal of Persons abundantly sensible of that Blood and Horrour of that Rebellion . We agree with you , they have broken the Laws of God and Man , their Faith , their Allegiance , the Bonds of Charity , Rules of Humanity and human Society ; and we heartily wish that it were in His Majesties Power to do justice upon , and make up those breaches of all those Rules and Bonds ; and to that purpose we have desired to be satisfied by your Lordships what probable course may be taken for the remedying those mischiefs , and preserving the remainder of His Majesties good Protestant Subjects : but without doubt the prosecution of that War so much depends upon the Condition and Distractions of His Majesties other Kingdoms , that the Information your Lordships give us of the Negotiation with Spain and other States , for delivering up that Kingdom from His Majesties Obedience into the hands of Strangers , deserves the most strict Consideration , how His Majesties two other Kingdoms can be applied to the Relief of the third , whilst these Distractions are in their own Bowels , and the continuance of the miseries in the two , must render those in the third remediless , if it be not preserved by some other means than the prosecution of the War. Neither can it be foreseen or determined what help or assistance either Party may make use of , where it finds it self oppressed and over-powered by the other , especially when it calls in any help , and leaves no means unattempted to destroy the other . And we beseech your Lordships , in the Bowels of Christian Charity and Compassion , and in the Name of him who is the Prince of Peace , and who will make an Inquisition for Blood , to consider , whether all our endeavours ought not to be , to stop these Bloody Issues in all His Majesties Dominions ; and whether the just God of Heaven , who for our Sins hath made the several Nations under His Majesties Government , to be Scourges of one another , and of His Majesty Himself , under whose Obedience they should all live , can be delighted with the Sacrifice of Blood , and the Blood of Christians ; and whether it would not be more agreeable to our Christian Profession , to endeavour the binding up of those wounds , which Interests , Passion and Animosity have made . We desire your Lordships to consider these things , and to make such Propositions to us concerning Ireland , ( since it is apparent , that those already made by you , are by no means fit to be consented to ) as may be for the growth and propagation of the true Protestant Religion , the Peace and Happiness of that Kingdom , and the welfare of all His Majesties Dominions . The last of the six days concerning Ireland being now spent , being the last of the eighteen appointed to treat upon Religion , Militia , and Ireland , by three days apiece , alternis vicibus , according to the order formerly proposed , the two remaining days were imployed for the most part concerning Religion : but towards the end of these two days , being the last of the Treaty ( about 12. of the Clock at night ) they delivered in these two following Papers concerning Ireland , in answer to the two last Papers . Their Paper , 22. Feb. WE are very sorry that your Lordships should continue in that Opinion , that it was necessary to make the Cessation in Ireland , when by undeniable Proofs , and consideration of all Circumstances , it is most clear , that the Necessities alledged for grounds of that Cessation , were made by design of the Popish and Prelatical Party in England and Ireland , who so wickedly contrived the same , that the Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for Relief of His Majesties good Subjects in Ireland , were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels there in their greatest wants ; and then when your Lordships affirm the Protestants to be in so great extremity ; and even at that time also when the Officers of our Army and Garrisons , pressing for leave to march into the Enemies Countrey to live upon them , and save their own Stores , some who were driven forth , had great quantities of Provisions out with them , yet were not permitted to march into the Enemies Countrey , but kept near Dublin , until their Provisions were spent , and then commanded back again ; others could not obtain leave to go forth , but were commanded to stay at home , that their own Provisions might be the sooner consumed , and thereby the Necessity made greater . Notwithstanding , by the care of both Houses of Parliament here for their supply , they were able to subsist , and did subsist at the time of that Cessation , although the making thereof reduced them to far greater Necessities than otherwise they could have suffered , besides the notorious advantage thereby to the Rebels , when their Wants and Extremities were most pressing . And we should not again have troubled your Lordships with these Answers , had they not been caused by your own Repetition of the Letters , of part whereof you have given us Copies , though not the knowledge of the Persons from whom they came ; only you were pleased to mention the Lords Justices and Council there ; yet we were assured , even by some who were of the Council at that time when the Letters were written , that the same was done only to press for Supplies from hence , without the least intention in them of inducing a Cessation ; neither do the Copies contain any thing tending to a Cessation , or the least mention thereof . And we have cause to grieve , not only at what your Lordships express concerning the complaints from Ireland and their great extremities , but that the same being procured and increased by the Popish Party , yet we should find such earnest endeavours to lay the blame and neglect therein upon the two Houses of Parliament here , who have been so zealous for their Relief , and whose only care ( under the Blessing of God ) hath been their Preservation , and that in the heat of our own miserable Distractions , have continued their Supplies , and from our own great Wants , have not spared to afford our Brethren there the means of their subsistance . The Protestants in Munster , Connaught and Vlster , who opposed this Cessation , were many of them English , and both they and the Scots suffering under as great Wants and Failer of Supplies as the Protestants in other places , and in no better posture of their own defence , notwithstanding in a true sense of their own Duty and Conscience , they have opposed , and still do oppose the same : neither were the English there neglected , as your Lordships have been misinformed by such who labour to destroy both Nations , and , as a means thereto , to divide them . Besides the Goods seised near Coventry , we have mentioned other particulars asserted to be seised , not without His Majesties own knowledge and direction , as we are informed , and are most unwilling to believe : Neither do we understand it to be an excuse for seising some Goods , to say that His Majesty did forbear to seise others in His Power ; but when His Majesty shall rightly ponder the horridness of that Rebellion , we hope those wicked Instruments who contrived , and do support the same , will have no power to alter His Majesties tender sense of the miseries of His Protestants Subjects in that Kingdom , nor at all to lessen His Piety and gracious Care for quenching the Flames of that unhappy Rebellion . We do again affirm unto your Lordships the truth of what we said before concerning the Supplies of Ireland by the two Houses ; and it seems strange , that what hath been lately sent should not be looked upon as a Support of the War against the Rebels , by which only the Protestants were enabled to defend themselves , and to infest their Enemies : nor can we imagine any other means as a Support of that just War , being most assured that if this had not been done , the Rebels must certainly have prevailed , and the remnant of His Majesties good Subjects of that Kingdom have perished . Your Lordships are pleased to remember some moneys by us imployed , particularly one hundred thousand Pounds , which was raised for Ireland , all which have been re-satisfied with advantage ; and we must , as often as you are pleased to repeat it , refer your Lordships to our former just and clear Answers concerning the same , and the like for the Forces under the Command of the Lord Wharton . And we believe what your Lordships express concerning the Forces brought hither to His Majesty out of Ireland after the Cessation , it being one end for which the Cessation was made , that those Forces might be imployed against the two Houses of Parliament here ; and those Scotish Forces which came over , were not sent for . We know of no Persons who have returned into Ireland since the Cessation , except such as were Agents for the procuring thereof , and divers principal Rebels who presumed to address themselves unto His Majesty at Oxford , and were there countenanced . It is probable that some might endeavour to alienate the hearts of the Officers of the Army there from the two Houses , whereby their Service against the Rebels might be interrupted . To that particular of the Subscriptions of the Officers , and of the Committee sent into Ireland , and of the diversions of moneys alledged , and of the Copies of Letters given us by your Lordships , without the Names of those who subscribed them , we have already given your Lordships a full and clear Answer ; but have not received satisfaction concerning the denial of the Lord Wharton's Commission , whereby the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced . It is so far from being made appear that His Majesties English Protestant Subjects in Ireland could not subsist without a Cessation , that the contrary is undeniable , and that His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , both English and Scotish , who have opposed that Cessation , have subsisted , and do still subsist ; and we are sorry to find any inclination to continue that Cessation , which whensoever made , will be esteemed by all good Protestants a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion . We do insist upon our former Demands concerning Ireland , and doubt not but those being granted , notwithstanding our present miserable Distractions here , we shall ( by the Blessing of God ) bring those bloody Rebels to a speedy and just Punishment , and settle that unhappy Kingdom in their due Obedience to His Majesty and the Crown of England . Their other Paper . 22. Feb. IT is not possible for us to give a more clear Answer than we have done , to shew that there can no such Inconvenience follow upon confirming the Ordinance of the 11. of April by Act of Parliament as your Lordships do imagine ; it being desired that the Treaty of the sixth of August be in like manner confirmed , by which the Commanders of the Scotish Forces in Ireland are to be answerable to His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament of England for their whole deportment and proceeding there ; and it being desired by the 13. Proposition , that the Prosecutions of the War of Ireland should be settled in both Houses of Parliament : all which taken together , it cannot follow , that upon any Disagreement between the Committees there , the Earl of Leven may carry on the War according to his own discretion . As for our Expression [ when there shall be a Lieutenant in Ireland ] which was used in Answer to your Lordships second Paper of the 20. of February , it was to satisfie your Lordships , that there could be no interfering between the Powers of the Lord Lieutenant and of the Earl of Leven ; and still we say , when there shall be a Lord Lieutenant chosen , as is expressed in our 20. Proposition , ( for we do not admit the Marquiss of Ormond to be so ) the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army is to receive Instructions from him , in such manner as we have laid it down in that Answer of ours to your Lordships Paper above-mentioned : which will , we hope , satisfie your Lordships other Objection , that this is not to deliver over the whole Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland , seeing such of that Nation as are there imployed , are to be subordinate to the Committee of both Kingdoms , and in case of Disagreement , an Appeal lies to the two Houses of the Parliament of England , in whom the power of prosecuting the War , is to be settled . And we must insist to desire that the Lord Lieutenant and the Judges in that Kingdom may be nominated by the two Houses of Parliament , who have by sad experience ( to the great cost of this Kingdom , expence of so much Treasure and Blood , the loss of many thousand Lives there , and almost of all that whole Kingdom from His Majesties Obedience , and an inestimable prejudice to the true Protestant Religion ) found the ill consequence of a bad choice of Persons for those great places of Trust . Therefore for His Majesties Honour , the good of His Service , the great Advantage it will be to the rest of His Majesties Dominions , the great Comfort to all good Christians , and even an acceptable Service to God himself , for the attaining of so much good , and the prevention of so much evil , they desire to have the nomination of those great Officers , that by a prudent and careful Election they may , by providing for the good of that now miserable Kingdom , discharge their Duty to God , the King , and their Countrey . And certainly , if it be necessary to reduce that Kingdom , and that the Parliament of England be a faithful Council to his Majesty , and fit to be trusted with the prosecution of that War , ( which his Majesty was once pleased to put into their hands , and they faithfully discharged their parts in it , notwithstanding many practices to obstruct their proceedings , as is set forth in several Declarations of Parliament ) then , we say , your Lordships need not think it unreasonable that His Majesty should ingage himself to pass such Acts as shall be presented to him for raising Moneys and other necessaries for that War : for if the War be necessary ( as never War was more ) that which is necessary for the maintaining of it must be had , and the Parliament that doth undertake and manage it , must needs know what will be necessary , and the People of England , who have trusted them with their Purse , will never begrudge what they make them lay out upon that occasion . Nor need his Majesty fear the Parliament will press more upon the Subject then is fit in proportion to the occasion . It is true that heretofore Persons about his Majesty have endeavoured and prevailed too much , in possessing him against the Parliament for not giving away the Money of the Subject when his Majesty had desired it ; but never yet did his Majesty restrain them from it , and we hope it will not be thought that this is a fit occasion to begin . We are very glad to find that your Lordships are so sensible in your expressions of the Blood and Horrour of that Rebellion , and it is without all question in His Majesties Power to do Justice upon it , if your Lordships be willing that the Cessation and all Treaties with those bloody and unnatural Rebels be made void , and that the prosecution of the War be settled in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . This we dare affirm to be more than a probable course for the remedying those mischiefs , and preserving the remainder of His Majesties good Subjects there . We cannot believe your Lordships will think it fit there can be any Agreement of Peace , any respite from Hostility , with such Creatures as are not fit to live , no more than with Wolves or Tigers , or any ravenous Beasts , destroyers of mankind . And we beseech you , do not not think it must depend upon the condition of His Majesties other Kingdoms to revenge or not revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfiduous Enemies to the Gospel of Christ , who have imbrued their hands in so much Protestant Blood ; but consider the Cessation that is made with them is for their advantage , and rather a Protection then a Cessation of Acts of Hostility , as if it had been all of their own contriving ; Arms , Ammunition , and all manner of Commodities may be brought unto them ; and they may furnish themselves , during this Cessation , and be assisted and protected in so doing ; that afterwards they may the better destroy the small remainder of his Majesties Protestant Subjects . We beseech your Lordships in the bowels of Christian Charity and Compassion to so many poor Souls who must perish , if the strength of that raging Adversary be not broken , and in the Name of him who is the Prince of Peace , who hates to be at Peace with such shedders of Blood , give not your consents to the continuation of this Cessation of War in Ireland , and less to the making of any Peace there , till Justice have been fully executed upon the Actors of that accursed Rebellion . Let not the Judgment of War within this Kingdom , which God hath laid upon us for our Sins , be encreased by so great a Sin as any Peace or Friendship with them : whatsoever becomes of us , if we must perish , yet let us go to our Graves with that comfort , that we have not made Peace with the Enemies of Christ , yea even Enemies of mankind , declared and unreconciled Enemies to our Religion and Nation : let not our War be a hindrance to that War , for we are sure that Peace will be a hindrance to our Peace . We desire War there as much as we do Peace here : for both we are willing to lay out our Estates , our Lives , and all that is dear unto us in this World ; and we have made Propositions unto your Lordships for both , if you were pleased to agree unto them . We can but look up to God Almighty , beseech him to encline your hearts , and casting our selves on him , wait his good time for the return of our Prayers in settling a safe and happy Peace here , and giving success to our Endeavours in the prosecution of the War of Ireland . It had been used by the Commissioners during the Treaty , that when Papers were delivered in of such length , and so late at night , that present particular Answers could not be given , by agreement between themselves to accept the Answers the next day , dated as of the day before , although they were Treating of another Subject ; and these two last Papers concerning Ireland being of such great length , and delivered about twelve of the clock at night , when the Treaty in time was expiring , so as no Answer could be given without such consent and agreement , therefore the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper , 22. February . YOur Lordships cannot expect a particular Answer from us this night to the two long Papers concerning Ireland , delivered to us by your Lordships about twelve of the clock this night : but since there are many particulars in those Papers to which , if they had been before mentioned , we could have given your Lordships full satisfaction , and for that we presume your Lordships are very willing to be satisfied in those particulars which so highly reflect upon his Majesty , we desire your Lordships to receive the Answers which we shall prepare to those Papers in the Evening to morrow , dated as of this night , and we doubt not to give your Lordships clear satisfaction therein . This desire was not granted , nor any Paper delivered in Answer to it , but soon after the Treaty broke off . During the Twenty days Treaty upon Religion , Militia , and Ireland , the particular passages whereof are before expressed , some other passages did occur concerning His Majesties Propositions , and particularly for a * Cessation , and touching His Majesties return to Westminster after disbanding of Armies , and further time for continuing or renewing the Treaty , which do here follow . And first touching His Majesties Propositions , the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper the second day of the Treaty , 1. February . WE desire to know whether your Lordships have any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , for settling a safe and well-grounded Peace ; and if you have any touching the same , we desire to have a sight of them . Their Answer . 1. February . WE have not yet received Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , and shall therefore acquaint the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England with the desires expressed in that Paper , who having taken those Instructions into their consideration before our coming from them , will send them to us in time convenient . After , upon the third of February , His Majesties Commissioners delivered this Paper concerning His Majesties sixth Proposition , for a Cessation of Arms. 3. February . WE desire to know whether your Lordships have received any Instructions concerning that Proposition of His Majesties for a Cessation ; and if your Lordships have not received any , that you will endeavour to procure Authority to Treat thereupon , which we have power to do , and conceive it very necessary , that during the time we are endeavouring to establish a blessed and happy Peace , the issues of . Blood may be stopped in this miserable Kingdom , and His Majesties oppressed and languishing Subjects have some earnest and prospect of the Peace we are endeavouring , by God's blessing , to procure for them . To this no particular Answer was given . The King's Commissioners Paper . 10. Febr. HAving now spent three days severally upon each of your Lordships three Propositions , concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , we desire to know whether your Lordships have received any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , that we may prepare our selves to Treat upon them when your Lordships shall think fit . Their Answer . 11. Febr. WE have received Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions ; and when the Houses of Parliament shall be satisfied in the good Progress of the Treaty upon their Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , they will give time for the Treaty upon those Propositions sent by His Majesty . But there was not any time given to Treat upon His Majesties Propositions . Touching further time for continuing or reviving the Treaty , and His Majesties Return to Westminster after disbanding , these Papers were delivered . The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. WE have this day received Directions from His Majesty to move your Lordships , that you will endeavour to procure an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties Letter , which Letter we herewith deliver to your Lordships . The Letter mentioned in the last Paper , from His Majesty to His Commissioners , is this . RIght Trusty , &c. Having received from you a particular accompt of your proceedings in the Treaty , and observing thereby how impossible it is within the days limited to give such full Answers to the three Propositions you are now upon , as you might , if upon Consideration had of the rest of the Propositions , you could clearly see what fruit such Answers will produce in order to a blessed Peace for the present , and the future good and Happiness of this Kingdom ; We have thought it fit to advise you , that you propose and desire of the Commissioners with whom you Treat , that they will procure such farther time to be allowed , after the expiration of the Twenty days , as may be sufficient for you , upon a full understanding one of another upon the whole , to make such a Conclusion , that all our Subjects may reap the Benefit good men pray for , Deliverance from these bloody Distractions , and be united in Peace and Charity : And if you think fit , you may communicate this our Letter to them . And so we bid you heartily farewell . Given at Our Court at Oxford , 13. Feb. 1644. By His Majesties Command George Digby . To Our Right Trusty , &c. the Lords and others Our Commissioners for the Treaty at Uxbridge . Their Answer . 14. Feb. COncerning the Paper delivered by your Lordships for addition of time for the Treaty , we can give no other Answer , than that we will send Copies of His Majesties Letter , and of the Paper , unto the Houses of Parliament ; and after signification of their pleasure we will give further Answer . Afterwards on the 18. of Feb. they delivered this Paper . 18. Febr. YOur Lordships may please to take notice , that in the twenty days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions concerning Religion , Militia , and Ireland , the first Thursday and three Sundays are not to be included . The King's Commissioners Paper . 20. Febr. BY our Paper delivered to your Lordships the 14. of this Month we moved your Lordships to endeavour an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties Letter ; which Letter we then delivered to your Lordships : whereunto your Lordships then returned Answer , that you would send Copies of His Majesties Letter and of our Paper to the Houses of Parliament , and after signification of their pleasure , you would give farther Answer . We now desire to know whether there may be an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties , said Letter , and what time may be added . Their Answer . 20. Feb. YOur Lordships Paper of the 14. of this Month , for an addition of time for this Treaty , together with His Majesties Letter concerning the same , were sent by us to the Houses of Parliament , who ( * as we have already acquainted your Lordships ) have declared , That if they shall be satisfied in the good progress of the Treaty upon the Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , they will give time for the Treaty upon the Propositions by His Majesty ; but farther then this have not as yet signified their pleasures unto us . The King's Commissioners Paper . 20. February HAving now spent 18. days with your Lordships in the Treaty upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland ; and besides the present satisfaction we have given your Lordships in those particulars , we having offered that further consideration and order be taken therein by His Majesty and the Two Houses of Parliament , and your Lordships having proposed many important things in the said several particulars to be framed , settled , and disposed by the Two Houses before a full Agreement can be established ; we propose to your Lordships , whether the two days remaining may not be best spent towards the satisfying your Lordships in those three Propositions , and the procuring a speedy blessed Peace , upon finding out some expedient for His Majesties repair to Westminster , that so all Differences may be composed , and this poor Kingdom be restored to its ancient Happiness and Security : and to that purpose if your Lordships shall think fit , we are willing to Treat with your Lordships concerning the best means whereby ( all Armies being first disbanded ) His Majesty may with Honour , Freedom and Safety , be present with his two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . To which two particulars , that is , first concerning the Disbanding all Armies , and then for His Majesties speedy repair and residing at Westminster with Honour , Freedom and Safety , we shall ( if your Lordships think fit ) apply our selves ; and accordingly to morrow will be ready to deliver to your Lordships some Propositions upon that Subject : And if your Lordships shall concur with us herein , we hope it will be a good inducement to procure an addition of time to this Treaty , according to His Majesties Proposition in his late Letter to us , which we delivered to your Lordships . Their Paper . 20. Feb. VVE shall , according to mutual agreement between His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Commissioners for the Parliament of Scotland , Treat these two remaining days upon the three Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and shall be glad to receive satisfaction in them from your Lordships , as the best expedient for procuring a speedy and blessed Peace , that the Armies may be disbanded , and the Happiness of His Majesties Presence may again be enjoyed by those who have nothing more in their Prayers and endeavours , then by His Majesties Conjunction with his Parliament to see all these sad Differences composed , and these distracted Kingdoms restored to thein Ancient Happiness and Security : Accordingly we shall be ready to begin again to morrow upon the Propositions for Religion , and receive what your Lordships will propose : and being satisfied upon that and the other two Propositions , we are confident we shall have further time given us to Treat upon such other particulars as shall be necessary for the attaining of those ends we all desire . There was no other Answer given concerning . His Majesties Commissioners desire to Treat touching His Return to Westminster , and Disbanding Armies ; whereupon His Majesties Commissioners delivered this Paper . 20. February . VVE conceive that the Reasons why your Lordships do not give us any Answer to our Paper concerning the Treating for the Disbanding all Armies , and for His Majesties coming to Westminster , may be , because you have no Authority by your Instructions so to do , though we proposed the same to your Lordships , and do still conceive it most conducing to the conclusion of the Propositions upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , upon which we have Treated ; and we therefore desire your Lordships , that you will endeavour to have your Instructions so enlarged , that we may Treat upon so important and necessary an Expedient for the publick Peace . In the mean time we shall be ready to receive whatsoever your Lordships please to propose in the business of Religion , presuming that if your Lordships are not satisfied with our Answer therein , in which we have applied Remedies to whatsoever hath ever been complained of as a Grievance in the present Government of the Church , that your Lordships will make it appear , * that the Government by Bishops is unlawful , or that the Government you intend to introduce in the room thereof is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God : either of which being made evident to us , we shall immediately give your Lordships full satisfaction in that you propose . The King's Commissioners Paper . 22. Feb. BY our Paper delivered to your Lordships . 1. February , we did desire to know whether your Lordships have any Instructions concerning his Majesties Propositions for settling a safe and well grounded Peace ; and by our Paper of the third of Feb. we did desire to know whether your Lordships had received any Instructions concerning that Proposition of His Majesties for a Cessation , and if your Lordships had not received any , that you would endeavour to procure authority to Treat thereupon ; and by our Paper of the Tenth of Feb. we did desire to know whether your Lordships had received any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , that we might prepare our selves to treat upon them when your Lordships should think fit ; and by our Paper delivered to your Lordships 14. Feb. we moved your Lordships , upon Directions received from his Majesty , that you would endeavour to procure an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in his Majesties Letter , which Letter we then delivered to your Lordships ; and by our Paper delivered to your Lordships the twentieth of this Month , we moved your Lordships to endeavour an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in his Majesties said Letter , to which we have not yet received full Answer ; nor have we yet had any notice from your Lordships , whether the Two Houses of Parliament have given any further time for this Treaty : and having hitherto , according to the order prescribed us , Treated only upon the three first heads of Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and the Twenty days expiring this day , we again desire to know , whether there is any addition of time granted for this Treaty , our Safe-Conduct being but for two days longer . Their Answer . 22. Feb. YOur Lordships Papers of the first , third , and tenth of February , whether we had any Instructions concerning his Majesties Propositions , and power to Treat for a Cessation , as also your Papers of the 14 th and 20 th of Feb. concerning his Majesties Letter for an addition of time to this Treaty , with your Lordships desire thereupon , have been by us sent up to both Houses of Parliament from time to time as we received them , together with our Answer given to them ; and in our Answers we have from time to time declared to your Lordships , that when the Houses shall be satisfied in the good progress of the Treaty upon their Propositions concerning Religion , Militia , and Ireland , they will give an addition of time for the Treaty : And we do conceive , that if your Lordships Answers to our Demands concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , had been such as to have given satisfaction in the good progress of this Treaty , mutually consented to for twenty days upon the said Propositions , we should have before this been enabled with power to continue the Treaty , as well upon his Majesties as the rest of the Propositions . But your Lordships having not given full and satisfactory Answers concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , you cannot , for the Reasons above mentioned , expect an addition of time ; neither have we received any Instructions to continue this Treaty longer than the twenty days , of which this is the last . And as for your Lordships Safe-Conduct , we conceive the Three Sundays last past being not accounted any days of the Treaty , so this next Sunday is not to be esteemed one of the two days allowed after the Treaty in your Lordships Safe-Conduct , but your Lordships are to have two days besides this next Lords day . The King's Commissioners Reply . 22. February . WE cannot express the great sadness of our hearts , that all our earnest endeavours to give your Lordships satisfaction in all particulars of this Treaty , have produced no better effects towards a blessed Peace , which his Majesty , and we who are trusted by him , do so heartily pray for ; and that so many and great Offers made by us to your Lordships in the particulars we have Treated upon , should not be thought a good progress on our part in the said Treaty , as we find by your Lordships last Paper ( to our great grief ) they are not , and therefore that this must be the last day of the Treaty . We desire your Lordships to consider , that we being intrusted by his Majesty to Treat with your Lordships for a safe and well grounded Peace , have upon the matter of your Lordships Propositions consented to so many particulars and alterations of very great importance , and that your Lordships , who were to Treat with us , have not abated one tittle of the most severe and rigorous of your Propositions , saving what you were pleased the last Night to propose in the point of Time concerning the Militia ; which though it seems to be limited to seven years , in truth leaves it as unlimited as it was before in your-Propositions ; for at the end of seven years , it must not be exercised otherwise than shall be settled by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament : so that all the Legal Power now in his Majesty is taken away , and not restored after the seven years expired . Neither is there a full consent to that limitation offered by your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . Nor have your Lordships offered to us any prospect towards Peace , other than by submitting totally to those Propositions ; the which if we should do , we should consent to such Alterations as by Constructions and Consequences may dissolve the whole frame of the present Government , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , in this Kingdom . And though the particulars proposed by your Lordships have by Debate appeared not only evidently unreasonable , but , literally considered , to comprehend things to be extended to Powers not intended by your selves ; yet your Lordships have not been pleased either to restrain or interpret any particular in any other manner than as is set forth in the said Propositions . In the matter of Religion we have offered all such Alterations as we conceive may give satisfaction to any Objections that have been , or can be made against that Government , and have given your Lordships Reasons not onely why we cannot consent to your Lordships Propositions , but that even those Propositions , if consented to , could not be in order to a Reformation , or to the procuring the publick Peace . And we must desire your Lordships to remember , that though you do not onely in your Covenant ( which you require may be taken by his Majesty , and enjoyned to be taken by all his Subjects ) undertake the Reformation in point of Government , but even in point of Doctrine too , thereby laying an imputation upon the Religion it self so long professed in this Kingdom , with the general approbation of all Reformed Churches ; yet your Lordship , have not given us the least Argument , nor so much as intimated in your Debate the least Prejudice to the Doctrine of the Church of England , against which we presume you cannot make any colourable Objection ; nor have you given us the view in particular of the Government you desire should be submitted to in the place of that you propose to be abolished : and therefore we propose to your Lordships , if the Alterations proposed by us , do not give your Lordships satisfaction , that so great an Alteration as the total Abolition of a Government established by Law may , for the Importance of it , and any Reformation in Doctrine , for the Scandal of it , be suspended , till after the Disbanding of all Armies his Majesty may be present with the Two Houses of Parliament , and calling a National Synod , may receive such Advice both from the one and the other , as in a matter of so high concernment is necessary ; and we are most confident that his Majesty will then follow the Advice which shall be given him . And as any Reformation thus regularly and calmly made , must needs prove for the singular Benefit and Honour of the Kingdom ; so we must appeal to your Lordships , whether the contrary , that is , an Alteration even to things though in themselves good , can by the Principles of Christian Religion be enforced upon the King or Kingdom . In the business of the Militia , though your Lordships do not deny that the Jealousies and apprehensions of Danger are mutual , and that the chief end of depositing the Militia in the hands of certain Persons is for security against those Jealousies and possible Dangers ; yet your Lordships insist , That all those Persons to be entrusted shall be nominated by the Two Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland ; and that the time for that great , general , and unheard-of Trust shall be in such manner , that though it seem to be limited to seven years , yet in truth by declaring , that after those seven years it shall not be otherwise exercised than His Majesty and the Two Houses of Parliament shall agree , His Majesty may thereby be totally and for ever devested of the power of the Sword , without which He can neither defend Himself against Foreign Invasions nor Domestick Insurrections , nor execute His Kingly Office in the behalf of His Subjects , to whom He is sworn to give protection . And to both these your Lordships add the introducing a Neighbour-Nation , governed by distinct and different Laws ( though united under one Sovereign ) to a great share in the Government of this Kingdom . In stead of consenting to these Changes , we have offered and proposed to your Lordships , That the Persons to be trusted with the Militia of the Kingdom may be nominated between us , or if that were refused , that an equal number shall be named by you , and the other number by his Majesty , and that half the Forts and places of Strength within the Kingdom , shall be in the Custody of those whom you think fit to be trusted therewith , and the other half in such hands as his Majesty pleases to commit the same to ; and all persons , as well those nominated by your Lordships as by his Majesty , to take an Oath for the due discharge of the said Trust : which being considered , as the Security is mutual , so neither part can be supposed to violate the Agreement , without very evident inconvenience and danger to that part who shall so violate it , the whole Kingdom being likely , and indeed obliged to look upon whosoever shall in the least degree violate this Agreement as the Authors of all the miseries which the Kingdom shall thereby suffer . And as it is most reasonable , that , for this Security , his Majesty should part with so much of his own Power , as may make him even unable to break the Agreement which should be now made by him , and on his part ; so it is most necessary that all apprehension and danger of such breach being over , that Sovereign Power of the Militia should revert into the proper Chanel , and be , as it hath always been , in his Majesties proper and peculiar Charge . And therefore we have proposed , that the time limited for that Trust should be for three years , which , by the Blessing of God , will produce a perfect understanding between his Majesty and all his People ; and if there should be any thing else necessary to be done in this Argument , either for power or time , that the same be considered after the settlement of Peace in Parliament : but whatever is now , or hereafter shall be thought necessary to be done , we desire may be so settled , that this Kingdom may depend upon it self , and not be subject to the Laws or Advice of Scotland , as we think fit that Scotland should not receive Rules or Advice from this , having offered the like for Scotland as for England . In the business of Ireland , your Lordships propose not onely that his Majesty disclaim and make void the Cessation made by his Royal Authority , and at the desire of the Lords , Justices and Council of that Kingdom , and for the preservation of the remainder of his poor Protestant Subjects there , who were in evident danger of Destruction , both by Famine and the Sword , but also to put the whole managery of that War , and disposal of the Forces within that Kingdom , and consequently the Government of that Kingdom , into the hands of the Scots General , to be managed by the Advice of a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , wherein each should have a Negative Voice : In Answer to which , we have acquainted your Lordships with the just grounds of his Majesties proceedings in the business of Ireland , which we are confident , being weighed without prejudice , may satisfie all men of his Majesties Piety and Justice therein ; and we are very ready and desirous to joyn with your Lordships in any course which may probably preserve and restore that miserable Kingdom . Having put your Lordships in mind of these particulars , as they have a general reference to the publick good of the Kingdoms , we beseech your Lordships to consider that we have this great Trust reposed in us by his Majesty , and to remember how far these Propositions trench upon his peculiar Kingly Rights , without any , or any considerable recompence or compensation . In the business of Religion , your Lordships propose the taking away his whole Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , his Donations and Temporalties of Bishopricks , his First Fruits and Tenths of Bishops , Deans and Chapters , instead whereof your Lordships do not offer to constitute the least dependance of the Clergy upon his Majesty ; and for that so considerable a part of his Revenue , you propose onely the Bishops Lands to be settled on his Majesty , ( reserving a power to dispose even those Lands as you shall think fit : ) whereas all the Lands both of Bishops , Deans , and Chapters ( if those Corporations must be dissolved ) do undoubtedly belong to his Majesty in his own Right . In the business of the Militia , as it is proposed , his Majesty is so totally devested of the Regal Power of the Sword , that he shall be no more able either to assist any of his Allies with aid , though men were willing to engage themselves voluntarily in that Service , or to defend his own Dominions from Rebellion or Invasion , and consequently the whole Power of Peace and War ( the acknowledged and undoubted Right of the Crown ) is taken from him . In the business of Ireland , the power of nominating his Lieutenant or Deputy , and other Officers there , of managing , directing , or in the least manner of medling in that War , or of making a Peace , is proposed to be taken from him . And to add to all these attempts upon his Kingly Rights , it is proposed to bereave him of the Power of a Father , in the Education and Marriage of his own Children , and of a Master , in the rewarding his own Servants . And therefore we refer it to your Lordships , whether it be possible for us , with a good Conscience , and discharge of the Trust reposed in us , to consent to the Propositions made to us by your Lordships . Lastly , we must observe to your Lordships , that after a War of near four years , for which the Defence of the Protestant Religion , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Priviledges of Parliament were made the Cause and grounds , in a Treaty of Twenty days , nor indeed in the whole Propositions upon which the Treaty should be , there hath been nothing offered to be Treated concerning the breach of any Law , or of the Liberty or Property of the Subject , or Priviledge of Parliament , but onely Propositions for the altering a Government established by Law , and for the making new Laws , by which almost all the old are , or may be cancelled ; and there hath been nothing insisted on of our part which was not Law , or denied by us that you have demanded as due by Law. All these things being considered , and being much afflicted that our great hope and expectation of a Peace is for the present frustrated by your Lordships * Declaration , that no more time will be allowed for this Treaty , we are earnest Suitors to your Lordships , that you will interpose with the two Houses , to whom we believe you have transmitted the Answers delivered by us to your Lordships upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , that this Treaty , though for the present discontinued , may be revived , and the whole matter of their Propositions , and those sent to them by his Majesty , which have not yet been Treated on , may be considered ; and that depending that Treaty , to the end we may not Treat in Blood , there may be a Cessation of Arms , and that the poor People of this Kingdom , now exposed to Plunderings and Spoils , and other direful effects of War , may have some earnest of a blessed Peace . And because this Treaty is now expiring , if your Lordships cannot give a present Resolution , we desire when you have represented this to the two Houses , his Majesty may speedily receive their Answer . Their Answer . 22. Feb. WE conceive your Lordships cannot in reason expect an Answer to the long Paper delivered to us very late this Night at the close of the Treaty , a thing of many days labour , which we apprehend to be rather a Declaration upon the Treaty , than any part thereof , and we could not imagine would be offered : but we cannot forbear , upon the reading thereof , to mention thus much ; That it seems by many particulars in that Declaration , it was resolved the Treaty should end with the Twenty days , the means to continue it being well known to be a good progress in the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and by what we have received , we cannot find any satisfaction in these was intended to be agreed unto . To that whereby your Lordships ascribe so much to your own Concessions , we shall only say , That for Religion you have granted very little , or nothing , but what we are already in possession of by the Laws of this Kingdom . For the business of the Militia , your Lordships have not thought fit to consent to any one of our Demands , but in that , as in Religion , have made some new Propositions of your own , which are not in any degree sufficient for setling and securing the Peace of the Kingdoms . As for the Propositions for Ireland , your Lordships have been so far from affording a Consent thereto , that you have justified the destructive Cessation there , and strongly implied an intention to renew the same , and have not yielded to any part of our Propositions cencerning that Kingdom . We shall represent your Lordships Papers to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , who , upon due consideration thereof , will do what is farther necessary for the good and Peace of His Majesties Dominions . Besides these several Desires above mentioned from time to time for addition and enlargement of time , for continuing and prolonging the Treaty , or if discontinued , that it might be revived , and after a representation to the Houses , their Answer might be sent to his Majesty ; in another Paper before , Num. 135. upon the Head of the Militia , his Majesties Commissioners did propose , That if the Treaty might not then continue , it might be Adjourned for such time as they should think fit , and not totally dissolve , but be again resumed : which Paper is not here inserted , to avoid repetition , being before upon the Head of the Militia , and to which , as to that point of Adjournment , no Answer was given . No Papers were given in to their Commissioners in Answer to the last-mentioned Paper , dated the 22. of Feb. Numb . 197. which came in about two of the Clock in the morning after ; nor to that of the same date , Num. 135. concerning the Militia , which came in with it ; nor to their two last concerning Ireland , of the 22. of Febr. Num. 177 , and 178. which came in about 12. of the Clock that Night : all which were of such length , and delivered upon the close of the Treaty ; and those which came in about two of the Clock upon the departure of the Commissioners , that it was impossible to give present Answers ; nor could any be given after , as part of the Treaty , without consent , which was required by his Majesties Commissioners , but not granted . Neither is any thing here inserted in Answer to those Papers , because by the Agreements between the Commissioners in the beginning of the Treaty , nothing was to be taken as part of the Treaty but what should be put in writing . And this Relation is intended only for a Narrative of the Treaty , ( conformable to the Agreements ) without any Observations upon it , or Additions unto it , other than necessary Introductions and Transitions for coherence , and more clear under standing the Passages of the Treaty . THE APPENDIX . His MAJESTIES Message from Evesham , of the 4th of July , 1644. To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our Kingdom , and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects , do most earnestly desire that some Expedient may be found out which , by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of Blood , and restore the Nation to Peace ; from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no Discouragement given Us on the contrary part shall make Us cease , so no Success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People , whether by way of Confirmation of what we have already granted , or of such further Concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full Assurance of the Performance of all our most real Professions , concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , the just Priviledges of Parliament , and the Liberty and Property of the Subject , according to the Laws of the Land ; as also by granting a general Pardon , without or with Exceptions , as shall be thought fit . In order to which blessed Peace , We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , That they appoint such and so many Persons as they shall think fit , sufficiently authorized by them , to attend Us at Our Army , upon Safe-Conduct , to come and return , ( which We do hereby grant ) and conclude with Us how the Premisses , and all other things in question betwixt Us and them , may be fully settled ; whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed , there may be a present Cessation of Arms , and , as soon as may be , a total Disbanding of all Armies , the Subject have his due , and We be restored to Our Rights . Wherein if this Our Offer shall be accepted , there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People secure and happy . Given at Our Court at Evesham the 4 th of July , 1644. His MAJESTIES Message from Tavestock of the 8th of September , 1644. To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success , We do not so much joy in that Blessing for any other consideration , as for the hopes we have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart , as we do , the Miserie 's brought and continued upon our Kingdom by this unnatural War , and that it may open your Ears , and dispose your Minds to embrace those Offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us , and from the constant and fervent Endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist . In pursuance whereof We do , upon this Occasion , conjure you to take into consideration Our ( too-long-neglected ) Message of the Fourth of July from Evesham , which We again renew unto you ; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto , as may shew unto Our poor Subjects some light of a Deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommodation ; toward which We do here engage the Word of a King , to make good all those things which We have therein promised , and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Treaty . And so God direct you in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Tavestock the 8 th of September , 1644. The Bill for Abolishing Episcopacy . VVHereas the Government of the Church of England by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy , hath by long experience been found to be a great impediment to the perfect Reformation and growth of Religion , and very prejudicial to the Civil State and Government of the Kingdom ; Be it therefore Enacted by the King 's most Excellent Majesty , and the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and by the Authority of the same , That from and after the fifth day of November , in the year of our Lord One Thousand Six Hundred Forty and Three , there shall be no Arch-bishop , Bishop , Chancellor , or Commissary of any Arch-Bishop or Bishop , nor any Dean , Sub-dean , Dean and Chapter , or Arch deacon , nor any Chancellor , Chaunter , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , or Sacrist , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , nor any Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicar-Choral , Choristers , old Vicars or new Vicars , of or within any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , or any other their Officers , within this Church of England , or Dominion of Wales ; and that from and afrer the said fifth day of November , the Name , Title , Dignity , Jurisdiction , Office and Function of Arch bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Sub-treasurers , Succentors , and Sacrists , and all Vicars-Choral , and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , and every of them , and likewise the having , using , or exercising of any Power , Jurisdiction , Office or Authority , by reason or colour of any such Name , Title , Dignity , Office or Function , within this Realm of England , or Dominion of Wales , shall thenceforth cease , determine , and become absolutely void , and shall be abolished out of this Realm and the Dominion of Wales , any Usage , Law or Statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . And that from and after the said fifth day of November , no Person or Persons whatsoever , by Virtue of any Letters-Patents , Commission , or other Authority derived from the King's Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , shall use or exercise any Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm , or Dominion of Wales , but such , and in such manner as shall be appointed and established by Act of Parliament . And that all Counties Palatine , Mannors , Lordships , Castles , Granges , Messuages , Mills , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Leasues , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parks , Annuities , Franchises , Liberties , Priviledges , Immunities , Rights , Rights of Action and of Entry , Interests , Titles of Entry , Conditions , Commons , Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron , and all other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , or wheresoever they lie or be , ( other than Impropriations , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Collations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , ) which now are , or lately were , of or belonging unto any Arch-bishop , Bishop , Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick , or any of them , or which they or any of them held or injoyed in right of their said Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick respectively , shall by the Authority of Parliament be vested , adjudged and deemed to be , and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of the King's Majesty , His Heirs and Successors ; and He shall have , hold , possess and enjoy the same , to Him , His Heirs and Successors , without any Entry or other Act whatsoever : and that the King's Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , His and their Lessees , Farmers and Tenants , shall hold and enjoy the same discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes , as freely , and in as large , ample and beneficial * means to all intents and purposes , as any Arch-bishop or Bishop at any time or times within the space of two years last past held or enjoyed , or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same . Provided nevertheless , and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Leases , Grants , Gifts , Letters-Patents , Conveyances , Assurances , or Estates whatsoever , hereafter to be made by the King's Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , of any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , which in or by this Act shall come , or be limited , or disposed of unto His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , ( other than for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two , or Three Lives , and not above , from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted , whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term ) and whereof any former Lease is in being , not to be expired , surrendred or ended within three years after the making of any such new Lease , shall be utterly void and of none effect , to all intents , constructions and purposes , any clause or words of ( non obstante ) to be put in any such Patent , Grant , Conveyance or Assurance , and any Law , Usage , Custom , or any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . And be it further Enacted and Ordained , That all Impropriations , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Collations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , which now are , or lately were belonging unto any Arch-bishop or Bishop , Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick , and all Mannors , Castles , Lordships , Granges , Messuages , Mills , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , Parks , Annuities , Franchises , Liberties , Priviledges , Immunities , Rights , Rights of Action and of Entry , Interests , Titles of Entry , Conditions , Commons , Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron , and all other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , or wheresoever they lie or be , which now are , or lately were , of or belonging to any Sub-dean , Dean , Dean and Chapter , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicars Choral , Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , or any of them , or any of the Officers of them , or any of them which they held or enjoyed in right of their said Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices or Places respectively , shall by Authority of this present Parliament be vested , adjudged and deemed to be , and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire ; and they shall have , hold , possess and enjoy the same to them , their Heirs and Assigns , without any Entry or other Act whatsoever , and that for themselves , their Lessees , Farmers and Tenants , discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes , as freely , and in as large , ample and beneficial manner , to all intents and purposes , as any of the Persons or Corporations , whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act , at any time or times within the space of two years now last past held or enjoyed , or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same . In trust and confidence nevertheless , and to the intent and purpose that they , the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , and the Survivors and Survivor of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , shall satisfie and pay unto all and every Arch-bishop , Bishop , Dean , Sub-dean , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicars Choral , Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , and other Officers and persons belonging unto , or now imployed in or about the said Cathedral or Collegiate Churches , such yearly Stipends and Pensions , for so long time and in such manner , as by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled shall be ordered , directed and appointed ; and shall dispose of all and singular the aforesaid Mannors , Lands , Tithes , Appropriations , Advowsons , Tenements , Hereditaments , and other the Premisses , and of every part and parcel thereof , and of the Revenues , Rents , Issues and Profits thereof , to the uses , intents , and purposes above and hereafter expressed , ( that is to say ) for a competent maintenance for the support of such a number of Preaching Ministers for the service of every Cathedral and Collegiate Church , and His Majesties free Chappel of Windsor , as by the Lords and Commons shall be ordered and appointed , and likewise for the maintenance of Preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom of England , Dominion of VVales , and Town of Barwick , in such places where such maintenance is wanting , and for a proportionable allowance for and towards the reparation of the said Cathedral and Collegiate Churches , in such manner and form , and to such persons , and for such other good uses , to the advancement of true Religion and the maintenance of Piety and Learning , as by this or any other Act or Acts of Parliament now or hereafter to be made shall be set down or declared . And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Leases , Gifts , Grants , Conveyances , Assurances and Estates whatsoever hereafter to be made by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Mabourne Esquire , the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , of any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments which in or by this Act shall come , or be limited , or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , ( other than for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two or Three Lives , and not above , from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted , whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term ) whereof any former Lease is in being , and not to be expired , surrendred or ended within Three years after the making of such Lease , shall be utterly void and of none effect , to all intents , constructions and purposes , any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . Provided nevertheless , where no Lease hath been heretofore made , nor any such Rent hath been reserved or payable of any the Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments , in this Act limited , or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , that in such case it shall be lawful for the said Sir William Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John Wollaston , John Warner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs , to make any Lease or Estate for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two , or Three Lives , and not above , taking such Fine as they in their Judgments shall conceive indifferent , and reserving a reasonable Rent , not being under the Third part of the clear yearly value of the Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments contained in such Lease . And it is further Declared to be the true intent and meaning of this Act , That all and every the Lessees , Farmers and Tenants of all and every the said Persons and Corporations , whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Statute , now having , holding , or enjoying any Estate , Term or Interest , in possession by himself , his under-Tenants or Assigns , of or in any Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Appropriations , or other Hereditaments whatsoever , shall and may be preferred in the taking and renewing of any Estates , Leases or Grants of any such Mannors , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments , before any other Person , the said Lessees , Farmers or Tenants , or other Parties interessed as aforesaid , desiring the same , and giving such Fines , Rents and other considerations for the same as by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer , Peter Malbourne Esquires , or the Survivors or Survivor of them , or the major part of them , his or their Heirs or Assigns , shall be thought and held just and reasonable . Provided also , and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all and singular Revenues , Rents , Issues , Fees , Profits , Sums of Money and Allowances whatsoever , as have heretofore been and now ought to be paid , disposed , or allowed unto , or for the maintenance of any Grammar-School or Scholars , or for or towards the Reparation of any Church , Chappel , High-way , Causey , Bridge , School-house , Alms-house , or other charitable use , payable by any the Corporations or Persons whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act , or which are chargeable upon , or ought to issue out of , or be paid for or in respect of the said Premisses , or any of them , shall be and continue to be paid , disposed and allowed , as they were and have been heretofore , any thing in this present Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . And to the intent and purpose the Parliament may be certainly and clearly informed of the Premisses , to the end the same may be distributed , applied and imployed to and for such pious and godly uses and purposes as is intended and herein declared . Be it Ordained and Enacted , That the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time being , shall , by virtue of this Act , have full Power and Authority , and is hereby required , to award and issue forth several Commissions under the Great Seal of England into all and every the Counties and Cities within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales , to be directed unto such and so many persons as by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , shall be nominated , assigned and appointed , thereby authorizing and requiring them , or any five or more of them , and giving them full Power and Authority by the Oaths of good and lawful men , as by all other good and lawful ways and means , to enquire and find out what Mannors , Castles , Lordships , Granges , Messuages , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Leasues , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Presentations , Rights of Patronage , Parks , Annuities , and other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , lying and being within every such County or City , not hereby limited , or disposed of unto His Majesty , do belong or appertain unto all , every , or any such Arch-bishop , Bishop , Dean , Sub-dean , Dean and Chapter , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-Treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicar-Choral , Chorister , old Vicar or new Vicar , in right of their said Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices or Places respectively , and what and how much of the same is in possession , and the true yearly Value thereof , and what and how much thereof is out in Lease , and for what Estate , and when and how determinable , and what Rents , Services and other Duties are reserved and payable during such Estate , and also the true yearly Value of the same as they are now worth in possession , as also what Rents , Pensions , or other Charges , or other Sums of Money are issuing , due or payable out of any the Mannors , Lands or Premisses , and to make an exact and particular Survey thereof , and to take and direct , and settle such course for the safe custody and keeping of all Charters , Evidences , Court-Rolls and Writings whatsoever belonging unto all or any the Persons , Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices and Places , or concerning any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , or other Premisses before mentioned , as in their discretion shall be thought meet and convenient ; and of all and singular their doings and proceedings herein , fairly written , and ingross'd in Parchment , to make Return and Certificate into the Court of Chancery . And to this further intent and purpose , that speedy care and course may be taken for providing of a competent maintenance for supply and encouragement of Preaching Ministers in the several Parishes within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales . Be it likewise Ordained and Enacted , That the same Commissioners and Persons , authorized as above-said , shall have full Power and Authority by the Oaths of good and lawful men , as by all other good ways and lawful means , to enquire and find out the true yearly Value of all Parsonages and Vicarages presentative , and all other Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Benefices and Livings unto which any Cure of Souls is annexed , lying and being within such Counties and Cities , and of all such particularly to enquire and certifie into the Court of Chancery what each of them are truly and really worth by the year , and who are the present Incumbents or Possessors of them , and what and how many Chappels belonging unto Parish-Churches are within the limits of such Counties and Cities within which they are directed and authorized to enquire , and how the several Churches and Chappels are supplied by Preaching Ministers , that so course may be taken for providing both for Preaching and of maintenance , where the same shall be found to be needful and necessary . Provided always that this Act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to any Colledge , Church , Corporation , Foundation , or House of Learning in either of the Vniversities within this Kingdom . And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer , and Peter Malbourne , Esquires , and the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , are hereby directed and authorized to give and allow unto such Officers as by them shall be thought fitting and necessary for keeping of Courts , collecting of Rents , Surveying of Lands , and all other necessary imployments in and about the Premisses , and unto the Commissioners authorized by this Act , and such others as shall be necessarily imployed by them , all such reasonable Fees , Stipends , Salaries and Sums of Money as in their discretion shall be thought just and convenient . And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer and Peter Malbourne , Esquires , the Survivors and Survivor of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , of their several Receipts , Imployments , Actions and Proceedings shall give an accompt , and be accomptable unto the Lords and Commons in Parliament , or such Person or Persons as from time to time by both Houses of Parliament shall be nominated and appointed in such manner , and with such Power , Priviledge and Jurisdiction , to hear and determine all matters concerning such Accompts , as by both Houses of Parliament shall from time to time be thought necessary to be given them , and not elsewhere , nor otherwise : Saving to all and every Person and Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , their Heirs and Successors , and the Heirs and Successors of them and every of them , ( other than such Person or Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , whose Offices , Functions and Authorities are taken away and abolished by this Act , as to any Estate , Right , Title or Interest which they or any of them claim to have or hold in right of their said Churches , Dignities , Functions , Offices or Places , and other then the Kings Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , as Patrons , Founders or Donors ; and all and every other Person and Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , as may claim any thing as Patrons , Founders or Donors ) all such Right , Title , Interest , Possession , Rents , Charge-Rent , Service , Annuities , Offices , Pensions , Portions , Commons , Fees , Profits , Claims and Demands , either in Law or Equity , whatsoever ; and all and singular such Leases for Years , Life or Lives , as were before the twentieth day of January , in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty two , made unto them or any of them by any the Persons or Corporations above named , acccording to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , and warranted by the same , and all such Leases and Estates as having been heretofore made , have been established or settled by any Judgement or Decree in any of the Courts at Westminster , and have been accordingly enjoyed , and all Duties and Profits whatsoever which they or any of them have or may claim , or of right ought to have of , in , to , or out of any the said Mannors , Lands or Premisses whatsoever , or any part or parcel thereof , in such sort , manner , form and condition , to all intents , constructions and purposes , as if this Act had never been made . MDCXLIII . IV. The Articles of the late Treaty , of the Date Edenburgh , the 29. of November . 1643. Die Mercurii , 3. Januarii , 1643-44 . Articles of the Treaty agreed upon betwixt the Commissioners of both Houses of the Parliament of England , having Power and Commission from the said Honourable Houses , and the Commissioners of the Convention of the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland , authorized by the Committee of the said Estates , concerning the solemn League and Covenant , and the Assistance demanded in pursuance of the Ends expressed in the same . WHereas the two Houses of the Parliament of England , out of a just and deep sense of the great and iminent Danger of the true Protestant Religion , in regard of the great Forces of Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , raised and imployed against the constant Professors thereof in England and Ireland , thought fit to send their Commissioners unto the Kingdom of Scotland , to Treat with the Convention of Estates and general Assembly there , concerning such things as might tend to the preservation of Religion , and the mutual good of both Nations ; and to that end , to desire a more near and strict Union betwixt the Kingdoms , and the Assistance of the Kingdom of Scotland , by a considerable Strength to be raised and sent by them into the Kingdom of England ; and whereas upon a Consultation held betwixt the Commissioners of the Parliament of England , the Committees of the Convention of Estates , and General Assembly , no means was thought so expedient to accomplish and strengthen the Union , as for both Nations to enter into a solemn League and Covenant , and a form thereof drawn and presented to the two Houses of Parliament of England , the Convention of Estates , and General Assembly of Scotland , which hath accordingly been done , and received their respective Approbation ; and whereas the particulars concerning the Assistance desired by the two Houses of the Parliament of England from their Brethren of Scotland were delivered in by the English Commissioners , August the 19. to the Convention of Estates , who did thereupon give power to their Committee to consider and debate further with the English Commissioners of what other Propositions might be added or concluded , whereby the Assistance desired might be made more effectual and beneficial ; and in pursuance thereof these Propositions following were considered of and debated by the Commitee and Commissioners aforesaid , to be certified with all convenient speed to the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Convention of Estates of Scotland , by their respective Committees and Commissioners , to be respectively taken into their consideration , and proceeded with as they should find cause ; which being accordingly done , and these ensuing Propositions approved , agreed and concluded of by the Houses of the Parliament of England and the Committee of the Estates of Scotland respectively , and power by them given to their respective Committees and Commissioners formally to agree and conclude the same , as may appear by the Votes of both Houses dated the first of November , and the Order of the Committee bearing date the seventeenth of November : We the said Commissioners and Committees , according to their Votes and Orders , do formally conclude and agree upon these Articles following , and in confirmation thereof do mutually subscribe the same . 1. It is agreed and concluded , that the Covenant represented to the Convention of Estates and General Assembly of Scotland , and sent to both Houses of the Parliament of England in the same form as it is now returned from the two Houses of the Parliament of England to their Brethren of Scotland , and allowed by the Committee of Estates and Commissioners of the General Assembly , be sworn and subscribed by both Kingdoms , as a most near Tye and Conjunction between them , for their mutual defence against the Papists and Prelatical Faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms , and for pursuance of the Ends expressed in the said Covenant . 2. That an Army to this purpose shall be levied forthwith , consisting of Eighteen thousand Foot effectivè , and Two thousand Horse and One thousand Dragooners effectivè , with a suitable Train of Artillery , to be ready at some general Rendezvous near the Borders of England , to march into England for the purposes aforesaid with all convenient speed : the said Foot and Horse to be well and compleatly Armed , and provided with Victuals and Pay for forty days ; and the said Train of Artillery to be fitted in all points ready to march . 3. That the Army be commanded by a General appointed by the Estates of Scotland , and subject to such Resolutions and Directions as are and shall be agreed and concluded on mutually between the two Kingdoms , or by Committees appointed by them in that behalf , for pursuance of the Ends above-mentioned . 4. That the Charge of levying , arming , and bringing the said Forces together furnished , as also the fitting the Train of Artillery in readiness to march , be computed and set down according to the same Rates as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to raise the said Army for themselves and their own Affairs : All which for the present is to be done by the Kingdom of Scotland upon Accompt , and the Accompt to be delivered to the Commissioners of the Kingdom of England ; and when the Peace of the two Kingdoms is settled , the same to be repay'd or satisfied to the Kingdom of Scotland . 5. That this Army be likewise pay'd as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to imploy the same for their own occasions , and toward the defraying thereof ( it not amounting to the full Months pay ) shall be Monthly allowed and pay'd the sum of Thirty thousand Pounds sterling by the Parliament of England , out of the Estates and Revenues of the Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , or otherwise ; and in case the said Thirty thousand Pounds Monthly , or any part thereof , be not pay'd at the time when it shall become due and payable , the Kingdom of England shall give the Publick Faith for the paying of the remainder unpay'd , with all possible speed , allowing the rate of Eight Pounds per centum for the time of the performance thereof . And in case that notwithstanding the said Monthly sum of Thirty thousand Pounds pay'd as aforesaid , the States and Kingdom of Scotland shall have just cause to demand further satisfaction of their Brethren of England when the Peace of both Kingdoms is settled , for the pains , hazard and charges they have undergone in the same , they shall by way of Brotherly assistance have due recompence made unto them by the Kingdom of England ; and that out of such Lands and Estates of the Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , as the two Houses of the Parliament of England shall think fit ; and for the assurance thereof , the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England shall be given them . 6. And to the end the said Army in manner aforesaid may be enabled and prepared to march , the Kingdom of England is to pay in ready Money to their Brethren of Scotland , or such as shall have power from the Estates of that Kingdom , the sum of One hundred thousand Pounds sterling , at Leith or Edenburgh , with all convenient speed , by way of advance , before-hand ; which is to be discounted back again unto the Kingdom of England by the Kingdom of Scotland , upon the first Monthly allowance which shall grow due to the Scotish Army , from the time they shall make their first entrance into the Kingdom of England . 7. That the Kingdom of Scotland , to manifest their willingness to their utmost ability to be helpful to their Brethren of England in this common Cause , will give the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be joyntly made use of with the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England , for the present taking up of Two hundred thousand Pounds sterling , in the Kingdom of England or elsewhere , for the speedy procuring of the said Hundred thousand Pounds sterling as aforesaid , as also a considerable sum , for the satisfying in good proportion the Arrears of the Scotish Army in Ireland . 8. That no Cessation , nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatsoever , shall be made by either Kingdom , or the Armies of either Kingdom , without the mutual Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , or their Committees in that behalf appointed , who are to have full Power for the same , in case the Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Parliament or Convention of Estates of Scotland shall not sit . 9. That the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland shall be given to their Brethren of England , that neither their entrance into , nor their continuance in the Kingdom of England shall be made use of to any other ends then are expressed in the Covenant , and in the Articles of this Treaty ; and that all matters of difference that shall happen to arise between the Subjects of the two Nations shall be resolved and determined by the mutual Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , or by such Committees as for this purpose shall be by them appointed , with the same Power as in the precedent Article . 10. That in the same manner and upon the same conditions as the Kingdom of Scotland is now willing to aid and assist their Brethren of England , the Kingdom of England doth oblige themselves to aid and assist the Kingdom of Scotland , in the same or like cases of streights and extremities . 11. Lastly , it is agreed and concluded , that during the time that the Scotish Army shall be imployed , as aforesaid , for the defence of the Kingdom of England , there shall be fitted out as Men of War eight Ships , whereof six shall be of Burthen betwixt One hundred and Twenty and two hundred Tun , the other between three and four hundred Tun , whereof two shall be in lieu of the two Ships appointed by the Irish Treaty : all which shall be maintained at the charge of the Kingdom of England , to be imployed for the defence of the Coast of Scotland , under such Commanders as the Earl of Warwick for the time of his being Admiral shall nominate , with the approbation of the Committees of both Kingdoms ; which Commanders shall receive from the said Earl general Instructions , that they do from time to time observe the Directions of the Committees of both Kingdoms . The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines . An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for the calling of an Assembly of Learned and Godly Divines and others , to be consulted with by the Parliament , for the settling of the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England , and for vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the said Church from false Aspersions and Interpretations . WHereas amongst the infinite Blessings of Almighty God upon this Nation , none is or can be more dear unto us than the purity of our Religion , and for that as yet many things remain in the Liturgy , Discipline and Government of the Church , which do necessarily require a further and more perfect Reformation than as yet hath been attained ; and whereas it hath been declared and resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that the present Church-government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellours , Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy , is evil and justly offensive and burthensom to the Kingdom ; a great impediment to Reformation and growth of Religion , and very prejudicial to the State and Government of this Kingdom , and that therefore they are resolved that the same shall be taken away , and that such a Government shall be settled in the Church as may be most agreeable to Gods Holy Word , and most apt to procure and preserve the Peace of the Church at home , and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland and other reformed Churches abroad : and for the better effecting hereof , and for the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the Church of England from all false Calumnies and Aspersions , it is thought fit and necessary to call an Assembly of Learned , Godly and Judicious Divines , who , together with some Members of both the Houses of Parliament , are to consult and advise of such matters and things touching the Premisses as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the Houses of Parliament , and to give their Advice and Counsel therein to both or either of the said Houses , when and as often as they shall be thereunto required : Be it therefore ordained by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , That all and every the Persons hereafter in this present Ordinance named , that is to say , Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Earl of Bedford , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Henry Earl of Holland , Edward Earl of Manchester , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , Edward Lord Viscount Conway , Philip Lord VVharton , Edward Lord Howard of Escr . John Selden Esquire , Francis Rous Esquire , Edmund Prideaux Esquire , Sir Henry Vane Knight senior , John Glyn Esquire Recorder of London , John VVhite Esquire , Bulstrode VVhitelock Esquire , Humphry Salway Esquire , Mr. Serjeant VVild , Oliver Saint-John Esquire , His Majesties Sollicitor , Sir Benjamin Rudyard Knight , John Pym Esquire , Sir John Clotworthy Knight , John Maynard Esquire , Sir Henry Vane Knight junior , VVilliam Pierrepont Esquire , William VVheeler Esquire , Sir Thomas Barrington Knight , VValter Young Esquire , Sir John Evelin Knight , Herbert Palmer of Ashwel Batchelor in Divinity , Oliver Bowles of Sutton Batchelor in Divinity , Henry VVilkinson of VVaddesdon Batchelor in Divinity , Thomas Valentine of Chalfont-Giles Batchelor in Divinity , Doctor VVilliam Twisse of Newbury , VVilliam Raynor of Egham , Master Hannibal Gammon of Maugan , Mr. Jasper Hicks of Lawrick , D. Joshua Hoyle late of Dublin in Ireland , VVilliam Bridges of Yarmouth , Thomas VVincop of Ellesworth Doctor in Divinity , Thomas Goodwin of London Batchelor in Divinity , John Ley of Budworth in Cheshire , Thomas Case of London , John Pyne of Bereferrers , Master VVhidden of Mooreton , D. Richard Love of Ekington , D. VVilliam Gouge of Blackfriers London , D. Ralph Brownrigge Bishop of Exceter , D. Samuel Ward Master of Sidney Colledge , John White of Dorchester , Edward Peal of Compton , Stephen Marshall of Finchingfield Batchelor in Divinity , Obadiah Sedgewick of Cogshall Batchelor in Divinity , M. Carter , Peter Clark of Carnaby , William Mew of Estington Batchelor in Divinity , Richard Capel of Pitchcomb , Theophilus Bathurst of Overton Watervile , Philip , Nye of Kimbolton , D. Brocket Smith of Barkway , D. Cornelius Burges of VVatford , John Green of Pencomb , Stanley Gower of Brampton-Bryan , Francis Taylor of Yalding , Tho. VVilson of Otham , Antho. Tuckney of Boston Batchelor in Divinity , Thomas Coleman of Bliton , Charles-Herle of VVinwick , Richard Herrick of Manchester , Richard Cleyton of Showel , George Gibbs of Ayleston , D. Calibut Downing of Hackney , Jeremy Boroughs of Stepney , Edmund Calamy Batchelor in Divinity , George VValker Batchelor in Divinity , Joseph Caryll of Lincolns-Inn , Lazarus Seaman of London , D. John Harris Warden of VVinchester-Colledge , George Morley of Milden-hall , Edward Reynolds of Branston , Thomas Hill of Tichmarsh Batchelor in Divinity , D. Robert Saunderson of Boothby-Pannell , John Foxcroft of Gotham , John Jackson of Marsk , VVilliam Carter of London , Thomas Thoroughgood of Massingham , John Arrowsmith of Lynne , Robert Harris of Hanwel Batchelor in Divinity , Robert Cross of Lincoln-Colledge Batchelor in Divinity , James Archbishop of Armagh , D. Matthias Styles of Saint George Eastcheap London , Samuel Gibson of Burley , Jeremiah VVhitaker of Stretton , D. Edmund Stanton of Kingston , D. Daniel Featly of Lambeth , Francis Coke of Yoxhal , John Lightfoot of Ashley , Edward Corbet of Merton Colledge Oxon , Samuel Hildersham of Felton , John Langley of VVestuderley , Christopher Tisdale of Vphusborn , Thomas Young of Stow-market , John Phillips of VVrentham , Humphrey Chambers of Claverton Batchelor in Divinity , John Conant of Lymington Batchelor in Divinity , Henry Hall of Norwich Batchelor in Divinity , Henry Hutton , Henry Scuddir of Colingborne , Thomas Baylie of Manningford-Bruce , Benjamin Pickering of East-Hoateley , Henry Nye of Clapham , Arthur Sallaway of Seavernestoake , Sydrach Simpson of London , Anthony Burgess of Sutton-Coldfield , Richard Vines of Calcot , VVilliam Greenhill of Stepney , VVilliam Moreton of Newcastle , Richard Buckley , D. Thomas Temple of Battersey , Simeon Ashe of Saint Brides , M. Nicholson , Thomas Gataker of Rotherhithe Batchelor in Divinity , James VVeldy of Sylatten , D. Christopher Pashley of Hawarden , Henry Tozer Batchelor in Divinity , VVilliam Spurstow of Hampden in Com. Bucks , Francis Cheynel of Oxon , Edward Ellis of Gilsfield Batchelor in Divinity , D. John Hacket of Saint Andrews Holborne , Samuel de la Place , John de la March , Matthew Newcomen of Dedham , William Lyford of Sherborn in Com. Dorset , M. Carter of Dynton in Com. Bucks , William Lance of Harrow in Middlesex , Thomas Hodges of Kensington in Com. Middlesex , Andreas Porne of VVilby in Com. Northampton , D. Thomas VVestfield of St. Bartholomew le great London Bishop of Bristol , D. Henry Hammond of Penshurst in Kent , Nicholas Prophet of Marlborough in Com. VVilts , Peter Sterry of London , John Erle of Bishopston in Com. Wilts , M. Gibbon of Waltham , Henry Painter of Exceter Batchelor in Divinity , M. Michelthwaite of Cherry-burton , D. John Wincop of St. Martins in the Fields , M. Price of Paul's Church in Covent-Garden , Henry Wilkinson junior Batchelor in Divinity , D. Richard Holdsworth Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge , M. William Duning of Coldaston , and such other Person and Persons as shall be nominated and appointed by both Houses of Parliament , or so many of them as shall not be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment , shall meet and assemble , and are hereby required and enjoyned upon summons signed by the Clerks of both Houses of Parliament , left at their several respective dwellings , to meet and assemble themselves at Westminster , in the Chappel called King Henry the Seventh's Chappel , on the first day of July in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty three ; and after the first meetting , being at least of the number of forty , shall from time to time sit and be removed from place to place , and also that the said Assembly shall be dissolved in such manner , as by both Houses of Parliament shall be directed : and the said Persons , or so many of them as shall be so assembled or sit , shall have Power and Authority , and are hereby likewise enjoyned , from time to time during this present Parliament , or until further order be taken by both the said Houses , to confer and treat amongst themselves of such matters and things touching and concerning the Liturgy , Discipline and Government of the Church of England , or the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the same from all false Aspersions and Misconstructions , as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament , and no other , and to deliver their Opinions and Advices of or touching the matters aforesaid , as shall be most agreeable to the Word of God , to both or either of the said Houses , from time to time , in such manner and sort as by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament shall be required , and the same not to divulge by Printing , writing , or otherwise , without the consent of both or either House of Parliament . And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid , that William Twisse , Doctor in Divinity , shall sit in the Chair as Prolocutor of the said Assembly : and if he happen to die , or be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment , then such other Person to be appointed in his place as shall be agreed on by both the said Houses of Parliament . And in case any difference of Opinion shall happen among the said Persons so assembled , touching any the matters that shall be proposed to them as aforesaid , that then they shall represent the same , together with the Reasons thereof , to both or either of the said Houses respectively , to the end such further direction may be given therein as shall be requisite in that behalf . And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid , that for the charges and expences of the said Divines and every of them in attending the said service , there shall be allowed unto every of them that shall so attend , during the time of their said attendance , and for ten days before and ten days after , the sum of four Shillings for every day at the charges of the Commonwealth , at such time and in such manner as by both Houses of Parliament shall be appointed . And be it further Ordained , that all and every the said Divines , so as aforesaid required and enjoyned to meet and assemble , shall be freed and acquitted of and from every offence , forfeiture , penalty , loss or damage , which shall or may arise or grow by reason of any non-residence , or absence of them or any of them from his or their , or any of their Church , Churches or Cures , for or in respect of their said attendance upon the said Service , any Law or Statute of Non-residence , or other Law or Statute enjoyning their attendance upon their respective Ministers or Charges , to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . And if any of the Persons before named shall happen to dye before the said Assembly shall be dissolved by Order of both Houses of Parliament , then such other Person or Persons shall be nominated and placed in the room and stead of such Person and Persons so dying , as by both the said Houses shall be thought fit and agreed upon : and every such Person or Persons so to be named shall have the like Power and Authority , Freedom and acquital to all intents and purposes , and also all such Wages and Allowances for the said service , during the time of his or their Attendance , as to any other of the said Persons in this Ordinance is by this Ordinance limited and appointed . Provided always that this Ordinance , or any thing therein contained , shall not give unto the Persons aforesaid or any of them , nor shall they in this Assembly assume to exercise any Jurisdiction , Power or Authority Ecclesiastical whatsoever , or any other Power than is herein particularly expressed . The Votes or Orders delivered with it . Die Mercurii , 5. Julii , 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it shall be propounded to the Assembly to morrow at their meeting , to take into their Consideration the Ten first Articles of the 39. Articles of the Church of England , to free and vindicate the Doctrine of them from all Aspersions and false Interpretations . Jovis , 6. Julii , 1643. Some general Rules for the Assembly , directed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled . 1. THat two Assessors be joyned to the Prolocutor , to supply his place in case of Absence or Infirmity . 2. Two Scribes to be appointed to set down all Proceedings , and these to be Divines , who are not Members of the Assembly , viz. Mr. Henry Robrough , and Mr. Adoniram Bifield . 3. Every Member at his first entrance into the Assembly shall make a serious and solemn Protestation , not to maintain any thing but what he believes to be Truth , and to embrace Truth in sincerity when discovered to him . 4. No Resolution to be given upon any Question on the same day wherein it is first Propounded . 5. What any Man undertakes to prove as necessary , he shall make good out of the Scriptures . 6. No Man to proceed in any dispute after the Prolocutor hath enjoyned him silence , unless the Assembly desire he may go on . 7. No Man to be denied to enter his Dissent from the Assembly , and his Reasons for it , in any point , after it hath first been debated in the Assembly ; and thence ( if the dissenting Party desire it ) to be sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Assembly , ( not by any particular Man or Men in a private way ) when either House shall require it . 8. All things agreed on and prepared for the Parliament to be openly read and allowed in the Assembly , and then offered as the Judgement of the Assembly , if the major part assent : Provided that the Opinion of any Persons dissenting and the Reasons urged for it be annexed thereunto ( if the Dissenters require it ) together with the Solution ( if any were ) given in the Assembly to those Reasons . Jovis , 6. Julii , 1643. I A. B. do seriously and solemnly * in the presence of Almighty God , that ( in this Assembly whereof I am a Member ) I will not maintain any thing in matters of Doctrine , but what I think in my Conscience to be Truth , or in point of Discipline , but what I shall conceive to conduce most to the Glory of God , and the good and Peace of his Church . Veneris , 15. Sept. 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be referred to the Assembly of Divines , to set forth a Declaration of the Reasons and Grounds that have induced the Assembly to give their Opinions , that this Covenant may be taken in point of Conscience . Eodem Die. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be referred to the Committee formerly appointed to Treat with the Scotch Commissioners , to Treat with them about the manner of taking the Covenant in both Kingdoms . Mercurii , 22. August . 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be propounded to the Assembly of Divines , to consider of the Doctrine of the Nine next Articles of the 39 Articles of the Church of England , to clear and vindicate the same from all Aspersions and false Interpretations . The Articles of the sixth of August , 1642. Articles of the Treaty , concerning the Reducing of the Kingdom of Ireland to the Obedience of the Kings Majesty and Crown of England , agreed upon between the Commissioners for Scotland , authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom , and the Commissioners for England , authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom , at Westminster , the sixth day of August , 1642. FIrst , The Scotish Commissioners , out of the sense of that Duty which the Kingdom of Scotland owes to His Majesty , and the true Affection they bear towards the Kingdom of England , being willing to contribute their best assistance for the speedy relief of those distressed parts in Ireland which lye nearest the Kingdom of Scotland , have in the name of that Kingdom made offer of ten thousand Men to be imployed in that Service ; and for a further Testimony of their Zeal to His Majesties Service , and Brotherly respect to the Kingdom of England , have declared , that the Kingdom of Scotland will upon their own Charge levy and transport these Men. Secondly , Because the Kingdom of Scotland are to send over with their Army the number of Six thousand Muskets and Four thousand Pikes , with such Cannon and Ammunition as shall be fitting for the service , it is agreed , that Four thousand Muskets and Two thousand Pikes shall be presently sent by the Kingdom of England into the Kingdom of Scotland and delivered at Leith , as also that the residue of the said Ten thousand Arms and Ten thousand Swords and Belts shall be delivered there at the first of August next ; and that as many Cannon and Field-Pieces of the same Bore , Weight and Metal , shall be carried into Scotland upon their demand , as they shall transport into Ireland for the service of that Kingdom : and that the said whole Arms and Ammunition shall remain in Scotland until the return of the Scotish Army from Ireland ; at which time the same shall be restored to the Kingdom of England , the Kingdom of Scotland receiving satisfaction for such of their Arms and Ammunition as shall be spent or lost in the service of Ireland . As also that there shall be presently sent over from England , and delivered to the Scotish Army in Ireland , for the defence of the Province of Vlster , six pieces of Demy-Cannon of the Ball of four and twenty pound weight , with their Equipage . Thirdly , it is agreed , That there shall be two Ships of War presently sent by the Kingdom of England to Lochryan , Lamalach , Port-Patrick , or Air , to guard and waft over the Scotish Soldiers ; and that the said Ships shall attend at the Ports in Ireland , for serving the Scotish Army in going and returning betwixt the Coasts , and keeping the Passages clear , as they shall receive Orders from the chief Commanders of the Scotish Army for the time being , according to Instructions received or to be received by the Master of these Ships from the Lord Admiral , or Commissioners of the Admiralty for the time being , to that purpose . Fourthly , it is agreed , That there shall be levied and furnished by the Kingdom of England Ten Troops of sufficient and well armed Horse-men , consisting of sixty in a Troop besides the Officers ; and that there shall be a Commissary General , a Serjeant-Major , and a Quarter-master appointed over them , which shall joyn and remain with the Body of the Scotish Foot , and shall receive and obey the Orders and Instructions of the Commanders of the Scotish Army ; and that there shall be presently advanced the sum of Twelve hundred Pounds sterling , for the levying of a Troop of one hundred Horsemen in Scotland , besides the Officers , to be a Guard to the General of the Scotish Army . Fifthly , it is agreed , That the Commanders and Soldiers of the Scotish Army shall have such Pay respectively as the Commanders and Soldiers of the English Army have , according to a List presently agreed upon by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as also that the Officers of that Army shall have such allowance for their Wagons as is contained in the said List . Sixthly , it is agreed , That the Towns and Castle of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be put into the hands of the Scotish Army , to be places for their Magazines and Garrisons , and to serve them for Retreat upon occasion ; and that the Magistrates and Inhabitants thereof shall be ordained to carry themselves to the Commanders of the said Army as is fitting and ordinary in such Cases , and that the said Towns and Castle shall remain in the Scots hands until the War shall end , or that they shall be discharged of that service : Like as the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland do promise in the Publick Faith of that Kingdom , to re-deliver the said Towns and Castle to any having Commission from the King and Parliament of England ; as also the Commissioners for the Kingdom of England do promise in the name and on the Publick Faith of that Kingdom , that Payment shall be made to the Kingdom of Scotland and their Army of all dues that shall arise upon this present Treaty , and that when the Scotish Army imployed in the service of Ireland shall be discharged , they shall be disbanded by Regiments , and no lesser proportions , and so many of them payed off as shall be disbanded , and the residue kept in pay till they be disbanded . Seventhly , it is agreed , That the Towns of Carick fergus and Colrane shall by the Kingdom of England be with all expedition provided with Victuals necessary for Soldiers either in Garrisons or Expeditions , according to a List to be agreed on and subscribed by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms ; and that such quantities thereof as the Scotish Army shall have occasion to use , shall be sold unto them and bought by them at the several Prices contained in the aforesaid List : and also that the said Towns of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be provided by the Kingdom of England with Powder , Ball , Match , and other Ammunition for the service of the said Army , conform to the particular List to be condescended unto by both Commissioners ; and that Carts and Waggons shall be provided by the Kingdom of England , for carrying of Ammunition for the use of the said Army in Marches ; as also that there shall be Gun-Smiths , Carpenters , and one or two Enginers appointed to attend the Army , and that hand-Mills shall be provided to serve the Companies in Marches . Eighthly , it is agreed , That the Kingdom of England shall deposite two thousand Pounds English Money in the hands of any to be appointed by the Scotish Commissioners , to be disbursed upon accompt , by warrant of the General of their Army , upon Fortifications , Intelligences and other Incidents , so that there be not above the sum of two thousand Pounds in a year imprested upon these occasions , without particular and special Warrant from the Parliament of England ; as also that there shall be deposited Two thousand and five hundred Pounds English , to be disbursed upon Accompt , for the providing of a thousand Horses for the Garriage of the Artillery , the Baggage and Victual of their Army , and for Dragooners upon occasion : and likewise that the Scotish Army , during the time of the War , shall have power to take up such Horses in the Country as be necessary for the uses aforesaid . Ninthly , it is agreed , That the Inhabitants of the Towns and Villages in the Province of Vlster , and in any other Province of Ireland where the Scotish Army shall be by it self , for the time shall receive Orders from the Scotish Commanders , and shall bring in Victuals for Money in an orderly way , as shall be directed by them , with Provision of Oats , Hay and Straw , and such other Necessaries ; and that the Countrey People shall rise and concur with the Scotish Troops when the Commanders thereof shall find it for the good of the Service , and shall receive Orders and Directions from the said Commanders of the Scotish Army . Tenthly , it is agreed , That the said Ten thousand Men to be sent out of the Kingdom of Scotland shall go in the way and order of an Army under their own General and subaltern Officers ; and the Province of Vlster is appointed unto them , wherein they shall first prosecute the War as in their Judgment they shall think most expedient for the Honour of the King and Crown of England ; and that the Commanders of the said Army shall have power to give Conditions to Towns , Castles and Persons which shall render and submit themselves , as shall be most expedient for the Service according to the course of War. Provided no Toleration of the Popish Religion be granted , nor any condition made touching or concerning any of the Rebels Lands , and that the Commanders of the Scotish Army shall be answerable for their whole deportment and proceedings to His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England only , but shall from time to time give an accompt thereof to His Majesty , the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and to the chief Governour or Governours of Ireland for the time being . That such Towns and Places as shall be recovered from the Rebels by the Scotish Army , shall be at the diposing of the Commanders thereof during their abode for that Service in those parts where such Towns and Places are . And if it shall be found for the good of the Service that the Scotish Army shall joyn with the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland and his Army , in that case the General of the Scotish Army shall only cede to the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland , and receive in a free and honourable way Instructions from him , or in his absence from the Lord Deputy or any other who shall have the chief Government of that Kingdom for the time by Authority derived from the Crown of England , and shall precede all others , and that he only shall give Orders to the Officers of his own Army ; and that the Armies shall have the right and left hand , Van and Reare , Charge and Retreat , successively , and shall not mix in Quarterings nor Marchings ; and when it shall be found fit to send Troops out of either Army , that the Persons to be sent out of the Scotish Army shall be commanded out by their own General , the Lieutenant of Ireland prescribing the number , which shall not exceed the fourth part of the whole Foot of the Scotish Army , nor of the Horse appointed to joyn therewith , whereunto they shall return when the Service is done . And that no Officer of the Scotish Army shall be commanded by one of his own Quality ; and if the Commanders of the Troops so sent out of either Army , be one of Quality , that they command the Party by turns . And it is nevertheless provided , that the whole Scotish Army may be called out of the Province of Vlster , and the Horses appointed to joyn with them , by His Majesties Lieutenant of Ireland , or other chief Governour or Governours of that Kingdom for the time being , if he or they shall think fit , before the Rebellion be totally suppressed therein . Eleventhly , it is agreed , That the Scotish Army shall be entertained by the English for three Months , from the twentieth of June last , and so along after , until they be discharged ; and that they shall have a Months Pay advanced when they are first mustered in Ireland , and thereafter shall be duely paid from Month to Month ; and that there shall be one Muster-master appointed by the English Muster-master General , to make strict and frequent Musters of the Scotish Army ; and that what Companies of Men shall be sent out of Scotland within the compass of the Ten thousand Men , shall be paid upon their Musters in Ireland , although they make not up compleat Regiments . Twelfthly , it is agreed , That the Scotish Army shall receive their discharge from the King and Parliament of England , or from such Persons as shall be appointed and authorized by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament for that purpose ; and that there shall be a Months warning before-hand of their disbanding ; which said discharge and Months warning shall be made known by His Majesty and them to the Council of Scotland , or the Lord Chancellor , a Month before the discharging thereof ; and that the Common Souldiers of the Scotish at their dismission shall be allowed fourteen days Pay for carrying of them home . Thirteenthly , it is provided and agreed , That at any time after the Three Months now agreed upon , for the entertainment of the Scotish Army , shall be expired , and that the Two Houses of Parliament , or such persons as shall be authorized by them , shall give notice to the Council of Scotland , or to the Lord Chancellor there , that after one Month from such notice given the said Two Houses of Parliament will not pay the said Scotish Army now in Ireland any longer , then the said Two Houses of Parliament shall not be obliged to pay the said Army any longer then during the said Month , any thing in this Treaty contained to the contrary notwithstanding . The Ordinances of the 9. of March , and 11. of April . Die Sabbati , 9. Martii , 1643-44 . Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat he who doth or shall command in chief over the said Army by joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , shall also command the rest of the British Forces in Ireland ; and for the further managing of that War , and prosecuting the Ends expressed in the Covenant , that the same be done by joynt Advice with the Committees of both Kingdoms . Die Jovis , 11. April , 1644. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat the Earl of Leven , Lord General of the Scots Forces in Ireland , ( being now by the Votes of both Houses agreed to be Commander in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots , according to the Fourth Article of the result of the Committees of both Kingdoms passed both Houses ) be desired with all convenient speed , by the Advice of the said Committees , to appoint and nominate a Commander in chief under his Excellency over the said Forces , to reside with them upon the place . Resolved , &c. THat Committees be nominated and appointed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , of such Numbers and Qualities as shall be by them agreed on , to be sent with all convenient speed to reside with the said Forces , and enabled with all ample Instructions by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms for the Regulating of the said Forces , and the better carrying on of that War. The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England , 4. April , 1643. a Duplicate whereof ( the Original being sent to VVestminster ) was by them sent to Master Secretary Nicholas for His Majesty . SIR , OUR very good Lord , the Lord Marquess of Ormond , having in his March in his last Expedition consulted several times with the Commanders and Officers of the Army in a Council of War , and so finding that subsistence could not be had abroad for the Men and Horses he had with him , or for any considerable part of them , it was resolved by them , that his Lordship with those Forces should return hither , which he did on the six and twentieth of March. In his return from Rosse ( which , in the case our Forces stand , he found so difficult to be taken in , as although our Ordinance made a breach in their Walls , it was found necessary to desert the Siege ) he was encountred by an Army of the Rebels , consisting of about six thousand Foot and six hundred and fifty Horse well armed and horsed ; yet it pleased God so to disappoint their counsels and strength , as with those small Forces which the Lord Marquess had with him , being of fighting men about two thousand five hundred Foot , and five hundred Horse not well armed , and for the most part weakly horsed , ( and those as well Men as Horses much weakned by lying in the Fields several Nights in much Cold and Rain , and by want of Mans-meat and Horse-meat ) the Lord Marquess obtained a happy and glorious deliverance and Victory against those Rebels , wherein were slain about three hundred of them , and many of their Commanders and others of Quality , and divers taken Prisoners , and amongst those Prisoners Colonel Cullen , a Native of this City , who being a Colonel in France , departed from thence , and came hither to assist the Rebels , and was Lieutenant-General of their Army in the Province of Leimster ; and the Rebels Army were totally routed and defeated , and their Baggage and Munition seized on by His Majesties Forces , who lodged that Night where they had gained the Victory , and on our side about twenty slain in the fight , and divers wounded . We have great cause to praise God , for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy to His Majesty and this His Kingdom so manifestly , and indeed wonderfully , in that Victory . However , the Joy due from us upon so happy an occasion is , we confess , mingled with very great Distraction here in the apprehension of our Unhappiness to be such , as although the Rebels are not able to overcome His Majesties Army , and devour His other good Subjects here as they desire , yet both His Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured by the wants of needful Supplies forth of England . For , as we formerly signified thither , those Forces were of necessity sent abroad to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Countrey , so as to keep them alive until Supplies should get to us ; but that design now failing , those our hopes are converted into astonishment , to behold the unspeakable Miseries of the Officers and Soldiers for want of all things , and all those Wants made the more unsupportable in the want of Food , whilst this City ( being all the help we have ) is now too apparently found to be unable to help us , as it hath hitherto done , and divers Commanders and Officers in the Army do now so far express their sense of their Sufferings , ( which indeed are very great and grievous ) as they declare that they have little hope to be supplied by the Parliament , and press with so great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdom , as it will be extream difficult to keep them here . By our Letters of the three and twentieth of March , we signified thither the unsupportable burthen laid on this City , for Victualling those of the Army left here when the Lord Marquess with the Forces he took with him marched hence ; which burthen is found every day more heavy than other , in regard of the many House-keepers thereby daily breaking up house , and scattering their Families , leaving still fewer to bear the burthen . We also by those Letters , and by our Letters of the five and twentieth of February , advertised thither the high danger this Kingdom would incur , if the Army so sent abroad should by any distress , or through want be forced back hither again before our relief of Victuals should arrive forth of England . When we found that those men were returning back hither , although we were ( and are still ) full of Distraction , considering the dismal consequences threatned thereby in respect of our Wants , yet we consulted what we could yet imagine feasible that we had not formerly done , to gain some Food for those men ; and found , that to send them or others abroad into the Countrey , we cannot , in regard we are not able to advance Money for procuring the many Requisites incident to such an Expedition . In the end therefore we were enforced to fix on our former way , and so to see who had any thing yet left him untaken from him to help us : and although there are but few such , and some of them poor Merchants , whom we have now by the Law of Necessity utterly undone , and disabled from being hereafter helpful to us in bringing us in Victuals or other needful Commodities ; yet were we forced to wrest their Commodities from them . And certainly there are few here of our selves or others , that have not felt their parts in the enforced Rigour of our proceedings towards preserving the Army ; so as what with such hard dealing , no less grievous to us to do than it is heavy to others to suffer , and by our descending ( against our hearts ) far below the Honour and Dignity of that Power we represent here under His Royal Majesty , we have with unspeakable difficulty prevailed so as to be able to find Bread for the Soldiers for the space of one Month. We are now expelling hence all Strangers , and must instantly send away for England Thousands of poor despoiled English , whose very eating is now unsupportable to this place . And now again and finally , we earnestly desire , ( for our Confusions will not now admit the writing of many more Letters , if any ) that His Majesty and the English Nation may not suffer so great , if not irrecoverable , Prejudice and Dishonour , as must unavoidably be the consequence of our not being relieved suddenly ; but that yet ( although it be even now at the point to be too late ) supplies of Victuals and Munition in present be hastened hither , to keep life until the rest may follow , there being no Victual in the store , nor will there be a hundred Barrels of Powder left in the store when the out-Garrisons ( as they must be instantly ) are supplied , and that remainder , according to the usual necessary expence , besides extraordinary accidents , will not last above a month . And the residue of our Provisions must also come speedily after , or otherwise England cannot hope to secure Ireland , or secure themselves against Ireland , but in the loss of it must look for such Enemies from hence as will perpetually disturb the Peace of His Majesty and His Kingdom of England , and annoy them by Sea and Land , as we often formerly represented thither : which mischiefs may yet be prevented , if we be yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Rebellion . We hope that a course is taken there for hastening hither the Provisions of Arms and Munition mentioned in the Docquet sent with our Letters of the twentieth of January , and the six hundred Horses which we then moved might be sent hither for Recruits , and that the seven thousand eight hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds three shillings for Arms to be provided in Holland ( besides those we expect in London ) hath been paid to Anthony Tierens in London , or to Daniel Wibrants in Amsterdam ; and if that Sum had been paid as we at first desired , we might well have had those Provisions arrived here by the tenth of March , as we agreed : however we now desire that that Money , if it be not already pay'd , may be yet pay'd to Mr. Tierens in London , or Mr. Wibrants in Amsterdam , that so those Provisions may arrive here speedily , which ( considering that Summer is now near at hand ) will be very necessary , that when our Supplies of Victuals , Munition , Cloaths , Money , and other Provisions shall arrive , we may not in the publick Service here lose the benefit and advantage of that season . And so we remain from His Majesties Castle of Dublin , 4. April , 1643. POSTSCRIPT . As we were ready to sign this Dispatch , we received at this Board a Paper signed by sundry Officers of the Army , now here at Dublin , which is in such a Stile , and threatens so much Danger , as we hold necessary to send a Copy thereof here inclosed ; whereby still appears the high Necessity of hastening away Money for them and the rest of the Officers , and Victuals for the Soldier , without which it will be impossible to contain them from breaking out into mutiny . The Letter inclosed . My Lords , AT our first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom , we had no other Design than by our Swords to assert and vindicate the Right of His Majesty , which was here most highly abused , to redress the Wrongs of His poor Subjects , and to advance our own particulars in the prosecution of so honest undertakings . And for the first of these , we do believe they have since our coming over succeeded pretty well : but for the last , which concerns our selves , that hath fallen out so contrary to our expectations , that instead of being rewarded , we have been prejudiced ; instead of getting a Fortune , we have spent part of one ; and though we behave our selves never so well abroad , and perform the actions of honest men , yet we have the reward of Rogues and Rebels , which is , Misery and Want , when we come home . Now ( my Lords ) although we be brought to so great an exigence , that we are ready to rob and spoil one another ; yet to prevent such outrages , we thought it better to try all honest means for our subsistence before we take such indirect courses . Therefore if your Lordships will be pleased to take us timely into your considerations , before our urgent Wants make us desperate , we will , as we have done hitherto , serve your Lordships readily and saithfully : But if your Lordships will not find a way for our Preservations here , we humbly desire we may have leave to go where we may have a better Being ; and if your Lordships shall refuse to grant that , we must then take leave to have our recourse to that first and primary Law which God hath endued all men with , we mean the Law of Nature , which teacheth all men to preserve themselves . The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to His MAJESTY , of the 11. of May , 1643. May it please your most Excellent Majesty , AS soon as we Your Majesties Justices entred into the charge of this Government , we took into our consideration at this Board the state of Your Army here , which we find suffering under unspeakable Extremities of Want of all things necessary to the support of their Persons or maintenance of the War ; here being no Victuals , Cloaths , or other Provisions requisite towards their sustenance , no Money to provide them of any thing they want , no Arms in Your Majesties Stores to supply their many defective Arms , not above Forty Barrels of Powder in Your Stores , no strength of serviceable Horses being now left here , and those few that are , their Arms for the most part lost or unserviceable , no Ships arrived here to guard the Coasts , and consequently no security rendred to any that might ( on their private Adventures ) bring in Provisions of Victuals , or other necessaries , towards our subsistence ; and finally , no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve for You this Your Kingdom , and to render deliverance from utter Destruction to the remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here . We find that Your Majesties late Justices and this Board have often and fully by very many Letters advertised the Parliament in England of the extremities of Affairs here , and besought Relief with all possible importunity , which also have been fully represented to Your Majesty , and to the Lord Lieutenant , and Mr. Secretary Nicholas , to be made known to Your Majesty : and although the Winds have of late for many days ( and often formerly ) stood very fair for Accessions of Supply forth of England hither , and that we have still with longing expectations hoped to find Provisions arrive here in some degree answerable to the Necessities of Your Affairs ; yet now ( to our unexpressible grief ) after full six months waiting , and much longer patience and long suffering , we find all our great Expectations answered in a mean and inconsiderable quantity of Provisions , ( viz. ) threescore and fifteen Barrels of Butter , and fourteen Tun of Cheese , being but the fourth part of a small Vessels loading , which was sent from London , and arrived here on the fifth day of this month , which is not above seven or eight days Provision for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin and the out-Garrisons thereof ; no Money or Victuals ( other than that inconsiderable proportion of Victual ) having arrived in this place , as sent from the Parliament of England , or from any other forth of England , for the use of the Army , since the beginning of November last . We have ( by the Blessing of God ) been hitherto prosperous and successful in Your Majesties Affairs here ; and should be still hopeful , by the mercy of God , under the Royal Directions of Your Sacred Majesty , to vindicate Your Majesties Honour , and recover Your Rights here , and take due Vengeance on these Traitors for the innocent Blood they have spilt , if we might be strengthened and supported therein by needful Supplies forth of England : but these Supplies having hitherto been expected to come from the Parliament of England , ( on which if Your Majesty had not relied , we are assured You would in Your high Wisdom have found out some other means to preserve this Your Kingdom ) and so great and apparent a failer having hapned therein , and all the former and late long continuing Easterly Winds bringing us no other Provisions than those few Cheeses and Butter , and no Advertisements being brought us of any future Supply to be so much as in the way hither , whereby there might be any likelihood that considerable means of support for Your Majesties Army might arrive here in any reasonable time , before we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels , and Your Kingdom by them wrested from you ; we find our selves so disappointed of our hopes from the Parliament , as must needs trench to the utter loss of the Kingdom , if Your Majesty in Your high Wisdom ordain not some present means of preservation for us . And considering , that if now by occasion of that unhappy and unexpected failing of support from thence , we shall be less successful in Your Services here against the Rebels than hitherto ( whilst we were enabled with some means to serve You ) we have been , the shame and dishonour may , in common construction of those that know not the inwards of the cause , be imputed to us , and not to the failings that disabled Us ; and considering principally and above all things the high and eminent trust of your Affairs here , deposited with us by Your Sacred Majesty , we may not forbear , in discharge of our Duty , thus freely and plainly to declare our humble apprehensions , to the end Your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of our Condition , may find out some such means of support to preserve to Your Majesty and Your Royal Posterity this Your Ancient and Rightful Crown and Kingdom , and derive Deliverance and Safety to the Remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here , as in Your Excellent Judgment You shall find to be most for Your Honour and Advantage . And so praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct You for the best in this high and important Cause , and in all other Your Counsels and Actions , we humbly remain , from Your Majesties Castle of Dublin , the 11 th Day of May , 1643. Your Majesties most Loyal and most Faithful Subjects and Servants . His MAJESTIES Answers to certain Papers delivered in to His Commissioners at Uxbridge upon the Close of the Treaty ; one concerning the Militia , and two concerning Ireland . To which ( being long , and coming in so near the breaking up of the Treaty ) no Answers could then be given . HAving received an account of the Passages of the late Treaty from Our Commissioners , We caused a Narrative thereof to be made and published ; wherein , besides the necessary Connexions , there is nothing set down but what passed in Writing : But because their last Paper upon the Subject of the Militia , and two last Papers concerning Ireland , were delivered upon the Close of that Treaty ; although We conceive the Answers given in the Papers formerly delivered by Our Commissioners are abundantly sufficient to give satisfaction to those also ; yet because there may be a want of memory in some , and of observation in others , who shall read that Narrative , to bring home and apply the former Answers of Our Commissioners to those Papers , and because they seem to expect Answers , which ( the Treaty being determined ) cannot be given by Our Commissioners , and to vindicate Our Self from many Passages scattered in those Papers , particularly reflecting upon Our Person and Royal Authority , We have thought fit , for the further satisfaction of all Our good People , to make these ensuing Answers . And first to that * Paper concerning the Militia . WHosoever shall observe the passionate expressions in the close of this Paper , ( wherein they do most earnestly desire Our Commissioners , as they tender the deplorable Estate of these bleeding Kingdoms , the settling Religion , Our Honour , and the composing these miserable Distractions , to give full and clear Answers to the Demands concerning the Militia ) might very well believe , that they who so importunately demanded , would as willingly have received an Answer . But when it shall be considered that this Paper was not delivered in till after two of the Clock in the morning upon the breaking off the Treaty , when they had denied any further time to treat , or to receive any Papers dated as within the time of the Treaty , ( as formerly was mutually done , and this very Paper of theirs delivered in truth upon the 23. was received as dated the 22. of February ) it will be most apparent they kept it as a Reserve to be purposely and by design delivered so as it should remain unanswered . For the matter of that Paper ; They say , they have by their Answers satisfied the several Questions proposed to them by Our Commissioners touching the Militia . It was necessary they should have done so , that it being proposed to Us to part with so great a Trust as the Power of the Sword , and to put it wholly out of Our own hands , We might know how , and to whom , and for what time , and upon what terms We parted with it . But We will look back upon some of their Answers , that it may appear what they are . Our Commissioners desired to know , who the Commissioners should be in whose hands the Forces both by Sea and Land should be entrusted , and whether We might except against such Persons , and name others in their Places of known Affections to Religion and Peace . To that part of the Question , Whether We might except against the Persons , they made no Answer . To the other part , requiring who the Commissioners should be , they answered , That the Commissioners were to be named for England by the two Houses , and for Scotland by the Estates of the Parliament there : whereas the Question was not , Who should name those Commissioners ; but , Who they were that should be named , a thing most necessary for Us to know , before We entrusted them with so great a Power . Our Commissioners desired to know , Whether the Militia of London should be independent , and not subordinate to those Commissioners . They answered , It appeared by the Propositions , the same was to be ordered in such manner as should be agreed on by both Houses . Which was no Answer to the Question , though likewise necessary to be known , the Militia of London being so great and of such importance . Our Commissioners desired to know , What Authority the Commissioners , nominated by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , were to have in the Militia and settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what influence the Advices and Orders from the Estates of that Parliament should have upon this Kingdom . They answered , That might be fully satisfied by the Propositions concerning the Militia . And though Our Commissioners desired it , they could get no other Answer from them in writing . Our Commissioners desired to know , What Jurisdiction they intended the Commissioners of both Kingdoms should have , by the power given to them to hear and determine all differences that might occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace , and by what Law they should proceed to hear and determine the same . They answered , That the Commissioners were to proceed in such manner as was expressed in the Propositions . Whereas the Propositions express no more than what is contained in the words of the Question . And being further pressed to an Answer , they answered , That the matter of the Jurisdiction of the Commissioners was expressed in the Propositions ; and for the manner of exercising of it , and by what Law they should proceed , The same was to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . This being no Answer , and a full and direct Answer being required to these Questions , the Answer given was , That they referred themselves therein to their former Answers . Our Commissioners desired to see the Act of the late Treaty for the settling of the Garrison of Barwick , of the 29. of November , 1643. ( being made betwixt the two Houses and those of Scotland , without Our Privity ) as relating to the business of the Militia : They answered , It was not then to be treated on , but was reserved to its proper time ; and Our Commissioners could never see it . Our Commissiones desired to know , Whether by the joynt Power mentioned in the Propositions to be given to the Commissioners for both Kingdoms , to preserve the Peace between the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them , they intended any other than Military Power for suppressing Forces only ; which Question was asked , because in the Proposition there are two distinct Clauses , one whereby they have that Power to preserve the Peace , the other whereby they have Power to suppress Forces . In answer to this they refer Our Commissioners to the Propositions . That these Answers ( though made to Questions arising upon the doubtful Expressions in their Propositions ) referring to the Propositions themselves , or to what was not then , but was after to be settled by the two Houses , are not satisfactory Answers to those Questions , is most evident . But we do not wonder they were unwilling We should see the clear drift of those Propositions , the ill consequence whereof ( which hereafter appears ) We are willing to believe most of those who agreed unto them did not at first apprehend . They say , They marvel why it should be insisted on , that the Commissioners for the Militia should not be nominated by the two Houses only , and that we , who were to be equally secured , should name * none , since this Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded upon the Treaty , and then We had been secured by the Laws of the Kingdom , and by the Duties and Affections of Our Subjects . We think it far more matter of wonder ( since it is confessed that We , and such Our Loyal Subjects who have faithfully and constantly adhered to Us , were equally to be secured ) that they would allow Us no security at all , but to put Our selves wholly upon them , who even afterwards in this Paper deny Our Just Power of the Militia , and of making Peace and War , and might with much more colour hereafter do so , if by Our Consent that Power should be once , though for a time only , put wholly into their Hands . It is true , the Laws of the Land and the Hearts of the People are the best security for a Prince , that He shall enjoy what belongs to Him : But it is as true , that the Laws of the Land and the Love of the Prince towards His People are likewise their best security , that they shall enjoy what belongeth to them . It is a mutual confidence each in other that secures both : but this is to be understood in calm and quiet times . The present Distempers have bred mutual Jealousies : and if they think it not at this time reasonable wholly to trust the Laws and Us concerning their security , but require the Power of the Militia , in which they have no right ; much less is it reasonable that We should wholly trust them concerning Our security , who avowedly bear Arms against Us : but if for the love of Peace We are content for a time to part with this great Power , which is Our Known Right , it is reasonable that We should have the nominating of some of those who should be trusted with it . Yet on Our part We were well content to repose Our selves in that security they mention , if the two Houses would likewise have relied upon the same security of the Laws and Affections of the People , to which they so much pretend : But though it was offered that We should return to Our two Houses , whereby all Armies being Disbanded , both they and We might have been restored to the Laws , and guarded by those Affections of the People ; yet that was not admitted . They say , This Power of the Militia was not to be exercised till after a Peace ; but they do not remember it is to be agreed on before a Peace , and proposed in order to a Peace : and We might with as much Reason ( and far more Justice , in respect of Our undoubted Right over the Militia of this Kingdom ) have insisted upon the sole nomination of the Commissioners , because their Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded , as they for that cause to have excluded Us from the nomination of an equal number , and assumed that Power wholly to themselves , not affording Us so much as the liberty to except against any of them . And whereas they say these Commissioners for the Militia have a Rule prescribed , and being removable and lyable for any miscarriage to a severe punishment , cannot do any thing to Our prejudice , contrary to the Trust reposed in them : If they had such a Rule ( which yet by their Propositions and Papers We cannot find , having by general and indefinite terms an unlimited Power given to them ) it proves they should not , not that they would not break it . He that hath Power ( as these Commissioners would have the greatest that ever Subjects had ) and Will to abuse that Power , may extend and interpret the Rule prescribed him as he shall please himself . And therefore since out of Our ardent desire of Peace , We were content to part with this Power , We had reason to require , that at least some of those who should execute it might be such whom We Our selves should nominate and could trust . For that which is said , That if the Commissioners had been severally chosen , the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued , and probably being severally named , they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests , and the War thereby might be more easily revived : It is apparent , the memory of the War must as much continue where any Commissioners are named at all , as where they are named by either Party , since by putting that Power into their hands it is put out of the proper Chanel . But it is not the memory of a past War that is dangerous , but such a remembrance of it as is joyned with a desire or inclination to revive it . And if it were probable , as is alledged , that if the Commissioners were partly chosen by Us , and partly by them , that being severally named , they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests ; it would be much more probable , that being wholly named by them , they would have acted only according to their Interest , and so on Our part , instead of an equal Security , We must have been contented with what Laws an Conditions they would have imposed . But We shall again remember , that the offer on Our part was to name such against whom there could be no just Exception , if the Persons were named equally betwixt us . It was likewise offered , That those Commissioners should take an Oath for the true discharge of their Trust ; that We Our selves were willing to take an Oath to observe the Articles of the Treaty ; and that all Persons of any immediate Trust by Offices or attendance upon Vs , and all others whom they should nominate , should take the like Oath , and with such penalties , that whosoever should infringe the Agreement , should be accounted most pernicious Enemies to Vs and the Kingdoms . And if this way of mutual nomination were not approved , there was another proposed , that the Persons should be nominated between Our Commissioners and theirs , by whose mutual consent it might well have been hoped such Persons might have been named , in whom We and they might have confided . But to this no Answer hath been vouchsafed , nor could any thing satisfie concerning the Militia , unless without knowing who the Persons were who should be entrusted , We should with an implicite Faith in Persons whom We did not know put that Power into their hands . They say , that though by their Propositions the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of time , yet they have since proposed a time of seven years . We know not that they have , during the whole Treaty , in any one particular receded from insisting on their Demands as they are set down in their Propositions in terminis . And in this point though they seem to reduce the time , which in their Propositions was indefinite , to a certainty , to which yet the Scotish Commissioners have not absolutely agreed , the alteration is more in shew than in deed , and rather to the heightning than abating their Demands . For whereas they have limited the time to seven years , yet it is with an additional Clause , That after those seven years it was to be executed as We and they should agree , and not otherwise : so that though the Commissioners should have the Power but for seven years , yet We should not have it after those seven years nor at any time , unless they and We could agree in it : so much would they have gained by this seeming compliance in point of limitation of this Power to a time , though not to that time of three years which We proposed . But they justifie the Reasonableness of it : for whereas Our Commissioners in their Paper ( to which this of theirs is applied as an Answer ) tell them , that if the time for this Power be unlimited , We and Our Posterity shall for ever part with Our peculiar Regall Power of being able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our good Subjects , and with that undoubted and never-denied Right of the Crown to make War and Peace , or ever more to have Jurisdiction over Our own Navy and Fleet at Sea , ( the Command thereof being also a part of this great Power to be given to these Commissioners : ) they answer plainly , They cannot admit of this peculiar Regall Power , which Our Commissioners mention , to reside in Vs , concerning the Militia , and to make Peace and War , or that it is otherwise to be exercised then by Authority from Vs and both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . We approve of their ingenuity , that now at the breaking off of the Treaty , they tell Us in plain terms what they mean : Though the Common-Law-books and Records of Parliament have mentioned , that the sole Power of protecting the Subjects belongs to the King , and that He alone hath Power to make Peace and War ; though it hath been the language of former Parliaments , even of the last Parliament , and at the beginning of this Parliament , That the Power of Peace and War is in the King ; but if He will have Money from His Subjects to maintain the Wars , He must have their Consents ; and though the universal consent and common Opinion heretofore hath gone accordingly : yet they cannot admit thereof as to have been Our Right ( for the Answer is made to the assertion concerning Our Right . ) And not admitting it , it seems their Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy , to defend Our Crown and Dignity , and to assist and defend all Jurisdictions , Priviledges and Authorities belonging to Us , oblige them not . And as they do not admit this Power in Right to have been in Us alone for the time past , so neither will they admit it for the time to come , in Us or Our Successors , to be able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our Subjects , or to make Peace or War , but it must be by Authority from Vs and the two Houses , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively . They are to be associated in these Regal Powers , and the Scepter and the Sword may in Pictures or Statues , but are not in deed to be in the Kings hand alone . Upon these grounds , We wonder not that they would have the Navy and Fleet at Sea to be put into the hands of their Commissioners for seven years , as the Militia for the Land , and after the seven years to be commanded in such manner as they and We should agree , and not otherwise ; for the say , the Reasons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land. It is a principal means , they say , of their security ; and We cannot find they think themselves to have any security , if We and Our Successors have any Power : But if We will part with Our Power wholly unto them , We and Our Posterity shall be fully secured by the Affections of Our Subjects ( that is , by the Lords and Commons now at VVestminster , who in their sense represent all the People ) who by themselves during the Parliament , or , when they shall please to make any Recesses , by their Commissioners during the Intervals , will free Us from the burthen of the Militia and of Our Navy , and so of protecting Our Subjects , and will save Us the Charge of Our Navy , because it is to be principally maintained by the free gift of the Subject out of Tonnage and Poundage , and other Impositions upon Merchandise . And having taken this care for Our Security ( suitable to all their Actions these three years last past ) they say , that for security of those who have been with Vs in the War , an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed , whereby all Our Subjects would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection , with some Exceptions mentioned in the Propositions . We are not willing to mention those Exceptions , by which not only most of Our best Subjects ( who have been with Us in the War according to their Duties ) by express or general terms are excepted , but all the Estates of some of them , and a great part of the Estates of the rest of them , for that very cause , because they were with Us in the War , are to be forfeited . As for securing them by an Act of Oblivion , they have less cause to desire it than they who propose it , as being more secured by the Conscience of doing their Duties , and the protection of the known Common Law of the Land , if it might take place , than any protection under the two Houses or their Commissioners for the Militia : yet we were not unwilling , for the security of all Our Subjects , to have assented to an Act of Oblivion , being willing , as much as in Us lies , to have made up these Breaches , and buried the memory of these unhappy Divisions . It was urged by Our Commissioners , that according to the literal sense of the Propositions ( in the Powers given to the Commissioners for the Militia ) That Sheriffs and Justices of Peace , and other legal Ministers , could not raise the Posse Comitatus , or Forces to suppress Riots , without being liable to the interpretation of the Commissioners . To this they answer , That this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners , but in executing of Justice and legal Process ; nor can be intended to be any disturbance , but for the preservation of the Peace . We shall admit that to be their meaning ; but it being by the Propositions made Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without Authority or consent of the Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace , it is apparent that the Sheriffs or Justices of Peace , if they raise any Forces to suppress any tumultuous Assembly , ( which it is possible some of the Commissioners may countenance ) or for executing of other legal Acts , may not only be liable to the interpretation of being disturbers of the Publick Peace , but feel the punishment of it . And whereas they say , That the Power ( given by the Propositions to the Commissioners for the Militia of both Kingdoms as a joynt Committee ) for the hearing and determining Civil Actions and Differences cannot be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made : We conceive that a Court being thereby allowed to them for the hearing and determining of Civil matters for the preservation of the Articles of the Peace , they may in order thereunto ( upon pretence it is for the preservation of the Peace ) entertain and determine any Cause or Difference they please , especially their Power by the Propositions being , not only to preserve the Peace , but to prevent the violation of the Articles of the Peace ; and having the power of the Sword in their hands , and being not tied up to any certain Law , whereby to judge , ( for ought appears by their Answers to the Questions proposed by Our Commissioners ) and the Common Law not being the Rule in such case ( because part of them are to be of the Scotish Nation ) they may without controul exercise what Arbitrary Power they please . And whereas it is insisted upon in this Paper , That an Answer be given to the fifteenth Proposition , which is , That the Subjects be appointed to be Armed , Trained , and Disciplined in such manner as both Houses shall think fit ; which Our Commissioners thought fit to have deferred till after the Peace established , and then to be settled by Us and the two Houses : it is apparent , that Proposition concerned not ( that which was desired as the end of their Propositions ) the security for the observation of the Articles ; and We conceive there is already sufficient Provision made by the Law in such cases ; and if there were not , it were fit that that defect were supplied by Law , not to be left at large , as the two Houses should think fit , without expressing the manner of it , but to proceed by a Bill , wherein We might see before We consented to it , how Our Subjects should be charged , We being as much concerned and sensible of the burthen to be put upon Our Subjects as the two Houses can be , who , We are sure , since they took upon them the Authority of imposing upon their fellow-Subjects without Us , have laid the heaviest Impositions that ever were . And whereas they say , The scope of these their Propositions touching the Militia was to take away occasions of future Differences , to prevent the raising of Arms , and to settle a firm and durable Peace : If We look upon the whole frame of their Militia as they have proposed it to Us , We cannot but conclude those Propositions to be most destructive to those ends . For first , they have proposed it to Us ( as they have settled it already by their Ordinance ) That the whole Militia of Ireland , as well of Our English Subjects as Scotish , shall be Commanded by Lesley Earl of Leven , their Scotish General , and be managed by the joynt Advice of the Scotish and English Commissioners , and therein the Scotish as well as the English to have a Negative Voice , and so by consequence subjecting the whole Government of that Kingdom to the manage of Our Scotish Subjects . And ( having thus ordered the Militia of Ireland , where they will be sure to keep Forces on Foot ( for that is another part of the Propositions , That we shall assent to whatsoever Acts shall be proposed for Moneys for the VVar of Ireland ) which Forces shall be ready upon all occasions to serve them ) for the Militia and Navy of England , that is likewise to be ordered and Commanded by these Commissioners : and though We their Sovereign are denied to nominate any to be joynt-Commissioners , they are content to admit those of Scotland ( who , though Our Subjects , yet are strangers to their Government ) to a nomination of Scotish Commissioners to be joyned with them . These Scotish Commissioners in matters wherein both Kingdoms are joyntly concerned ( and they may easily call and make what they will to be of joynt concernment ) are to have a Negative Voice , so that the English can do nothing without them , not so much as to raise Force to suppress a Commotion or prevent an Invasion , if the Scotish Commissioners , though not a third part of the number of the English , say it is of joynt concernment ; and in matters solely concerning England , the Scotish Commissioners ( to a third part of the whole number of the Commissioners ) are to reside in England , and to Vote as single Persons . These Commissioners , as well Scotish as English , as they have the sole Power of the Forces by Sea and Land , so they must have a Court in a Civil way , to hear and determine whatsoever Civil action that shall tend to the preservation of the Peace , or whatsoever else is for the prevention of the violation of it ; within which general words , and in order thereunto , they may comprehend any cause or thing they please . And as these Commissioners , as well Scotish as English , are to name all Commanders and Officers in Our Forts and Ships ; so in the Intervals of Paliament , lest there should be too much dependance upon Us , they are to name all the great Officers and Judges of both Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland . To these so unreasonable Propositions , wherein the Parliament and Subjects of Scotland would have so great an Influence and Power over the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , if ( as reflecting meerly upon Our selves , and not entertaining such thoughts of Our Scotish Subjects as perhaps some may by the danger of such a Power ) We should have agreed , as hoping that the good Affections of Our Subjects in Scotland might in time have restored Us to that Power which the two Houses of England would take away ; yet when We consider , that We are in Conscience obliged to maintain the Rights of Our Crown so far as to be able to protect Our Subjects , and what jealousies and heart-burnings it might probably produce betwixt Our Subjects of the two Kingdoms , what reluctancy all Our Subjects here may have when they shall see Our Power so shaken , and they must have so much dependency upon their fellow Subjects both English and Scotch , We conceive it so far from being a Remedy to the present Distempers ( as they affirm in their Papers ) that as at present it would alter the whole frame and constitution of the Government of this Kingdom , both Civil and Military , so in the conclusion it would occasion the Ruin and Desolation of all Our Kingdoms . His MAJESTIES Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland . IT hath been one of the chiefest designs of the Authors of the present Distractions , to insinuate unto Our People , that We were either privy to the Rebellion in Ireland , or assenting to the continuance of it ; and if it could not be personally fixed upon Our self , yet to perswade them into a belief that evil Counsellors , and others prevalent with Us , did encourage and assist it . By this means having a colour to raise Forces , and to levy Money for the supply of those Forces , they might so dispose of both , as under a pretence of suppressing the Rebels in Ireland , they might thereby also raise a War in England , for the effecting of their Ambitious and Covetous desires in both Kingdoms . And they so carried on this Design , that whereas out of Our earnest desire of the relief of Our poor Subjects in Ireland , and to shew the great sense We had of their Miseries , We had given way to several unusual Bills for raising of Forces , and likewise to the Bill for the 400000. l. for the Adventurers and others , for raising of Moneys , ( which Moneys by those Acts were to be pay'd to particular Persons , or otherwise out of the ordinary course , and not into Our Exchequer , as was usual in like cases , thence to be issued for publick use ) those Supplies were diverted and imployed to feed and nourish a Rebellion in England , rather than to suppress that in Ireland . Thus 100000. l. of the Adventurers Money was imployed for the Earl of Essex his Army when he first march'd against Us ; and that imployment of it , though contrary to the express words of the Act , which are , That no part of that Money shall be imployed to any other purpose than the reducing of those Rebels , was publickly justified by a Declaration made in the name of the House of Commons the sixth of September , not long before the Battel at Edge-hill : and at the same Battel , several Regiments of Horse and Foot raised for Ireland , under the Command of the Lord Wharton , Lord of Leny , Sir Faithful Fortescue and others , were imployed against Us at Edge-hill : the Moneys raised upon the Bill of 400000. l. and others have been wholly made use of against Us. And it was impossible , without thus working themselves ( under the specious pretence of suppressing the Rebellion of Ireland ) into the managery of that War , and misapplying the aids intended for Ireland , to have brought this Kingdom into the bleeding and desperate condition wherein it now languisheth . The Propositions concerning Ireland , as they are insisted upon by these Commissioners ( though in charity We shall hope not so intended by all of them ) are apparently in pursuance of that original design in begetting a suspicion of Our Integrity in that business of Ireland , and ingrossing the managing of that War and the Power of that Kingdom into their hands . They would have the Cessation ( which We have avowed to be assented to by Us , and advised as most necessary for the preservation of that Kingdom ) to tend to the utter Destruction of the Protestants there , and the continuance of the Cessation there , ( though but during the War here ) to be a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion ; and We Our selves are charged to be privy , and to give directions for the seising of some Provisions made and sent for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland . In the next place , concerning the War there , they demand that the prosecution of that War be settled in both Houses of Parliament , to be managed by the Advice of both Kingdoms of England and Scotland , ( that is , a Commmittee of both Kingdoms , those of each Kingdom to have a Negative Voice ) and all the Forces there to be under the Command of the Scotch General ; the Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges there to be nominated by both Houses ; and that We should consent to pass all Acts to be proposed by them for the raising of Moneys and other things necessary for the prosecution of that War. And notwithstanding all the zealous and pathetical Epressions in those Papers , desiring the continuance of that War , and the execution of Justice upon those Rebels ; it is not barely the prosecution of the War in zeal of Justice that is desired , that might be managed either by Us ( whom God and the Law have entrusted solely with that Power , and whose Predecessors have alone , and without the concurrence of their Parliaments , other than by competent assistance with Moneys , suppressed great Rebellions in that Kingdom ) or by fit Ministers to be appointed , upon just occasion to be removed by Us : they have not made any the least Proposition or desire to that purpose . But they insist upon such a prosecution of the War , wherein those who are in Arms against Us may have the sole managing of the War , and of Moneys to maintain that War , even while they are in Arms against Us. For the Cessation already made it is apparent it was the only visible means whereby the Kingdom was preserved , the poor Protestants there being in danger inevitably to have perished , either by Famine for want of Food , or by the Rebels for want of Ammunition , there being not above forty Barrels of Powder there , as appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland mentioned by Our Commissioners , and no supplies of Victuals or Money sent in six Months time before those Letters ( although Our Ships were then taken away from Us , and all the Forces at Sea belonging to this Kingdom were under their Command . ) Neither could the not making void or declaring against that Cessation have hindered a Peace upon this Treaty , if it had been intended really on their part , it being to expire in March , and so before the Treaty could probably have been perfected , and there being no further Peace or Cessation made in Ireland . And therefore Our Commissioners did earnestly desire them to make such Propositions as were fit to be consented to , for the growth of the Protestant Religion , and the good of that Kingdom . But instead of such Propositions , they still except against the Cessation , and though expiring within a Month , they insist upon their demands of an Act of Parliament to make that Cessation void : to which if We should have consented , as We must have rendered Our selves uncapable of being trusted at any time after , and odious abroad in breaking that Cessation , solemnly made by Our publick Ministers of State in Ireland , and after consented unto by Our selves ; so We must have implicitely confessed , contrary to the truth , that which they alledge against the Cessation , that it was destructive to the Protestants there , and a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion , and thereby having lost the Plea of Our Innocency , have also lost the hearts of Our People , and rendered Our selves guilty of those Infamous Slanders which have been charged upon Us concerning the Irish Rebellion , and which some were so willing to fix upon Us , that even during this Treaty , when Mac-guire was impeached by them for this Rebellion , for which he was by them after executed , ( though they well knew Confessions of Men in his condition , in hopes of Pardon or Reprieves , are not to be credited , ) he was strictly examined concerning Us ( as We are credibly informed ) whether or no We gave any Commission to the Rebels of Ireland , or any assistance to them ; and if he had not absolutely denied it to his last , with more sense of Conscience in that particular than they who examined him expected , it is likely whatsoever Untruths reflecting upon Us had been forced from him , had been ( as others were ) published to Our disgrace . And although they long questioned the credit and truth of those Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , notwithstanding one of them being directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons was received and communicated to the House , and Ours was but a Duplicate thereof , and Copies were delivered to them of both Letters , which two of their Commissioners compared with Our Originals , and saw the Names of all the Council-subscribers as well as the two Lords Justices , some of which Councellors were of principal estimation with themselves , and they might also have had Copies of their Names who subscribed , if they would have assured Our Commissioners , that such of them as should have come into their Quarters should not have been prejudiced by it ; yet the extremity of Our poor English Subjects inducing that Cessation being so notorious , and that attestation thereof undeniable , they fall at last to confess and avoid them : they say , That some who were of the Council when those Letters were written assure them , that those Letters were written only to press for Supplies , without any intention of inducing a Cessation , neither do the Letters contain any mention of a Cessation . It is true , those Letters do not , nor was it alledged they did mention any Cessation ; but they pressed for Supplies from hence , and laid open their Necessities to be such , that it was apparent to any Man ( as We had also private advices from some of the Council there , and of credit with those at Westminster ) that if Supplies failed , there was no way for the preservation of Our good Subjects there but by a Cessation . And these bleeding Wants of Our Army and good Subjects there so earnestly calling for Relief , and ( this Kingdom being then ingaged in the height of an unnatural War ) Our selves unable to supply them , and no timely supply nor hopes of it coming from the two Houses , what course less dishonourable for Us , or more for the good and safety of the poor English there , could be taken , than to admit of a Treaty for a Cessation , which was managed by Our publick Ministers of State there , and that Cessation assented unto as best for that Kingdom by the chief Officers of the Army and the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , before Our Approbation thereof ? They say , that those Necessities were made by a design of the Popish and Prelatical Party ( the Prelatical Party must come in upon all turns , though none suffered more by the Irish Rebellion , nor were less advantaged by the Cessation , than those poor Prelates ) and that at this very time when the Protestants were in such Extremity , Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for their Relief were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels . The Letters of the Lords Justices and Council tell Us , that no Provisions at all were sent by the Parliament ; and if they had not told it , yet this being barely affirmed , might as easily be denied , unless they had instanced in particular what Provisions were sent , and how , and when , and by whom , or to whom they were disposed . But they say , that at the same time the Officers of the Army and Garrisons , pressing for leave to march into the Enemies Countrey to live upon them , and save their own stores ; some could not obtain leave to go , and those who were drawn forth , had great quantities of Provisions out with them , yet were not permitted to go into the Enemies Countrey , but kept near Dublin till their Provisions were spent , and then commanded back again . They might remember , at that time ( wherein they suppose this miscarriage ) the chief manage of those Affairs was in the hands of such Ministers of State , whom they did and do still rely upon ; but sure those Ministers are not to be blamed , if they durst not suffer the Soldier to march far , or stay long in the Enemies Countrey , when there was but forty Barrels of Powder in all the Store , or if they called them back in such case when the Enemy approached . Let such as these , or what other pretences and excuses soever , be made for not relieving Ireland , We are sure the chief Impediment to it was their active promoting this Rebellion in England : And therefore , as they made use of the Supplies both of Men and Money , provided for that Kingdom , against Us at Edge-hill ; so from the time of that Battel ( some Supplies sent before ( which else perhaps had been also countermanded ) arriving in Ireland about the time , or shortly after that Battel ) they were so careful of recruiting and supplying their Armies here , that though they received much Moneys for Ireland , and had at their disposal great store of Our Ammunition , neither the one nor the other was ever after afforded to the English Army and Forces , or to the Protestants about Dublin , though the Cessation was not made till September following . As for those Protestants in Munster , Connaught , and Ulster , who , they say , opposed the Cessation , and did and do still subsist , they were most of them of Our Scotish Subjects ; the rest ( excepting some few wrought upon by private interest or particular solicitation ) were such , who being under their Power , were forced for their relief to concur with them against it . These , indeed , as they did not suffer under so great Wants as the English at the time of the Cessation , as is well known , though it seem to be denied , more special Provisions being made for them and for their Garrisons than for the English , ( as doth in great part appear even by the Articles of their Treaty of the sixth of August ; ) so they have since subsisted by Supplies sent from the two Houses , whereof none were suffered to partake but such as take their new Covenant , and doubly break the Bonds of their Obedience and Duty , both by taking that dangerous ensnaring Oath prohibited by God and their King , and opposing Our Ministers of State there , without whose Authority ( a Cessation being concluded ) during that Cessation they ought not to have continued a War in that Kingdom . We easily believe the Provisions they mention are or may be sent for supply of those Forces , as being a means to keep up a Party against Us there , and to have a Reserve of an Army ready upon any accidents of War to be drawn hither against Us ; and being also necessary for the satisfaction of Our Scotish Subjects ( whom they must please ) who would not be so forward in their Service without some good assurance ( such as is the having an Army of theirs kept on foot in Ireland at the charge of this Kingdom , and two of Our strongest Towns and Castles there delivered to them Cautionary Towns , as We may believe Berwick also is ( being denied the sight of that Treaty ) and by the Command of all the English Forces there by the General of the Scots ) that they shall be well pay'd the Arrears to the Armies in both Kingdoms before they quit their Interest in Ireland . If We shall allow Provisions thus imployed to be for the preservation of the English Protestants in Ireland , We may believe they have repay'd the 100000. l. taken up of the Adventurers Money ; and yet thus to re-satisfie this Money , admitting it be current satisfaction for the Debt , can be no satisfaction or excuse for the former Diversion . But since they cannot excuse themselves for this Diversion of the Adventurers Money , nor of the other Moneys raised for Ireland , nor of the imploying the Forces raised for that Kingdom under the Command of the Lord Wharton against Us at Edge-hill , which they deny not ; they fall to recriminate Us. They say , They have mentioned particulars of Provisions for Ireland , ( besides those few Cloaths taken near Coventry , which being formerly answered by Our Commissioners , they do not again urge ) asserted to be seised not without Our own knowledge and directions , as they were informed . This they had formerly alledged , and Our Commissioners had answered ( as We do now ) that they have instanced no particulars at all of any such Provisions seised . And whereas they say , that Our forbearance to seise some Provisions ( which Our Commissioners alledged in Our greatest Wants We forbore to take , though they lay in Magazines within Our own Quarters , but took order to send away into Ireland , ) was no excuse for seising others ; they misapply that to be an excuse , which was alledged as an evidence that We seised none , since We might in Our great Want have seised those , if We had been minded to have seised any . They say again , the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced by denying the Lord Wharton ' s Commission , of which they have not received satisfaction . To this it hath been already answered , that those Forces were raised for him before any Commission demanded from Us , and that the Commission for him proposed to Us was , to have been independent of the Lieutenant of that Kingdom ; Causes ( though not satisfactory to them yet ) sufficient in themselves to justifie Our refusal . But besides these , it is apparent the Army which was brought down against Us was then raising , that the Lord Wharton was one of the most active in it ; and We had cause to be confident ( nor did he fail Us therein ) that what Forces he should raise for Ireland he would imploy against Us in England : neither did that Service depend upon the Lord Wharton , other able Officers were appointed over those Forces , whom ( if they had as much affected that Service as the Person of the Lord Wharton ) they might have trusted with the Transport of them to Ireland , where others of more Experience and fitter for Conduct than the Lord Wharton might have taken the charge of them . They say further , That it was one end for which the Cessatian was made , that the Forces might be brought hither to Vs out of Ireland , and imployed against the two Houses . The bleeding Necessities of the poor English there ( which have been mentioned , and whereof they cannot but be convinced ) will best speak the cause of that Cessation ; and the sight of those Soldiers half starved when they came over , having neither Cloaths to their Backs , nor so much as Shoes to their Feet , nor any Pay to provide either , will witness the Necessity of bringing them over , when there was no subsistance for them in Ireland , nor use for them there during the Cessation . And for making use of them here , how can they quarrel at Our imploying Our own English Soldiers , who should otherwise have disbanded , when they make use of an Army of Scots against Us ? They have been told that they brought over out of Ireland the Earl of Leven , their General , and divers Scotish Officers , ( which they deny not ; ) and that before the English Forces brought over , they attempted the bringing once the Scotish Forces in Ireland , as likewise divers English Officers there , into this Kingdom : to which all the Answer given is , that the Scotish Forces which came over were not sent for . Which as it denies not what is objected , so neither can it excuse their not sending them back to the Service of Ireland , and imploying them here in an unnatural Rebellion against Us. But whatsoever their own acts or failings have been in this business of Ireland , and though apparently the Necessities which caused the Cessation were occasioned by the two Houses , yet rather than they shall be guilty of the blame and neglect therein , Our People must be made to believe that either there were no such Necessities , or when that is so apparent , then that those Necessities were designed and contrived by a Popish and Prelatical Party prevalent with Us , and the Supplies denied and stopped by Our self , and so that it is reasonable for them to press and insist ( as they do with much fervour in their last Paper concerning Ireland ) upon their Demands for the settling of the prosecution of the War in themselves or the Scots , excluding Us , and that there shall be no further Cessation or Peace made there , ( though the War should continue here ; ) to have the nomination of the Lieutenant and all the great Officers there ; and to have Us bound up to assent to whatsoever Acts they shall propose for Moneys or other necessaries for the prosecution of that War : and if We agree not to these Propositions , We are like to be charged with countenancing of that bloody Rebellion . And therefore , though the unreasonableness of those Propositions hath been fully lay'd open by Our Commissioners in their Paper , yet because this of theirs is framed in Answer to those , and the fervency and fluency of their expressions may make impressions on those who do not warily weigh the matter , We shall examine what new inforcements they bring to make good those Demands . The prosecution of the War there , though it be demanded ( generally ) in the 13. Proposition to be settled in both the Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms ; yet according to their seventeenth Proposition it is to be ordered according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April 1644. which is also proposed to be enacted . By that Ordinance the Scotish General Leven is to command all the Forces in Ireland , both English and Scotish , and that War is to be managed by a joynt Committee , to be named by the two Houses of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; and the Committees of each Kingdom is to have a Negative Voice . They insisting to have the prosecution of the War thus settled , Our Commissioners answered ▪ That this was in effect to deliver the Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of Our Subjects of Scotland , and neither agreeable to the Rules of Honour or Prudence . That it was unreasonable , if the War continued here , that We by Our consent to Act of Parliament for the managing of that War , and raising Moneys for that purpose , should put so great Power into their hands , who during these Troubles may turn that Power against Us. And lastly , that if the Distractions continued here , the Forces and Wealth of this Kingdom would be so imployed at home , that the prosecution of that War to the subduing of the Rebels was impossible , but probably might be destruction of the remainder of Our good Subjects . For the Power given to Our Scotish Subjects in that Kingdom , Our Commissioners urged , That General Leven being to Command all the Forces in Ireland , and the Committee of Scotland having a Negative Voice , upon difference of Opinion that War must either stand still to the Ruine of Our Subjects there , or be carried as the Earl of Leven pleased , whose Power was not bounded by any reference to Us or Our Lieutenant of Ireland , no nor to the Houses of England . And though it had been answered , that in cases of disagreement betwixt the Committee , the two Houses might prosecute the War , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August , and the Ordinance of the 11 th of April ; yet by referring to that Ordinance , ( which is desired to be Enacted ) and by that Ordinance the Power being thereby put into the Earl of Leven and that Committee without mention of the two Houses , it was apparent the Earl of Leven would not be bound to observe the Directions of the Houses of England by themselves . But they Reply in this last Paper of theirs , That as the Ordinance of the 11th of April , 1644. so the Treaty of the 6th of August , 1642. is desired to be confirmed , by which the Commander of the Scotish Forces in Ireland was to be answerable to Vs , and the two Houses of the Parliament of England for his whole deportment . But this is apparently no Answer at all : for this Treaty of the 6 th of August binds not the Committee who are to manage that War , and relates to the Scotish General as General of the Scots only ; the other of April , 1644. being later in time , giving him Power also as Commander in chief over the English Forces in Ireland ; and according to this latter he is to receive his Orders from the Committee , without reference to Us or the two Houses , neither can the two Houses be hereby brought in to have Command over this Scotish General or Committee more than Our selves , whom they intend wholly to exclude . Yet We cannot but observe even upon these Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , how little cause there is to expect this Scotish General will manage that War for the good of this Kingdom , who being by those Articles to be answerable to Vs as well as to the two Houses ( for then though the same Design was on foot , yet their outward pretences were somewhat more modest than now they are ) did without directions from Us leave his Charge in Ireland , to bring an Army into England against Us. Well , they say at last , they had ( by the 13 th Proposition ) desired the prosecution of the War to be settled in the two Houses , and so taking all together , that the Earl of Leven cannot manage that War according to his own discretion : But VVe must remember them , the Proposition is not barely to settle the prosecution of the VVar in the two Houses , but to settle it in the two Houses to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , and that joynt Advice is by a joynt Committee , according to the Ordinance of the 11 th of April , in which Committee they confess those of Scotland have a Negative Voice , and by the last part of the 17 th Proposition , the War of Ireland is to be ordered according to that Ordinance . But they say , The Scotish Commander is to receive Orders from the Lieutenant of Ireland , if a Lord Lieutenant shall be chosen by the two Houses ( for a Lieutenant nominated by Us is not allowed by them to give Orders to the Scotish General . ) This indeed ( though not warranted by their Propositions , upon which nevertheless they insist ) yet being admitted in this latitude , might seem to give some Power to the two Houses over the Scotch General in the manage of the VVar , as giving the Lieutenant such a Power , and by consequence the two Houses , who have power over this Lieutenant . But they say not generally , that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant , but that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant in such manner as they have set down in their Paper of the 20th of February ; that is , when it shall be necessary for the good of that Service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn : but how shall it be for the Service that he joyn with him , when he shall command no Forces with which he may joyn , the Scotch General being by the Ordinance of the 11 th of April to command all the Forces whatsoever in Ireland ? But admit them to have joyned ; then the Scotch General is to receive Instructions from the Lieutenant , according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , so , and no otherwise . Still the case is the same : The Scotish General is not bound to obey any Orders but such as shall come mediately or immediately from the Committee of both Kingdoms . And ( whatsoever Evasions and Disguises are made to cover it from Our People's Eyes ) the Scotish Committee being an equal number , and having an equal share in the Counsels , and their General having the Command of all the Forces ; it is apparent , the whole Power over that Kingdom is in effect to be transferred to them . But should We admit that these Propositions did not give so great Power in Ireland to Our Subjects of Scotland , yet how should it be imagined that We should put the prosecution of this War in the two Houses in such manner as is insisted on by them , so long as they maintain a Rebellion against Us in this Kingdom ? It is not denied but by their Authority divers Forces raised , and the Moneys levied for Ireland , were imployed against Us in England ; and upon the same Pretences that they made use of those aids ( because ( as they alledge in their Declaration upon that Subject ) that the subsistence of Ireland depended upon their welfare here ) they may still make use of such Power as shall be given them for the manage of that VVar , and raising Moneys for that purpose , against Us in England . Neither if a Peace should be concluded here , could VVe assent that the prosecution of the VVar should be settled in the two Houses , excluding Our selves , as they intend it by those words , the King not to molest them therein . Queen Elizabeth managed the VVar in Ireland solely , when the two Houses were sitting , and excluded them . Though VVe insist not upon that Example , VVe should be wanting to the Trust VVe have received from God , and that care of Our Subjects which lies upon Us ( and of which VVe are to give Him an account ) to exclude Our self . They themselves know , great Bodies are not so fit to carry on the VVar as a few ; and therefore they have in a manner given up their Power in this unhappy VVar at home to their State-Committee , whose Resolutions are rather brought to them for Countenance and Execution , than for Debate and Deliberation . They tell us , The Parliament of England is a faithful Council to Vs , and that We have trusted them with the prosecution of that War , and they faithfully discharged their parts in it . VVe wish , though VVe are willing to be silent in it , that yet the Ruins and Desolations of this Kingdom would not speak to Posterity what Counsellors those are who have devested Us of Our Revenue , Arms , Ships , Power , and even the security of Our Person , who have Armed Our Subjects here , who have brought in the Scots into this Kingdom , to the tearing up the bowels of it , who have infamously libelled against Us and Our Consort , who have threatned to depose us , and impeached Her of Treason ; and who those are who have denied Peace to this miserable Kingdom , unless We would consent to their unreasonable destructive Propositions , overturning the whole frame of Government both in Church and State. They say , and it is true , We trusted them with the Prosecution of that War : and how faithfully they discharged it , VVe will not again repeat : but VVe never trusted them so as to exclude Our selves , as they now suppose ; and if VVe had relied more on the Judgments and Advice of Our Privy Council , and less on theirs , neither that nor this Kingdom had been in the condition they now are . It was their Interposition and Advice which hindered the transportation of the Army of Irish Natives out of that Kingdom into Spain ( even to Our dis-reputation abroad , who had agreed with the Spanish Ambassador to send them over , and he , in confidence of Our performance , had disbursed Money for their transport : ) and had they been transported ( their stay as it provoked them , so it emboldening and strengthening the other Irish ) VVe are confident the flames of that Rebellion would never have broken forth at all , or at most have been so small as might suddenly have been extinguished . It was their Advice that staid Our going over thither in Person , which probably might have stopped the rage of that VVar , and , by the Blessing of God , would have saved the Effusion of much Blood which was since shed in that Kingdom . It was their unseasonable Declarations at the beginning of the Rebellion ( before the old English and other Papists had engaged themselves with the Rebels of Vlster ) of making it a VVar of Religion , and against that connivence which had been used in that Kingdom ever since the Reformation , and tending to make it a National Quarrel , and to eradicate the whole stock of the Irish ( which they now pursue by giving no Quarter to those few of that Nation in England who never were in that Rebellion , but according to their Duty assist us their Sovereign ) which made the Rebellion so genera ; whereas otherwise the old English , as in former times ( though Papists ) would have joyned against those Rebels . VVhen VVe had offered in December 1641. that 10000. Voluntiers should be raised presently in England for the service of Ireland , if the House of Commons would declare they would pay them ; instead thereof , in January following Propositions were made for the transporting the Scots into Ireland , and VVe were advised by the two Houses , to give the Command and keeping of the Town and Castle of Carick fergus to the Scotish , who were to be transported thither , and pay'd by this Kingdom : to which VVe returned Answer , That we did not approve the same , as prejudicial to the Crown of England , and the Service intended , and implying too great trust for Auxiliary Forces ; yet afterwards ; because VVe perceived the insisting upon it would breed a great delay in the necessary supply of that Kingdom , VVe did admit of the Advice of the Parliament in that particular , ( and since , by the Articles of the sixth of August , 1642. ( which though said to be made by Commissioners authorized by Us and the Parliament of England , VVe never were made acquainted with them , till upon this Treaty almost three years after ) both the Towns and Castles of Carickfergus and Colrane are left with them as Cautionary . ) The consequence whereof was such , that though the Service of Ireland were little advanced , or the poor English Protestants relieved by it , and this Kingdom drained to pay those ( whose great Arrears growing upon that Agreement , must be paid out of Lands in Ireland , where they have so good footing already , or of Our good Subjects in England , according to their other Propositions ) by this means the Scotish having an Army there , under colour of supplying them , Our Arms and Ammunition were sent into Scotland for the supply of another Army to be brought into England ; and the countenance of that Army in Ireland , as it gave encouragement to some of Our Scotish Subjects , so it over-awed others , and was a means , without any the least provocation to those Our ungrateful Subjects , of bringing of another Army into this Kingdom , where they still remain , to the utter Ruine of many of Our good Subjects , and the probable Destruction of the whole Kingdom . And lastly , it was upon their Advice in February 1641. ( shortly after those Propositions tendred for transporting the Scots into Ireland ) that We agreed , that the Rebels Lands should be shared amongst the Adventurers , and the Rebels to have no Pardons ; though We then expresly declared , We did it meerly relying upon their Wisdom , without further examining , ( what We in Our particular Judgment were perswaded ) whether that course might not retard the reducing of that Kingdom , by exasperating the Rebels , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace if they should return to their Obedience . And it is most apparent that those Propositions , and the Act drawn upon them , wherein also a further Clause ( not observed by Us , but passed , as conceiving that Act had wholly pursued the Propositions ) was inserted , That every person who should make , enter into , to take any Compact , Bond , Covenant , Oath , Promise or Agreement , to introduce or bring into the said Realm of Ireland the Authority of the See of Rome in any case whatsoever , or to maintain or defend the same , should forfeit his Lands and Goods , ( as in case of Rebellion ) were great causes not only of provoking , but increasing and encouraging the Rebels ; who having no pretence before for the horrid Rebellion , had now some colour to make it a matter of Religion , and so to make their application to Foreign Princes , and to negotiate with them for delivering that Kingdom into their hands . We profess Our aversion from their Religion and hatred to their Rebellion : but though We think them worse Christians because they are Rebels , We think them not worse Rebels because they are Papists : A Protestant Rebel in the same degree of Rebellion hath far more to answer , as having more light , and it being more expresly against the Religion he professeth , whereof it hath heretofore been a Maxim ( though it be now taken for Apocryphal Doctrine ) Not to take up Arms against their Prince upon any pretence whatsoever . And as We have endeavoured by Our Personal Example and otherwise , so We shall still continue by all good means to propagate the Protestant Religion : but We are far from that Mahometan Doctrine , that We ought to propagate Our Religion by the Sword. And though We shall be most willing to hearken to the Advice of Our People assembled in a free Parliament ; yet We should be wanting to the Trust that God hath reposed in Us , and Our use of that Reason with which He hath endowed Us , if We should wholly give up that Kingdom to be managed solely by their Counsels , secluding Our selves from all Interest therein , especially when We consider that which Experience hath taught Us , if they have the sole Power of that War ( by which all the Soldiers and Commanders being to be nominated and pay'd , removed and advanced by them , the necessary application ( passing by Us ) must be made to such as are powerful with them ) how easie a matter it will be for a prevalent Faction ( if they shall have a mind to demand other things hereafter not fit to be granted ) again to bring over an Army raised and payed by them into this Kingdom , especially so much composed of Our Scotish Subjects . And whereas they desire further the nomination of the Lord Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges in that Kingdom , ( which they also desire in this of England ) they cannot but know , that it must of necessity take away all dependency upon Us and application to Us , when the power to reward those who are worthy of publick Trust shall be transferred to others , and having neither force left Us to punish nor power to reward , We shall be in effect a titular contemptible Prince . We shall leave all Our Ministers to the known Laws of the Land , to be tried and punished according to those Laws if they shall offend ; but We cannot consent to put so great a Trust and Power out of Us : and VVe have just cause to conceive , that notwithstanding all their specious pretences , this desire of nomination of those great Officers is but a cloak to cover the Ambition of those who having been the Boutefeus of this Rebellion , desire to advance themselves and their own Faction . And to that which is said , that Our bad choice of Our Lieutenants of Ireland was the loss of many thousand Lives 〈◊〉 , and almost of the whole Kingdom from Our Obedience : they cannot but witness who know that Kingdom , that during the Government there by Lieutenants of Our Choice , that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than it ever had since it was under subjection to the Crown of England ; Traffick by Sea and Trade by Land encreased , values of Land improved , Shipping multip●ied beyond belief ; never was the Protestant Religion more advanced , nor the Protestant protected in greater security against the Papists . And VVe must remember them , that that Rebellion was begun when there was no Lieutenant there , and when the Power and Government which had been formerly used in that Kingdom was questioned and disgraced , when those in the Parliament there by whom that Rebellion was hatched were countenanced in their complaints and prosecution . But they are not content to demand all the Power over Ireland , and the nomination of all Officers , but We must also engage Our self to pass such Acts as shall be presented to Vs for raising of Moneys and other necessaries for that War. Our former readiness to pass Acts for Ireland , because they were advised by the two Houses , ( when they were apparently prejudicial to Our self , and contrary to Our own Judgment ) might sufficiently satisfie them We would make no difficulty to consent to such Acts as should be for the good of that Kingdom : but they have been already told it was unreasonable to make a general engagement , before We saw the Acts whether reasonable or no , and whether those other necessaries may not in truth comprehend what is not only unnecessary , but very inconvenient . But the People , they say , who have trusted them with their Purse , will never begrudg what they make them lay out upon that occasion . The two Houses indeed were entrusted that Our Subjects should not be charged without them , but they never were solely trusted by Our Subjects with a Power to charge them ; the care that no pressure in that or any other kind should be upon Our Subjects is principally in Us , without whose Consent ( notwithstanding the late contrary and unexampled practice ) no such Charge can or ought to be levied , and We ought not to give that Consent but where it is visibly for the good of Our Kingdoms ; which upon such an unbounded power of raising Moneys may fall out otherwise , especially in so unusual a case as this , where those who must have the sole manage of the VVar shall have the sole command of the Purse , without any check or controll upon them . But they say again , VVe have heretofore been possessed against the Parliament , for not giving away the Money of the Subject when VVe had desired it , but never yet did VVe restrain them from it . It is true , We had no great cause heretofore to restrain the two Houses from giving the Subjects Money to Us , having found more difficulty to obtain from them three or four Subsidies , than they have met with in raising so many Millions . But Our People cannot think themselves well dealt with by Us , if We shall consent to put an unlimited power of raising what Moneys they please in those Persons who have drained more wealth from them in four years , than We believe all the Supplies given to the Crown in 400. years before have amounted unto . In the last place , We wish every man to consider how the Rebels in Ireland can be reduced by War , whilst these unhappy Distractions continue here , whilst contrary Forces and Armies are raised in most parts of this Kingdom , and the blood of Our People is spilt like water upon the ground , whilst the Kingdom is wasted by Soldiers , and the People exhausted by maintaining them , and ( as if this Kingdom were not sufficient to destroy it self ) whilst an Army of Scots is brought into the bowels of this Kingdom , and maintained at the charge of it ; whilst this Kingdom labours under such a War , how is it possible that a considerable supply of men or money can be sent into Ireland ? To this with much fervour of expression they say , It must not depend upon the condition of Our other Kingdoms to revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfidious Enemies to the Gospel of Christ , who have embrewed their hands in so much Protestant Blood ; that the Cessation is for their Advantage , Arms and Ammunition , and all manner of Commodities may be brought to them ; that it is not fit there be any Agreement of Peace or respite from Hostility with such creatures as are not fit to live , more than with VVolves or Tigers , or any ravenous Beasts , destroyers of mankind . VVe are most sensible of the blood and horror of that Rebellion , and would be glad that either a Peace in this Kingdom or any other Expedient might furnish Us with means and power to do Justice upon it . If this cannot be , We must not desperately expose Our good Subjects to their Butchery without means or possibility of protection . God will in His due time revenge His Own Quarrel : in the mean time His Gospel gives Us leave in case of War to sit down , and cast up the cost , and estimate Our Power to go through with it ; and in such case where Prudence adviseth it is lawful to propose conditions of Peace , though the VVar otherwise might justly be pursued . And surely , as a Cessation in Ireland may be some advantage to the Rebels , as all Cessations in their nature are to both parts , they having thereby time and liberty to procure Arms and Ammunition to be brought to them : so it is not only for the advantage , but necessary preservation of Our good Subjects there , whose bleeding Dangers call for Our bowels of Charity and Compassion , by suspending the rage of the Adversary by this Cessation , till means may be found to turn their hearts , or to disable their Malice from pursuing their Cruelty , to the utter Ruin of that Remainder of Our good Subjects there ; it being more acceptable to God and Man to preserve a few good men from destruction , than to destroy a multitude , though in the way of Justice : and perhaps a Cessation may bring some of those Rebels to reflect upon their Offences , and to return to their Duty : all are not in the same degree of guilt , all were not Authors of nor consenting to the Cruelties committed ; some were inforced to comply with , or not resist their proceedings ; some were seduced upon a belief the Nation was designed to be eradicated , and the VVar not against the Rebellion only , but their Religion . The VVar destroys all alike without distinction , ( even innocent Children have suffered , not by the Rebels only ) and all are not Tigers or Wolves : there may be grounds of Mercy to some , though no severity be excessive towards others . However , We cannot desire the destruction even of the worst of those Irish Rebels , so much as We do the preservation of the poor English remaining there ; but should make choice rather to save the Rebels for preserving the lives of those poor Protestants , than destroy them to ruine the Rebels . And therefore exceeding strange it is to Us and We are sorry to find , that any English men ( who have seen this their Native Country heretofore ( even in Our time ) flourishing beyond most of the Kingdoms and Churches in the world , and now most hideous and deformed , weltring in the blood of her own Children , and , if this VVar continue , like to be a perpetual spectacle of Desolation , ) should express that they desire War in Ireland as much as they do Peace here , no more valuing the sparing of English blood here , than they do the effusion of the blood of the Rebels in Ireland . They say , indeed , they are willing to lay out their Estates and Lives both for the War in Ireland and Peace in this Kingdom ; but withal they say , they have made Propositions for both , if Our Commissioners would agree to them . These are the Conditions they offer , neither Peace is to be had here without agreeing to their Propositions , nor that VVar in Ireland to be managed but according to those Propositions , such Propositions as apparently tend to the ruine of the Church , to the subversion of all Our Power , to the setting up a new frame of popular Government , to the destructioo of Our Loyal and true-hearted Subjects ; Propositions which associate Our Subjects of Scotland in their Counsels and Power , and invest them in a great share of the Government and VVealth of this Kingdom , and render both the VVealth and Power of Ireland to be at their command . These Propositions they insist upon , and for the obtaining these , they are resolved to engage the Lives and Estates of Our poor People in this unnatural Rebellion . But VVe trust God Almighty will open the Eyes and the Hearts of Our People , not to assist them any longer against Us in the shedding innocent blood in this VVar. And VVe cast Our selves on Him , waiting His good time for the restoring the Peace of Our Kingdoms , and Our deliverance from these Troubles , which at length VVe are assured He will give unto Us. MESSAGES , PROPOSITIONS , AND TREATIES FOR PEACE : WITH DIVERS RESOLUTIONS AND DECLARATIONS THEREUPON . MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , December 5. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty being deeply sensible of the continuation of this bloody and unnatural War , cannot think himself discharged of the Duty He owes to God , or the Affection and regard He hath to the preservation of His People , without the constant application of His earnest Endeavours to find some Expedient for the speedy ending of these unhappy Distractions , if that may be ; doth therefore desire , That a Safe-Conduct may be forthwith sent for the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffrey Palmer Esquires , and their Attendants , with Coaches , Horses , and other Accommodations for their Journey to Westminster , during their stay there , and return when they shall think fit ; whom His Majesty intends to send to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , furnished with such Propositions as His Majesty is confident will be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the fifth of December , 1645. The Letter of the two Speakers . For Sir Thomas Glemham , Governour of Oxford . SIR , VVE have received your Letter of the 5 th of this instant December , with His Majesties inclosed , and have sent back your Trumpet by command of both Houses , who will with all convenient speed return an Answer to His Majesty , and rest , Your Loving Friends , Grey of VVark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . VVilliam Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses in pursuance of the former . From Oxford , Dec. 15. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot but extreamly wonder , that after so many expressions on your part of a deep and seeming sense of the Miseries of this afflicted Kingdom , and of the Dangers incident to His Person during the continuance of this unnatural War , your many great and so often repeated Protestations , that the raising these Arms hath been only for the necessary defence of God's true Religion , His Majesties Honour , Safety and Prosperity , the Peace , Comfort and Security of His People , you should delay a safe Conduct to the Persons mentioned in His Majesties Message of the fifth of this instant December , which are to be sent unto you with Propositions for a well-grounded Peace : a thing so far from having been at any time denied by His Majesty , whensoever you have desired the same , that He believes it hath been seldom ( if ever ) practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies , much less from Subjects to their King. But His Majesty is resolved that no Discouragements whatsoever shall make Him fail of His part in doing his uttermost endeavours to put an end to these Calamities , which , if not in time prevented , must prove the ruin of this unhappy Nation ; and therefore doth once again desire , that a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for those Persons expressed in His former Message : and doth therefore conjure you , as you will answer to Almighty God in that Day when He shall make inquisition for all the Blood that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural War , as you tender the preservation and establishment of the true Religion , by all the Bonds of Duty and Allegiance to your King , or Compassion to your bleeding and unhappy Country , and of Charity to your selves , that you dispose your hearts to a true sense , and imploy all your faculties in a more serious Endeavour together with His Majesty , to set a speedy end to these wasting Divisions ; and then He shall not doubt but that God will yet again give the Blessing of Peace to this distracted Kingdom . Given at the Court at Oxford , the fifteenth of December , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , with Propositions . From Oxford , Dec. 26. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the strange and unexpected Delays ( which can be precedented by no former times ) to His Majesties two former Messages , His Majesty will lay aside all Expostulations , as rather serving to lose time , than to contribute any remedy to the evils which ( for the present ) do afflict this distracted Kingdom : Therefore , without further Preamble , His Majesty thinks it most necessary to send these Propositions this way , which He intended to do by the Persons mentioned in His former Messages ; though He well knows the great disadvantage which Overtures of this kind have , by the want of being accompanied by well instructed Messengers . His Majesty conceiving that the former Treaties have hitherto proved ineffectual , chiefly for want of Power in those Persons that Treated , as likewise because those from whom their Power was derived ( not possibly having the particular informations of every several Debate ) could not give so clear a Judgment as was requisite to so important a business ; if therefore His Majesty may have the engagement of the two Houses at Westminster , the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , of the chief Commanders in Sir Fairfax's Army , as also of those in the Scots Army , for His Majesties free and safe coming to and abode in London or Westminster ( with such of His Servants now attending Him , and their Followers , not exceeding in all the number of 300. ) for the space of forty days , and after the said time for His free and safe repair to any of His Garrisons of Oxford , Worcester or Newark , ( which His Majesty shall nominate at any time before His going from London or Westminster ) His Majesty propounds to have a Personal Treaty with the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , upon all matters which may conduce to the restoring of Peace and Happiness to these miserably-distracted Kingdoms ; and to begin with the three Heads which were Treated on at Vxbridge . And for the better clearing of His Majesties earnest and sincere intentions of putting an end to these unnatural Distractions , ( knowing that point of security may prove the greatest obstacle to this most blessed Work ) His Majesty therefore declares , That he is willing to commit the great Trust of the Militia of this Kingdom , for such Time and with such Powers as are exprest in the Paper delivered by His Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February last , to these Persons following , viz. the Lord Privy-Seal , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Marquess of Dorchester , the Earl of Dorset Lord Chamberlain , the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Southampton , Earl of Pembroke , Earl of Salisbury , Earl of Manchester , Earl of Warwick , Earl of Denbigh , Earl of Chichester , Lord Say , Lord Seymour , Lord Lucas , Lord Lexington , Mr. Denzill Hollis , Mr. Pierrepont , Mr. Henry Bellassis , Mr. Richard Spencer , Sir Thomas Fairfax , Mr. John Ashburnham , Sir Gervase Clifton , Sir Henry Vane junior , Mr. Robert Wallop , Mr. Thomas Chichely , Mr. Oliver Cromwell , Mr. Philip Skippon ; supposing that these are Persons against whom there can be no just exception . But if this doth not satisfie , then His Majesty offers to name the one half , and leave the other to the election of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , with the Powers and Limitations before mentioned . Thus His Majesty calls God and the World to witness of His sincere Intentions and real Endeavours for the composing and settling of these miserable Distractions , which He doubts not but , by the Blessing of God , will soon be put to a happy Conclusion , if this His Majesties offer be accepted ; otherwise He leaves all the World to judge who are the continuers of this unnatural War. And therefore He once more conjures you by all the bonds of Duty you owe to God and your King , to have so great a Compassion on the bleeding and miserable estate of your Country , that you joyn your most serious and hearty endeavours with His Majesty , to put a happy and speedy end to these present Miseries . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 26. of December , 1645. The Answer of both Houses to His MAJESTIES two former Messages of the 5. and 15. of Decemb. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew , Decemb. 27. May it please your Majesty , THE Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster have received Your Letters of the fifth and fifteenth of this instant December , and having , together with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , taken the same into their serious consideration , do humbly return this Answer . They have in all their Actions manifested to Your Majesty and the World their sincere and earnest desires , that a safe and well-grounded Peace might be settled in Your three Kingdoms ; and for the obtaining so great a Blessing shall ever pray to God , and use their utmost endeavours ; and beseech Your Majesty to believe , that their not sending a more speedy Answer hath not proceeded from any intention to retard the means of putting an end to these present Calamities by a happy Peace , but hath been occasioned by the Considerations and Debates necessary in a business of so great importance , wherein both Kingdoms are so much concerned . As to Your Majesties desire of a safe Conduct for the coming hither of the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffrey Palmer Esquires , with Propositions to be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace ; they finding that former Treaties have been made use of for other Ends , under the pretence of Peace , and have proved dilatory and unsuccessful , cannot give way to a safe Conduct according to Your Majesties desire : But both Houses of the Parliament of England having now under their Consideration Propositions and Bills for the settling of a safe and well grounded Peace , which are speedily to be communicated to the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , do resolve , after mutual agreement of both Kingdoms , to present them with all speed to Your Majesty . Westminster the 25. Decemb. 1645. Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Gracious Answer to both Houses , sent by Sir Peter Killegrew , December 29. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. ALthough the Message sent by Sir Peter Killegrew may justly require an expostulatory Answer , yet His Majesty layes that aside , as not so proper for His present Endeavours ; leaving all the World to judge , whether His Proposition for a Personal Treaty , or the flat denial of a safe Conduct for Persons to begin a Treaty , be greater signs of a real Intention to Peace ; and shall now only insist upon His former Message of the 26. of this December , That upon His repair to VVestminster , He doubts not but so to joyn His Endeavours with His two Houses of Parliament , as to give just satisfaction , not only concerning the business of Ireland , but also for the settling of a way for the payment of the Publick Debts , as well to the Scots and the City of London as others . And as already He hath shewn a fair way for the settling of the Militia , so He shall carefully endeavour in all other particulars that none shall have cause to complain for want of Security , whereby just Jealousies may arise to hinder the continuance of the desired Peace . And certainly this Proposition of a Personal Treaty could never have entred into His Majesties Thoughts , if He had not resolv'd to make apparent to all the World , that the Publick good and peace of this Kingdom is far dearer to Him than the respect of any particular Interest . Wherefore none can oppose this Motion , without a manifest demonstration that he particularly envies His Majesty should be the chief Author in so blessed a Work , besides the declaring himself a direct opposer of the happy Peace of these Nations . To conclude , whosoever will not be ashamed that his fair and specious Protestations should be brought to a true and publick Test , and those who have a real sense , and do truely commiserate the Miseries of their bleeding Countrey , let them speedily and chearfully embrace His Majesties Proposition for His Persosonal Treaty at VVestminster , which , by the blessing of God , will undoubtedly to these now distracted Kingdoms restore the Happiness of a long-wish'd-for and lasting Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 29. day of December , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. BUT that these are times wherein nothing is strange , it were a thing much to be marvelled at , what should cause this unparallel'd long detention of His Majesties Trumpet , sent with His Gracious Message of the 26. of December last ; Peace being the only subject of it , and His Majesties Personal Treaty the means proposed for it . And it were almost as great a wonder , that His Majesty should be so long from inquiring after it , if that the hourly expectation thereof had not in some measure satisfied His Impatience . But lest His Majesty by His long silence should condemn Himself of Carelesness in that which so much concerns the good of all His People , He thinks it high time to inquire after His said Trumpeter : For since all men who pretend any goodness must desire Peace , and that all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it , and there being as little question that His Majesties Personal Presence in it is the likeliest way to bring it to a happy Issue ; He judges there must be some strange variety of accidents which causeth this most tedious Delay . Wherefore His Majesty earnestly desires to have a speedy Account of His former Message , the subject whereof is Peace , and the means His Personal Presence at Westminster , where , the Government of the Church being setled as it was in the times of the happy and glorious Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James , and full Liberty for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in that Service established by Law , and likewise for the free and publick use of the Directory ( prescribed , and by Command of the two Houses of Parliament now practised in some parts of the City of London ) to such as shall desire to use the same , and all Forces being agreed to be Disbanded , His Majesty will then forthwith ( as He hath in His Message of the 29. of December last already offered ) joyn with His two Houses of Parliament in setling some way for the payment of the publick Debts to His Scots Subjects , the City of London and others . And His Majesty having proposed a fair way for the setling of the Militia , which now by this long Delay seems not to be thought sufficient Security ; His Majesty ( to shew how really He will imploy Himself at His coming to Westminster for making this a lasting Peace , and taking away all Jealousies , how groundless soever ) will endeavour , upon debate with His two Houses , so to dispose of it ( as likewise of the business of Ireland ) as may give to them and both Kingdoms just satisfaction ; not doubting also but to give good contentment to His two Houses of Parliament in the choice of the Lord Admiral , the Officers of State and others , if His two Houses , by their ready inclinations to Peace , shall give him encouragement thereunto . Thus His Majesty having taken occasion by His just impatience so to explain His Intentions that no man can doubt of a happy issue to this succeeding Treaty ; if now there shall be so much as a Delay of the same , He calls God and the World to witness who they are that not only hinder , but reject this Kingdoms future Happiness : it being so much the stranger , that His Majesties coming to Westminster ( which was first the greatest pretence for taking up Arms ) should be so much as delayed , much less not accepted , or refused . But His Majesty hopes that God will no longer suffer the Malice of Wicked men to hinder the Peace of this too much afflicted Kingdom . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 15. of January , 1645. The Answer of both Houses to His MAJESTIES two former Messages of the 26. and 29. of Dec. May it please your Majesty ; WE your humble and loyal Subjects of both Kingdoms have received your Letters of the 26. and 29. of December last , unto which we humbly return this Answer : That there hath been no Delay on our parts , but what was necessary in a business of so great a consequence , as is exprest in our former Letter to Your Majesty . Concerning the Personal Treaty desired by your Majesty , There having been so much innocent blood of Your good Subjects shed in this War by Your Majesties Commands and Commissions , Irish Rebels brought over into both Kingdoms , and endeavours to bring over more into both of them , as also Forces from Foreign parts ; Your Majesty being in Arms in these parts , and the Prince in the head of an Army in the West , divers Towns made Garrisons and kept in Hostility by Your Majesty against the Parliament of England ; there being also Forces in Scotland against that Parliament and Kingdom , by Your Majesties Commission ; the War in Ireland fomented and prolonged by Your Majesty , whereby the three Kingdoms are brought near to utter Ruine and Destruction : we conceive , that until satisfaction and security be first given to both Your Kingdoms , Your Majesties coming hither cannot be convenient , nor by us assented unto ; neither can we apprehend it a means conducing to Peace , that Your Majesty should come to Your Parliament for a few days , with any thoughts of leaving it , especially with intentions of returning to Hostility against it . And we do observe , That Your Majesty desires the Ingagement not only of Your Parliaments , but of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Councel and Militia of the City of London , the chief Commanders of Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army and those of the Scots Army , which is against the Priviledges and Honour of the Parliaments , those being joyned with them who are subject and subordinate to their Authority . That which Your Majesty ( against the Freedom of the Parliaments ) inforces in both Your Letters with many earnest expressions , as if in no other way than that propounded by Your Majesty the Peace of Your Kingdoms could be established , Your Majesty may please to remember , that in our last Letter we did declare that Propositions from both Kingdoms were speedily to be sent to Your Majesty , which we conceive to be the only way for the attaining a happy and well-grounded Peace , and Your Majesties Assent unto those Propositions will be an effectual means for giving satisfaction and security to Your Kingdoms , will assure a firm Union between the two Kingdoms , ( as much desired by each for other as for themselves ) and settle Religion , and secure the Peace of the Kingdom of Scotland , whereof neither is so much as mentioned in Your Majesties Letter . And in proceeding according to these just and necessary grounds for the putting an end to the bleeding Calamities of these Nations , Your Majesty may have the glory to be a Principal Instrument in so happy a Work , and we ( however mis-interpreted ) shall approve our selves to God and the World to be real and sincere in seeking a safe and well-grounded Peace . Westminster , 13. Jan. 1645. Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . VVilliam Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Signed in the Name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . Balmerino . His MAJESTIES Reply to the Answer of both Houses from Oxford , Jan. 17. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHALLES R. HIS Majesty thinks not fit now to answer those Aspersions which are returned as Arguments for his not admittance to VVestminster for a Personal Treaty , because it would inforce a Style not suitable to his End , it being the Peace of these miserable Kingdoms : yet thus much he cannot but say to those who have sent him this Answer , That if they had considered what they had done themselves in occasioning the shedding of so much innocent Blood , by withdrawing themselves from their Duty to him in a time when he had granted so much to his Subjects , and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom to draw an exorbitant Power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects , ( to say no more , to do as they have done ) they could not have given such a false Character of his Majesties Actions . Wherefore his Majesty must now remember them , that having some hours before his receiving of their last Paper of the 13. of Jan. sent another Message to them of the fifteenth , wherein by divers particulars He inlargeth himself to shew the reality of his endeavours for Peace by his desired Personal Treaty ( which he still conceives to be the likeliest way to attain to that blessed End ) he thinks fit by this Message to call for an Answer to that , and indeed to all the former : For certainly no rational man can think their last Paper can be any Answer to his former Demands , the scope of it being , that because there is a War , therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace . And is it possible to expect that the Propositions mentioned should be the grounds of a lasting Peace , when the Persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak ? But whatever the success hath been of his Majesties former Messages , or how small soever his hopes are of a better , considering the high strain of those who deal with his Majesty , yet he will neither want Fatherly bowels to his Subjects in general , nor will he forget that God hath appointed him for their King with whom he Treats . Wherefore he now demands a speedy Answer to his last and former Messages . Given at Our Court at Oxon , this 17. of Jan. 1645. His MAJESTIES further Reply to the said Answer of both Houses , Jan. 24. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE procuring Peace to these Kingdoms by Treaty is so much desired by his Majesty , that no unjust Aspersions whatsoever , or any other Discouragements , shall make him desist from doing his endeavour therein , untill he shall see it altogether impossible : and therefore hath thought fitting so far , only to make Reply to that Paper or Answer which he hath received of the 13. of this instant Jan. as may take away those Objections which are made against his Majesties coming to VVestminster , expecting still an Answer to his Messages of the 15. and 17. which he hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses . And first therefore , Whereas in the said last Paper it is objected as an impediment to his Majesties Personal Treaty , that much innocent Blood hath been shed in this War by his Majesties Commissions , &c. He will not now dispute ( it being apparent to all the World by whom this Blood hath been spilt ) but rather presseth that there should be no more : and to that end only he hath desired this Personal Treaty , as judging it the most immediate means to abolish so many horrid Confusions in all his Kingdoms . And it is no Argument , to say , That there shall be no such Personal Treaty , because there have been Wars , it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty to put an end to the War. Secondly , That there should be no such Personal Treaty , because some of his Irish Subjects have repaired to his Assistance in it , seems an Argument altogether as strange as the other ; as always urging that there should be no Physick , because the party is sick . And in this particular it hath been often observed unto them , that those whom they call Irish , who have so expressed their Loyalty to their Soveraign , were indeed ( for the most part ) such English Protestants as had been formerly sent into Ireland by the two Houses , impossibilitated to stay there any longer by the neglect of those that sent them thither , who should there have better provided for them . And for any Forein Forces , it is too apparent that their Armies have swarmed with them , when his Majesty hath had few or none . And whereas , for a third impediment , it is alledged that the Prince is in the head of an Army in the West , and that there are divers Garrisons still kept in his Majesties Obedience , and that there are Forces in Scotland ; it must be as much confessed , as that as yet there is no Peace : and therefore it is desired that by such a Personal Treaty all these impediments may be removed . And it is not here amiss to put them in mind , how long since his Majesty did press a disbanding of all Forces on both sides ; the refusing whereof hath been the cause of this Objection . And whereas exception is taken , that there is a time limited in the Proposition for his Majesties Personal Treaty , thereupon inferring that he should again return to Hostility ; his Majesty protesteth that he seeks this Treaty to avoid future Hostility , and to procure a lasting Peace : and if he can meet with like inclinations to Peace in those he desires to Treat with , he will bring such affections and resolutions in himself as shall end all these unhappy bloody Differences . As for those Ingagements which his Majesty hath desired for his Security , whosoever shall call to mind the particular occasions that enforced his Majesty to leave his City of London and VVestminster , will judge his Demand very reasonable and necessary for his Safety . But he no way conceiveth how the Lord Maior , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , were either subject or subordinate to that Authority which is alledged , as knowing neither Law nor practice for it : and if the two Armies be , he believes it is more than can be parallel'd by any former times in this Kingdom . Nor can his Majesty understand how his Majesties seeking of a Personal Security can be any breach of Priviledge ; it being likely to be infringed by hindring his Majesty from coming freely to his two Houses . As for the Objection , that his Majesty omitted to mention the settling Religion and securing the Peace of his Native Kingdom , his Majesty declares , that he conceives that it was included in his former , and hath been particularly mentioned in his latter Message of the 15. present . But , for their better satisfaction , he again expresseth , that it was and ever shall be both his meaning and endeavour in this Treaty desired . And it seems to him very clear , that there is no way for a final ending of such Distractions as afflict this Kingdom , but either by Treaty or Conquest : the latter of which his Majesty hopes none will have the impudence or impiety to wish for ; and for the former , if his Personal assistance in it be not the most likely way , let any reasonable man judge , when by that means not only all unnecessary Delays will be removed , but even the greatest Difficulties made easy . And therefore he doth now again earnestly insist upon that Proposition , expecting to have a better Answer upon mature consideration . And can it be imagined that any Propositions will be so effectual being formed before a Personal Treaty , as such as are framed and propounded upon a full debate on both sides ? Wherefore his Majesty , who is most concerned in the good of his People , and is most desirous to restore Peace and Happiness to his three Kingdoms , doth again instantly desire an Answer to his said former Messages , to which he hath hitherto received none . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 24. of Jan. 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having received Information from the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland , that the Earl of Glamorgan hath , without his or their Directions or privity , entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman-Catholick Party there , and also drawn up and agreed unto certain Articles with the said Commissioners , highly derogatory to his Majesties Honour and Royal Dignity , and most prejudicial unto the Protestant Religion and Church there in Ireland ; whereupon the said Earl of Glamorgan is arrested upon suspicion of High Treason , and imprisoned by the said Lord Lieutenant and Council , at the instance and by the Impeachment of the Lord Digby , who ( by reason of his Place , and former Imployment in these Affairs ) doth best know how contrary that Proceeding of the said Earl hath been to His Majesties Intentions and Directions , and what great prejudice it might bring to His Affairs , if those Proceedings of the Earl of Glamorgan should be any ways understood to have been done by the directions , liking , or approbation of his Majesty : His Majesty having in his former Messages for a Personal Treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the Business of Ireland , hath now thought fitting , the better to shew his clear Intentions , and to give satisfaction to his said Houses of Parliament , and the rest of his Subjects in all his Kingdoms , to send this Declaration to his said Houses , containing the whole truth of the business . Which is , That the Earl of Glamorgan having made offer unto him to raise Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland , and to conduct them into England for his Majesties Service , had a Commission to that purpose , and to that purpose only . That he had no Commission at all to Treat of any thing else without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant , much less to capitulate any thing concerning Religion , or any Propriety belonging either to Church or Laity . That it clearly appears by the Lord Lieutenant's Proceedings with the said Earl , that he had no notice at all of what the said Earl had Treated and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish , until by accident it came to his knowledge . And his Majesty doth protest , that until such time as he had advertisement that the Person of the said Earl of Glamorgan was arrested and restrained , as is above-said , He never heard nor had any kind of notice that the said Earl had entred into any kind of Treaty or Capitulation with those Irish Commissioners ; much less that he had concluded or signed those Articles , so destructive both to Church and State , and so repugnant to his Majesties publick Professions and known Resolutions . And for the further vindication of his Majesties Honour and Integrity herein , He doth declare , That He is so far from considering any thing contained in those Papers or Writings framed by the said Earl and those Commissioners with whom he Treated , as he doth absolutely disavow him therein , and hath given Commandment to the Lord Lieutenant and the Council there to proceed against the said Earl , as one who , either out of falseness , presumption , or folly , hath so hazarded the blemishing of his Majesties Reputation with his good Subjects , and so impertinently framed those Articles of his own head , without the Consent , Privity , or Directions of his Majesty , or the Lord Lieutenant , or any of his Majesties Council there . But true it is , that for the necessary preservation of his Majesties Protestant Subjects in Ireland , whose Case was daily represented unto him to be so desperate , his Majesty had given Commission to the Lord Lieutenant to Treat and conclude such a Peace there as might be for the safety of that Crown , the preservation of the Protestant Religion , and no way derogatory to his own Honour and publick Professions . But to the end that his Majesties real Intentions in this business of Ireland may be the more clearly understood , and to give more ample satisfaction to both Houses of Parliament and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , especially concerning his Majesties not being engaged in any Peace or Agreement there , he doth desire , if the two Houses shall admit of his Majesties repair to London for a Personal Treaty , ( as was formerly proposed ) that speedy notice be given thereof to his Majesty , and a Pass or safe Conduct , with a Blank , sent for a Messenger to be immediately dispatched into Ireland , to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder his Majesties Resolution of leaving and managing of the business of Ireland wholly to the two Houses , and to make no Peace there but with their Consent ; which , in case it shall please God to bless His endeavours in the Treaty with success , His Majesty doth hereby engage himself to do . And for a further explanation of his Majesties Intentions in his former Messages , he doth now Declare , That if his Personal repair to London , as aforesaid , shall be admitted , and a Peace thereon shall ensue , he will then leave the Nomination of the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia wholly to his two Houses , with such Power and Limitations as are expressed in the Paper delivered by his Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the 6. of Febr. 1644. for the term of seven years , as hath been desired , to begin immediately after the Conclusion of the Peace , the disbanding of all Forces on both sides , and the dismantling of the Garrisons erected since these present Troubles ; so as at the expiration of the time before mentioned the Power of the Militia shall entirely revert and remain as before . And for their further security , his Majesty ( the Peace succeeding ) will be content , that pro hac vice the two Houses shall nominate the Admiral , Officers of State and Judges , to hold their places during Life , or quamdiu se bene gesserint , which shall be best liked , to be accomptable to none but the King and the two Houses of Parliament . As for matter of Religion , his Majesty doth further Declare , That by the Liberty offered in his Message of the 15. present , for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in the Service already established by Act of Parliament in this Kingdom , he intends that all other Protestants , behaving themselves peaceably in and towards the Civil Government , shall have the free exercise of their Religion according to their own way . And for the total removing of all Fears and Jealousies , His Majesty is willing to agree , That upon the Conclusion of Peace there shall be a general act of Oblivion and Free Pardon past by Act of Parliament in both his Kingdoms respectively . And lest it should be imagined , that in the making these Propositions , his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland and his Subjects there have been forgotten or neglected , his Majesty Declares , That what is here mentioned touching the Militia , and the naming of Officers of State and Judges , shall likewise extend to his Kingdom of Scotland . And now his Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed his Intentions and Desires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace , if any person shall decline that Happiness by opposing so apparent a way of attaining it , he will sufficiently demonstrate to all the World , his intention and design can be no other then the total subversion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom , under which the English Nation hath so long flourished . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 29. of January , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Feb. 26. 1641. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty needs to make no excuse though he sent no more Messages unto you , for he very well knows he ought not to do it , if he either stood upon punctilioes of Honour , or his own private Interest ; the one being already call'd in question by his often sending , and the other assuredly prejudic'd if a Peace be concluded from that He hath already offer'd , He having therein departed with many of his undoubted Rights . But nothing being equally dear unto Him to the preservation of His People , His Majesty passeth by many scruples , neglects and delays , and once more desires you to give Him a speedy Answer to His last Message : For His Majesty believes it doth very well become Him ( after this very long Delay ) at last to utter His Impatience , since that the Goods and Blood of His Subjects cries so much for Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 26 th of Febr. 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , March 23. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the unexpected silence instead of Answer to His Majesties many and gracious Messages to both Houses , whereby it may appear that they desire to attain their ends by Force rather than Treaty , which may justly discourage His Majesty from any more Overtures of that kind ; yet His Majesty conceives He shall be much wanting to His Duty to God , and in what He oweth to the Safety of His People , if He should not intend to prevent the great inconveniences that may otherwise hinder a safe and well-grounded Peace . His Majesty therefore now proposeth , That , so He may have the Faith of both Houses of Parliament for the preservation of His Honour , Person and Estate , and that liberty be given to all those who do and have adhered to His Majesty to go to their own Houses , and there to live peaceably , enjoying their Estates , all Sequestrations being taken off , without being compelled to take any Oath not enjoyned by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom , or being put to any other molestation whatsoever ; He will immediately disband all His Forces , and dismantle all His Garrisons , and being accompanied with His Royal , not His Martial , Attendance , return to His two Houses of Parliament , and there reside with them . And for the better security of all His Majesties Subjects , He proposeth , That He with His said two Houses , immediately upon His coming to Westminster , will pass an Act of Oblivion and Free Pardon ; and where His Majesty will further do whatsoever they will advise Him for the good and Peace of this Kingdom . And as for the Kingdom of Scotland , his Majesty hath made no mention of it here , in regard of the great loss of time which must now be spent in expecting an Answer from thence ; but declares , That immediately upon his coming to Westminster , he will apply himself to give them all satisfaction touching that Kingdom . If his Majesty could possibly doubt the success of this Offer , he could use many Arguments to perswade them to it ; but shall only insist on that great One , of giving an instant Peace to these afflicted Kingdoms . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the 23 d of March , 1645. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Marquess of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , from Oxford , April 13. 1646. CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and entirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellour , We greet you well . Having used all possible and Honourable means , by sending many gracious Messages to the two Houses of Parliament , wherein We have offered them all they have heretofore desired , and desire from them nothing but what they themselves ( since these unhappy Wars ) have offered , to procure Our Personal Treaty with them for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; and having , instead of a dutiful and peaceable return to Our said Messages , received either no Answer at all , or such as argues nothing will satisfie them but the Ruin , not onely of Us , Our Posterity and Friends , but even of Monarchy it self ; and having lately received very good Security , that We , and all that do or shall adhere to Us , shall be safe in Our Persons , Honours and Consciences , in the Scotish Army , and that they shall really and effectually joyn with Us , and with such as will come in unto Us , and joyn with them for Our Preservation , and shall imploy their Armies and Forces to assist Us to the procuring of an happy and well-grounded Peace , for the good of Us and Our Kingdoms , in the recovery of Our just Right : We have resolved to put Our selves to the hazard of passing into the Scots Army now lying before Newark ; and if it shall please God that We come safe thither , VVe are resolved to use Our best endeavour , with their Assistance , and with the conjunction of the Forces under the Marquess of Montrosse , and such of Our well-affected Subjects of England as shall rise for Us , to procure , if it may be , an honourable and speedy Peace with those who have hitherto refused to give ear to any means tending thereunto . Of which Our Resolution We held it necessary to give you this Advertisement , as well to satisfie you , and Our Council and Loyal Subjects with you ( to whom We will that you communicate these Our Letters ) that failing in Our earnest and sincere endeavours by Treaty to put an end to the Miseries of these Kingdoms , We esteemed Our self obliged to leave no probable Expedient unattempted to preserve Our Crown and Friends from the Usurpation and Tyranny of those whose Actions declare so manifestly their Designs to overthrow the Laws and happy astablished Government of this Kingdom . And now we have made known to you Our Resolution , We recommend to your special care the disposing and managing of Our Affairs on that side , as you shall conceive most for Our Honour and Service ; being confident the course VVe have taken ( though with some hazard to Our Person ) will have a good influence on that Our Kingdom , and defer , if not altogether prevent , the Rebels transporting of Forces from them into that Kingdom . And VVe desire you to satisfie all Our well-affected Subjects on that side , of Our Princely Care of them , whereof they shall receive the effect as soon as God shall enable Us. VVe desire you to use some means to let Us and Our Council at Oxon hear frequently from you , and of your Actions and Condition there . And so God prosper your Loyal Endeavours . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 13 th of April , 1646. By His Majesties Command , Edward Nicholas . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Southwell , May 18. 1646. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having understood from both his Houses of Parliament , that it was not safe for him to come to London ( whither he had purposed to repair , if so he might , by their Advice to do whatsoever may be best for the good and Peace of these Kingdoms ) until he shall first give his Consent to such Propositions as were to be presented to him from them ; and being certainly informed that the Armies were marching so fast up to Oxford , as made that no fit place for Treating ; did resolve to withdraw himself hither , only to secure his own Person , and with no intention to continue this VVar any longer , or to make any Division between his two Kingdoms , but to give such contentment to both , as , by the blessing of God , he might see a happy and well-grounded Peace , thereby to bring Prosperity to these Kingdoms answerable to the best times of his Progenitors . And since the settling of Religion ought to be the chiefest care of all Councils , his Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for speedy finishing this pious and necessary VVork ; and particularly , that they take the Advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at VVestminster . Likewise concerning the Militia of England , for securing his People against all pretensions of Danger , his Majesty is pleased to have it settled as was offered at the Treaty at Vxbridge , all the Persons being to be named for the Trust by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , for the space of seven years ; and after the expiring of that term , that it be regulated as shall be agreed upon by his Majesty and his two Houses of Parliament . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . Concerning the VVars in Ireland , his Majesty will do whatsoever is possible for him to give full satisfaction therein . And if these be not satisfactory , his Majesty then desires , that all such of the Propositions as are already agreed upon by both Kingdoms may be speedily sent unto him ; his Majesty being resolved to comply with his Parliament in every thing that shall be for the happiness of his Subjects , and for the removing of all unhappy Differences which have produced so many sad effects . His Majesty having made these Offers , he will neither question the thankful acceptation of them , nor doth he doubt but that his two Kingdoms will be careful to maintain him in his Honour and in his just and lawful Rights , which is the only way to make a happy Composure of these unnatural Divisions : and likewise will think upon a solid way of conserving the Peace between the two Kingdoms for time to come ; and will take a speedy course for easing and quieting his afflicted People , by satisfying the Publick Debts , by disbanding of all Armies , and whatsoever shall be judged conducible to that end : that so , all hinderances being removed , he may return to his Parliament with mutual Comfort . Southwell , May 18. 1646. POST-SCIPT . His Majesty being desirous to shun the further effusion of Blood , and to evidence his real Intentions to Peace , is willing that his Forces in and about Oxford be disbanded , and the Fortifications of the City dismantled , they receiving honourable Conditions . VVhich being granted to the Town and Forces there , his Majesty will give the like order to the rest of the Garrisons . His MAJESTIES Letter to the City of London , from Newcastle , May 19. 1646. For Our right Trusty and well-beloved , the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Common-Council of Our City of London . CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and VVell-beloved , VVe greet you well . Having expressed Our Resolution to the two Houses of Our Parliament of England and the Committee of Estates of Our Parliament of Scotland , to give all just satisfaction to the joynt desires of both Kingdoms , VVe have now likewise thought fit to assure the two chief Cities of both Our Kingdoms , That nothing is more grievous to Us than the Trouble and Distractions of Our People , and that nothing on Earth is more desired by Us than that in Religion and Peace , with all the comfortable Fruits of both , they may henceforth live under Us in all Godliness and Honesty . And this Profession VVe make for no other end , but that you may know immediately from Our Selves , Our Integrity , and full resolution to comply with Our Parliaments in every thing for settling Truth and Peace , and Our desire to have all things speedily concluded which shall be found requisite for that end , that Our Return to that Our Ancient City may be to the Satisfaction of Our Parliament , the good liking of you and all Our good People , and to Our own greater joy and comfort . VVe bid you heartily farewell . From Newcastle , the 19 th of May , 1646. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty looking with grief of heart upon the sad sufferings of his People in his three Kingdoms for some years past , and being afflicted with their Distresses and unquiet condition , through the Distractions about Religion , the keeping of Forces on Foot in the Field and Garrisons , the not satisfying of Publick Debts , and the fears of the further effusion of Blood by the continuance of an unnatural VVar in any of these Kingdoms , or by rending and dividing these Kingdoms so happily united ; and having sent a gracious Message unto both Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , expressing the necessary Causes of his coming from Oxford unto the Scotish Army , ( without any intention to make a division , where he is in Freedom and right capacity to settle a true Peace ) and containing such Offers as he conceived would have been accepted , with a general Clause of complying with their desires ; and being impatient of Delays , and not acquainted with the particulars which may give contentment to them : his Majesty doth earnestly desire , That the Propositions of Peace so often promised , and so much expected , may be speedily sent unto him , That upon consideration of them , he may apply himself to give such satisfaction as may be the foundation of a firm Peace . And for the better and more speedy attaining thereunto , his Majesty doth further propound , That he may come to London with Safety , Freedom and Honour , where he resolves to comply with his Houses of Parliament in every thing which may be most for the good of his Subjects , and perfect what remains for settling both Kingdoms and People in a happy Condition ; being likewise most confident , that they , according to their re-iterated Declarations and solemn Protestations , will be zealous in the maintenance of his Honour , and just and lawful Rights . And his Majesty desires the Houses of Parliament , to disburthen the Kingdom of all Forces and Garrisons in their power , except such as before these unhappy times have been maintained for the necessary defence and safety of this Kingdom : So he is willing forthwith to disband all his Forces and Garrisons within the same , as the inclosed Order herewith sent will evidence . And if upon these Offers his Majesty shall have such satisfaction , as he may be confident a firm Peace shall ensue thereon , his Majesty will then give Order for his Son the Prince his present return . Newcastle , the 10th of June , 1646. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Governours of His Garrisons , from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. To Our Trusty and VVell-beloved , Sir Thomas Glenham , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Colonel H. Washington , Col. Thomas Blagge , Governours of Our Cities and Towns of Oxford , Litchfield , Worcester , and Wallingford ; and all other Commanders of any Towns , Castles and Forts in Our Kingdom of England . CHARLES R. HAving resolved to comply with the desires of Our Parliament in every thing which may be for the good of Our Subjects , and leave no means unassayed for removing all Differences amongst us ; therefore We have thought fit , the more to evidence the reality of Our Intentions of settling a happy and firm Peace , to require you upon honourable Terms to quit those Towns , Castles and Forts , intrusted to you by Us , and to disband all the Forces under your several Commands . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Marquess of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , from Newcastle , June 11. 1646. CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and entirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellor , We greet you well . Having long with much grief looked upon the sad Condition Our Kingdom of Ireland hath been in these divers years through the wicked and desperate Rebellion there , and the bloody effects have ensued thereupon , for the setling whereof We would have wholly applied Our selves , if the Difference between Us and Our Subjects here had not diverted and withdrawn Us ; and not having been able by Force ( for that respect ) to reduce them ; We were necessitated for the present safety of Our Protestant Subjects there , to give you Power and Authority to Treat with them upon such pious , honourable and safe grounds , as the good of that Our Kingdom did then require : But for many Reasons , too long for a Letter , We think fit to require you to proceed no further in Treaty with the Rebels , nor to engage Us upon any Conditions with them after sight hereof . And having formerly found such real proofs of your ready Obedience to Our Commands , We doubt not of your care in this , wherein Our Service and the good of Our Protestant Subjects in Ireland is so much concerned . From Newcastle , June 11. 1646. The Propositions of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; Sent to His Majesty at Newcastle , by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , the Earl of Suffolk , Members of the House of Peers , and Sir VValter Earle , Sir John Hippesly , Knights , Robert Goodwyn , Luke Robinson , Esquires , Members of the House of Commons . Die Sabbathi , 11. Julii , 1646. The Propositions of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . May it please your Majesty , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland , do humbly present unto Your Majesty the humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively ; unto which we do pray Your Majesties Assent : and that they and all such Bills as shall be tendred to Your Majesty in pursuance of them , or any of them , may be Established and Enacted for Statutes and Acts of Parliament by Your Majesties Royal Assent in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively . I. WHereas both Houses of the Parliament of England have been necessitated to undertake a War in their just and lawful defence , and afterwards both Kingdoms of England and Scotland joyned in solemn League and Covenant were engaged to prosecute the same ; That by Act of Parliament in each Kingdom respectively , all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations heretofore had , or hereafter to be had , against both or either of the Houses of the Parliament of England , the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , and the late Convention of Estates in Scotland , or Committees flowing from the Parliament or Convention in Scotland , or their Ordinances and Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any Office , Place or Charge , by any Authority derived from them , and all Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders and Inquisitions in any the said Causes , and all Grants thereupon made or had , or to be made or had , be declared null , suppressed and forbidden . And that this be publickly intimated in all Parish-Churches within His Majesties Dominions and all other places needful . II. That His Majesty , according to the laudable Example of His Royal Father of happy memory , may be pleased to swear and sign the late solemn League and Covenant ; and that an Act of Parliament be passed in both Kingdoms respectively , for enjoyning the taking thereof by all the Subjects of the Three Kingdoms ; and the Ordinances concerning the manner of taking the same in both Kingdoms be confirmed by Acts of Parliament respectively , with such Penalties as by mutual advice of both Kingdoms shall be agreed upon . III. That a Bill be passed for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans and Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Subtreasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their under Officers , out of the Church of England and Dominion of Wales , and out of the Church of Ireland ; with such Alterations concerning the Estates of Prelates as shall agree with the Articles of the late Treaty of the Date at Edenburg , 29. November 1643. and joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms . IV. That the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . V. That Reformation of Religion , according to the Covenant , be settled by Act of Parliament , in such manner as both Houses have agreed , or shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines . VI. Forasmuch as both Kingdoms are mutually obliged by the same Covenant to endeavour the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in matters of Religion , that such Unity and Uniformity in Religion according to the Covenant , as , after Consultation had with the Divines of both Kingdoms now assembled , is , or shall be joyntly agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament of England , and by the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , be confirmed by Acts of Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively . VII . That for the more effectual disabling Jesuits , Priests , Papists and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State and deluding the Laws , and for the better discovering and speedy conviction of Recusants , an Oath be established by Act of Parliament to be administred to them , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , Worshipping of the Consecrated Host , Crucifixes and Images , and all other Popish Superstitions and Errors ; and refusing the said Oath , being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by the said Act , to be a sufficient Conviction of Recusancy . VIII . An Act of Parliament for Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . IX . An Act for the true levy of the Penalties against them , which Penalties to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , wherein to be provided that His Majesty shall have no loss . X. That an Act be passed in Parliament , whereby the practices of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duely executed , and a stricter course taken to prevent the saying or hearing of Mass in the Court , or any other part of this Kingdom . XI . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the four last preceding Propositions , in such manner as the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XII . That the King do give His Royal Assent to an Act for the due Observation of the Lords Day . And to the Bill for the suppression of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God , &c. And for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom . And to the Bill against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-Residency . And to an Act to be framed and agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament for the reforming and regulating of both Universities , of the Colledges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . And to such Act or Acts for raising of Moneys for the payment and satisfying of the Publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom , and other Publick uses , as shall hereafter be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament ; and that if the King do not give His Assent thereunto , then it being done by both Houses of Parliament , the same shall be as valid to all Intents and Purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland . And that His Majesty give assurance of His consenting in the Parliament of Scotland to an Act acknowledging and ratifying the Acts of the Convention of Estates of Scotland , called by the Council and Conservers of the Peace and the Commissioners of the Common Burthens , and assembled the Two and Twentieth day of June , 1643. and several times continued since , and of the Parliament of the Kingdom since convened . XIII . That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England assembled , shall , during the space of twenty years , from the first of July , 1646. Arm , Train , and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land-service ; and shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained , and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and Places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint ; and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , nor any other , but such as shall Act by the Authority or Approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall , during the said space of twenty years , exercise any of the Powers aforesaid . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort , and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the said Lords and Commons , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons during the said space of twenty years shall have power . 1. To suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any Foreign Forces who shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 3. To conjoyn such Forces of the Kingdom of England with the Forces of the Kingdom of Scotland , as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of Twenty years , judge fit and necessary ; to resist all Forreign Invasions , and to suppress any Forces raised or to be raised against or within either of the said Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the said Kingdoms , or any of them , by any Authority under the Great Seal , or other Warrant whatsoever , without Consent of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : and that no Forces of either Kingdom shall go into or continue in the other Kingdom without the Advice and Desire of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , or such as shall be by them appointed for that purpose . And that after the expiration of the said Twenty years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation , or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband or dispose any of the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of VVales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities in the precedent Articles mentioned and expressed to be during the said space of Twenty years in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any Act or thing concerning the execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . That after the expiration of the said Twenty years , in all Cases wherein the Lords and Commons shall declare the Safety of the Kingdom to be concerned , and shall thereupon pass any Bill or Bills for the raising , arming , training , disciplining , imploying , managing , ordering or disposing of the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any part of the said Forces , or concerning the Admiralty and Navy , or concerning the levying of Moneys for the raising , maintenance , or use of the said Forces for Land-service , or of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , or of any part of them ; and if that the Royal Assent to such Bill or Bills shall not be given in the House of Peers within such time after the passing thereof by both Houses of Parliament as the said Houses shall judge fit and convenient , that then such Bill or Bills so passed by the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , and to which the Royal Assent shall not be given , as is herein before expressed , shall nevertheless , after declaration of the said Lords and Commons made in that behalf , have the force and strength of an Act or Acts of Parliament , and shall be as valid to all intents and purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . Provided that nothing herein before contained shall extend to the taking away of the ordinary Legal power of Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailifs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs , or other Officers of Justice not being military Officers , concerning the Administration of Justice ; so as neither the said Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs and other Officers , nor any of them , do levy , conduct , imploy or command any Forces whatsoever , by colour or pretence of any Commission of Array , or extraordinary command from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons . And if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in warlike manner , or otherwise , to the Number of Thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disband themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose , then such person and persons not so disbanding themselves shall be guilty and incur the pains of High Treason , being first declared guilty of such Offence by the said Lords and Commons ; any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding . And he or they that shall offend herein , to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , and their Estates shall be disposed as the said Lords and Commons shall think fit , and not otherwise . Provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties and Franchises , Customs and Usages in the raising and imploying the Forces of that City for the defence thereof , in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as they have or might have used or enjoyed the same at any time before the making of the said Act or Proposition ; to the end that City may be fully assured , it is not the intention of the Parliament to take from them any Priviledges or Immunities in raising or disposing of their Forces , which they have or might have used or injoyed heretofore . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XIV . That by Act of Parliament all Peers made since the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said Great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament , being the One and Twentieth day of May , 1642. and who shall be hereafter made , shall not sit or Vote in the Parliament of England without Consent of both Houses of Parliament : and that all Honour and Title conferred on any without Consent of both Houses of Parliament since the Twentieth of May , 1642. being the day that both Houses declared , That the King seduced by evil Counsel intended to raise War against the Parliament , be declared null and void . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , those being excepted whose Patents were passed the Great Seal before the fourth of June , 1644. XV. That an Act be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively , for Confirmation of the Treaties passed betwixt the Two Kingdoms , ( viz. ) the large Treaty , the late Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , and the settling of the Garrison of Barwick , of the 29 th of November , 1643. and the Treaty concerning Ireland , of the 6. of August , 1642. for the bringing of Ten Thousand Scots into the Province of Vlster in Ireland , with all other Ordinances and Proceedings passed betwixt the Two Kingdoms , and whereunto they are obliged by the aforesaid Treaties . And that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , John Earl of Rutland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , Robert Earl of Essex , Theophilus Earl of Lincoln , James Earl of Suffolk , Robert Earl of Warwick , Edward Earl of Manchester , Henry Earl of Stamford , Francis Lord Dacres , Philip Lord Wharton , Francis Lord Willoughby , Dudly Lord North , John Lord Hunsdon , William Lord Gray , Edward Lord Howard of Escrich , Thomas Lord Bruce , Ferdinando Lord Fairfax , Master Nathaniel Fiennes , Sir William Armyne , Sir Philip Stapleton , Sir Henry Vane senior , Master William Pierrepont , Sir Edward Aiscough , Sir VVilliam Strickland , Sir Arthur Hesilrig , Sir John Fenwick , Sir VVilliam Brereton , Sir Thomas VViddrington , Master John Toll , Master Gilbert Millington , Sir VVilliam Constable , Sir John VVray , Sir Henry Vane junior , Master Henry Darley , Oliver Saint-John Esquire , His Majesties Solicitor General , Master Denzill Hollis , Master Alexander Rigby , Master Cornelius Holland , Master Samuel Vassal , Master Peregrine Pelham , John Glyn Esquire , Recorder of London , Master Henry Marten , Master Alderman Hoyle , Master John Blakeston , Master Serjeant VVilde , Master Richard Barwis , Sir Anthony Irby , Master Ashurst , Master Bellingham , and Master Tolson , Members of both Houses of the Parliament of England , shall be the Commissioners for the Kingdom of England , for Conservation of the Peace between the Two Kingdoms , to act according to the Powers in that behalf exprest in the Articles of the large Treaty , and not otherwise . That His Majesty give His Assent to what the Two Kingdoms shall agree upon in prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty , which are not yet finished . XVI . That an Act be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively for establishing the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , bearing date the 30 th day of January , 1643. in England , and 1644. in Scotland , with the Qualifications ensuing . 1. Qualification . That the persons who shall expect no pardon be only these following : Rupert and Maurice , Count Palatines of the Rhene , James Earl of Derby , John Earl of Bristol , VVilliam Earl of Newcastle , Francis Lord Cottington , George Lord Digby , Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely , Sir Robert Heath Knight , Doctor Bramhall Bishop of Derry , Sir William Widdrington , Colonel George Goring , Henry Jermin Esquire , Sir Ralph Hopton , Sir John Biron , Sir Francis Doddington , Sir John Strangwayes , Master Endymion Porter , Sir George Radcliffe , Sir Marmaduke Langdale , Henry Vaughan Esquire , now called Sir Henry Vaughan , Sir Francis Windebanke , Sir Richard Greenvile , Master Edward Hyde , now called Sir Edward Hyde , Sir John Marley , Sir Nicholas Cole , Sir Thomas Riddell junior , Sir John Culpepper , Master Richard Lloyd , now called Sir Richard Lloyd , Master David Jenkins , Sir George Strode , George Carteret Esquire , now called Sir George Carteret , Sir Charles Dallison Knight , Richard Lane Esquire , now called Sir Richard Lane Sir Edward Nicholas , John Ashburnham Esquire , Sir Edward Herbert Knight , His Majesties Attorney General , Earl of Traquaire , Lord Harris , Lord Rae , George Gourdon , sometime Marquess of Huntley , James Graham , sometime Earl of Montross , Robert Maxwell , late Earl of Nithisdale , Robert Dalyell , sometime Earl of Carnwarth , James Gordon , sometime Viscount of Aboyne , Lodowick Linsey , sometime Earl of Crawford , James Ogleby , sometime Earl of Airley , James Ogleby , sometime Lord Ogleby , Patrick Ruthen , sometime Earl of Forth , James King , sometime Lord Itham , Alester Macdonald , Irwing younger of Drunim , Gordon younger of Gight , Lesley of Auchentoule , Colonel John Cockram , Graham of Gorthie , Master John Maxwell , sometime pretended Bishop of Rosse , and all such others as being Processed by the Estates for Treason , shall be condemned before the Act of Oblivion be passed . 2. Qualification . All Papists and Popish Recusants , who have been , now are , or shall be actually in Arms , or voluntarily assisting against the Parliaments or Estates of either Kingdom ; and by name , The Marquess of VVinton , Earl of VVorcester , Edward Lord Herbert of Ragland , Son to the Earl of VVorcester , Lord Brudenell , Carel Molineaux Esquire , Lord Arundel of VVardour , Sir Francis Howard , Sir John VVinter , Sir Charles Smith , Sir John Preston , Sir Bazill Brook , Lord Audley , Earl of Castlehaven in the Kingdom of Ireland , VVilliam Sheldon of Beely Esquire , Sir Henry Beddingfield . 3. Qualification . All persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland , except such persons who having only assisted the said Rebellion , have rendred themselves , or come in to the Parliament of England . 4. Qualification . That Humfrey Bennet Esquire , Sir Edward Ford , Sir John Penruddock , Sir George Vaughan , Sir John Weld , Sir Robert Leè , Sir John Pate , John Ackland , Edmund Windham Esquire , Sir John Fitz-herbert , Sir Edward Laurence , Sir Ralph Dutton , Henry Lingen Esquire , Sir William Russell of Worcestershire , Thomas Lee of Adlington Esquire , Sir John Girlington , Sir Paul Neale , Sir William Thorold , Sir Edward Hussey , Sir Thomas Liddal sen . Sir Philip Musgrave , Sir John Digby of Nottinghamshire , Sir Henry Fletcher , Sir Richard Minshull , Laurence Halstead , John Denham Esquire , Sir Edmond Fortescue , Peter Sainthill Esquire , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Sir Henry Griffith , Michael Wharton Esq ; Sir Henry Spiller , Mr. George Benyon , now called Sir George Benyon , Sir Edward Walgrave , Sir Edward Bishop , Sir Robert Owseley , Sir John Many , Lord Chomley , Sir Thomas Aston , Sir Lewis Dives , Sir Peter Osbourne , Samuel Thornton Esq ; Sir John Lucas , John Blaney Esque Sir Thomas Chedle , Sir Nicholas Kemish , Hugh Lloyd Esquire , Sir Nicholas Crispe , Sir Peter Ricaut , and all such of the Scotish Nation as have concurred in the Votes at Oxford against the Kingdom of Scotland and their proceedings , or have sworn or subscribed the Declaration against the Convention and Covenant , and all such as have assisted the Rebellion in the North , or the Invasion in the South of the said Kingdom of Scotland , or the late Invasion made there by the Irish and their Adherents , be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Estates in the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State or Common-wealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , respectively , shall think fit : and that one full third part upon full value of the Estates of the persons aforesaid , made incapable of Imployment as aforesaid , be imployed for the payment of the Publick Debts and Damages , according to the Declaration . 1. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves late Members of either House of Parliament , who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , called or pretended by some to be a Parliament , and voted both Kingdoms Traitors , and have not voluntarily rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , bear any Office , or have any imployment concerning the State or Commonwealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon by his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , shall think fit . 2. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves Members of either House of Parliament , who have sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , called or pretended by some to be a Parliament , and have not voluntarily rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court , and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State of Common wealth ; and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of the Parliament of England shall think fit . 3. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves Members of either House of Parliament , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and have not rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State or Commonwealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England shall think fit . 5. Qualification . That all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be incapable of any place of Judicature or Office towards the Law , Common or Civil : and that all Serjeants , Counsellours and Attorneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be incapable of any practice in the Law , Common or Civil , either in publick or private , and shall not be capable of any Preferment or Imployment in the Commonwealth , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament : and that no Bishop or Clergy-man , no Master or Fellow of any Colledge or Hall in either of the Universities or elsewhere , or any Master of School or Hospital , or any Ecclesiastical person , who hath deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , shall hold or enjoy , or be capable of any Preferment or Imployment in Church or Commonwealth , but all their said several Preferments , Places and Promotions , shall be utterly void , as if they were naturally dead ; nor shall they otherwise use their Function of the Ministry , without Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament : Provided that no Lapse shall incur by such Vacancy , until six months past after notice thereof . 6. Qualification . That all persons who have been actually in Arms against the Parliament , or have counselled or voluntarily assisted the Enemies thereof , are disabled to be Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Majors , or other head-Officers of any City or Corporation , Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer , or to sit or serve as Members or Assistants in either of the Houses of Parliament , or to have any Military imployment in this Kingdom , without the Consent of both Houses of Parliament . 7. Qualification . The persons of all others to be free of all personal Censure , notwithstanding any act or thing done in or concerning this War , they taking the Covenant . 8. Qualification . The Estates of those persons excepted in the first three precedent Qualifications , and the Estates of Edward Lord Littleton , and of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury , to pay publick Debts and Damages . 9. Qualification . 1. Branch . That two full parts in three , to be divided of all the Estates of the Members of either House of Parliament who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also Voted both Kingdoms Traitors , and have not rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 2. Branch . That two full parts in three , to be divided of the Estates of such late Members of either House of Parliament as sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , and shall not have rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 3. Branch . That one full moiety of the Estates of such Persons , late Members of either of the Houses of Parliament , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and shall not have rendred themselves before the first of Decemb. 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 10. Qualification . That a full third part on the value of the Estates of all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , and of all Serjeants , Councellors and Attorneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , and of all Bishops , Clergy-men , Masters and Fellows of any Colledge or Hall in either of the Universities , or elsewhere ; and of all Masters of Schools or Hospitals , and of Ecclesiastical Persons , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and have not rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . That a full sixth part on the full value of the Estates of the Persons excepted in the sixth Qualification , concerning such as have been actually in Arms against the Parliament , or have counselled or voluntarily assisted the Enemies thereof , and are disabled according to the said Qualification , to be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 11. Qualification . That the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of England , who in Lands or Goods be not worth two hundred pounds Sterling , and the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of Scotland , who in Lands or Goods be not worth one hundred pounds Sterling , be at liberty and discharged , 1. Branch . This Proposition to stand as to the English ; and as to the Scots likewise , if the Parliament of Scotland or their Commissioners shall so think fit . 2. Branch . That the first of May last is now the day limited for the persons to come in that are comprised within the former Qualification . That an Act be passed , whereby the Debts of the Kingdom and the Persons of Delinquents and the value of their Estates may be known : and which Act shall appoint in what manner the Confiscations and Proportions before mentioned may be levied and applied to the discharge of the said Engagements . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of Parliament , or such as shall have power from them , shall think fit . XVII . That an Act of Parliament be passed , to declare and make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties and Conclusions of Peace , or any Articles thereupon with the Rebels , without Consent of both Houses of Parliament ; and to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by them ; and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . That Reformation of Religion according to the Covenant be setled in the Kingdom of Ireland by Act of Parliament , in such manner as both Houses of the Parliament of England have agreed , or shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines here . That the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , and the Presidents of the several Provinces of that Kingdom , be nominated by both the Houses of the Parliament of England , or in the Intervals of Parliament , by such Committees of both Houses of Parliament as both Houses of the Parliament of England shall nominate and appoint for that purpose ; and that the Chancellour or Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Commissioners of the great Seal or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , Chancellour of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolls , Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Vice-Treasurer and Treasurers at Wars of the Kingdom of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quam diu se bene gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the fore-mentioned Committees , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the nomination of the Lords of the Privy Council , Lords of Session and Exchequer , Officers of State and Justice General , in such manner as the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XVIII . That the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof may be in the ordering and government of the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , ( whereof the Lord Maior and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . That no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Forces of the said City , shall be drawn forth or cempelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof for Military service , without their own free Consent . That an Act be passed for the granting and confirming of the Charters , Customs , Liberties , and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Misuser , or Abuser . That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removeable by the Common-Council . And for prevention of inconveniences which may happen by the long intermission of Common-Councils , it is desired that there may be an Act , that all by-Laws and Ordinances already made , or hereafter to be made , by the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , touching the calling , continuing , directing and regulating the same Common-Councils , shall be as effectual in Law to all Intents and Purposes , as if the same were particularly Enacted by the Authority of Parliament : and that the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council , may add to or repeal the said Ordinances from time to time as they shall see cause . That such other Propositions as shall be made for the City , for their further Safety , Welfare and Government , and shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , may be granted and confirmed by Act of Parliament . XIX . That all Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings , and other things passed under the Great Seal of England in the custody of the Lords and other Commissioners appointed by both Houses of Parliament for the custody thereof , be , and by Act of Parliament with the Royal Assent shall be declared and Enacted to be of like full force and effect to all intents and purposes , as the same or like Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings and other things under any Great Seal of England in any time heretofore were or have been ; and that for time to come the said Great Seal now remaining in custody of the said Commissioners continue and be used for the Great Seal of England : and that all Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings , and other things whatsoever passed under or by authority of any other Great Seal since the two and twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1642. or hereafter to be passed , be invalid and of no effect to all intents and purposes ; except such Writs , Process and Commissions , as being passed under any other Great Seal than the said Great Seal in the Custody of the Commissioners aforesaid , on or after the said two and twentieth day of May , and before the 28. day of November , Anno Dom. 1643. were afterward proceeded upon , returned into , or put in ure in any the Kings Courts at VVestminster ; and except the Grant to Master Justice Bacon to be one of the Justices of the Kings Bench ; and except all Acts and Proceedings by virtue of any such Commissions of Gaol-delivery , Assize , and Nisi prius , or Oyer and Terminer , passed under any other Great Seal than the Seal aforesaid in custody of the said Commissioners before the first of October 1642. And that all Grants of Offices , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments made or passed under the Great Seal of Ireland unto any Person or Persons , Bodies Politick or Corporate , since the Cessation made in Ireland the fifteenth day of September 1643. shall be null and void : and that all Honours and Titles conferred upon any Person or Persons in the said Kingdom of Ireland since the said Cessation shall be null and void . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Propositions of both Houses . Newcastle , Aug. 1. 1646. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. THE Propositions tendered to his Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at VVestminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , ( to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many Months for deliberation as they have assigned Days for his Majesties Answer ) do import so great Alterations in Government both in the Church and Kingdom , as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer before a full Debate , wherein these Propositions , and the necessary Explanations , true sense , and Reasons thereof be rightly weighed and understood , and that his Majesty upon a full view of the whole Propositions may know what is left , as well as what is taken away and changed : In all which he finds ( upon discourse with the said Commissioners ) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give Reasons for the Demands they bring , or to give ear to such Desires as his Majesty is to propound ; as it is impossible for him to give such a present judgment of and Answer to these Propositions , whereby he can answer to God , that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue ( which is evident to all the World can never be , unless the just Power of the Crown , as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , with the just Liberty and Priviledges of the Parliament , be likewise setled . ) To which end his Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London , or any of his Houses thereabouts , upon the Publick Faith and security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , That he shall be there with Freedom , Honour and Safety ; where by his Personal Presence he may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt him and his People , but also have these Doubts cleared , and these Difficulties explained unto him , which he now conceives to be destructive to his just Regal Power , if he shall give a full Consent to these Propositions as they now stand . As likewise that he may make known to them such his reasonable Demands as he is most assured will be very much conducible to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for , by the settling of Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliament ; with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject : and his Majesty assures them , that as he can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land he is born unto ; so he will chearfully grant and give his Assent unto all such Bills , at the desire of his two Houses , or reasonable Demands for Scotland , which shall be really for the good and peace of his People , not having regard to his own particular ( much less of any body 's else ) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms . Wherefore his Majesty conjures them as Christians , as Subjects , and as men who desire to leave a good name behind them , that they will so receive and make use of this Answer , that all issues of Blood may be stopped , and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled . Newcastle , August 1. 1646. POST-SCRIPT . Upon assurance of a happy Agreement , his Majesty will immediately send for the Prince his Son , absolutely expecting his perfect Obedience to return into this Kingdom . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Newcastle , Dec. 20. 1646. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England assembled at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland at London . CHALLES R. HIS Majesties thoughts being always sincerely bent to the Peace of his Kingdoms , was and will be ever desirous to take all ways which might the most clearly make appear the Candor of his Intentions to his People ; and to this end could find no better way than to propose a Personal free Debate with his two Houses of Parliament upon all the present Differences : yet finding , very much against his expectations , that this Offer was lay'd aside , his Majesty bent all his thoughts to make his Intentions fully known by a particular Answer to the Propositions delivered to him in the name of both Kingdoms 24. July last . But the more he endeavoured it , he more plainly saw that any Answer he could make would be subject to misinformations and mis-constructions , which upon his own Paraphrases and Explanations he is most confident will give so good satisfaction , as would doubtless cause a happy and lasting Peace . Lest therefore that good Intentions may produce ill Effects , His Majesty again proposeth and desires again to come to London , or any of his Houses thereabouts upon the Publick Faith and Security of his two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that he shall be there with Honour Freedom and Safety ; where , by his Personal Presence , he may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt him and his People , but also have those Doubts cleared and those Difficulties explained to him , without which he cannot ( but with the aforesaid mischievous Inconveniencies ) give a particular Answer to the Propositions ; and with which he doubts not but so to manifest his real Intentions for the setling of Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , that it shall not be in the power of wicked and malicious men to hinder the establishing of that firm Peace which all honest men desire , assuring them , that as he will make no other Demands but such as he believes confidently to be just and much conducing to the Tranquility of his People ; so he will be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and Happiness . Not doubting likewise but you will also have a due regard to maintain the just Power of the Crown , according to your many Protestations and Professions . For certainly , except King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . To conclude , 'T is your KING Who desires to be heard ( the which if refused to a Subject by a King , he would be thought a Tyrant for it ) and for that end which all men profess to desire . Wherefore his Majesty conjures you , as you desire to shew your selves really what you profess , even as you are good Christians and Subjects , that you will accept this his Offer , which he is confident God will so bless , that it will be the readiest means by which these Kingdoms may again become a comfort to their Friends , and a terror to their Enemies . Newcastle , 20. Decemb. 1646. His MAJESTIES Quaeres to the Scots Commissioners upon Thursday the 14. of January , 1646-7 . IT is a received Opinion by many , That Ingagements , Acts , or Promises of a restrained Person , are neither valid nor obligatory . How true or false this is I will not now dispute : But I am sure , if I be not free , I am not fit to answer your or any Propositions . Wherefore you should first resolve Me in what state I stand ( as in relation to Freedom ) before I can give you any other Answer . ( The Reason of this My Question the Governour can best resolve you , ) But if you object the loss of time and urgency of it ; certainly in one respect it presses none so much as My self : which makes Me also think it necessary ( that I be not to seek what to do when this Garrison shall be surrendred up ) to demand of you , in case I go into Scotland , if I shall be there with Honour , Freedom and Safety , or how . Being ready to give you a farther and more particular Answer , how soon you shall have resolved these two Quaeres . The Scots Commissioners Answer to His MAJESTIES Quaeres , Thursday the 14. of Jan. 1646-47 . I. TO the First , In what state You stand as in relation to Freedom ; The Parliaments of both Your Kingdoms have given such Orders and Directions as they have thought fittest for the good and safety of Your Majesty and the Kingdoms , to the General and Governour . II. To Your Majesties Second Quaere , of Your going into Scotland , we shall humbly desire , That we may not now be put to give any Answer : But if Your Majesty shall either deny or delay Your Assent to the Propositions , we are in that case to represent to Your Majesty the Resolutions of the Parliament of England . His MAJESTIES Reply to the Scots Commissioners . I Know very well , That the General and Governour have received Orders concerning Me ; but the question is , Into what state those Orders put Me ( as relating to Freedom . ) To which you have either Power to Answer , or not . If you have , then Answer Me ; otherwise , send to those who can . And so for my Second Quaere . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , in farther Answer to their Propositions . From Holdenby , May 12. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. AS the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions hath made his Majesty this long time to forbear giving his Answer unto them ; so the appearance of their sending being no more ( for any thing he can hear ) than it was at his first coming hither , notwithstanding that the Earl of Lauderdale hath been at London above these Ten days , ( whose not coming was said to be the onely stop ) hath caused his Majesty thus to anticipate their coming to him . And yet considering his Condition , that his Servants are denied access to him , all but very few , and those by appointment , not his own election ; and that it is declared a Crime for any but the Commissioners , or such who are particularly permitted by them , to converse with his Majesty , or that any Letters should be given to or received from him ; may he not truly say , That he is not in case fit to make Concessions , or give Answers , since he is not master of those ordinary Actions which are the undoubted Rights of any free-born man , how mean soever his Birth be ? And certainly he would still be silent as to this Subject until his Condition were much mended , did he not prefer such a right understanding betwixt him and his Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which may make a firm and lasting Peace in all his Dominions , before any particular of his own or any earthly Blessing : and therefore his Majesty hath diligently employed his utmost Endeavours for divers months past , so to inform his Understanding and to satisfie his Conscience , that he might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most agreeable to his Parliaments ; but he ingenuously professes , that not withstanding all the pains that he hath taken therein , the nature of some of them appears such unto him , that without disclaiming that Reason which God hath given him to judge by for the good of him and his People , and without putting the greatest violence upon his own Conscience , he cannot give his Consent to all of them . Yet his Majesty ( that it may appear to all the World how desirous he is to give full satisfaction ) hath thought fit hereby to express his readiness to grant what he may , and his willingness to receive from them , and that Personally , ( if his two Houses at VVestminster shall approve thereof ) such further information in the rest as may best convince his Judgment , and satisfie those Doubts which are not yet clear unto him : desiring them also to consider , That if his Majesty intended to wind himself out of these Troubles by indirect means , were it not easie for him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto him , and afterwards chuse his time to break all , alledging , That forc'd Concessions are not to be kept ? Surely he might , and not incur a hard Censure from some indifferent men . But Maximes in this kind are not the Guides of his Majesties Actions : for he freely and clearly avows , that he holds it unlawful for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from his Promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint . Wherefore his Majesty not onely rejecting those Acts which he esteems unworthy of him , but even passing by that which he might well insist upon , a Point of Honour in respect of his present Condition , thus answers the first Proposition ; That upon his Majesties coming to London , He will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the Honour of his two Kingdoms , or the Assembly of the States of Scotland , or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom , particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition ; upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same Tenderness will look upon those things which concern his Majesties Honour . In answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion , his Majesty proposeth , that he will confirm the Presbyterial Government , the Assembly of Divines at VVestminster , and the Directory , for Three years , being the time set down by the Two Houses , so that his Majesty and his Houshold be not hindred from that Form of God's Service which they formerly have : And also that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at VVestminster ( Twenty of his Majesties Nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by his Majesty and the Two Houses how the Church shall be governed after the said Three years , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed . Touching the Covenant , his Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , and desires to respite his particular Answer thereunto until his coming to London ; because it being a matter of Conscience , he cannot give a Resolution there in till he may be assisted with the Advice of some of his own Chaplains ( which hath hitherto been denied him ) and such other Divines as shall be most proper to inform him therein : and then he will make clearly appear both his Zeal to the Protestant Profession , and the Union of these two Kingdoms , which he conceives to be the main drift of this Covenant . To the Seventh and Eighth Propositions his Majesty will consent . To the Ninth his Majesty doubts not but to give good satisfaction , when he shall be particularly informed how the said Penalties shall be levied and disposed of . To the Tenth his Majesties Answer is , That he hath been always ready to prevent the practices of Papists , and therefore is content to pass an Act of Parliament for that purpose ; and also that the Laws against them be duly executed . His Majesty will give his Consent to the Act for the due Observation of the Lord's day , for the suppressing of Innovations , and those concerning the preaching of God's Word , and touching Non-residence and Pluralities : and his Majesty will yield to such Act or Acts as shall be requisite to raise moneys for the payment and satisfying all publick Debts , expecting also that his will be therein included . As to the Proposition touching the Militia , though his Majesty cannot consent unto it in terminis as it is proposed , because thereby he conceives he wholly parts with the power of the Sword entrusted to him by God and the Laws of the Land , for the Protection and Government of his People , thereby at once devesting himself and dis inheriting his Posterity of that Right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weaken Monarchy in this Kingdom , that little more than the Name and Shadow of it will remain ; yet if it be onely security for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom after the unhappy Troubles , and the due performance of all the Agreements which are now to be concluded , which is desired , ( which his Majesty always understood to be the case , and hopes that herein he is not mistaken ) his Majesty will give abundant satisfaction : To which end he is willing by Act of Parliament , That the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for the space of Ten years be in the hands of such Persons as the Two Houses shall nominate , giving them power during the said Term to change the said Persons , and substitute others in their places at pleasure ; and afterwards to return to the proper Chanel again , as it it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . And now his Majesty conjures his two Houses of Parliament , as they are English-men and lovers of Peace , by the Duty they owe to his Majesty their King , and by the bowels of Compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , that they will accept of this his Majesties Offer , whereby the joyful News of Peace may be restored to this languishing Kingdom . His Majesty will grant the like to the Kingdom of Scotland , if it be desired ; and agree to all things that are propounded touching the conserving of Peace betwixt the two Kingdoms . Touching Ireland ( other things being agreed ) His Majesty will give Satisfaction therein . As to the mutual Declarations proposed to be established in both Kingdoms by Act of Parliament , and the Modifications , Qualifications and Branches which follow in the Propositions , his Majesty onely professes , that He doth not sufficiently understand , nor is able to reconcile many things contained in them : but this He well knoweth , that a general Act of Oblivion is the best bond of Peace ; and that after Intestine Troubles , the Wisdom of this and other Kingdoms hath usually and happily in all Ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many Persons and Families , otherwise exposed to ruine , might not become fewel to new Disorders , or seeds to future Troubles . His Majesty therefore desires that His two Houses of Parliament would seriously descend into these Considerations , and likewise tenderly look upon His condition herein , and the perpetual dishonour that must cleave to Him , if He shall thus abandon so many Persons of Condition and Fortune that have engaged themselves with and for him out of a sense of Duty ; and propounds as a very acceptable testimony of their Affection to him , That a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon be forthwith passed by Act of Parliament . Touching the new Great Seal , His Majesty is very willing to confirm both it and all the Acts done by virtue thereof until this present time , so that it be not thereby pressed to make void those Acts of His done by virtue of his Great Seal , which in Honour and Justice He is obliged to maintain ; and that the future Government thereof may be in His Majesty , according to the due course of Law. Concerning the Officers mentioned in the 19. Article , His Majesty when He shall come to Westminster , will gratifie His Parliament all that possibly He may , without destroying the alterations which are necessary for the Crown . His Majesty will willingly consent to the Act for the confirmation of the Priviledges and Customs of the City of London , and all that is mentioned in the Propositions for their particular advantage . And now that His Majesty hath thus far endeavoured to comply with the desires of His two Houses of Parliament , to the end that this Agreement may be firm and lasting , without the least face or question of restraint to blemish the same , His Majesty earnestly desires presently to be admitted to His Parliament at Westminster with that Honour which is due to their Sovereign , there solemnly to confirm the same , and legally to pass the Acts before mentioned , and to give and receive as well satisfaction in all the remaining particulars , as likewise such other pledges of mutual Love , Trust and Confidence , as shall most concern the good of Him and His People : Upon which happy Agreement His Majesty will dispatch His Directions to the Prince His Son to return immediately to Him , and will undertake for his ready Obedience thereunto . Holdenby , May 12. 1647. MDCXLVII . Jul. The Londoners Petition and Engagement . To the Right Honourable the Lord Maior , the Right Worshipful the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in the Common or Guild-Hall of the City of London assembled , The Humble Petition of the Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands and Auxiliaries , the Young men and Apprentices of the Cities of London and VVestminster , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and Water-men , together with divers other Commanders , Officers and Soldiers within the Line of Communication and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bills of Mortality , Sheweth , THat your Petitioners ( taking into serious consideration how Religion , His Majesties Honour and Safety , the Priviledges of Parliament and Liberties of the Subject are at present greatly endangered and like to be destroyed ; and also sadly weighing with our selves what means might likely prove the most effectual to procure a firm and lasting Peace , without a further effusion of Christian English Blood ) have therefore entred into a solemn Engagement , which is hereunto annexed , and do humbly and earnestly desire that this whole City may joyn together by all lawful and possible means , as one man , in hearty endeavours for His Majesties present coming up to His two Houses of Parliament with Honour , Safety , and Freedom ; and that without the nearer approach of the Army , there to confirm such things as He hath granted in His Message of the 12. of May last , in answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms ; and that by a Personal Treaty with his two Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , such things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled , and a firm and lasting Peace established . All which we desire may be presented to both Houses of Parliament from this Honourable Assembly . And we shall pray , &c. A solemn Engagement of the Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands and Auxiliaries , the Young men and Apprentices of the Cities of London and VVestminster , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and Water-men , together with divers other Commanders , Officers and Soldiers within the Line of Communication and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bill of Mortality . WHereas we have entred into a solemn League and Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion , the Honour and Happiness of the King , and the Peace and Safety of the Three Kingdoms of England , Scotland and Ireland , all which we do evidently perceive not only to be endangered , but ready to be destroyed : we do therefore in pursuance of our said Covenant , Oath of Allegiance , Oath of every Free-man of the Cities of London and Westminster , and Protestations , solemnly engage our selves , and vow unto Almighty God , That we will to the utmost of our power cordially endeavour that His Majesty may speedily come to His two Houses of Parliament , with Honour , Safety and Freedom , ( and that without the nearer approach of the Army , ) there to confirm such things as He hath granted in His Message of the 12. of May last , in Answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms ; and that by a Personal Treaty with His two Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , such things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled , and a firm and lasting Peace established . For effecting whereof we do protest and re-oblige our selves , as in the presence of God the searcher of all hearts , with our Lives and Fortunes to endeavour , what in us lies , to preserve and defend His Majesties Royal Person and Authority , the Priviledges of Parliament and Liberties of the Subject , in their full and constant Freedom , the Cities of London and Westminster , Lines of Communication , and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bills of Mortality , and all others that shall adhere with us to the said Covenant , Oath of Allegiance , Oath of every Freeman of London and VVestminster , and Protestation : Nor shall we by any means admit , suffer or endure any kind of Neutrality in this Common Cause of God , the King and Kingdom , as we do expect the Blessing of Almighty God , whose help we crave , and wholly devolve our selves upon , in this our Undertaking . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . Die Sabbathi , 24. Julii , 1647. THE Lords and Commons having seen a printed Paper intituled , A Petition to the Right Honourable the Lord Maior , the Right VVorshipful the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London , in the Common or Guild-Hall of the City of London assembled , under the Name of divers Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands , Auxiliaries and others , Young men and Apprentices , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and VVater-men , together with a dangerous Engagement of the same persons by Oath and Vow , concerning the King 's present coming to the Parliament upon Terms far different from those which both Houses , after mature deliberation , have declared to be necessary for the good and safety of this Kingdom , casting Reflections upon the Proceedings both of the Parliament and Army , and tending to the imbroiling the Kingdom in a new War ; and the said Lords and Commons taking notice of great endeavours used by divers ill-affected persons to procure Subscriptions thereunto , whereby well-meaning people may be misled ; do therefore declare , That whosoever , after Publication or notice hereof , shall proceed in , or promote , or set his Name to , or give Consent that his Name be set unto , or any way joyn in the said Engagement , shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason , and shall forfeit Life and Estate as in cases of High Treason accustomed . H. Elsynge , Cler. Par. Dom. Com. Die Lunae , 26. Julii , 1647. BE it ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Declaration of the twenty fourth of this instant July , which declares all those Traitors , and so to forfeit Life and Estate , who shall after Publication thereof act thereupon to get Subscriptions , be Null and Void , any thing in the said Declaration to the contrary notwithstanding . Joh. Browne , Cler. Par. Hen. Elsynge , Cler. Par. Dom. Com. Die Lunae , 26. Julii , 1647. REsolved upon the Question , That His Majesty shall come to Londo . Die Saturni , 31. Julii , 1647. Resolved upon the Question , That the King's Majesty come to one of His Houses nearer London , that Propositions may be sent , and Address made to His Majesty ( from both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Kingdom of Scotland ) for Peace . MDCXLVII . His MAJESTIES Declaration and Profession , disavowing any Preparations in Him to levy War against His two Houses of Parliament . CHARLES R. THere having been many Rumors spread and Informations given , which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament : We Profess before God , and Declare to all the World , That We always have , and do abhor all such Designs ; and desire all Our Nobility and Commoners who are here upon the place to declare , Whether they have not been Witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose ; whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design ; and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such intention , but that all Our Endeavours ( according to Our many Professions ) tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliaments , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace , and Prosperity of this Kingdom . MDCXLVII . Aug. 1. The Heads of the Proposals agreed upon by his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , and the Council of the Army , to be tendred to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army , and with them to be treated on by the Commissioners of the Army . Containing the particulars of their Desires in pursuance of their former Declarations and Papers , in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the settling a just and lasting Peace . To which are added some further particular Desires ( for the removing and redressing of divers present pressing Grievances ) being also comprized in , or in necessary pursuance of their Former Representations and Papers appointed to be Treated upon . I. THat ( the things hereafter proposed being provided for by this Parliament ) a certain period may ( by Act of Parliament ) be set for the ending of this Parliament , ( such period to be within a year at most ; ) and in the same Act provision to be made for the succession and constitution of Parliaments in future , as followeth . 1. That Parliaments may Biennially be called , and meet at a certain day , with such provision for the certainty thereof as in the late Act was made for Triennial Parliaments , and what further other provision shall be found needful by the Parliament to reduce it to more certainty : And upon the passing of this , the said Act for Triennial Parliaments to be repealed . 2. Each Biennial Parliament to sit 120. days certain ( unless adjourned or dissolved sooner by their own Consent ; ) afterwards to be adjournable or dissolvable by the King : and no Parliament to sit past 240. days from their first meeting , or some other limited number of days now to be agreed on ; upon the expiration whereof , each Parliament to dissolve of course , if not otherwise dissolved sooner . 3. The King , upon Advice of the Council of State , in the Intervals betwixt Biennial Parliaments , to call a Parliament extraordinary ; provided it meet above seventy days before the next Biennial day , and be dissolved at least sixty days before the same , so as the course of Biennial Elections may never be interrupted . 4. That this Parliament , and each succeeding Biennial Parliament , at or before adjournment or dissolution thereof , may appoint Committees to continue during the Interval , for such purposes as are in any of these Proposals referr'd to such Committees . 5. That the Elections of the Commons for succeeding Parliaments may be distributed to all Counties , or other parts or divisions of the Kingdom , according to some Rule of equality or proportion , so as all Counties may have a number of Parliament-Members allowed to their choice proportionable to the respective Rates they bear in the common Charges and burthens of the Kingdom , according to some other Rule of equality or proportion , to render the House of Commons ( as near as may be ) an equal Representative of the whole ; and in order thereunto , that a present consideration be had to take off the Elections of Burgesses for poor , decayed , or inconsiderable Towns , and to give some present addition to the number of Parliament-Members for great Counties , that have now less than their due proportion , to bring all ( at present ) as near as may be to such a Rule of proportion as aforesaid . 6. That effectual provision be made for future freedom of Elections , and certainty of due Returns . 7. That the House of Commons alone have the power from time to time to set down further Orders and Rules for the Ends expressed in the Two last preceding Articles , so as to reduce the Elections of Members for that House to more and more perfection of Equality in the distribution , Freedom in the Election , Order in the proceeding thereto , and Certainty in the Returns ; which Orders and Rules ( in that case ) to be as Laws . 8. That there be a Liberty for entring Dissents in the House of Commons , with provision , that no Member be censurable for ought said or voted in the House , further than to exclusion from that Trust , and that onely by the judgment of the House it self . 9. That the Judicial Power , or power of final Judgment in the Lords and Commons , ( and their power of Exposition and Application of Law , without further Appeal ) may be cleared : and that no Officer of Justice , Minister of State , or other person adjudged by them , may be capable of Protection or Pardon from the King , without their Advice and Consent . 10. That the Right and Liberty of the Commons of England may be cleared and vindicated as to a due Exemption from any Judgment , Trial , or other Proceeding against them by the House of Peers , without the concurring Judgment of the House of Commons : as also from any other Judgment , Sentence , or Proceeding against them , other than by their Equals , or according to the Law of the Land. 11. The same Act to provide , that Grand-Jury-men may be chosen by and for several parts or divisions of each County respectively , in some equal way ( and not remain , as now , at the discretion of an Under-Sheriff to be put on or off : ) and that such Grand-Jury-men for their respective Counties may at each Assize present the Names of persons to be made Justices of Peace , from time to time , as the County hath need for any to be added to the Commission , and at the Summer-Assize to present the Names of Three Persons , out of whom the King may prick one to be Sheriff for the next year . II. For the future security to Parliaments , and the Militia in general in order thereunto , that it be provided by Act of Parliament . 1. That the power of the Militia by Sea and Land , during the space of Ten years next ensuing , shall be ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons assembled , and to be assembled in the Parliament or Parliaments of England , or by such persons as they shall nominate and appoint for that purpose from time to time during the said space . 2. That the said power shall not be ordered , disposed , or exercised by the King's Majesty that now is , or by any person or persons by any Authority derived from Him , during the said space , or at any time hereafter by His said Majesty , without the Advice and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , or of such Committees or Council in the Intervals of Parliament as they shall appoint . 3. That during the same space of ten years , the said Lords and Commons may by Bill or Ordinance raise and dispose of what Moneys and for what Forces they shall from time to time find necessary , as also for payment of the Publick Debts and Damages , and for all other the Publick uses of the Kingdom . 4. And to the end the temporary Security intended by the three particulars last precedent may be the better assured , it may therefore be provided , That no Subjects that have been in Hostility against the Parliament in the late War , shall be capable of bearing any Office of Power or publick Trust in the Commonwealth during the space of five years , without Consent of Parliament or of the Council of State ; or to sit as Members or Assistants of either House of Parliament , until the second Biennial Parliament be past . III. For the present form of disposing the Militia in order to the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom and the Service of Ireland , 1. That there be Commissioners for the Admiralty , a Vice-Admiral and Rere-Admiral , now to be agreed on , with power for the forming , regulating , appointing of Officers , and providing for the Navy , and for ordering the same to and in the ordinary Service of the Kingdom : and that there be a sufficient provision and establishment for Pay and maintenance thereof . 2. That there be a General for Command of the Land-Forces that are to be in pay both in England , Ireland and Wales , both for Field and Garrison . 3. That there be Commissioners in the several Counties for the standing Militia of the respective Counties ( consisting of Trained Bands and Auxiliaries not in pay ) with power for the proportioning , forming , regulating , training and disciplining of them . 4. That there be a Council of State , with power to superintend and direct the several and particular powers of the Militia last mentioned , for the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom and of Ireland . 5. That the same Council may have power , as the King 's Privy Council , for and in all Forreign Negotiations ; provided , That the making of War or Peace with any other Kingdom or State , shall not be without the Advice and Consent of Parliament . 6. That the said power of the Council of State be put into the hands of trusty and able persons , now to be agreed on , and the same persons to continue in that power ( si bene se gesserint ) for a certain Term not exceeding seven years . 7. That there be a sufficient establishment now provided for the Salary Forces both in England and Ireland , the establishment to continue until two Months after the meeting of the first Biennial Parliament . IV. That an Act be passed for disposing the great Offices for ten years by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , or by such Committees as they shall appoint for that purpose in the Intervals , ( with submission to the Approbation of the next Parliament ; ) and after ten years , they to nominate three , and the King out of that number to appoint one for the succession , upon any vacancy . V. That an Act be passed for restraining of any Peers made since the 21. day of May , 1642. or to be hereafter made , from having any power to sit or vote in Parliament , without Consent of both Houses . VI. That an Act be passed for recalling and making void all Declarations and other Proceedings against the Parliament , or against any that have acted by or under their Authority in the late War , or in relation to it : and that the Ordinances for Indemnity may be confirmed . VII . That an Act be passed for making void all Grants , &c. under the Great Seal that was conveyed away from the Parliament , since the time that it was so conveyed away ( except as in the Parliaments Propositions ) and for making those valid that have been or shall be passed under the Great Seal made by the Authority of both Houses of Parliament . VIII . That an Act be passed for Confirmation of the Treaties between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and for appointing Conservators of the Peace betwixt them . IX . That the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries be confirmed by Act of Parliament : Provided His Majesties Revenue be not damnified therein , nor those that last held Offices in the same left without reparation some other way . X. An Act to declare void the Cessation of Ireland , &c. and to leave the prosecution of that War to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England . XI . An Act to be passed to take away all Coercive Power , Authority and Jurisdiction of Bishops , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers whatsoever , extending to any Civil Penalties upon any ; and to repeal all Laws whereby the Civil Magistracy hath been or is bound , upon any Ecclesiastical Censure , to proceed ( ex officio ) unto any Civil Penalties against any persons so censured . XII . That there be a repeal of all Acts , or Clauses in any Act , enjoyning the use of the Book of Common Prayer , and imposing any Penalties for neglect thereof ; as also of all Acts , or Clauses in any Act , imposing any penalty for not coming to Church , or for Meetings elsewhere for Prayer or other Religious Duties , Exercises or Ordinances ; and some other provision to be made for discovering of Papists and Popish Recusants , and for disabling of them , and of all Jusuites or Priests , from disturbing the State. XIII . That the taking of the Covenant be not enforced upon any , nor any penalties imposed upon the Refusors , whereby men might be constrained to take it against their Judgments or Consciences , but all Orders or Ordinances tending to that purpose to be repealed . XIV . That ( the things here before proposed being provided , for settling and securing the Rights , Liberties , Peace , and Safety of the Kingdom , ) His Majesties Person , His Queen , and Royal Issue , may be restored to a Condition of Safety , Honour and Freedom in this Nation , without diminution to their Personal Rights , or further Limitation to the Exercise of the Regal Power than according to the particulars aforegoing . XV. For the matter of Compositions . 1. That a less number out of the Persons excepted in the two first Qualifications , ( not exceeding five for the English ) being nominated particularly by the Parliament , who ( together with the persons in the Irish Rebellion , included in the third Qualification ) may be reserved to the future Judgment of the Parliament , as they shall find cause , all other excepted persons may be remitted from the Exception , and admitted to Composition . 2. That the Rates for all future Compositions may be lessened and limitted , not to exceed the several proportions hereafter exprest , respectively : That is to say , 1. For all persons formerly excepted , not above a third part . 2. For the late Members of Parliament , under the first Branch of the fourth Qualification in the Propositions , a fourth part . 3. For other Members of Parliament , in the second and third Branches of the same Qualification , a sixth part . 4. For the persons nominated in the said fourth Qualification , and those included in the tenth Qualification , an eighth part . 5. For all others included in the sixth Qualification , a tenth part . And that real Debts , either upon Record or proved by Witnesses , be considered and abated in the valuation of their Estates in all the cases aforesaid . 3. That those who shall hereafter come to Compound , may not have the Covenant put upon them as a Condition without which they may not Compound ; but in case they shall not willingly take it , they may pass their Compositions without it . 4. That the Persons and Estates of all English , not worth two hundred pounds in Lands or Goods , be at liberty and discharged : and that the King 's menial Servants , that never took up Arms , but only attended His Person according to their Offices , may be freed from Composition , or to pay ( at most ) but the proportion of one years Revenue , or a twentieth part . 5. That in order to the making and perfecting of Compositions at the Rates aforesaid , the Rents , Revenues , and other Dues and Profits of all sequestred Estates whatsoever , ( except the Estates of such persons who shall be continued under exception , as before ) be from henceforth suspended and detained in the hands of the respective Tenants , Occupants , and others from whom they are due , for the space of six months following . 6. That the Faith of the Army , or other Forces of the Parliament , given in Articles upon Surrenders to any of the King's Party , may be fully made good ; and where any breach thereof shall appear to have been made , full reparation and satisfaction may be given to the parties injured , and the persons offending ( being found out ) may be compelled thereto . XVI . That there may be a general Act of Oblivion to extend unto all ( except the persons to be continued in exception as before ) to absolve from all Trespasses , Misdemeanors , &c. done in prosecution of the War , and from all trouble or prejudice for or concerning the same ( after their Compositions past ) and to restore them to all Priviledges , &c. belonging to other Subjects ; provided , as in the fourth particular under the second general Head aforegoing , concerning Security . And whereas there have been of late strong endeavours and practices of a factious and desperate party to embroil this Kingdom in a new War , and for that purpose to induce the King , the Queen and Prince , to declare for the said Party , and also to excite and stir up all those of the King 's late Party to appear and engage for the same , which Attempts and Designs many of the King's Party ( out of their desires to avoid further Misery to the Kingdom ) have contributed their endeavours to prevent , ( as for divers of them we have had particular Assurance ; ) we do therefore desire that such of the King's Party who shall appear to have expressed , and shall hereafter express , that way their good Affections to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom , and to hinder the imbroiling of the same in a new War , may be freed and exempted from Compositions , or to pay but one years Revenue , or a twentieth part . These Particulars aforegoing are the Heads of such Proposals as we have agreed on , to tend in order to the settling of the Peace of this Kingdom , leaving the Terms of Peace for the Kingdom of Scotland to stand as in the late Propositions of both Kingdoms , until that Kingdom shall agree to any alteration . Next to the Proposals aforesaid for the present settling of a Peace , we shall desire that no time may be lost by the Parliament for dispatch of other things tending to the welfare , ease and just satisfaction of the Kingdom ; and in special manner , I. That the just and necessary Liberty of the People , to represent their Grievances and Desires by way of Petition , may be cleared and vindicated , according to the fifth Head in the late Representation or Declaration of the Army sent from St. Albans . II. That ( in pursuance of the same Head of the said Declaration ) the common Grievances of the People may be speedily considered of and effectually redressed ; and in particular , 1. That the Excise may be taken off from such Commodities whereon the poor people of the Land do ordinarily live ; and a certain time to be limited for taking off the whole . 2. That the Oppressions and Incroachments of Forest Laws may be prevented for future . 3. All Monopolies ( old or new ) and Restraints to the freedom of Trade to be taken off . 4. That a course may be taken , and Commissioners appointed to remedy and rectifie the inequality of Rates lying upon several Counties , and several parts of each County , in respect of others , and to settle the proportions for Land rates to more equality throughout the Kingdom ; in order to which we shall offer some further particulars , which we hope may be useful . 5. The present unequal , troublesome and contentious way of Ministers maintenance by Tithes to be considered of , and some Remedy applied . 6. That the Rules and Course of Law and the Officers of it may be so reduced and reformed , as that all Suits and Questions of Right may be more clear and certain in the issues , and not so tedious or chargeable in the proceedings as now ; in order to which we shall offer some further particulars hereafter . 7. That Prisoners for Debt or other * Creditors ( who have Estates to discharge them ) may not by embracing Imprisonment or any other ways have advantage to defraud their Creditors , but that the Estates of all men may be some way made liable to their Debts ( as well as Tradesmen are by Commissions of Bankrupt ) whether they be imprisoned for it or not : and that such Prisoners for Debt who have not wherewith to pay , or at least do yield up what they have to their Creditors , may be freed from Imprisonment , or some way provided for , so as neither they nor their Families may perish by their Imprisonments . 8. Some provision to be made , that none may be compelled by Penalties or otherwise to answer unto Questions tending to the accusing of themselves or their nearest Relations in Criminal Causes ; and no man's life to be taken away under two Witnesses . 9. That consideration may be had of all Statutes , and the Laws or Customs of Corporations , imposing any Oaths , either to repeal , or else to qualifie and provide against the same so far as they may extend or be construed to the molestation or ensnaring of religious and peaceable people , meerly for non-conformity in Religion . III. That , according to the sixth Head in the Declaration of the Army , the large powers given to Committees or Deputy-Lieutenants during the late times of War and Distraction may be speedily taken into consideration , to be re-called and made void ; and that such powers of that nature as shall appear necessary to be continued , may be put into a regulated way , and left to as little Arbitrariness as the nature and necessity of the things ( wherein they are conversant ) will bear . IV. That ( according to the seventh Head in the said Declaration ) an effectual course may be taken , that the Kingdom may be righted and satisfied in point of Accounts for the vast sums that have been levied . V. That provision may be made for payment of Arrears to the Army , and the rest of the Soldiers of the Kingdom who have concurred with the Army in the late Desires and Proceedings thereof : and in the next place , for payment of the Publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom ; and that to be performed first to such persons whose Debts or Damages ( upon the Publick Account ) are great , and their Estates small , so as they are thereby reduced to a difficulty of subsistence . In order to all which , and to the fourth particular last preceding , we shall speedily offer some farther particulars ( in the nature of Rules ) which we hope will be of good use towards publick satisfaction . August 1. 1647. Signed by the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax , and the Council of War. Jo. Rushworth , Secret. Propositions presented to His MAJESTY at Hampton-Court , upon Tuesday the seventh of September , 1647. by the Earls of Pembroke and Lauderdale , Sir Charles Erskin , Sir John Holland , Sir John Cooke , Sir James Harrington , Mr. Richard Browne , Mr. Hugh Kenedy , and Mr. Robert Berkley , in the names of the Parliament of England , and in behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland . May it please your Majesty , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland , do humbly present unto Your Majesty the humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well grounded Peace , agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively ; unto which We do pray Your Majesties Assent ; and that they , and all such Bills as shall be tendred to Your Majesty in pursuance of them or any of them , may be established and Enacted for Statutes and Acts of Parliament , by Your Majesties Royal Assent in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively . [ Heads of the Propositions presented to the King's Majesty , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . 1. His Majesty to call in his Declarations and Proclamations against the Parliaments of both Kingdoms . 2. His Majesty to sign the Covenant . 3. To pass a Bill for abolishing Bishops . [ 4. To pass a Bill for Sale of Bishops Lands . ] 5. To confirm the sitting of the Assembly . 6. Religion to be reformed as the Houses agree . 7. Such Vniformity of Religion to be passed in an Act. 8. An Act passed against Popish Recusants . 9. For Education of the Children of Papists . 10. For laying Penalties upon Papists . 11. An Act for prevention of Popish practices . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . 12. For the Royal Assent to Acts for the Lords day , for preaching against Innovations , regulating Colledges , and for publick Debts and Damages , The like for Scotland . 13. to pass the settling of the Militia and Navy . 14. To null the old Great Seal . 15. For settling of Conservators for the Peace of the Kingdoms . 16. The joynt Declarations , and the Qualifications , against Malignants . 17. An Act to be passed to declare and make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties and Conclusions of Peace with the Irish Rebels . 18. The settling of the Militia of the City of London . 19. The Great Seal with the Commissioners of Parliament , and all Acts by it , to be made good . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Propositions of both Houses . Hampton-Court , Sept. 9. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible ( as he believes all his good Subjects are ) of the late great Distractions , and still languishing and unsetled State , of this Kingdom ; and he calls God to Witness , and is willing to give testimony to all the World of his readiness to contribute his utmost Endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing Condition . His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to him , finds them the same in effect which were offered to him at Newcastle : To some of which as he could not then consent without violation of his Conscience and Honour ; so neither can he agree to others now , conceiving them in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of Affairs then when they were formerly presented unto him , as being destructive to the main principal Interests of the Army , and of all those whose Affections concur with them . And his Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from his two Houses residing with them , and with them to be Treated on , in order to the clearing and securing the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the setling of a just and lasting Peace ; to which Proposals as he conceives his two Houses not to be strangers , so he believes they will think , with him , that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all Interests , and may be a fitter foundation for a lasting Peace than the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto him : He therefore propounds ( as the best way in his Judgment in order to a Peace ) that his two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals , upon which there may be a Personal Treaty with his Majesty , and upon such other Propositions as his Majesty shall make ; hoping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty , as to render them the more capable of his Majesties full Concession ; wherein he resolves to give full satisfaction unto his People for whatsoever shall concern the setling of the Protestant Profession , with Liberty to tender Consciences , and the securing of the Laws , Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects , and the just Priviledges of Parliament for the future . And likewise , by his present deportment in this Treaty , he will make the World clearly judge of his Intentions in matter of future Government . In which Treaty his , Majesty will be well pleased ( if it be thought fit ) that Commissioners from the Army ( whose the Proposals are ) may likewise be admitted . His Majesty therefore conjures his two Houses of Parliament , by the Duty they owe to God and his Majesty their King , and by the bowels of Compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , both for the relief of their present Sufferings and to prevent future Miseries , that they will forthwith accept of this his Majesties Offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom . And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions , His Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners ; and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfaction to that his Kingdom . Given at Hampton-Court , the ninth of September , 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , left by Him on His Table at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. CHALLES R. LIberty being that which in all Times hath been , but especially now is , the common Theme and Desire of all men ; common Reason shews , That Kings less then any should endure Captivity . And yet I call God and the World to Witness , with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint ; which , so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms , or the hindring of more effusion of Blood , I did willingly undergoe : But now finding by two certain proofs , that this My continued Patience would not only turn to My Personal Ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice then furtherance to the Publick Good , I thought I was bound , as well by Natural as Political Obligations , to seek my Safety , by Retiring My self for some time from the publick View both of My Friends and Enemies . And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge , if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their Condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the Destruction of the Nobility by taking away their Negative Voice , and with whom the Levellers Doctrine is rather countenanced then punished : and as for their intentions to My Person , their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me , with the discharging most of all those Servants of Mine who formerly they willingly admitetd to wait upon Me , does sufficiently declare . Nor would I have this My Retirement misinterpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian Blood : for which how many times have I desired , prest to be heard , and yet no ear given to Me ? and can any Reasonable man think that ( according to the ordinary course of affairs ) there can be a setled Peace without it ; or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King ? Surely no. Nay , I must further add , that ( besides what concerns My self ) unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit , the Presbyterians , Independants , Army , those who have adhered to Me , and even the Scots ) I say there cannot ( I speak not of Miracles , it being , in My Opinion , a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting Peace . Now , as I cannot deny but My Personal Security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement ; so I take God to witness , that the Publick Peace is no less before My Eyes : and I can find no better way to express this My Profession , ( I know not what a wiser man may do ) then by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard , to the end each may have just Satisfaction . As for example , the Army , ( for the rest , though necessary , yet , I suppose , are not difficult to content ) ought ( in My Judgment ) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences , have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity , ( which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects ) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid ; which I will undertake to do , so I may be heard , and that I be not hindred from using such Lawful and honest means as I shall chuse . To conclude , let Me be heard with Freedom , Honour and Safety , and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement , and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae . Hampton-Court , 11. Novemb. 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , with Propositions , Novemb. 17. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland CHARLES R. HIS Majesty is confident that before this time his two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which he left behind him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this Month , by which they will have understood the Reasons which enforced him to go from thence , as likewise his constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever he should be : And being now in a place where he conceives himself to be at much more Freedom and Security then formerly , he thinks it necessary ( not only for making good of his own Professions , but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms ) at this time to offer such grounds to his two Houses for that effect , which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto . And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace , His Majesty will begin with that particular . That for the abolishing Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. His Majesty cleary professeth that he cannot give his consent thereunto , both in relation as he is a Christian , and a King. For the first , he avows that he is satisfied in his Judgment , that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves , and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the World until this last Century of years ; and in this Church , in all times of Change and Reformation , it hath been upheld by the Wisdom of his Ancestors , as the great preserver of Doctrine , Discipline and Order in the Service of God. As a King , at his Coronation he hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order , but his Majesty and his Predecessors in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of their Subjects . And yet he is willing it be provided , that the particular Bishops perform the several Duties of their Callings , both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses , as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters ; and will consent that their Powers in all things be so limited that they be not grievous to tender Consciences . Wherefore since his Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , he sees no reason why he alone and those of his Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs . Nor can his Majesty consent to the Alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledge ; as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations , which his Majesty is very unwilling to undergoe : and besides the matter of Conscience , His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the Publick good , many of his Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates then if those Possessions were in the hands of private men : not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and Industry , when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest Persons . Yet his Majesty considering the great present Distempers concerning Church-Discipline , and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice , his Majesty , to eschew Confusion as much as may be , and for the satisfaction of his two Houses , is content that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years : provided that his Majesty and those of his Judgment ( or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto ) be not obliged to comply with Presbyterial Government , but have free practice of their own Profession without receiving any prejudice thereby ; and that a free Consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster ( twenty of his Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by his Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-Government after the said time shall be settled , ( or sooner , if Differences may be agreed ) as is most agreeable to the Word of God , with full Liberty to all those who shall differ upon conscientious grounds from that settlement : always provided , that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Popish Profession , nor the exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws , or to tolerate the publick profession of Atheism or Blasphemy , contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles , Nicene and Athanasian Creeds , they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Christian Churches , and more particularly by this of England ever since the Reformation . Next , the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation , and that which former Parliaments , as likewise this , hath acknowledged so to be ; his Majesty cannot so much wrong that Trust which the Laws of God and this Land hath annexed to the Crown for the Protection and Security of his People , as to devest himself and Successors of the power of the Sword : yet to give an infallible evidence of his desire to secure the performance of such Agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace , his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , that the whole Power of the Militia both by Sea and Land , for and during his whole Reign , shall be ordered and disposed by his two Houses of Parliament , or by such persons as they shall appoint with Powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace , and against foreign Invasion ; and that they shall have Power , during his said Reign , to raise moneys for the purposes aforesaid , and that neither his Majesty that now is , or any other ( by any Authority derived only from him , ) shall execute any of the said Powers during his Majesties said Reign , but such as shall act by the consent and approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . Nevertheless his Majesty intends that all Patents , Commissions , and other Acts concerning the Militia , be made and acted as formerly ; and that after his Majesties Reign , all the Power of the Militia shall return intirely to the Crown , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . After this Head of the Militia , the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow ; for the payment whereof , and the ease of his People , his Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the Violation of his Conscience and Honour . Wherefore if his two Houses shall consent to remit unto him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last , and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace , and the Arrears of such as have been already made , the assistance of the Clergy , and the Arrears of such Rents of his own Revenues as his two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace , his Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen Months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army ; and if those means shall not be sufficient , his Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forest Lands for that purpose , this being the Publick Debt which in his Majesties Judgment is first to be satisfied : and for other publick Debts already contracted upon Church-Lands or any other Ingagements , his Majesty will give his consent to such Act or Acts for raising of moneys for payment thereof as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon , so as they be equally laid , whereby his People ( already too heavily burthened by these late Distempers ) may have no more Pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires . And for the further securing of all Fears , his Majesty will consent , that an Act of Parliament be passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State , and naming of Privy Councellors , for the whole term of his Reign , by the two Houses of Parliament , their Patents and Commissions being taken from his Majesty , and after to return to the Crown , as is exprest in the Article of the Militia . For the Court of Wards and Liveries , his Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that way , by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage , as well in point of Revenue to the Crown , as in the Protection of many of his Subjects being Infants : nevertheless , if the continuance thereof seem grievous to his Subjects , rather then he will fail on his part in giving satisfaction , he will consent to an Act for taking of it away , so as a full recompence be settled upon his Majesty and his Successors in perpetuity , and that the Arrears now due be reserved unto him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army . And that the memory of these late Distractions may be wholly wiped away , his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the suppressing and making null of all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either House of Parliament , and of all Indictments and other proceedings against any persons for adhering unto them ; and his Majesty proposeth , ( as the best Expediment to take away all seeds of future Differences ) that there be an Act of Oblivion to extend to all his Subjects . As for Ireland , the Cessation there is long since determined ; but for the future ( all other things being fully agreed ) his Majesty will give full satisfaction to his Houses concerning that Kingdom . And although his Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Justice to avoid all his own Grants and Acts past under his Great Seal since the two and twentieth of May 1642. or to the confirming of all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses ; yet his Majesty is confident , that , upon perusal of particulars , he shall give full satisfaction to his two Houses to what may be reasonably desired in that particular . And now his Majesty conceives that by these his Offers ( which he is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace ) he hath clearly manifested his intentions to give full security and satisfaction to all Interests , for what can justly be desired in order to the future Happiness of his People . And for the perfecting of these Concessions , as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses , and for such just and reasonable demands as his Majesty shall find necessary to propose on his part , he earnestly desires a Personal Treaty at London with his two Houses , in Honour , Freedom and Safety , it being , in his Judgment , the most proper , and indeed only , means to a firm and settled Peace , and impossible without it to reconcile former , or to avoid future misunderstandings . All these things being by Treaty perfected , his Majesty believes his two Houses will think it reasonable that the Proposals of the Army , concerning the Succession of Parliaments and their due Elections , should be taken into consideration . As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland , his Majesty will very readily apply himself to give all reasonable satisfaction , when the Desires of the two Houses of Parliament on their behalf , or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom , or of both joyned together , shall be made known unto him . From the Isle of Wight , Novemb. 17. 1647. His MAJESTIES Declaration at the Isle of VVight , Novemb. 19. 1647. CHARLES R. HIS Majesty doth declare , That he came from Hampton-Court for no other cause but for the preservation of His Person , which was ( as He apprehended ) in such danger , that He could not with Safety continue longer there : That if He could have been there with Safety , He would not have departed thence , nor from the Army : And that He chose this place rather than any other ( when He was at liberty to have gone whither He pleased ) that He might still continue under the protection of the Army ( Colonel Hammond being a Member thereof ) and that He might have conveniency of free intercourse between Himself and the Parliament for the settlement of a general Peace , to which He professes a very great inclination and desire , and that there shall be nothing wanting on His part that may be reasonably expected from Him. And His Majesty doth further Declare , That in case these Gentlemen be taken from Him and punished as evil doers , for counselling Him not to go out of the Kingdom , but rather to come to the place where He now is , for the ends aforesaid , and for their endeavouring accordingly in attending Him hither ; He cannot but Himself expect to be dealt with accordingly , His case being the same . Carisbrooke Castle , Novemb. 19. 1647. His MAJESTIES Letter to Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , from Carisbrooke , Novemb. 26. 1647. For Sir Thomas Fairfax , General . CHARLES R. HAving left Order at Our remove from Hampton-Court , that a Copy should be given you of what We had then written to both Houses of Parliament touching the causes of Our withdrawing , and the continuance of Our Resolutions to improve every occasion of the satisfaction of all chief Interests , that so a happy Peace may be settled in Our Dominions ; in pursuance whereof We have lately sent a Message to both Houses from this place , and a Copy of it to you ; and being desirous , in order to that blessed Work , to give you Our present sense upon the condition of Affairs as they now stand ; We have thought fit to appoint Sir John Barkley to repair unto you , and to communicate the same to you : and We shall be glad by him to receive a mutual communication of your sense also upon this Subject ; not doubting but you easily perceive by the late Disorders , into what a depth of Confusion the Army and the Nation will fall , if timely and effectual preventions be not used . And therefore We have now again proposed ( as the only Expedient ) a Personal Treaty , for the composing of all differences , and fulfilling the desires of all Interests ; to which if you will imploy your Credit , as you cannot but expect the Blessings of God upon your endeavours therein , so you may justly look for the best return that ever Our Condition shall be able to make you . Given at Carisbrooke Castle , the 26. day of Novemb. 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Carisbrook Castle , Dec. 6. 1647. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to both Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HAD His Majesty thought it possible that His two Houses could be imployed in things of greater concernment than the Peace of this miserable distracted Kingdom , He would have expected with more patience their leisure in acknowledging the receit of His Message of the 16. of November last : But since there is not in nature any consideration preceding to that of Peace , His Majesties constant tenderness of the welfare of His Subjects hath such a prevalence with Him , that He cannot forbear the vehement prosecution of a Personal Treaty ; which is only so much the more desired by His Majesty , as it is superior to all other means of Peace . And truly , when His Majesty considers the several complaints He daily hears from all parts of this Kingdom , that Trade is so decayed , all Commodities so dear , and Taxes so insupportable , that even natural subsistence will suddenly fail ; His Majesty ( to perform the Trust reposed in Him ) must use His uttermost endeavours for Peace , though He were to have no share in the benefit of it . And hath not His Majesty done His part for it , by devesting Himself of so much Power and Authority as by His last Message He hath promised to do upon the concluding of the whole Peace ? And hath He met with that Acknowledgment from his two Houses which this great grace and favour justly deserves ? Surely the blame of this great retarding of Peace must fall somewhere else than on His Majesty . To conclude , If ye will but consider in how little time this necessary good Work will be done , if you , the two Houses , will wait on His Majesty with the same Resolutions for Peace as He will meet you , He no way doubts but that ye will willingly agree to this His Majesties earnest desire of a Personal Treaty , and speedily desire His presence amongst you : where all things agreed on being digested into Acts ( till when it is most unreasonable for His Majesty or His two Houses to desire each of other the least Concession ) this Kingdom may at last enjoy the blessing of a long-wisht-for Peace . From Carisbrook Castle , Decemb. 6. 1647. MD●XLVII . Dec. 24. The Four Bills sent to the King to the Isle of VVight to be passed . Together with the Propositions sent unto Him at the same time , which upon the passing of those Bills were to be Treated upon . THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament have commanded us to present to Your Majesty these Four Bills , which have passed the two Houses of Parliament , thus severally Entituled , viz. An Act concerning the raising , settling and maintaining Forces by Sea and Land , within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed . An Act for justifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late War , and for declaring all Oaths , Declarations , Proclamations , and other Proceedings against it , to be void . An Act concerning Peers lately made , and hereafter to be made . An Act concerning the Adjournments of both Houses of Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning the Raising , settling and maintaining Forces by Sea and by Land , within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of VVales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed . BE it Enacted by the King's Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , shall , during the space of twenty years , from the first of November 1647. Arm , Train , and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land service , and shall appoint all Commanders and Officers for the said Forces ; and shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and Places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint ; and shall from time to time appoint all Commanders and Officers for the said Forces , or remove them , as they shall see cause ; and shall likewise nominate , appoint , place or displace , as they shall see cause , all Commanders and Officers within the several Garrisons , Forts and Places of strength , as shall be within the Kingdoms of England , Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and Town of Barwick upon Tweed : and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , nor any other but such as shall act by the Authority or Approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall , during the said space of twenty years , exercise any of the powers aforesaid . And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise : and that all the said Forces , both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , be imployed , managed , ordered , disposed or disbanded by the said Lords and Commons , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That the said Lords and Commons , during the said space of twenty years , shall have power , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , to suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them ; and also to suppress any Forreign Forces who shall invade , or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them , and likewise to conjoyn such Forces of the Kingdom of England with the Forces of the Kingdom of Scotland , as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , judg fit and necessary , to resist all Forreign Invasions , and to suppress any Forces raised or to be raised against or within either of the said Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the said Kingdoms , or any of them , by any Authority under the Great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : and that no Forces of either Kingdoms shall go into or continue in the other Kingdom , without the Advice and desire of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England and the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , or such as shall be by them respectively appointed for that purpose . And be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That after the expiration of the said twenty years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband , or dispose any of the Forces by Sea and Land of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or of any of them , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities before-mentioned and expressed to be , during the said space of twenty years , in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any act or thing concerning the Execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . And be it further also Enacted , That after the expiration of the said twenty years , in all cases wherein the said Lords and Commons shall declare the Safety of the Kingdom to be concerned , and shall thereupon pass any Bill or Bills for the raising , arming , training , disciplining , imploying , managing , ordering , or disposing of the Forces by Sea or Land of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or of any part of the said Forces , or concerning the said Admiralty or Navy , or concerning the levying of Moneys for the raising , maintenance , or use of the said Forces for Land service , or of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , or of any part of them ; and if that the Royal Assent to such Bill or Bills shall not be given in the House of Peers within such time after the passing thereof by both Houses of Parliament as the said Houses shall judge fit and convenient , that then such Bill or Bills so passed by the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , and to which the Royal Assent shall not be given , as is herein before expressed , shall nevertheless , after Declaration of the said Lords and Commons made in that behalf , have the force and strength of an Act or Acts of Parliament , and shall be as valid to all intents and purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . Provided always , and be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That nothing herein before contained shall extend to the taking away of the ordinary Legal Power of Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs , or other Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , concerning the Administration of Justice ; so as neither the said Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs and other Officers , or any of them , do levy , conduct , imploy , or command any Forces whatsoever , by colour or pretence of any Commission of Array , or extraordinary Command from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons : and that if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in Warlike manner , or otherwise , to the number of Thirty persons , and shall not forthwith separate and disperse themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or Command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose ; then such person and persons not so separating and dispersing themselves shall be guilty , and incur the pains of High Treason , being first Declared guilty of such Offence by the said Lords and Commons , any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding : and he or they that shall offend herein shall be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , and their Estates shall be disposed as the said Lords and Commons shall think fit , and not otherwise . Provided also further , That the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties and Franchises , Customs and Usages , in the raising and imploying the Forces of that City for the Defence thereof , in as full and ample manner , to all intents and purposes , as they have or might have used or enjoyed the same at any time before the sitting of this present Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act for justifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late War , and for Declaring all Oaths , Declarations , Proclamations and other Proceedings against it , to be void . WHereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament have been necessitated to make and prosecute a War in their just and lawful Defence , and thereupon Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations have been made against them and their Ordinances and Proceedings , and against others for adhering unto them , and for executing Offices , Places and Charges by Authority derived from them ; and Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders and Inquisitions , for the causes aforesaid , have been had and made against some of the Members of the Houses of Parliament and other his Majesties good Subjects , and Grants have been made of their Lands and Goods : Be it therefore Declared and hereby Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same , That all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations heretofore had or made against both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or any the Members of either of them , for the causes aforesaid , or against their Ordinances or Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any Office , Place or Charge , by any Authority derived from the said Houses , or either of them , and all Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders , Inquisitions and Grants thereupon made , and all other Proceedings for any the causes aforesaid , had made , done or executed , or to be had , made , done or executed , whether the same be done by the King , or any Judges , Justices , Sheriffs , Ministers , or any others , are void and of no effect , and are contrary to and against the Laws of the Realm . And be it further Enacted and hereby Declared by the Authority aforesaid , That all Judges , Justices of the Peace , Maior , Sheriffs , Constables , and other Officers and Ministers , shall take notice hereof , and are hereby prohibited and discharged in all time to come from awarding any Writ , Process or Summons , and from pronouncing or executing any Judgment , Sentence or Decree , or any way proceeding against or molesting any of the said Members of the two Houses of Parliament , or against any of the Subjects of this Kingdom , for any the causes aforesaid . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning Peers lately made , and hereafter to be made . BE it Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That all Honour and Title of Peerage conferred on any since the twentieth day of May , 1642. ( being the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said Great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament ) be and is hereby made and declared Null and Void . Be it further Enacted , and it is hereby Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , that no Person that shall hereafter be made a Peer , or His Heirs , shall sit or vote in the Parliament of England without consent of both Houses of Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning the Adjournments of both Houses of Parliament . BE it Declared and Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by the Authority of the same , That when and as often as the Lords and Commons assembled in this present Parliament shall judge it necessary to adjourn both Houses of this present Parliament to any other place of the Kingdom of England than where they now sit , or from any place adjourn the same again to the place where they now sit , or to any other place within the Kingdom of England , that then such their Adjournment and Adjournments to such places and for such time as they shall appoint , shall at all times and from time to time be valid and good , any Act , Statute or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding . Provided always , and be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That no Adjournment or Adjournments to be had or made by reason or colour of this Act , shall be deemed , adjudged or taken , to make end or determine any Session of this present Parliament . And they also commanded us to present to Your Majesty these ensuing Propositions . [ Heads of the Propositions . ] 1. That the new Seal be confirmed , and the old Great Seal , and all things passed under it since May 1642. be made void . 2. That Acts be passed for raising Moneys to satisfie Publick Debts . 3. That Members of both Houses put from their places by the King , be restored . 4. That the Cessation in Ireland be made void , and the War left to both Houses . 5. That an Act of Indemnity be passed . 6. That the Court of Wards be taken away , and such Tenures turned into common Soccage . 7. That the Treaties between the English and Scots be confirmed , and Commissioners appointed for Conservation of the Peace between the Kingdoms . 8. That the Arrears of the Army be paid out of the Bishops Lands , forfeited Estates , and Forests . 9. That an Act be passed for abolishing Bishops and all Appendants to them . 10. That the Ordinances for disposing of Bishops Lands be confirmed by Act. 11. That an Act be passed for the sale of Church-Lands . 12. That Delinquents be proceeded against , and their Estates disposed of , according to the several Qualifications . 13. Than an Act be passed for discharge of Publick Debts . 14. That Acts be passed for settling the Presbyterian Government , and Directory . Fourteen of the Thirty nine Articles revised by the Assembly of Divines . Rules and Directions concerning Suspension from the Lords Supper . 15. That the chief Governour and Officers in Ireland , and the great Officers in England , be nominated by both Houses . 16. That an Act be passed for conviction of Popish Recusants . 17. That an Act be passed for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants . 18. That an Act be passed for levying the Penalties against Popish Recusants . 19. That an Act be passed for preventing the Practices of Papists against the State , and hearing Mass . 20. That an Act be passed for Observation of the Lords day . 21. And a Bill for suppressing Innovations . 22. And for advancement of Preaching . 23. And against Pluralities and Non-residency . They have also commanded us to desire , That Your Majesty give Your Royal Assent to these Bills by Your Letters-Patents under the Great Seal of England , and signed by Your Hand , and Declared and Notified to the Lords and Commons assembled together in the House of Peers , according to the Law declared in that behalf ; it appearing unto them upon mature deliberation , that it stands not with the Safety and Security of the Kingdom and Parliament ▪ to have Your Majesties Assent at this time given otherwise : They desire therefore that Your Majesty be pleased to grant Your Warrant for the draught of a Bill for such Your Letters Patents to be presented to Your Majesty , and then a Warrant to Edward Earl of Manchester , and William Lenthal Esquire , Speaker of the House of Commons , who have now the Custody of the Great Seal of England , to put the same of Your Majesties Letters-Patents signed as aforesaid , thereby authorizing Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Henry Earl of Kent , John Earl of Rutland , Philip Earl of Pembroke , William Earl of Salisbury , Robert Earl of Warwick , and Edmond Earl of Moulgrave , or any three of them , to give Your Majesties Royal Assent unto the said Bills , according to the Law in that behalf declared . And for the other particulars contained in the aforementioned Propositions , the two Houses of Parliament will , after such Your Majesties Assent given to the said Bills , send a Committee of both Houses to Treat with Your Majesty in the Isle of Wight thereupon . The Paper of the Scots Commissioners delivered to His MAJESTY when the Four Bills and Propositions were presented . THere is nothing which we have more constantly endeavoured , and do more earnestly desire , than a good Agreement and happy Peace between Your Majesty and Your Parliaments of both Kingdoms , neither have we left any means unassayed that by united Counsels with the Houses of the Parliament of England , and by making joynt Applications to Your Majesty , there might be a composure of all Differences : But the new Propositions communicated to us by the Houses , and the Bills therewith presented to Your Majesty , are so prejudicial to Religion , the Crown , and the Union and Interest of the Kingdoms , and so far different from the former proceedings and engagements betwixt the Kingdoms , as we cannot concur therein . Therefore we do in the Name of the Kingdom of Scotland dissent from these Propositions and Bills now tendred to Your Majesty . London . Lauderdale . Char. Erskin . Hu. Kennedy . Ro. Berclay . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , Dec. 28. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great Distempers , for a perfect settlement of Peace , His Majesty finds to be none of the least Difficulties He hath met with since the time of His Afflictions . Which is too visible , when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to his Majesty several Bills and Propositions for his Consent , the Commissioners for Scotland do openly protest against them . So that were there nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference , his Majesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed , as thereby to promise himself his great End , A Perfect Peace . And when his Majesty farther considers how impossible it is ( in the condition he now stands ) to fulfil the desires of his two Houses , since the only ancient and known ways of passing Laws are either by his Majesties Personal Assent in the House of Peers , or by Commission under his Great Seal of England ; he cannot but wonder at such failings in the manner of Address which is now made unto him : unless his two Houses intend that his Majesty shall allow of a Great Seal made without his Authority , before there be any consideration had thereupon in a Treaty ; which as it may hereafter hazard the Security it self , so for the present it seems very unreasonable to his Majesty . And though his Majesty is willing to believe that the intention of very many in both Houses , in sending these Bills before a Treaty , was only to obtain a Trust from him , and not to take any advantage by passing them , to force other things from him which are either against his Conscience or Honour : yet his Majesty believes it clear to all understandings , that these Bills contain ( as they are now penned ) not only the devesting himself of all Sovereignty , and that without possibility of recovering it either to him or his Successors , ( except by repeal of those Bills ) but also the making his Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made upon the Subject , as in other particulars , so by giving an Arbitrary and unlimited Power to the two Houses for ever , to raise and levy Forces for Land or Sea-service , of what persons ( without distinction or quality ) and to what numbers they please ; and likewise , for the payment of them , to levy what moneys , in such sort and by such ways and means ( and consequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons ) as they shall think fit and appoint ; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and his Majesties Trust in protecting them . So that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills , his Majesty leaves all the world to judge how unsafe it would be for him to consent thereunto : and if not , what a strange condition ( after the passing of these Four Bills ) his Majesty and all his Subjects would be cast into . And here his Majesty thinks it not unfit , to wish his two Houses to consider well the manner of their proceeding ; That when his Majesty desires a Personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace , they in Answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted : a thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity . Wherefore his Majesty declares , That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksome condition of life his Majesty hath so long suffered , nor the apprehension of what may befall him in case his two Houses shall not afford him a Personal Treaty , shall make him change his Resolution , of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded . Yet then he intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to him , but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in his Message of the 16. of Novemb. last , which he thought would have produced better effects than what he finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto him . And yet his Majesty cannot give over , but now again earnestly presseth for a Personal Treaty , ( so passionately is he affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to his Majesty and all his Subjects ; ) of which he will not at all despair , ( there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace . ) However his Majesty is very much at ease within himself , for having fulfilled the Offices both of a Christian and of a King ; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God , to incline the hearts of his two Houses to consider their King , and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries . Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight , Decemb. 28. 1647. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament ; with the Resolutions of both Houses concerning the King. Together with an Order for Imprisoning the Persons and Sequestring the Estates of any that shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions . Die Sabbathi , 15. Januarii , 1647. THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , after many Addresses to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this Unnatural War raised by him against his Parliament and Kingdom , having lately sent Four Bills to his Majesty , which did contain only matter of Safety and Security to the Parliament and Kingdom , referring the composure of all other Differences to a Personal Treaty with his Majesty , and having received an absolute Negative , do hold themselves obliged to use their uttermost Endeavours speedily to settle the present Government in such a way as may bring the greatest Security to this Kingdom , in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof ; and in order thereunto , and that the Houses may receive no Delays nor Interruptions in so great and necessary a Work , they have taken these Resolutions , and passed these Votes following ; viz. Resolved upon the Question , THat the Lords and Commons do Declare , That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That no Application or Address be made to the King by any person whatsoever , without the leave of both Houses . Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order shall incur the Penalties of High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , That the Lords and Commons do Declare , That they will receive no more any Message from the King , and do enjoyn , that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Joh. Browne , Cleric . Parliamentorum . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. Die Lunae , 17. Januarii , 1647. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That this Declaration and these Resolutions be forthwith printed and published ; and that the several Knights of the Shires , and Burgesses that serve for the several Towns and places , do send Copies of the same to the several Counties and places . It is further Ordered , That whatsoever person shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions of Parliament , or shall incite or encourage others so to do , shall upon due proof thereof be Imprisoned , and his Estate Sequestred ; and the Offenders in the premisses , after publication hereof , shall be within the several Ordinances of Sequestration : And all Committees and Commissioners of Sequestrations are hereby authorized and required to take notice hereof , and to proceed to Sequestration accordingly . Joh. Browne , Cleric . Parliamentorum . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTIES Declaration in Answer to the Votes of No further Address . Carisbrook-Castle , 18. Jan. 1647. To all My People , of whatsoever Nation , Quality or Condition . AM I thus laid aside ? and must I not speak for my self ? No ; I will speak , and that to all my People , ( which I would have rather done by the way of my two Houses of Parliament , but that there is a publick Order , neither to make Addresses to , or receive Message from me . ) And who but you can be judge of the Differences betwixt me and my two Houses ? I know none else ; for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the happiness , or feel the misery of good or ill Government : and we all pretend who shall run fastest to serve you , without having a regard ( at least in the first place ) to particular Interests . And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time , and whether my actions have more tended to the Publick or my own Particular good . For whosoever will look upon upon me barely as I am a Man , without that Liberty ( which the meanest of my Subjects enjoys ) of going whither and conversing with whom I will ; as a Husband and Father , without the comfort of my Wife and Children ; or lastly , as a King , without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect my distressed Subjects ; must conclude me not onely void of all Natural Affection , but also to want common Understanding , if I should not most chearfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms . As also , on the other side , do but consider the Form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me ; and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty , ye will conclude , that the same spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace , hath had a powerful influence on this Message : for though I was ready to grant the Substance , and comply with what they seem to desire ; yet as they had framed it I could not agree thereunto , without deeply wounding my Conscience and Honour , and betraying the Trust reposed in me , by abandoning my People to the Arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever , for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea-Forces , without distinction of Quality , or limitation for Money-Taxes . And if I could have passed them in terms , how unheard of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter ? How ineffectual were that Debate like to prove , wherein the most potent party had nothing of moment left to ask , and the other nothing more to give ? so consequently , how hopeless of mutual compliance ? without which a Settlement is impossible . Besides , if after my Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot depart , how desperate would the Condition of these Kingdoms be , when the most proper and approved Remedy should become ineffectual ? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience , Honour or Prudence , pass those Four Bills , I only endeavoured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World , as they do to me , intending to give as little dissatisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament ( without betraying my own Cause ) as the matter would bear . I was desirous to give my Answer of the 28. of December last to the Commissioners sealed , ( as I had done others heretofore , and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners ) chiefly , because when my Messages or Answers were publickly known before they were read in the Houses , prejudicial interpretations were forced on them , much differing , and sometimes contrary to my meaning . For example , my Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations , because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom : and this last suffers in a contrary sense , by making me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom , ( then which nothing was , nor is , further from my thoughts ) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions , as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two Kingdoms . Indeed , if I had not mentioned their dissent , an Objection , not without some probability , might have been made against me , both in respect the Scots are much concerned in the Bill for the Militia and in several other Propositions , and my silence might with some justice seem to approve of it . But the Commissioners refusing to receive my Answer sealed , I ( upon the engagement of their and the Governour 's Honour , that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen ) read and delivered it open unto them ; whereupon what hath since passed , either by the Governour , in discharging most of my Servants , redoubling the Guards , and restraining me of my former Liberty , ( and all this , as himself confest , meerly out of his own dislike of my Answer , notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement ) or afterwards by the two Houses ( as the Governor affirms ) in confining me within the circuit of this Castle , I appeal to God and the World , whether my said Answer deserved the Reply of such proceedings ; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King. That , by the permission of Almighty God , I am reduced to this sad condition , as I no way repine , so I am not without hope but that the same God will , in due time , convert the Afflictions into my Advantage . In the mean time I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience and a great equality of Mind : but by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in my Affairs , I am utterly to seek ; especially when I consider that I have sacrificed to my two Houses of Parliament , for the Peace of the Kingdom , all but what is much more dear to me than my Life , my Conscience and Honour , desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way , A Personal Treaty . But that which makes me most at a loss is , the remembring my signal Compliance with the Army and their Interests , and of what importance my Compliance was to them , and their often-repeated Professions and Engagements for my just Rights in general , at Newmarket and Saint-Albans , and their particular explanations of those generals by their Voted and revoted Proposals ; which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from me , and that in some things therein I should be eased , ( herein appealing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army , if what I have said be not punctually true : ) and how I have failed of their expectations or my professions to them , I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason . And now I would know what it is that is desired . Is it Peace ? I have shewed the way ( being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it ) which is , a just Compliance with all chief Interests . Is it Plenty and Happiness ? they are the inseparable effects of Peace . Is it Security ? I who wish that all men would forgive and forget like me , have offered the Militia for my time . Is it Liberty of Conscience ? He who wants it is most ready to give it . Is it the right administration of Justice ? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of my two Houses of Parliament . Is it frequent Parliaments ? I have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . Is it the Arrears of the Army ? Upon a Settlement they will certainly be payed with much ease ; but before , there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility , in it . Thus all the World cannot but see my real and unwearied endeavours for Peace , the which ( by the Grace of God ) I shall neither repent me of , nor ever be slackned in , notwithstanding My past , present , or future Sufferings : But if I may not be heard , let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do . What is it that men are afraid to hear from me ? It cannot be Reason , ( at least none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it : ) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses ; for thereby , peradventure , I might more justifie this my Restraint than the causers themselves can do : so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to me . But it may be easily gathered how those men intend to govern who have used me thus . And if it be my hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom , I shall not blush for my self , but much lament the future Miseries of my People ; the which I shall still pray God to avert , whatever becomes of me . CHARLES R. Votes for a Treaty . Die Veneris , 28. Jul. 1648. Resolved , THat a Treaty be had with the King in Person in the Isle of Wight , by a Committee appointed by both Houses , upon the Propositions presented to him at Hampton-Court , and for the taking away of Wards and Liveries , for settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace . Die Mercurii , 2. Aug. 1648. Resolved , THat a Committee of both Houses be sent to his Majesty to acquaint him with their Resolutions to treat personally with his Majesty by a Committee of both Houses in such place as his Majesty shall make choice of in the Isle of Wight , upon the Propositions presented ▪ at Hampton-Court , and the taking away of Wards and Liveries , for the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace : Which Treaty is resolved by the two Houses to be transacted with Honor , Freedom and Safety to his Majesty , in the Isle of Wight . Die Jovis , 3. Aug. 1648. Instruction from both Houses of the Parliament of England for James Earl of Middlesex , Sir John Hippesley Knight , and John Bulkeley Esquire , Committees of Parliament . I. YOu , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall with all speed repair unto his Majesty at the Castle of Carisbook in the Isle of Wight . II. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall present unto his Majesty the Resolutions of both Houses of Parliament concerning a Personal Treaty to be had with his Majesty in the Isle of Wight . III. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall desire his Majesties speedy Answer to the said Resolutions . IV. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , are to acquaint his Majesty that you are only allotted ten days from Friday next for your Going , Stay , and Return . V. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall have power , in case his Majesty desires to see the Propositions which were presented to him at Hampton-Court , to present him a Copy of them . His MAJESTIES Message in Answer to the Votes . Carisbrooke , 10. Aug. 1648. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster . CHARLES R. IF the Peace of my Dominions were not much dearer to me than any particular Interest whatsoever ; I had too much reason to take notice of the several Votes which passed against me , and the sad Condition I have been in now above these seven Months . But since you my two Houses of Parliament have opened ( as it seems to me ) a fair beginning to a happy Peace , I shall heartily apply my self thereunto ; and to that end I will , as clearly and shortly as I may , set you down those things which I conceive necessary to this blessed Work , so that we together may remove all impediments that may hinder a happy conclusion of this Treaty , which with all chearfulness I do embrace . And to this wished End your selves have laid most excellent grounds : For what can I reasonably expect more then to Treat with Honour , Freedom and Safety , upon such Propositions as you have or shall present unto me , and such as I shall make to you ? But withal remember , that it is the definition , not names , of things which make them rightly known ; and that without means to perform , no Propositions can take effect . And truly my present Condition is such , that I can no more Treat then a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race who hath both his feet fast tied together . Wherefore my first necessary Demand is , That you will recal all such Votes and Orders by which people are frighted from coming , writing , or speaking freely to me . Next , that such men of all Professions , whom I shall send for as of necessary use to me in this Treaty , may be admitted to wait upon me . In a word , that I may be in the same state of Freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court . And indeed , less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those Offers which you have made me by your Votes . For how can I Treat with Honour , so long as people are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to me ? and am I honourably treated , so long as there is none about me ( except a Barber , who came now with the Commissioners ) that ever I named to wait upon me ? or with Freedom , until I may call such unto me , of whose services I shall have use in so great and difficult a Work ? And for Safety , ( I speak not of my Person , having no apprehension that way ) how can I judge to make a safe and well grounded Peace , until I may know ( without disguise ) the true present state of all my Dominions , and particularly of all those whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of these Kingdoms ? Which leads me naturally to the last necessary Demand I shall make for the bringing this Treaty to an happy end , which is , That you alone , or you and I joyntly , do invite the Scots to send some persons authorized by them to Treat upon such Propositions as they shall make : For certainly the publick and necessary Interests they have in this great Settlement is so clearly plain to all the World , that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence in this Treaty in order to a durable Peace . Wherefore I will only say , that as I am King of both Nations , so I will yield to none in either Kingdom for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both ; my Resolution being never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . Now as to the Place ( because I conceive it to be rather a circumstantial than real part of this Treaty , I shall not much insist upon it ) I name Newport in this Isle : yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy Distractions , doth force me earnestly to desire you to consider what a great loss of time it will be to Treat so far from the body of my two Houses , when every small debate ( of which doubtless there will be many ) must be transmitted to Westminster before it be concluded . And really I think ( though to some it may seem a Paradox ) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle , seeing me Treat in or near London , than in this Isle ; because so long as I am here , it will never be believed by many that I am really so free as before this Treaty begin I expect to be . And so I leave and recommend this point to your serious consideration . And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have proposed to me by your Votes of the third of this Month , but also given it all the furtherance that lies in me , by demanding the necessary means for the effectual performance thereof : All which are so necessarily implied by , though not particularly mentioned in , your Votes , as I can no ways doubt of your ready compliance with me herein . I have now no more to say , but to conjure you by all that is dear to Christians , honest men , or good Patriots , that ye will make all the Expedition possible to begin this happy Work , by hastning down your Commissioners fully authorized and well instructed , and by enabling me ( as I have shewed you ) to Treat ; praying the God of Peace so to bless our endeavours , that all my Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace . CHARLES R. Carisbrook , Aug. 10. 1648. A Letter from the Speaker of both Houses to His Majesty , Aug. 25. 1648. With Votes in order to a Treaty . May it please Your Majesty , WE are commanded by Your Majesties loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , to present unto Your Majesty these Resolutions inclosed , which are the results of the said Lords and Commons upon your Majesties Letter of the tenth of August instant . Westminster , 25. Aug. 1648. Your Majesties most loyal and most humble Subjects and Servants , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Die Jovis , 24. Aug. 1648. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That for opening a way towards a Treaty with his Majesty for a safe and well-grounded Peace , these four Votes following are hereby revoked and taken off , viz. 1. Resolved , That the Lords and Commons do declare , That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King. 2. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That no Application or Addresses be made to the King by any person whatsoever without the leave of both Houses . 3 Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order , shall incur the penalties of high Treason . 4. Resolved , That the Lords and Commons do declare , That they will receive no more any Message from the King ; and do enjoyn , that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King , to both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Resolved by the Lords and Commons , That his Majesty be desired to send to the Houses the Names of such Persons as he shall conceive to be of necessary use to be about him during this Treaty , they not being persons excepted by the Houses from Pardon , or under restraint , or in actual War against the Parliament by Sea or Land , or in such numbers as may draw any just cause of suspicion : And that his Majesty shall be in the Isle of Wight in the same state and Freedom as he was in when he was last at Hampton-Court . Resolved , That the Houses do agree , that such Domestick Servants , not being in the former Limitations , as his Majesty shall appoint to come to attend upon his Majesties Person , shall be sent unto him . Resolved , That the Town of Newport in the Isle of Wight , named by the King , shall be the Place for this Treaty with his Majesty . Resolved , That if the King shall think fit to send for any of the Scotish Nation , to advise with him concerning the Affairs of the Kingdom of Scotland only , the Houses will give them a safe Conduct , they not being persons under restraint in this Kingdom , or in actual War against the Parliament by Sea or Land , or in such numbers as may draw any just cause of suspicion . Resolved , That Five Lords and Ten Members of the House of Commons be Commissioners to Treat with the King. Resolved , That the time of beginning the Treaty be within ten days after the Kings Assent to Treat as is agreed , and to continue forty days after the beginning thereof . Resolved , That his Majesty be desired to pass his Royal Word to make his constant Residence in the Isle of Wight , from the time of his Assenting to Treat until twenty days after the Treaty be ended , unless it be otherwise desired by both Houses of Parliament ; and that after his Royal Word so passed , and his Assent given to Treat as aforesaid , from thenceforth the former Instructions of the 16. of November 1647. be vacated , and these observed ; and that Colonel Hammond be authorized to receive his Majesties Royal Word passed to the two Houses of Parliament for his Residence in the Isle of Wight , according as is formerly expressed , and shall certifie the same to both Houses . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Votes . For the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Carisbrook , Monday 28. August , 1648. MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the 25. of this Month , with the Votes that you sent Me , which though they are not so full as I could have wished , for the perfecting of a Treaty , yet because I conceive by what you have done , that I am in some measure fit to begin one , such is My uncessant and earnest desire to give a Peace to these My now distracted Dominions , as I accept the Treaty , and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commoners as My two Houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully Authorized and Instructed to Treat with Me ▪ not doubting but what is now wanting , will at our meeting upon Debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this Treaty , but also to the consummating of a safe and well-grounded Peace . So I rest , Your good Friend , CHARLES R. Here Inclosed I have sent you a List that ye have desired . I desire in order to one of your Votes , that ye would send Me a free pass for Parsons , one of the Grooms of My Presence-Chamber , to go into Scotland , and that ye would immediately send him to Me to receive the Dispatch thither . The List . Duke Richmond , Marq. Hartford , Earl Lindsey , Earl Southampton , Gentlemen of My Bed-Chamber . George Kirke , James Leviston , Henry Murrey , John Ashburnham , William Leg , Grooms of My Bed-Chamber . Thomas Davise , Barber . Hugh Henne , Humph. Rogers , William Levett , Pages of My Back-Stairs . — Rives , Yeoman of My Robes . Sir Ed. Sidenham , Robert Terwitt , John Housden , Querries , with four or six of My Footmen , as they find fittest to wait . Mistress Wheeler Landress , with such Maids as she will chuse . — Parsons , a Groom of My Presence . Sir Fulke Grevill , Captain Titus , Captain Burroughs , Master Cresset , — Hansted , Ab. Dowsett , — Firebrace , to wait as they did , or as I shall appoint them . Bishop of London , Bishop of Salisbury , Doctor Shelden , Doctor Hammond , Doctor Holdsworth , Doctor Sanderson , Doctor Turner , Doctor Heywood , Chaplains . Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Or. Bridgman , Sir Ro. Holbourne , Mr. Geffrey Palmer , Mr. Thomas Cooke , Mr. J. Vaughan , Lawyers . Sir Edward Walker , Mr. Phil. Warwick , Nic. Oudart , Charles Whitaker , Clarks and Writers . Peter Newton , Clem. Kinersley , to make ready the House for Treating . A Letter from the Speakers of both Houses to His MAJESTY , Sept. 2. MDCXLVIII . With the Names of their Committee to Treat with Him. YOur two Houses of Parliament have commanded us to acquaint Your Majesty , that they have appointed the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Pembroke , the Earl of Salisbury , the Earl of Middlesex , and the Lord Viscount Say and Seale , Members of the House of Peers , and Thomas Lord Wenman , Master Denzil Hollis , Master William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Sir Harbottle Grimston , Master Samuel Brown , Master John Crew , Master Recorder of the City of London , Sir John Potts , Master John Bulkeley , Members of the House of Commons , to Treat with Your Majesty at Newport in the Isle of Wight : And though they cannot come within the time appointed , yet they shall give their attendance with all convenient speed . 2. Septemb. 1648. Your Majesties most loyal and humble Servants , Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore ; William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Answer to both Speakers . For the Lord Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore ; and William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . My Lord , and Mr. Speaker . I Have received your Letter of the second of this Month , containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me ; and though they do not come at the time appointed , I shall not wonder , at first judging it too short , in respect of My two Houses , not of My self , so that I did not imagine it could be kept , ( as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of Mouth ) : and therefore it shall be far from Me to take Exceptions for their having elapsed the appointed time ; for God forbid that either my two Houses or I should carp at circumstances , to give the least impediment to this Treaty , much less to hinder the happy finishing of it . I say this the rather , because I know not how it is possible , ( in this I shall wish to be deceived ) that in Forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled ; and if so , it were more than strange , that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work , which as I will not believe can be stuck on by the two Houses , so I am sure it shall never be by Carisbrook , 7. Sept. 1648. Your good Friend , CHARLES R. I think fit to tell you , because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers , I have sent for My Advocate , Rives , and D. Duck. [ And afterward his Majesty desired the Persons named in this Note , inclosed in a Letter of one of their Commissioners , Novemb. 2. to be sent to Him. ] C. R. The Bishop of Armagh , the Bishop of Excester , the Bishop of Rochester , the Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Fern , Dr. Morley . [ The Propositions of both Houses being the same which had been presented to his Majesty at Hampton-Court , and little differing from those which had been largely discussed in the former Treaties at Oxford and Uxbridg ; for this reason , as also because neither Party did publish the particulars of this Treaty , we have thought fit to represent only what is Authentick , and therefore shall add only His Majesties fair Offers in order to a Peace . ] His MAJESTIES Propositions , 29. Sept. 1648. HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty , which he hoped might have been obtained at Westminster , between Him and His two Houses of Parliament immediately : yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners , His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place , as a fit means to begin a Treaty for a Peace , which might put an end to His own sad Condition , and the Miseries of His Kingdom . For an entrance whereunto , His Majesty hath already expressed His Consent to the First Proposition . But finding you are limited by Instructions , which you have no Warrant to communicate unto Him , and having cause by your Paper , of the 20. of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing , though He shall give you such Reasons as may satisfie you so to do , without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance , where His Majesties Reasons , Expressions and Offers upon Debate cannot be fully represented , and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much wast of the time allotted for the Treaty here ; and having lately received another Paper concerning the Church , containing in it self many particulars of great importance , and referring to divers Ordinances , Articles of Religion , and other things ( eleven or twelve in number ) of great length , and some of them very new , and never before presented to His Majesty , the due consideration whereof will take up much time , and require His Majesties Presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence : To the end therefore that the good work now in hand may ( by God's blessing ) proceed more speedily and effectually to an happy Conclusion , and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further security , and an earnest of future satisfaction ; His Majesty , upon consideration had of yours , makes these Propositions following . Concerning the Church ; His Majesty will consent , That the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament . And will by Act of Parliament confirm for Three years the Directory for the Publick worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . And will likewise confirm for Three years by Act of Parliament the form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him , to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . Provided , that His Majesty , and those of His Judgement , or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto , be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government , or form of Worship , but have free practice of their own profession . And that a free Consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time , ( Twenty of His Majesties Nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament , how the said Church-Government and form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed ; and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales : And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him , may in like manner be then considered of and determined , and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences . And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues , His Majesty considering that during these troublesome times divers of His Subjects have made Contracts and Purchases , and divers have disbursed great Sums of Money upon security and engagement of those Lands ; His Majesty for their satisfaction will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament , whereby legal Estates for Lives or for Years ( at their choice ) not exceeding ninety nine years , shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers , Contractors , and others to whom they are engaged , at the old Rents , or some other moderate Rent , whereby they may receive satisfaction . And in case such Lease shall not satisfie , His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction . Provided , that the Propriety and Inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively , according to the pious intentions of the Donors and Founders thereof : And the rest that shall be reserved , to be for their maintenance . His Majesty will give His Royal Assent for the better observation of the Lords day ; for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God ; and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom ; and to an Act against enjoying Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-residency ; and to an Act for Regulating and reforming both Universities , and the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . His Majesty will consent to an Act for the better discovery and speedy conviction of Popish Recusants , as is desired in your Propositions ; and also to an Act for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . As also to an Act for the rrue levying of the Penalties against Papists , to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , and as is proposed on His Majesties behalf . And also to an Act to prevent the practises of Papists against the State ; and for putting the Laws in execution ; and for a stricter course to prevent hearing and saying of Mass . But as to the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied that He can either sign or swear it , or consent to impose it on the Consciences of others ; nor doth conceive it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on . Touching the Militia ; His Majesty conceives that your Proposition demands a far larger power over the Persons and Estates of His Subjects than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm : yet considering the present Distractions require more , and trusting in His two Houses of Parliament , that they will make no further use of the Power therein mentioned , after the present Distempers setled , than shall be agreeable to the Legal exercise thereof in times past , or just necessity shall require , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , or such as they shall appoint during the space of ten years , shall Arm , Train and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained or Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersy , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , already raised , both for Sea and Land-service ; and shall from time to time , during the space of ten years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to de raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service , in the Kingdoms , Dominions and places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time during the said space of ten years think fit to appoint : And that neither the King , His Heirs , or Successors , or any other but such as shall act by the Authority or approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall during the said space of ten years exercise any of the Powers aforesaid . That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort , and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of ten years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time during the said space of ten years be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons , or such as they shall appoint , during the said space of ten years shall have power , 1. To suppress all Forces raised , or to be raised , without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any Foreign Forces who shall invade , or endeavour to invade , the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , or any of them . And after the expiration of the said ten years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation , or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons , raise , arm , train , discipline , employ , order , manage , disband , or dispose any the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities herein before mentioned , and expressed to be during the space of ten years in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any act , or any thing concerning the execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . And with the same Provisoes for saving the ordinary Legal Power of Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , as is set down in your Propositions . And with a Declaration , That if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in a Warlike manner , or otherwise , to the number of thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disperse themselves , being require thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose ; then such person or persons not so dispersing themselves , shall be guilty and incur the pains of High Treason , being first declared guilty of such offence by the said Lords and Commons ; any Commission under the Great Seal , or any other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding . And he or they that shall so offend herein , to be uncapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors . And likewise that it be provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties , &c. in raising and imyloying the Forces of that City in such sort as is mentioned in the said Proposition . With these Provisoes following to be inserted in the said Act. First , That none be compelled to serve in the Wars against their wills , but in case of coming in of strange Enemies into this Kingdom . And that the Powers above mentioned , as concerning the Land-Forces , other than for keeping up and maintenance of Forts and Garisons , and the keeping up , mantaining , and pay of this present Army , so long as it shall be thought fit by both Houses of Parliament , be exercised to no other purposes , than for the suppressing of Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , or for suppressing of any Foreign Forces which shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms , Dominions , or places aforesaid . And that the Monies be raised by general and equal Taxations ; saving that Tonnage and Poundage , and such Imposts as have been applyed to the Navy , be raised as hath been usual . And that all Patents , Commissions , and other Acts concerning the Premisses , be made and acted in His Majesties Name , by Warrant signified by the Lords and Commons , or such others as they shall authorise for that purpose . If it shall be more satisfactory to His two Houses , to have the Militia and Powers thereupon depending during the whole time of His Majesties Reign , rather than for the space of ten years , His Majesty gives them the Election . Touching Ireland , His Majesty having in the two preceding Propositions given His Consent concerning the Church and the Militia there in all things as in England , as to all other matters relating to that Kingdom , after advice with His two Houses , He will leave it to their determination , and give His Consent accordingly , as is herein hereafter expressed . Touching Publick Debts , His Majesty will give His Consent to such an Act for raising of Monies by general and equal Taxations for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army , Publick Debts and Engagements of the Kingdom , as shall be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament , and shall be audited and ascertained by them , or such persons as they shall appoint , within the space of twelve Months after the passing of an Act for the same . His Majesty will Consent to an Act , that during the said space of ten years , the Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper , Commissioners of the Great Seal , or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , Chancellor of Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolles , and Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of England , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quamdiu se bene gesserint ; and in the intervals of Parliament , by such others as they shall authorise for that purpose . His Majesty will Consent , That the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof , during the space of ten years , may be in the Ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in the Common-Councel assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , ( whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time , during the said space of ten years , in such manner as shall be agreed upon and appointed by both Houses of Parliament : And that no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Officers of the said City , shall be drawn forth or compelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof , for Military service , without their own free consent . That an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters , Customes , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Nonuser , Misuser , or Abuser . And that during the said ten years the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the Chief Officer and Governor from time to time during the said space to be nominated and removable by the Common-Council , as are desired in your Propositions . His Majesty having thus far expressed His Consent for the present satisfaction and security of His two Houses of Parliament and those that have adhered unto them , touching your four first Propositions , and other the particulars before specified ; as to all the rest of your Propositions delivered to Him at Hampton-Court , ( not referring to those Heads ) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered , as also to the remaining Propositions concerning Ireland , His Majesty desires only , when He shall come to Westminster , Personally to advise with His two Houses , and to deliver His Opinion , and the reasons of it : which being done , He will leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of His two Houses , which shall prevail with Him for his Consent accordingly . And His Majesty doth ( for His own particular ) only propose that He may have Liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster , and be restored to a condition of absolute Freedom and Safety , ( a thing which He shall never deny to any of His Subjects ) and to the possession of His Lands and Revenues ; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass to extend to all persons , for all matters relating to the late unhappy Differences : Which being agreed by His two Houses of Parliament , His Majesty will be ready to make these His Concessions binding , by giving them the force of Laws by His Royal Assent . Votes concerning His MAJESTIES Propositions and Concessions . Die Lunae , Octobr. 2. 1648. Resolved by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat they are not satisfied in the Propositions made by His Majesty in His Letter . And that a Letter be sent to the Commissioners in the Isle of Wight , to acquaint them that the Houses do well approve of their proceedings , and do give them thanks for their great care and pains in managing of this important and weighty business ; requiring them still to proceed , and act punctually according to their Instructions . [ But upon further Debate in the Treaty , some things being yet further cleared , and more fully granted by His Majesty , out of His earnest desire of Peace , they at last came so near to an Agreement , that the Lower House , after long consultation , passed the following Vote : ] Die Martis , 5. Decembr . 1648. Resolved upon the Question , That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses , are a Ground for the House to proceed upon for the Settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom . The Chief Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army , presented to the House of Commons , Nov. 20. MDCXLVII . To the Right Honourable the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament . The humble Remonstrance of his Excellency the Lord General Fairfax , and his General Council of Officers held at St. Albans , Thursday the 16. of Novemb. 1648. [ The Remonstrance it self being very long , and serving only to introduce their Propositions in the end , we have thought fit to represent only the Propositions themselves , as they are contracted in their own Abridgment . ] FIrst , That the Capital and grand Author of our Troubles , the Person of the King , by whose procurement , and for whose Interest only of will and power , all our Wars have been , may be brought to Justice for the Treason , Blood , and Mischief he is therein guilty of . Secondly , That a timely day may be set for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York to come in , by which time if they do not , that then they may be immediately declared incapable of any Government or Trust in this Kingdom or its Dominions , and thence to stand exil'd for ever as Enemies and Traitors , to dye without mercy if ever after found and taken therein . Or if by the time limited they do render themselves , that then the Prince be proceeded with as on his appearance he shall give satisfaction or not ; and the Duke , as he shall give satisfaction , may be considered as to future Trust or not . But however , that the Revenue of the Crown ( saving necessary allowances for the Children , and for Servants and Creditors to the Crown ) be sequestred , and the costly Pomp suspended for a good number of years ; and that this Revenue be for that time disposed toward publick Charges , Debts and Damages , for the easing of the People ; so as the Estates neither of Friends to publick Interest , nor alone of inferior Enemies thereto , may bear wholly the burthen of that loss and charge which by and for that Family , the Kingdom hath been put unto . Thirdly , That Capital punishment be speedily executed upon a competent number of his chief Instruments also , both in former and later Wars ; and that some of both sorts be pitcht upon as are really in your hands or reach . Fourthly , That the rest of the Delinquents English , may upon rendring themselves to Justice have mercy for their Lives ; and that only Fines be set upon them , and their persons declared incapable of any publick Trust , or having any voice in Elections thereto , at least for a good number of years : And that a short day may be set , by which all such Delinquents may come in ; and for those who come not in by that day , that their Estates be absolutely confiscate and sold to the publick use , and their persons stand exil'd as Traitors , and to die without mercy if ever found after in the Kingdom or its Dominions . Fifthly , That the satisfaction of Arrears to the Soldiery , with other publick Debts , and competent reparations of publick Damages , may be put into some orderly way : And therefore that the Fines and Compositions of Delinquents be disposed to those uses only , as also the Confiscations of such who shall be excluded from Pardon , or not come in by the day assigned . Now after publick Justice thus far provided for , we proceed in order to the general satisfaction and settling of the Kingdom . First , That you would set some reasonable and certain period to your own Power . Secondly , That with a period to this Parliament , there may be a settlement of the Peace , and future Government of the Kingdom . First , That there may be a certain succession of future Parliaments , Annual , or Biennial , with secure provision , 1. For the certainty of their sitting , meeting , and ending ; 2. For equal Elections ; 3. For the Peoples meeting to elect , provided that none engaged in War against the Kingdom may elect or be elected , nor any other who oppose this Settlement ; 4. For clearing the future power of Parliaments as supreme , only they may not give away any Foundation of Common Right ; 5. For liberty of entring Dissents in the said Representatives , that the People may know who are not fit for future Trusts , but without any further penalty for their free judgements . Secondly , That no King be hereafter admitted but upon Election of , and as upon Trust from , the People by such their Representatives , not without first disclaiming all pretence to a Negative Voice against the determinations of the Commons in Parliament ; and this to be done in some form more clear than heretofore in the Coronation Oath . These matters of general Settlement we propound to be provided by the Authority of the Commons in this Parliament , and to be further established by a general Contract or Agreement of the People , with their Subscriptions therunto . And that no King be admitted to the Crown , nor other person to any Office of publick Trust , without express Accord and Subscription to the same . Four Queries propounded by His MAJESTY , when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto him at Newport , concerning the intended Trial of His MAJESTY . 1. WHether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the former Declarations of the Army ? and if not , whether the Parliament would make good their Votes , that after He had consented to what they desired , He should be in a capacity of Honour , Freedom and Safety . 2. Whether His acknowledgement of the Blood that hath been spilt in the late Wars ( nothing being as yet absolutely concluded or binding ) could be urged so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against Him or any of His Party ? 3. Whether the Arguments that He hath used in a free and Personal Treaty , to lessen or extenuate , and avoid the exactness of any of the Conditions , though in manner and form only , might be charged against Him as an act of Obstinacy , or wilful persistence in what is alledged against Him , in that He goes on in a destructive course of Enmity against the People and the Laws of the Land , when He hath declared , that His Conscience was satisfied concerning divers particulars in the Propositions . 4. Whereas by the Letter of the Law all persons charged to offend against the Law , ought to be tried by their Peers or Equals , what the Law is , if the Person questioned is without a Peer ? And if the Law ( which of it self is but a dead Letter ) seems to condemn him , by what power shall Judgement be given , and who shall give it ; or from whence shall the administrators of such Judgement derive their power , which may ( by the same Law ) be deemed the supreme Power or Authority of Magistracy in the Kingdom ? His MAJESTIES Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings . Delivered to one of His Servants at His Departure from the Isle of Wight , and commanded to be published for the satisfastion of all His Subjects . WHen large pretences prove but the shadows of weak performance , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects ; and when a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time under the burthen of tyranny and oppression ? And hath not all the blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon My Head , Who am the greatest Sufferer , though the least guilty ? And was it not requisite to endeavour the stopping of that flux , which , if not stopt , will bring an absolute Destruction to this Nation ? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those Distractions , than by a Personal Treaty , being agreed upon by My two Houses of Parliament , and condescended to by Me ? And I might declare , that I conceive it had been the best Physick , had not the operation been hindred by the interposition of this imperious Army , who were so audacious as to style Me in their unparallel'd Remonstrance , their Capital Enemy . But let the world judge whether Mine endeavours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty : and whether I was not as ready to grant as they were to ask ; and yet all this is not satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land. Were not the dying hearts of my poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a Happiness from this Treaty ? and how suddenly are they frustrated in their expectations ! Have not I formerly been condemned for yielding too litte to My two Houses of Parliament ; and shall I now be condemned for yielding too much ? Have I not formerly been Imprisoned for making War ; and shall I now be condemned for making Peace ? Have I not formerly ruled like a KING ; and shall I now be ruled like a Slave ? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of my dear Wife and Children in peace and quietness ; and shall I now neither enjoy them nor Peace ? Have not My Subjects formerly obeyed Me ; and shall I now be obedient to My Subjects ? Have I not been condemned for Evil Counsellors ; and shall I now be condemned for having no Counsel but God ? These are unutterable Miseries , that the more I endeavour for Peace , the less My endeavours are respected ; and how shall I know hereafter what to grant , when your selves know not what to ask ? I refer it to your consciences , whether I have not satisfied your desires in every particular since this Treaty ; if you find I have not , then let Me bear the burthen of the fault ; but if I have given you ample satisfaction ( as I am sure I have ) then you are bound to vindicate Me from the fury of those whose thoughts are filled with blood : though they pretend zeal , yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing . I must further declare , that I conceive there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for peace of this Nation , than the illegall proceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters , and labour to bring in Democracy , and to abolish Monarchy . Needs must the total alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructlve to others , but in conclusion to themselves ; for they that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it ; for Faction is the Mother of Ruine : and it is the humour of those that are of this weather-cock-like disposition , to love nothing but mutabilities , neither will that please them but only pro tempore ; for too much variety doth but confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . Time is the best cure for Faction : for it will at length ( like a spreading leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and , like the Fish , for love of the bait be catch'd with the hook . I once more declare to all My loving Subjects , and God knows whether or no this may be My last , That I have earnestly laboured for Peace , and that My thoughts were sincere and absolute , without any sinister ends ; and there was nothing left undone by Me that My Conscience would permit me to do . And I call God to witness , that I do firmly conceive that the interposition of the Army ( that cloud of Malice ) hath altogether eclips'd the glory of that Peace which began again to shine in this Land. And let the world judge whether it be expedient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom , endeavouring , by pretending for Laws and Liberties , to subvert both . Such actions as these must produce strange consequences , and set open the flood-gates of Ruin to overflow this Kingdom in a moment . Had this Treaty been only Mine own seeking , then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it ; but I being importun'd by My two Houses , and they by most part of the Kingdom , could not but with a great deal of alacrity concurr with them in their desires for the performance of so commodious a work : and I hope by this time that the hearts and eyes of My People are opened so much , that they plainly discover who are the Underminers of this Treaty . For Mine own part , I here protest before the face of Heaven , that Mine own Afflictions ( though they need no addition ) afflict Me not so much as My Peoples Sufferings , for I know what to trust to already , and they know not ; God comfort both them and Me , and proportion our Patience to our Sufferings . And when the Malice of Mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thred , let them know , that I will , by the grace of God , be as contented to suffer as they are active to advance My Sufferings : and Mine own Soul tells Me , that the time will come when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the proceedings of of Peace : for if God hath proclaimed a blessing to the Peace-makers , needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads . I thank My God , I have armed My self against their Fury ; and now let the arrows of their Envy fly at Me , I have a breast to receive them , and a heart possest with Patience to sustain them ; for God is My Rock and My shield ; therefore I will not fear what man can do unto Me. I will expect the worst ; and if any thing happen beyond My expectation , I will give God the glory : for vain is the help of man. THE END . AN APPENDIX , CONTAINING THE PAPERS WHICH PASSED BETWIXT HIS MAJESTY And the Divines which Attended the Commissioners of the TWO HOUSES at the TREATY at NEWPORT , CONCERNING CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . In this APPENDIX are contained I. His MAJESTIES Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government . October 2. 1648. p. 612. II. The Answer of the Divines to His MAJESTIES Reason , Octob. 3. ibid. III. His MAJESTIES Reply to their Paper , Octob 6. p. 616. IV. The Rejoinder of the Divines to His MAJESTIES Reply , Octob. 17. p. 621. V. His MAJESTIES Final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. 1648. p. 634. I. His MAJESTIES Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government . CHARLES R. I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God , and of Apostolical Institution , as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular Persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for Ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving Rules for Christian Discipline , and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ) and hath ever since till these last times , been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : And therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government . Notwithstanding this My perswasion , I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure : Which if you can make appear to Me , then I will confess that one of My great Scruples is clean taken away ; And then there only remains , That being by My Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to My hands , Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof , until the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God ? Newport , 2. Oct. 1648. II. An Humble Answer returned to Your Majesties Paper delivered to us , Octob. 2. MDCXLVIII . May it please Your Majesty , WE do fully agree without hesitation , That these Scriptures cited in the margin of Your Paper , Acts xiv . 23. Acts vi . 6. 1 Cor. xvi . 1. 1 Cor. xiv . 1 Cor. v. 3. iii John 9 , & 10. do prove that the Apostles did ordain Presbyters and Deacons , give Rules concerning Christian Discipline , and had power of exercising Censures over Presbyters and others : and that these places of Scripture , 1 Tim. v. 22. Tit. i. 5. 1 Tim. v. 19. Titus 3. 10. do prove that Timothy and Titus had power to ordain Presbyters and Deacons , and to exercise censures over Presbyters and others : and that the second and third Chapters of the Revelation do prove , That the Angels of the Churches had power of governing of the Churches , and exercising Censures . But that either the Apostles , or Timothy and Titus , or the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , exercising Episcopal Government in that sense ; or that the Apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their Substitutes and Successors any such Episcopal Government ; or that this is proved in the least measure by the Scriptures alledged , we do as fully deny . And therefore do humbly deny also , That Episcopal Government is therefore most consonant to the Word of God , and of Apostolical institution , or proved so to be by these Scriptures . None of these were Bishops , or practised Episcopal Government , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters . Neither is such an Officer of the Church as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter to be found in the New Testament ( by which we humbly conceive that our Faith and Conscience touching this point ought to be concluded . ) The Name , Office , and Work of Bishop and Presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is clearly evident , Tit. i. 5 , 7. For this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain Presbyters in every City , as I had appointed thee . For a Bishop must be blameless . In which place the Apostle his reasoning were altogether invalid and inconsequent , if Presbyter and Bishop were not the same Office , as well as they have the same Name . The same is manifest , Acts xx . 17 , 28. And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus , and called the Presbyters of the Church , to whom he gave this charge , verse 28. Take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and govern the Church of God. Where we observe , That the Apostle being to leave these Presbyters , and never to see their faces more , verse 28. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the Church , as being Bishops of the Holy Ghost's making . But that the Holy Ghost did make any superior or higher kind of Bishops than these common Presbyters , is not to be found in that or any other Text. And that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we add to what we have already said , that in 1 Pet. v. 1 , 2. The Presbyters which are among you I exhort , who am also a Presbyter ; Feed the flock of God which is among you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . performing the office of Bishops . Where it appears plain to us , that under the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used in this place , is expressed whatsoever work the Presbyters are to do . Neither can Bishops , so called , as above Presbyters , do more for the government and good of the Church otherwise than is there expresly enjoyned unto Presbyters . By all which that hath been said , the point is rendred to be most clear to the judgement of most men , both ancient and of later times , That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the New Testament as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter : neither doth the Scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a Bishop that is not required in a Presbyter , nor any Ordination to the Office of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , nor any work or duty charged upon a Bishop which Presbyters are not enjoyned to do , nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . For that double honour which the Apostle speaks of 1 Tim. v. 17. as due to Presbyters that rule well , is with a note of ( especially ) affixed to that Act or work of labouring in the word and Doctrine , which is not that Act wherein Bishops have challenged a singularity or peculiar eminency above the Presbyters . To that which Your Majesty doth conceive , That Episcopal government was practised by the Apostles themselves ; we humbly answer , That the Apostles , as they were the highest Officers of the Church of Christ , so they were extraordinary in respect of their commission , gifts and Office , and distinguisht from all other Officers , 1 Cor. xii . 28. God hath set some in the Church , first , Apostles , secondarily , Prophets , thirdly , Teachers ; Ephes . iv . 11. Christ gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . Where the Apostles are distinguished from Pastors and Teachers , who are the ordinary Officers of the Church for Preaching the Word , and Government . That they had power and authority to ordain Church-Officers , and to exercise Censures in all Churches , we affirm ; and withal , that no other Persons or Officers of the Church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the Apostles practised it : except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the Apostles , by warrant of the Scripture . For that Government which they practised was Apostolical , according to the peculiar commission and authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called Episcopal , than as their Office was so comprehensive , as they had power to do the work of any or all other Church-Officers ; in which respect they call themselves Presbyteri , Diaconi , ( but never Episcopi in distinct sense ; ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , that to argue the Apostles to have practised Episcopal Goverment because they ordained other Officers , and exercised Censures , is as if we should argue a Justice of Peace to be a Constable , because he doth that which a Constable doth in some particulars . It 's manifest that the Office of Bishops and Presbyters was not distinct in the Apostles . They did not act as Bishops in some Acts , and as Presbyters in other Acts : the distinction of Presbyters and Bishops being made by men in after-times . And whereas Your Majesty doth conceive that the Episcopal Government was by the Apostles committed and derived to particular persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein , as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian discipline , and exercising censures over Presbyters and others , seeming by the alledged places of Scripture to instance in Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches ; we humbly answer , and first , to that of Timothy and Titus . We grant that Timothy and Titus had Authority and Power of ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , and of exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ; though we cannot say they had this power as the Apostles Substitutes or Successors in Episcopal Government ; nor that they exercised the power they had as being Bishops in the sense of Your Majesty ; but as extraordinary Officers or Evangelists , which Evangelists were an Office in the Church distinct from Pastors and Teachers , Eph. iv . 11. and that they were Evangelists , it appears by their being sent up and down by the Apostles , or taken along with them in company to several Churches , as the necessity and occasion of the Churches did require : The one of them being expresly called an Evangelist , 1 Tim. iv . 5. and neither of them being any where in Scripture called Bishop . Neither were they fixed to Ephesus and Crete , as Bishops in the Churches committed to them ; but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appears in Scripture , returned to them again . And it seems clear to us , that neither their abode at Ephesus and Crete was for any long time , nor so intended by the Apostle . For he imploys them there upon occasional business , and expresses himself in such manner , ( I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightest charge some that they teach no other doctrine , 1 Tim. i. 3. For this cause left I thee in Crete , Tit. i. 5. ) as doth not carry the fixing or constituting of a Bishop in a place as perpetual Governour . And it is as manifest that they were both of them called away from these places : ii Tim. iv . 9. Do thy diligence to come to me shortly ; Tit. iii. 12. Be diligent to come to me to Nicopolis . So that they may as well be called Bishops of any other Cities or Churches , where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have been of Ephesus and Crete ; as they are called by the Postscripts of these Epistles ; the credit of which Postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . Secondly , to that of the Angels of the Churches . The Ministers of the Churches are called Stars , and Angels , which denominations are metaphorical and in a mystery , Rev. i. 20. the mystery of the seven Stars ; Angels in respect of their Mission or sending , Stars in respect of their Station and shining . And it seems strange to us , that to so many express Testimonies of Scripture , an allegorical denomination or mystery should be opposed : These Angels being no where called Bishops in vulgar acceptation ; nor the word Bishop used in any of John's writings , who calls himself Presbyter ; nor any mention of superiority of one Presbyter to another , but in Diotrephes affecting it . And as to that which may be said , that the Epistles are directed to one , we answer , that a number of persons are in the mysterious and prophetick writings expressed in singulars ; and we humbly conceive , that being written in an Epistolary style , ( for they are as Letters or Epistles to the Churches ) these writings are directed as Letters to collective Representative Bodies use to be , that is , to one , but intended and meant to that Body in meeting assembled ; which that they were so intended , is clear to us , both because there were in Ephesus Bishops and Presbyters , one and the same , to whom the Apostle at his farewel commendeth the Government of the Church ; and by divers expressions in these Epistles , as Rev. 11. 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatira ; by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the particular Governours ( which were more than one ) and the people to be signified . And so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising Church-Censures and Government spoken of in these Chapters . Having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of Scripture compared together , that the Apostles themselves did not institute or practice Episcopal Government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein ; we shall in farther discharge of our duty to , and for the more clear and full satisfaction of , Your Majesty in this point , briefly declare into what Officers hands the ordinary and standing Offices of the Church were transmitted and derived by and from the Apostles . The Apostles had no Successors in eundem gradum : the Apostolical Office was not derived by Succession , being instituted by Christ by extraordinary and special Commission . But for the ordinary and standing use and service of the Church , there were ordained only two Orders of Officers , viz. Bishops and Deacons ; which the Apostle expresseth , Phil. 1. 1. To all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ; and onely of them doth the Apostle give the due Characters of Officers , 1 Tim. iii 2 , 8. From both which places of Scripture we conclude with ancient Expositors , both Greek and Latine , that Bishops are the same with Presbyters , and besides Presbyters , there is no mention of any other Order but that of Deacons . Of both which Orders in the Apostles times there were in one City more than one , as in Philippi and Ephesus . And we humbly offer to Your Majesty as observable , That though one Order might be superiour to another Order , yet in the same Order of Officers there was not any one superior to others of the same Order : No Apostle was above an Apostle ; no Evangelist above an Evangelist ; no Presbyter above a Presbyter ; no Deacon above a Deacon . And so we conclude this part , That since Church Officers are instituted and set in the Church by God or Christ Jesus , and that Ordination by or in which the Office is conveyed is of no other Officers but of Presbyters and Deacons , therefore there are no other Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Churches of Christ . As for the Ages immediately succeeding the Apostles , we answer , first , Our Faith reaches no farther than the Holy Scriptures : No human testimony can beget any more than a human faith . Secondly , we answer , That it is agreed upon by Learned men , as well such as contend for Episcopacy , as others , that the times immediately succeeding the Apostles , are very dark in respect of the History of the Church . Thirdly , That the most unquestionable Record of those times gives clear testimony to our assertion , viz. The Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians , who reciting the Orders of Church-Officers , expresly limits them to two , Bishops and Deacons ; and them whom in one place he calls Bishops , he always afterwards nameth Presbyters . The Epistles of Ignatius pretend to the next Antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by Vedelius to be so mixed , that it is hard , if not impossible , to know what part of them are genuine : Besides , Bishop Vsher in his late observations on them , chap. 18. pag. 138. confesses , that of the twelve of his Epistles , six are counterfeit , the other six mixt , and none of them in every respect to be accounted sincere and genuine . Fourthly , we grant , That not long after the Apostles times , Bishops in some superiority to Presbyters are by the Writers of those times reported to be in the Church ; but they were set up not as a Divine Institution , but as an Ecclesiastical , as afterwards both Arch-Bishops and Patriarchs were . Which is clear by Doctor Reynolds his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowles , wherein he shews out of Bishop Jewel , that Ambrose , Chrysostome , Jerome , Augustine , and many more holy Fathers , together with the Apostle Paul , agree that by the Word of God there is no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter ; and that Medina in the Council of Trent affirms not only the same Fathers , but also another Jerome , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius and Theophylact , to be of the same judgment : and that with them agree Oecumenius , Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and another Anselme , Gregory and Gratian , and after them many others : that it was inrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Catholick Doctrine , and publickly taught by Learned men . And adds , That all who have laboured in the Reformation of the Church for these 500 years , have taught that all Pastors , be they intituled Bishops or Priests , have equal authority and power by God's word . The same way goes Lombard Master of the Sentences , and Father of the School-men , who speaking of Presbyters and Deacons , saith , The Primitive Church had those Orders only , and that we have the Apostles precept for them alone . With him agree many of the most eminent in that kind , and generally all the Canonists . To these we may add Sixtus Senensis , who testifies for himself and many others : and Cassander , who was called by one of the German Emperors , as one of singular ability and integrity , to inform him and resolve his Conscience in questions of that nature ; who said , It is agreed among all , that in the Apostles times there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . For a conclusion , we add , that the Doctrine we have herein propounded to Your Majesty concerning the Identity of the Order of Bishops and Presbyters , is no other than the Doctrine published by King Henry the 8. 1543. for all his Subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal , with the neather House of Parliament . Of these two Orders only , ( so saith the Book ) that is to say , Priests and Deacons , Scripture maketh express mention , and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and Imposition of hands . By all which it seems evident , that the Order of Episcopacy , as distinct from Presbytery , is but an Ecclesiastical Institution , and therefore not unalterable . Lastly , we answer , That Episcopal Government which at first obtained in the Church , did really and substantially differ from the Episcopal Goverment which the Honourable Houses of Parliament desire the abolition of . The Bishop of those times was one presiding and joining with the Presbytery of his Church , ruling with them , and not without them : either created and made by the Presbyters , chusing out one among themselves , as in Rome and Alexandria ; or chosen by the Church , and confirmed by three or more of his Neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct ; lesser Towns and Villages had , and might have have , Bishops in them , as well as populous and eminent Cities , until the Council of Sardis decreed , That Villages and small Cities should have no Bishops , lest the name and authority of a Bishop might thereby come into contempt . But of one claiming as his due and right , to himself alone , as a superior order or degree , all power about Ordination of Presbyters and Deacons , and all jurisdiction , either to exercise himself , or delegate to whom he will of the Laity or Clergy , ( as they distinguish ) according to the Judgment and Practice of those in our times , we read not till in the latter and corrupter Ages of the Church . By all which it appears , that the present Hierarchy , the abolition whereof is desired by the Honourable Houses , may accordingly be abolished , and yet possibly the Bishops of those Primitive times , be . They are so far differing one from another . In answer to that part of Your Majesties Paper , wherein You require whether our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure ; we humbly conceive that there are Substantials belonging to Church-Government , such as are appointed by Christ and his Apostles , which are not in the Churches liberty to alter at pleasure . But as for Arch-Bishops , &c. we hope it will appear unto Your Majesties Conscience , that they are none of the Church-Governors appointed by our Saviour and his Apostles . And we beseech Your Majesty to look rather to the Original of them , than Succession . Octob. 3. 1648. III. His MAJESTIES Answer to the Paper delivered to Him by the Divines attending the Parliament's Commissioners , concerning Church-Government . C. R. HIS Majesty upon perusal of your Answer to His Paper of the second of October 1648. findeth that you acknowledg the several Scriptures cited in the Margin to prove the things for which they are cited , viz. That the Apostles in their own persons , that Timothy and Titus by Authority derived from them , and the Angels of the Churches , had power of Church-Government , and did or might actually exercise the same in all the three several branches in His Paper specified : And so in effect you grant all that is desired . For the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office , as it is distinct from that of Presbyters , than what properly falleth under one of these three , Ordination , giving Rules , and Censures . But when you presently after deny the persons that exercised the power aforesaid to have been Bishops , or to have exercised Episcopal Government in that sense , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , you do in effect deny the very same thing you had before granted : For Episcopal Government in that sense being nothing else but the Government of the Churches within a certain Precinct ( commonly called a Diocese ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the Presbyters and people of those Churches for that end ; since the substance of the thing it self in all the three forementioned particulars is found in the Scriptures , unless you will strive about names and words ( which tendeth to no profit , but to the puzling and subverting those which seek after truth ) you must also acknowledg that Episcopal Government in the sense aforesaid may be sufficiently proved from the Scriptures . In that which you say next , and for proof thereof insist upon three several Texts , His Majesty conceiveth as to the present business , that the most that can be proved from all or any of those places is this , That the word Bishop is there used to signifie Presbyter , and that consequently the Office and Work mentioned in those places as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are the Office and Work of a Presbyter ; which is confest on all sides , although His Majesty is not sure that the proof will reach so far in each of those places . But from thence to infer an absolute Identity of the Functions of a Bishop and a Presbyter , is a fallacy , which his Majesty observeth to run in a manner quite along your whole Answer : but it appears from the Scriptures , by what you have granted , that single persons ( as Timothy and Titus for example ) had Authority to perform such Acts and Offices of Church-Government as his Majesty hath not yet found , by any thing represented unto Him by you or any other from the Scripture , that a single Presbyter ever had authority to perform ; which is enough to prove that , the Community of Names in some places notwithstanding , the Functions themselves are in other places by their proper work sufficiently distinguished . But for the Name Episcopus or Bishop , His Majesty hath long since learned * from those that are skilful in the Greek tongue , that it imports properly no more than an Overseer , one that hath the charge or inspection of some thing committed unto him , as hee that is set to watch a Beacon , or to keep Sheep ; whence in the New Testament , and in the Ecclesiastical use , it is applied to such persons as have the Care and Inspection of the Churches of Christ committed unto them in Spiritualibus ; as both Bishops and Presbyters have in some sort , but with this difference , that mere Presbyters are Episcopi gregis only , they have the oversight of the Flock in the duties of Preaching , Administration of Sacraments , Publick Prayer , Exhorting , Rebuking , &c. but Bishops are Episcopi gregis and Pastorum too , having the oversight of the Flock and Pastors within their several Precincts , in the acts of external Government ; so that the common work of both Functions is the Ministry of the Gospel , but that which is peculiar to the Function of Bishops as distinguished from Presbyters is Church-Government . It is not therefore to be wondred , if it should happen in the New Testament , the word Episcopus to be [ usually ] applied unto Presbyters , who were indeed Overseers of the flock , rather than unto Church-Governors , who had then another Title of greater Eminency whereby to distinguish them from ordinary Presbyters , to wit , that of Apostles . But when the government of Churches came into the hands of their Successors , the names were by common usage ( which is the best Master of words ) very soon appropriated , that of Episcopus to the Ecclesiastical Governor or Bishop of a Diocese , and that of Presbyter to the ordinary Minister or Priest. His Majesty had rather cause to wonder , That upon such premises you should conclude with so much confidence , as if the point were rendred most clear to the Judgment of most men , both ancient and of latter times , That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the New Testament as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ; whenas His Majesty remembreth to have seen cited , by such Authors as He hath no reason to suspect , both out of the ancient Fathers and Councils , and out of sundry modern Writers , even of those Reformed Churches that want Bishops , great variety of Testimonies to the contrary . His Majesty is not satisfied with your Answer concerning the Apostles exercise of Episcopal Government , which you would put off , by referring it to their extraordinary Calling . Our Saviour himself was the first and chief Apostle , and Bishop of our Souls , sent by the Father , and Anointed by the Holy Ghost , to be both the Teacher and the Governour of his Church . By that Mission he receiv'd Authority , and by his Unction ability for those works which he performed in his own person whilst he lived upon the earth . Before he left the world , that the Church might not want Teaching and Governing to the worlds end , he chose certain persons upon whom he conferred both these Powers , whereby they became also Apostles and Bishops , by making them partakers both of his Mission before his Ascension , ( As my Father sent me , so send I you ) and of his Vnction shortly after his Ascension , when he poured upon them the Holy Ghost at Pentecost . The Mission both for teaching and governing ( at least for the substance of it ) was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the world ( Matt. xxviii . 18 , 20. ) and therefore necessarily to descend , and be by them transmitted to others , as their Substitutes and Successors . But the Vnction whereby they were enabled to both Offices or Functions , by the effusion of the Holy Ghost , in such a plenteous measure of Knowledg , Tongues , Miracles , Prophecyings , Healing , Infallibility of Doctrine , discerning of spirits and such like , was indeed extraordinary in them , and in some few others , though in an inferiour measure , as God saw it needful for the planting of the Churches and propagation of the Gospel in those Primitive times ; and in this ( which was indeed extraordinary in them ) they were not necessarily to have Successors . But it seems very unreasonable to attribute the exercise of that Power , whether of Teaching or Governing , to an extraordinary calling , which being of necessary and continual use in the Church , must therefore of necessity be the work of a Function of ordinary and perpetual use : Therefore the Acts of Governing of the Church were no more nor otherwise extraordinary in the Apostles , than the Acts of Teaching the Church were ; that is to say , both extraordinary for the manner of performance , in respect of their more than ordinary abilities for the same ; and yet both ordinary for the substance of the Offices themselves , and the works to be performed therein : and in these two ordinary Offices , their ordinary Successors are Presbyters and Bishops ; Presbyters qua Presbyters immediately succeeding them in the Office of Teaching , and Bishops qua Bishops immediately in the Office of Governing . The instances of Timothy and Titus you likewise endeavour to avoid by the pretension of an extraordinary calling . But in this Answer , besides the insufficiency thereof ( if all that is said therein could be proved ) His Majesty findeth very little satisfaction . 1. First , you say that Timothy and Titus were by Office Evangelists , whereas of Titus the Scriptures no where affirm any such thing at all ; and by your own Rule , your Authority without Scripture will beget ( if that ) but a humane Faith ; neither doth the Text clearly Prove that Timothy was so . 2. Setting aside mens conjectures ( which can breed but an humane Faith neither ) you cannot make it appear by any Text of Scripture , that the Office of an Evangelist is such as you have described it : The work of an Evangelist which Saint Paul exhorteth Timothy to do , seems by the Context ( 2 Tim : iv . 5. ) to be nothing but diligence in preaching the Word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions . 3. That which you so confidently affirm , That Timothy and Titus acted as Evangelists , is not onely denyed , but clearly refuted by Scultetus , Gerard and others ; yea even with scorn rejected of late ( as His Majesty is informed ) by some rigid Presbyterians , as Gillespy , Rutherford , &c. And that which you so confidently deny , that Timothy and Titus were Bishops , is not onely confirmed by the consentient testimony of all Antiquity ( even Jerome himself having recorded it , that they were Bishops , and that of St. Paul's ordination ) and acknowledged by very many late Divines ; but a Catalogue also of 27. Bishops of Ephesus lineally succeeding from Timothy our of good records , is vouched by Doctor Reynolds against Hart , and by other Writers . 4. You affirm , but upon very weak proofs , that they were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places . Some that have exactly out of Scripture compared the times and orders of the several journeys and stations of Paul and Timothy , have demonstrated the contrary concerning this particular . 5. Whereas you say it is manifest from the 2. Tim. iv . 9. and Tit. iii. 12. that they were called away from these places ; it doth no more conclude that they were not Bishops there , or that they might as well be called Bishops of other Churches , than it may be concluded from the attendance of the Divines at Westminster , that they are no longer Parsons or Vicars of their several Parishes . Lastly , for the Postscripts of these Epistles , though His Majesty lay no great weight upon them , yet He holdeth them to be of great antiquity , and therefore such as in question of fact , where there appears no strong evidence to weaken their belief , ought not to be lightly rejected . Neither doth His Majesty lay any weight at all upon the Allegory or Mystery of the denomination in the next point concerning the Angels of the Churches , as you mistake in your Answer thereunto ; wherein His Majesty finds as little satisfaction as in the last point before . The strength of His Majesties instance lay in this , That in the Judgement of all the Ancient and the best Modern Modern Writers , and by many probabilities in the Text it self , the Angels of the Seven Churches were personoe Singulares , and such as had a Prelacy as well over Pastors as People within their Churches , and that is in a word , Bishops . And you bring nothing of moment in your Answer to infirm this . You say truly indeed , That those Epistles were written in Epistolary style , and so ( as Letters to collective or representative Bodies use to be ) directed to one , but intended to the Body : Which when you have proved , you are so far from weakning , that you rather strengthen the Argument to prove those Angels to have been single persons : as when His Majesty sendeth a Message to His two Houses , and directs it to the Speaker of the House of Peers , His intending it to the whole House doth not hinder but that the Speaker to whom it is directed is one single person still . Yet His Majesty cannot but observe in this ( as in some parts of your Answer ) how willing you are versari in generalibus , and how unwillingly to speak out , and to declare plainly and directly what your opinion is concerning those Angels , who they were ; whether they were , ( as the great Antagonist of Episcopacy , Salmasius , very peremptorily ( sit ergo hoc fixum , &c. ) affirmeth ) the whole Churches ; or so many individual Pastors of the gathered Churches in those Cities ; or the whole College of Presbyters in the respective Churches ; or the singular and individual Presidents of these Colleges ; for into so many several Opinions are those few divided among themselves , who have divided themselves from the common and received judgement of the Christian Church . In the following discourse , you deny that the Apostles were to have any Successors in their Office , and affirm that there were to be onely two Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Church , wiz . Presbyters and Deacons . What His Majesty conceiveth concerning the Successors of the Apostles , is in part already declared , viz. That they have no Successors in eundem gradum , in respect of those things that were extraordinary in them , as namely the measure of their Gifts , the extent of their Charge , the infallibility of their Doctrine , and ( which is sundry times mentioned as a special Character of an Apostle properly so called ) the having seen Christ in the flesh . But in those things that were not extraordinary ( and such those things are to be judged which are necessary for the service of the Church in all times , as the Office of Teaching , and the power of Governing are ) they were to have and had Successors ; and therefore the Learned and Godly Fathers and Councils of old times did usually style Bishops the Successors of the Apostles , without ever scrupling thereat . And as to the standing Offices of the Church , although in the places by you cited , Phil. i. 1. i Tim. iii. 8. there be no mention of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , but of the two Orders only of Bishops or Presbyters and Deacons ; yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing Office in the Church besides : For there appear two other manifest reasons , why that of Bishops might not be so proper to be mentioned in those places ; the one , because in the Churches which the Apostles themselves planted , they placed Presbyters under them for the Office of Teaching , but took upon themselves the care , and reserved in their own hands the power of Governing in those Churches , for a longer or shorter time , as they saw it expedient for the propagating of the Gospel , before they set Bishops over them ; and so it may be probable that there was as yet no Bishop set over the Church of Philippi , when Saint Paul writ his Epistle to them . The other , because in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , the persons to whom he wrote being themselves Bishops , there was no need to write any thing concerning the choice or qualification of any other sort of Officers than such as belonged to their ordination or inspection , which were Presbyters and Deacons only , and not Bishops . Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles . 1. His Majesty believeth , that altho Faith , as it is an assent unto Truth supernatural or of Divine revelation , reacheth no further than the Scriptures , yet in matters of fact , humane Testimonies may beget a Faith , though humane , yet certain and infallible ; as by the credit of Histories we have an infallible Faith that Aristotle was a Greek Philosopher , and Cicero a Roman Orator . 2. The darkness of those times in respect of the History of the Church is a very strong Argument for Episcopacy ; which notwithstanding the darkness of the times hath found so full and clear a proof , by the unquestioned Catalogues extant in ancient Writers of the Bishops of sundry famous Cities , as Jerusalem , Antioch , Alexandria , Rome , Ephesus , &c. in a continued succession from the Apostles , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like . 3. In Clement's Testimony cited by you , His Majesty conceiveth you make use of your old fallacy , from the promiscuous use of the words to infer the indistinction of the things : for who can doubt of Clement's Opinion concerning the distinct Offices of Bishops and Presbyters , who either readeth his whole Epistle , or considereth that he himself was a Bishop in that sense , even by the confession of Videlius himself , a man never yet suspected to favour Bishops , who * saith , that after the death of Linus and Cletus , Clemens solus Episcopi nomen retinuit , quia jam invaluerat distinctio Episcopi & Presbyteri ? And for Ignatius Epistles , though some of late , out of their partial disaffection to Bishops , have endeavoured to descredit the whole Volume of them by all possible means , without any regard either of ingenuity or truth ; yet sundry of them are such as , being attested by the Suffrages of Antiquity , cannot with any forehead be denied to be his ; and there is scarce any of them which doth not give testimony to the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter : Ignatius himself also was a Bishop of Antioch , and a holy Martyr for the Faith of Christ . 4. You grant that not long after the Apostles times Bishops are found in the Writers of those times , as in some superiority to Presbyters ; but you might have added farther out of these Writers ( if you had pleased ) that there were some of them , as James at Jerusalem , Timothy at Ephesus , Titus in Crete , Mark at Alexandria , Linus and Clement at Rome , Polycarpus at Smyrna , constituted and ordained Bishops of these places by the Apostles themselves , and all of them reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office : And His Majesty presumeth you could not be ignorant that all or most of the testimonies you recite of the ancient Fathers , Writers of the middle ages , Schoolmen and Canonists , and the Book published under King Hen. the 8. do but either import the promiscuous and indifferent use of the names of Bishops and Presbyters , whereof advantage ought not to be made to take away the difference of the things ; or else they relate to a School-point ( which in respect of the thing it self is but a very nicety ) disputed pro and con by curious questionists , Vtrum Episcopatus sit or do vel gradus , both sides in the mean time acknowledging the right of Church-government to be in the Bishops alone , and not in the Presbyters ; as also that there may be produced either from the very same Writers , or from others of as good authority or credit , testimonies both for number and clearness far beyond those by you mentioned , to assert the three different Degrees or Orders ( call them whether you will ) of Ecclesiastical Functions , ( viz. ) the Bishop , the Presbyter , and the Deacon . As to that which you add lastly , concerning the difference between Primitive Episcopacy and the present Hierarchy , albeit His Majesty doth not conceive that the accessions or additions granted by the favour of His Royal Progenitors , for the enlarging of the Power or Privileges of Bishops , have made , or indeed can make , the Government really and substantially to differ from what formerly it was , no more than the addition of Arms or Ornaments can make a body really and substantially to differ from it self naked or devested of the same ; nor can think it either necessary or yet expedient that the elections of the Bishops , or some other Circumstantials touching their Persons or Office , should be in all respects the same under Christian Princes , as it was when Christians lived among Pagans and under Persecution : yet His Majesty so far approveth of your Answer in that behalf , that he thinketh it well worthy the studies and endeavours of the Divines of both Opinions , laying aside Emulation and private Interests , to reduce Episcopacy and Presbytery into such a well-proportioned Form of Superiority and Subordination as may best resemble the Apostolical and Primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of times and the exigences of all considerable circumstances will admit , so as the power of Church-Government in the particular of Ordination , which is meerly spiritual , may remain Authoritative in the Bishop , but that Power not to be exercised without the concurrence or assistance of his Presbytery , as Timothy was ordained by the authority of St Paul , ii Tim. i. 6. but with the concurrence or assistance of the Presbytery , i Tim. iv . 14. Other powers of Government which belong to Jurisdiction , though they are in the Bishops , ( as before is exprest ) yet the outward exercise of them , may be ordered and disposed or limited by the Sovereign power , to which by the Laws of the Land and the acknowledgement of the Clergy they are subodinate : but His Majesty doubteth whether it be in your power to give Him any present assurance , that in the desired Abolition of the present Hierarchy , the utter abolishing of Episcopacy , and consequently of the Primitive Episcopacy , is neither included nor intended . As to the last part of His Majesties Paper , His Majesty would have been satisfied , if you had been more particular in your Answer thereunto . You tell Him in general , that there are Substantials in Church-Government appointed by Christ , &c. but you neither say what those Substantials are , nor in whose hands they are left ; whereas His Majesty expected that you should have declared your opinions clearly , whether Christ or his Apostles left any certain Form of Government to be observed in all Christian Churches ; then , whether the same binds all Churches to the perpetual observation thereof , or whether they may upon occasion alter the same , either in whole or in part ; likewise whether that certain Form of Government which Christ and his Apostles have appointed as perpetual and unalterable ( if they have appointed any such at all ) be the Episcopal , or the Presbyterian , or some other differing from them both . And whereas in the conclusion you beseech His Majesty to look rather to the Original of Bishops than to their Succession ; His Majesty thinks it needful to look at both ; especially since their Succession is the best clue , the most certain and ready way to find out their Original . His Majesty having returned you this Answer , doth profess , that as whatsoever was of weight in yours shall have influence on Him ; so He doubts not but somewhat may appear to you in His which was not so clear to you before : and if this Debate may have this end , that it dispose others to the temper of accepting Reason , as it shall Him of endeavouring to give satisfaction in all He can to His two Houses , His Majesty believes though it hath taken up , it hath not mis-spent His time . Newport , Octob. 6. IV. The Humble Answer of the Divines attending the Honourable Commissioners of Parliament at the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight , to the Second Paper delivered to them by His Majesty , Octob. 6. 1648. Delivered to His Majesty , Octob. 17. May it please Your Majesty , AS in our Paper of October the third , in Answer to Your Majesties of October the second , we did , so now again we do , acknowledg that the Scriptures cited in the Margin of Your Majesties Paper do prove , that the Apostles in their own persons , that Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches , had power respectively to do those things which are in those places of Scripture specified : But as then , so now also we humbly do deny , that any of the persons or Officers fore-mentioned were Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , or did exercise Episcopal Government in that sense ; or that this was in the least measure proved by the alledged Scriptures . And therefore our Negative not being to the same point or state of the Question which was affirmed , we humbly conceive that we should not be interpreted to have , in effect , denied the very same thing which we had before granted , or to have acknowledged that the several Scriptures do prove the thing for which they are cited by Your Majesty . And if that which we granted were all that , by the Scripture cited in Your Margin , Your Majesty intended to prove ; it will follow , that nothing hath yet been proved on Your Majesties part , to make up that Conclusion which is pretended . As then we stood upon the Negative to that Assertion , so we now crave leave to represent to Your Majesty , that Your Reply doth not infirm the Evidence given in maintenance thereof . The reason given by Your Majesty in this Paper to support Your Assertion , That the persons that exercised the power aforesaid were Bishops in distinct sense , is taken from a description of Episcopal Government ; which is ( as Your Majesty saith ) nothing else but the Government of the Churches within a certain Precinct ( commonly called a Diocess ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the Presbyters and people of those Churches for that end : which Government so described being for substance of the thing it self in all the three forementioned particulars ( Ordaining , giving rules of Discipline , and Censures ) found in Scriptures , except we will contend about names and words , must be acknowledged in the sense aforesaid to be sufficiently proved from Scriptures . And Your Majesty saith farther , that the Bishops do not challenge more or other power to belong to them , in respect of their Episcopal Office , as it is distinct from that of Presbyters , than what properly falls under one of those three . We desire to speak both to the Bishops Challenge , and to Your Majesties Description of Episcopal Government . And first to their Challenge , because it is first exprest in Your Majesties Reply . The Challenge we undertake in two respects : 1. In respect of the Power challenged , 2. in respect of that ground or Tenure upon which the claim is laid . The Power challenged consists of three particulars , Ordaining , giving Rules of Discipline , and Censures : No more , no other , in respect of their Episcopal Office. We see not by what warrant this Writ of partition is taken forth by which the Apostolical Office is thus shared or divided ; the Governing part into the Bishops hands , the Teaching and administring Sacraments into the Presbyters . For besides that the Scripture makes no such inclosure or partition-wall , it appears , the challenge is grown to more than was pretended unto in the times of grown Episcopacy . Jerome and Chrysostom do both acknowledg for their time , that the Bishop and Presbyter differed only in the matter of Ordination : and learned Doctor Bilson makes some abatement in the claim of three , saying , the things proper to Bishops , which might not be common to Presbyters , are singularity of Succeeding , and superiority in Ordaining . The Tenure or ground upon which the claim is made , is Apostolical , which with us is all one with Divine Institution . And this , as far as we have learned , hath not been anciently , openly , or generally avowed in this Church of England , either in time of Popery , or of the first Reformation ; and whensoever the pretension hath been made , it was not without the contradiction of learned and godly men . The abettors of the challenge , that they might resolve it at last into the Scripture , did chuse the most plausible way of ascending by the scale of Succession , going up the River to find the Head : but when they came to Scriptures , and found it like the head of Nile ( which cannot be found ) they shrouded it under the name and countenance of the Angels of the Churches , and of Timothy and Titus . Those that would carry it higher , endeavoured to impe it into the Apostolical Office , and so at last called it a Divine Institution , not in force of any express precept , but implicite practice of the Apostles ; and so the Apostolical Office ( excepting the gifts or enablements confest only extraordinary ) is brought down to be Episcopal , and the Episcopal raised up to be Apostolical . Whereupon it follows , that the Highest Officers in the Church are put into a lower orb ; an extraordinary Office turned into an ordinary , a distinct Office confounded with that which in the Scripture is not found , a temporary and an extinct Office revived . And indeed if the definitions of both be rightly made , they are so incompetible to the same subject , that he that will take both must lose that one ; aut Apostolus Episcopatum , aut Apostolatum Episcopus : For the Apostles , though they did not in many things act aliud , yet they acted alio nomine & alio munere , then Presbyters or Bishops do : and if they were indeed Bishops , and their Government properly Episcopal in distinct sense , then it is not needful to go so far about to prove Episcopal government of Divine Institution , because they practised it ; but to assert expresly , that Christ instituted it immediately in them . For Your Majesties Definition of Episcopal Government , it is extracted out of the Bishops of later date than Scripture-times , and doth not sute to that Meridian under which there were more Bishops than one in a Precinct or Church ; and it is as fully competent to Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Government , as Episcopal . The parts of this definition , materially and abstractly considered , may be found in Scripture . The Apostles , Timothy and Titus , were single persons , but not limited to a Precinct : The Government of the Angel was limited to a Precinct , but not in single persons . In several Offices , not to be confounded , the parts of this definition may be found ; but the aggregation of them all together into one ordinary Officer cannot be found . And if that word , ordinary , and standing Government , had made the Genus in your Majesties Definition ( as it ought to be ) we should crave leave to say it would be gratis dictum , if not petitio principii : for the Scripture doth not put all these parts together in a Bishop , who never borrowed of Apostles , Evangelists , and Angels , the matter of Governing and Ordaining , and left the other of Teaching , dispensing Sacraments , and dealing only in foro interno , to Presbyters , until after-times . By this that hath been said it is manifest enough , that we contend not , first , de nomine , about the Name of Episcopal Government ; which yet ( though names serve for distinction ) is not called or distinguished by the name in Scripture : nor secondly , de opere , about the Work , whether the work of Governing , Ordering , Preaching , &c. be of continuance in the Church , which we clearly acknowledg : But thirdly , de munere , about the Office , it being a great fallacy to argue , That the Apostles did the same work which Bishops or Presbyters are to do in ordinary : Therefore they were of the same Office. For as it is said of the liberal and learned Arts , one and the same thing may be handled in divers of them : and yet these Arts are distinguisht by formalis ratio of handling of them : so we say of Offices , they are distinguisht by their Callings and Commissions , though not by the work ; as all those that are named Eph. iv . ii . Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , and Teachers , are designed to one and the same general and common work , the work of the Ministry , ver . 12. and yet they are not therefore all one ; for it 's said , some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . A Dictator in Rome and an ordinary Tribune , Moses and the subordinate Governors of Israel , the Court of Parliament and of the Kings-Bench , an Apostle and a Presbyter or Deacon , may agree in some common work , and yet no confusion of Offices follows thereupon . To that which Your Majesty conceives , that the most that can be proved from all or any of those places by us alledged ( to prove that the Name , Office , and Work of Bishops and Presbyters is one and the same in all things , and not in the least distinguisht ) is , That the word Bishop is used in them to signifie a Presbyter , and the consequently the Office and Work mentioned in those places as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are the Office of a Presbyter , which is confessed on all sides ; we make this humble return , That though there be no supposition so much as implied that the Office of a Bishop and a Presbyter are distinct in any thing ( for the names are mutually reciprocal , ) yet we take Your Majesties Concession , that in these times of the Church and places of Scripture there was no distinct Office of Bishops and Presbyters ; and consequently , that the identity of the Office must stand , until there can be found a clear distinction of division in the Scriptures . And if we had argued the identity of Functions from the Community of names and some part of the work , the Argument might have been justly termed a fallacy ; but we proved them the same Office from the same work , per omnia , being allowed so to do by the fulness of those two words used in the Acts and S. Peter his Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the force of which words the Bishops claim their whole power of Government and Jurisdiction : and we found no little weight added to our Argument from that in the Acts , where the Apostle departing from the Ephesian Presbyters or Bishops , as never to see their faces more , commits ( as by a final charge ) the Government of that Church , both over parricular Presbyters and people , not to Timothy , who then stood at his elbow , but to the Presbyters , under the name of Bishops , made by the Holy Ghost ; whom we read to have set many Bishops over one Church , not one over either one or many . And the Apostles arguing from the same Qualification of a Presbyter and of a Bishop in order to Ordination or putting him into Office , fully proves them to be two names of the same Order or Function ; the divers orders of Presbyter and Deacon being diversly characterised . Upon these grounds ( we hope without fallacy ) we conceive it justly proved , that a Bishop and a Presbyter are wholly the same . That Timothy and Titus were single persons , having authority of Government , we acknowledge ; but deny that from thence any argument can be made unto either single Bishop or Presbyter : for though a singie Presbyter by the power of his Order ( as they call it ) may preach the Word and dispense the Sacraments ; yet by that example of the Presbytery , their Laying on of hands , and that Rule of Telling the Church in matter of scandal , it seems manifest that Ordination and Censures are not to be exercised by a single Presbyter : neither hath Your Majesty hitherto proved either the names of Bishops and Presbyters , or the Function , to be in other places of Scripture at all distinguished ; You having wholly waved the notice or answer of that we did assert ( and do yet desire some demonstration of the contrary ) viz. That the Scripture doth not afford us the least notice of any Qualification , any Ordination , any work or duty , any honour peculiary belonging to a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ; the assignment of which , or any of them , unto a Bishop by the Scripture , would put this Question near to an issue . That God should intend a distinct and highest kind of Officer for Government in the Church , and yet not express any qualification , work , or way of constituting and ordaining of him , seems unto us improbable . Concerning the signification of the word Episcopus , importing an Overseer , or one that hath a charge committed to him , for instance , of watching a Beacon , or keeping sheep , and the application of the name to such persons as have inspection of the Churches of Christ committed to them in spiritualibus ; we also give our suffrage ; but not to that distinction of Episcopus gregis , and Episcopus pastorum & gregis ; both because it is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or point in question ; and also because Your Majesty having signified that Episcopus imports a keeper of sheep , yet You have not said that it signifies also a keeper of shepherds . As to that which is affirmed by Your Majesty , that the peculiar of the Function of Bishops is Church-Government ; and that the reason why the word Episcopus is usually applied to Presbytery , was because Church-Governors had then another title of greater eminency , to wit , that of Apostles , until the Government of the Church came into the hands of their Successors , and then the names were by common usage very soon appropriated , that of Episcopus to Ecclesiastical Governors , that of Presbyter to the ordinary Ministrrs : This assertion Your Majesty is pleased to make without any demonstration ; for whom the Scripture calls Presbyters , Rulers , and Pastors , and Teachers , it calls Governors , and commits to them the charge of feeding and inspection , as we have proved , and that without any mention of Church-Government peculiar to a Bishop . We deny not but some of the Fathers have conceived the notion that Bishops were called Apostles , till the names of Presbyter and Episcopus became appropriate ; which is either an allusion or conceit , without Evidence of Scripture ; for while the Function was one , the names were not divided ; when the Function was divided , the name was divided also , and indeed impropriate ; but we that look for the same warrant for the division of an Office as for the Constitution , cannot find that this appropriation of names was made till afterwards , or in process of time , as Theodore ( one of the Fathers of this conceit ) affirms , whose saying , when it is run out of the pale of Scripture time , we can no further follow . From which premisses laid all together , we did conclude the clearness of our assertion , that in the Scriptures of the New Testament , a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter in Qualification , Ordination , Office or Dignity , is not found : the contrary whereof though Your Majesty saith that You have seen confirmed by great variety of credible Testimony , yet we believe those Testimonies are rather strong in asserting , than in demonstrating the Scripture-Original of a Bishop , which is declared against by a cloud of Witnesses , named in the latter end of our former Answer , unto which we should refer , if matter of right were not properly triable by Scripture , as matter of Fact is by Testimony . We said that the Apostles were the highest Order of Officers of the Church ; that they were extraordinary ; that they were distinguisht from all other Officers ; and that their Government was not Episcopal , but Apostolical . To which Answer Your Majesty , being not satisfied , doth oppose certain Assertions , That Christ himself and the Apostles received their Authority by Mission , their Ability by Vnction ; That the Mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the World ; but the Vnction , whereby they were enabled to both Offices and Functions , Teaching and Governing , was indeed extraordinary ; That in their Vnction they were not necessarily to have Successors , but necessarily in their Mission or Office of Teaching and Governing ; That in these two ordinary Offices , their ordinary Successors are Presbyters and Bishops ; That Presbyters qua Presbyters , do immediately succeed them in the Office of Teaching , and Bishops qua Bishops immediately in the Office of Governing : the demonstration of which last alone would have carried in it more conviction than all these Assertions put together . Officers are distinguished by that whereby they are constituted , their Commission , which being produced signed by one place of Scripture , gives surer evidence than a Pedigree drawn forth by such a series of distinctions as do not distinguish him into another Officer from a Presbyter . Whether this chain of distinction be strong , and the links of it sufficiently tackt together , we crave leave to examine . Christ , saith Your Majesty , was the Apostle and Bishop of our Souls , and he made the Apostles both Apostles and Bishops . We do not conceive that Your Majesty means that the Apostles succeeded Christ as the chief Apostle , and that as Bishops they succeed Christ as a Bishop , lest thereby Christ his Mission as an Apostle and Bishop might be conceived as ordinary as their Mission is said to be ; but we apprehend Your Majesty to mean , that the Office of Apostle and Bishop was eminently contained in Christs Office , as the Office of a Bishop was eminently contained in that of Apostleship : but thence it will not follow that inferior Offices being contained in the superior eminently , are therefore existent in it formally . For because all Honours and Dignities are eminently contained in Your Majesty , would it therefore follow that Your Majesty is formally and distinctly a Baron of the Realm , as it is asserted , the Apostles to have been Bishops in distinct sense ? That Mission refers to Office and Authority , and Vnction only to Ability , we cannot consent ; for besides that the breathing of Christ upon his Disciples , saying , Receive ye the Holy Ghost , doth refer to mission as well as unction ; we conceive that in the proper anointing of Kings or other Officers , the natural use and effect of the oil upon the body was not so much intended , as the solemn and ceremonious use of it in the Inauguration of them . So there is relation to Office in unction , as well as to conferring of abilities ; else how are Kings or Priests or Prophets said to be anointed ? And what good sense could be made of that expression in Scripture , of anointing one in anothers room ? To omit , that Christ by this construction should be called the Messias in respect of Abilities only . And although we should grant Your Majesties explication of Mission and Vnction ; yet it will not follow that the mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and their unction only extraordinary . That into which there is succession , was ordinary ; that into which there is no succession , ( for succession is not unto abilities or gifts ) extraordinary ; and so the Apostles were ordinary Officers in all whereunto there is properly any succession , and that is Office. They differed from Bishops in that wherein one Apostle or Officer of the same order might differ from another , to wit , in abilities and measure of Spirit , but not in that wherein one order of Officers is above another by their Office ; To which we cannot give consent . For since no man is denominated an Officer from his meer abilities or gifts ; so neither can the Apostles be called extraordinary Officers because of extraordinary gifts : but that the Apostles Mission and Office ( as their abilities ) was extraordinary and temporary , doth appear in that it was by immediate Commission from Christ , without any intervention of men , either in Election or Ordination , for planting an authoritative governing of all Churches through the World , comprehending in it all other Officers of the Church whatsoever ; and therefore it seems to us very unreasonable that the Office and Authority of the Apostles should be drawn down to an ordinary , thereby to make it , as it were , a fit stock into which the ordinary Office of a Bishop may be ingrafted ; nor doth the continuance of Teaching and Governing in the Church more render the Office of teaching and governing in the Apostles an ordinary Office , than the Office of teaching and governing in Christ himself renders his Office therefore ordinary . The reason given , That the Office of Teaching and Governing was ordinary in the Apostles , because of the continuance of them in the Church ( we crave leave to say ) is that great mistake which runs through the whole file of Your Majesties Discourse : for tho there be a Succession in the Work of Teaching and Governing , yet there is no Succession in the Commission or Office by which the Apostles performed them ; for the Office of Christ , of Apostles , of Evangelists or Prophets , is thence also concluded ordinary , as to Teaching and Governing , and the distinction of Offices Extraordinary and Ordinary eatenus destroyed . The Succession may be into the same Work , not into the same Commission and Office : The ordinary Officers , which are to manage the work of Teaching and Government , are constituted , settled and limited by warrant of Scripture , as by another Commission than that which the Apostles had . And if Your Majesty had shewn us some Record out of Scripture , warranting the division of the Office of Teaching and Governing into two hands , and the appropriation of Teaching to Presbyters , of Governing to Bishops , the question had been determined ; otherwise we must look upon the dissolving of the Apostolical Office , and distribution of it into these two hands , as the dictate of men who have a mind , by such a precarious Argument , to challenge to themselves the Keys of Authority , and leave the Word to the Presbyters . In our answer to the instances of Timothy and Titus ( which Doctor Bilson acknowledgeth to be the main erection of Episcopal power , if the proof of their being Bishops do stand ; or subversion , if the answer that they were Evangelists be good ) Your Majesty finds very little satisfaction , though all that is said therein could be proved . First , because the Scriptures no where imply any such thing at all , that Titus was an Evangelist , neither doth the text clearly prove that Timothy was so . 1. The name of Bishop the Scripture neither expressly nor by implication gives to either ; the work which they are injoyned to do is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , and cannot of it self make a character of one distinct and proper Office : But that there was such an Order of Officers in the Church as Evangelists reckoned amongst the extraordinary and temporary Offices , and that Timothy was one of that Order , and that both Timothy and Titus were not ordained to one particular Church , but were companions and fellow-Labourers with the Apostles , sent abroad to several Churches as occasion did require ; it is ( as we humbly conceive ) clear enough in Scripture , and not denied by the learned defenders of Episcopal Government , nor ( as we remember ) by Scultetus himself , during the time of their travels . 2. To that which Your Majesty secondly saith , That we cannot make it appear by any Text of Scripture that the Office of Evangelist is such as we have described , his work seeming , 11 Tim. VIII . 4 , 5. to be nothing else but diligence in preaching the word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions ; we humbly answer , that exact definitions of these or other Church-Officers are hard to be found in any Text of Scripture , but by comparing one place of Scripture with another , it may be proved as well what they were , as what the Apostles and Presbyters were , the description by us given being a Character made up by collation of Scriptures ; from which Mr. Hooker doth not much vary , saying , that Evangelists were Presbyters of principal sufficiency , whom the Apostles sent abroad and used as Agents in Ecclesiastical Affairs , wheresoever they saw need . And that Pastors and Teachers were settled in some certain charge , and thereby differed from Evangelists , whose work that it should be nothing but diligence in preaching , &c. which is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , and so not distinctive of this particular Office , argueth to us , that as the Apostles Office was divided into Episcopal and Apostolical , so this also is to be divided into Episcopal and Evangelistical , Ordination and Censures belonging to Timothy as to a Bishop , and diligence in Preaching only being left to the Evangelist : which division ( as we humbly conceive ) is not warranted by the Scripture . Thirdly , Your Majesty faith , that that which we so confidently affirm of Timothy and Titus their acting as Evangelists , is by some denied and refuted , yea even with scorn rejected by some rigid Presbyterians ; and that which we so confidently deny , that they were Bishops , is confirmed by the consentient testimony of all antiquity , recorded by Jerome himself that they were Bishops of Paul's ordination , acknowledged by very many late Divines , and that a Catalogue of 27 Bishops of Ephesus lineally succeeding from Timothy , out of good Record , is vouched by Dr. Reynolds and other Writers . Our confidence ( as Your Majesty is pleased to call it ) was in our Answer exprest in these words , We cannot say that Timothy and Titus were Bishops in the sense of Your Majesty , but extraordinary Officers or Evangelists : in which opinion we were then clear , not out of a total ignorance of those Testimonies which might be alleged against it , but from intrinsick arguments out of Scripture , from which Your Majesty hath not produced any one to the contrary . Nor is our confidence weakned by such replies as these , The Scripture never calls them Bishops , but the Fathers do ; The Scripture calls Timothy an Evangelist , some of late have refuted it and rejected it with scorn ; The Scripture relates their motions from Church to Church , but some affirm them to be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete ; The Scripture makes distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but some say that Timothy and Titus were both . We cannot give Your Majesty a present account of Scultetus and Gerard's Arguments , but do believe that Mr. Gillespy and Rutherford are able with greater strength to refute that opinion of Timothy and Titus their being Bishops , than they do ( if they do ) with scorn reject this of their being Evangelists . As for Testimonies and Catalogues , tho we undervalue them not , yet Your Majesty will be pleased to allow us the use of our Reason , so far as not to erect an Office in the Church which is not found in Scripture , upon general appellations or titles , and allusions frequently found in the Fathers , especially when they speak vulgarly , and not as to a point in debate ; for even Jerome , who , as Your Majesty saith , doth record that Timothy and Titus were made Bishops , and that of St. Paul's Ordination , doth , when he speaks to the point between Your Majesty and us , give the Bishops to understand that they are superior to Presbyters consuetudine magis quam Dominicoe veritatis dispositione . For Catalogues , their credit rests upon the first witnesses , from whom they are reported by tradition from hand to hand , whose writings are many times supposititious , dubious , or not extant : besides that these Catalogues do resolve themselves into some Apostle or Evangelist as the first Bishop , as the catalogue of Jerusalem into the Apostle James , that of Antioch into Peter , that of Rome into Peter and Paul , that of Alexandria into Mark , that of Ephesus into Timothy ; which Apostles and Evangelists can neither themselves be degraded by being made Bishops , nor be succeeded in their proper Calling or Office : and it is easie for us to proceed the same way , and to find many ancient rites and customs generally received in the Church ( counted by the ancients Apostolical traditions ) as near the Apostles times as Bishops , which yet are confessedly not of Divine Institution . And further , if Timothy and the rest that are first in the catalogue were Bishops with such sole Power of Ordination and Censures as is asserted , how came their pretended Successors , who were but primi Presbyterorum ( as the Fathers themselves call them ) to lose so much Episcopal power as was in their Predecessors , and as was not recovered in 300 years ? And therefore we cannot upon any thing yet said recede from that of our Saviour , Ab initio non fuit sic , from the beginning it was not so . 4. Your Majesty saith , that we affirm , but upon very weak proofs , that they were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places , the contrary whereunto hath been demonstrated by some , who have exactly out of Scripture compared the times and order of the several Journeys and Stations of Paul and Timothy . It is confessed that our assertion , that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , lies with some stress upon this , that they removed from place to place , as they were sent by , or accompanied the Apostles ; the proof whereof appears to us to be of greater strength than can be taken off by the comparison which Your Majesty makes of the Divines of the Assembly at Westminster . We begin with the travels of Timothy , as we find them in order recorded in the Scripture-places cited in the Margin , and we set forth from a Beraea , where we find Timothy ; then next at b Athens , from whence Paul sends him to c Thessalonica ; afterwards having been in Macedonia , he came to Paul at d Corinth ; and after that he is with Paul at Ephesus , and thence sent by him into e Macedonia , whiter Paul went after him , and was by Timothy accompanied into f Asia , who was with him at g Troas and h Miletus , to which place S. Paul sent for the Presbyters of the Church in Ephesus , and gave them that solemn charge to take heed unto themselves , and to all the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them Bishops , not speaking a word of recommendation of that Church to Timothy , or of him to the Elders . And if Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , he must needs be so when the first Epistle was sent to him , in which he is pretended to receive the charge of exercising his Episcopal power in Ordination and Government : but it is manifest that after this Epistle sent to him he was in continual Journeys , or absent from Ephesus . For Paul left him at Ephesus when he went into h Macedonia , and he left him there to exercise his Office , in regulating and ordering that Church , and in ordaining : but it was after this time that Timothy is found with Paul at Miletus ; for after Paul had been at Miletus , he went to Jerusalem , whence he was sent prisoner to Rome , and never came more into Macedonia , and at i Rome we find Timothy a prisoner with him , and those * Epistles which Paul wrote while he was prisoner at Rome , namely , the Epistle to the Philippians , to Philemon , to the Colossians , to the Hebrews , do make mention of Timothy as his companion at these times ; nor do we ever find him again at Ephesus , for we find that after all this , towards the end of St. Paul's life , after his first answering before Nero , and when he said his departure was at hand , he sent for Timothy to Rome , not from Ephesus : for it seems that Timothy was not there , because Paul giving Timothy an account of the absence of most of his companions sent into divers parts , he saith , Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus . Now if Your Majesty shall be pleased to cast up into one total that which is said , the several journeys and stations of Timothy , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of his employment , to negotiate the affairs of Christ in several Churches and places , the silence of the Scriptures as touching his being Bishop of any one Church , you will acknowledg that such a man was not a Bishop fixed to one Church or Precinct ; and then by assuming that Timothy was such a man , you will conclude that he was not Bishop of Ephesus . The like conclusion may be inferred from the like premisses from the instance of Titus , whom we find at k Jerusalem before he came to Crete , from whence he is sent for to l Nicopolis , and after that he is sent to Corinth , from whence he is expected at m Troas , and met with Paul in n Macedonia , whence he is sent again to o Corinth , and after all this is near the time of Paul's death at Rome , from whence he went not into Crete , but into p Dalmatia , and after this is not heard of in the Scripture . And so we hope Your Majesty doth conceive , that we affirm not upon very weak proofs that Timothy and Titus were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places . In the fifth exception Your Majesty takes notice of two places of Scripture cited by us , to prove that they were called away from those places of Ephesus and Crete , which they do not conclude much of themselves , yet being accompanied by two other places which Your Majesty takes no notice of , may seem to conclude more , and these i Tim. i. 3. Titus i. 5. as , I be sought thee to abide still at Ephesus ; for this cause left I thee in Crete : in both which is specified the occasional employment for which they made stay in those places : and the expressions used , I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus , I left thee in Crete , do not sound like words of instalment of a man into a Bishoprick , but of an intendment to call them away again ; and if the first and last be put together ▪ his actual revocation of them both , the intimation of his intention that they should not stay there for continuance , and the reason of his beseeching the one to stay , and of his leaving the other behind him , which was some present defects and distempers in those Churches , they will put fair to prove that the Apostle intended not to establish them Bishops of those places , and therefore did not . For the Postscripts ; because your Majesty lays no great weight upon them , we shall not be solicitous in producing evidence against them , though they do bear witness in a matter of fact which in our opinion never was , and in Your Majesties Judgment was long before they were born . And so we conclude this discourse about Timothy and Titus with this observation , that in the same very Epistle of Paul to Timothy , out of which Your Majesty hath endeavoured to prove that he was a Bishop , and did exercise Episcopal Government , there is clear evidence both for Presbyters imposing hands in Ordination , and for their Ruling . In the next point , concerning the Angels of the Churches , tho Your Majesty faith that you lay no weight upon the Allegory or Mystery of the denomination , yet you assert that the persons bearing that name were personae singulares , and , in a word , Bishops ; who yet are never so called in Scripture ; and the allegorical denomination of Angels or Stars , which in the Judgment of ancient and modern Writers doth belong to the faithful Ministers and Preachers of the Word in general , is appropriate ( as we may so say ) to the Mitre and Crosier-staff , and so opposed to many express testimonies of Scripture . And if Your Majesty had been particular in that , wherein You say the strength of Your instance lies , viz. the Judgment of all ancient and of the best modern Writers , and many probabilities in the Text it self , we hope to have made it apparent , that many ancient and eminent modern Writers , many probabilitirs out of the Text it self , do give evidence to the contrary . To that which is asserted , That these singular persons were Bishops in distinct sense , whether we brought any thing of moment to infirm this , we humbly submit to Your Majesties Judgment , and shall only present to You , that in Your Reply You have not taken notice of that which in our Answer seems to us of moment , which is this , That in Mysterious and prophetick writings , or visional representation ( such as this of the Stars and golden Candlesticks is ) a number of things and persons is usually exprest in singulars : and this in Visions is the usual way of Representation of things ; a thousand persons making up one Church , is represented by one Candlestick ; many Ministers making up one Presbytery , by one Angel. And because Your Majesty seems to call upon us to be particular , though we cannot name the Angels , nor are satisfied in our judgment , that those whom some do undertake to name were intended by the name of Angels in those Epistles ; yet we say , First , that these Epistles were sent unto the Churches , and that under the expression of this thou dost , or this thou hast , and the like , the Churches are respectively intended ; for the Sins reproved , the Repentance commanded , the Punishments threatned , ate to be referred to the Churches , and not to the singular Angels only : and yet we do not think that Salmasius did intend , nor do we , that in formal denomination the Angels and Candlesticks were the same . Secondly , The Angels of these Churches or Rulers were a Collective body , which we endeavoured to prove by such probabilities as Your Majesty takes no notice of , namely , the instance of the Church of Ephesus , where there were many Bishops , to whom the charge of that Church was by St. Paul at his final departure from them committed ; as also by that expression , Rev. xi . 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatira : Which distinction makes it very probable that the Angel is explained under that plurality , to you . The like to which many expressions may be found in these Epistles , which to interpret according to the consentient Evidence of other Scriptures of the New Testament is not Safe only , but Solid and Evidential . Thirdly , These Writings are directed as Epistolary Letters to Collective Bodies usually are , ( that is ) to One , but intended to the Body : which Your Majesty illustrateth by Your sending a Message to Your Two Houses , and directing it to the Speaker of the House of Peers : which as it doth not hinder ( we confess ) but that the Speaker is one single Person ; so it doth not prove at all that the Speaker is always the same person ; or if he were , that therefore because Your Message is directed to him , he is the Governour or Ruler of the two Houses in the least . And so Your Majesty hath given clear instance , that tho these Letters be directed to the Angels , yet that notwithstanding they might neither be Bishops , nor yet perpetual Moderators . For the several opinions specified in Your Majesties Paper , three of them , by easy and fair accommodation ( as we declared before ) are soon reduced and united amongst themselves , and may be holden without recess from the received Judgment of the Christian Church , by such as are far from meriting that Aspersion which is cast upon the Reformed Divines by Popish Writers , that they have divided themselves from the Common and received Judgment of the Christian Church ; which Imputation , we hope , was not in Your Majesties intention to lay upon us , until it be made clear that it is the common and received Judgment of the Christian Church that now is , or of that in former Ages , that the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , having Prelacy as well over Pastors as People within their Churches . In the following Discourse we did deny that the Apostles were to have any Successors in their Office , and affirmed only Two Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Church , viz. Presbyters and Deacons . Concerning the former of which Your Majesty refers to what you had in part already declared ; That in those things which were extraordinary in the Apostles , as namely the Measure of their Gifts , &c. They had no Successors in eundem gradum ; but in those things which were not extraordinary , as the Office of Teaching and Power of Governing ( which are necessary for the Service of the Church in all times ) they were to have , and had , Successors . Where Your Majesty delivers a Doctrine new to us ; namely , that the Apostles had Successors into their Offices , not into their Abilities : For ( besides that Succession is not properly into Abilities , but into Office , we cannot say that one succeeds another in his Learning , or Wit , or Parts , but into his Room and Function ) we conceive that the Office Apostolical was extraordinary in whole , because their Mission and Commission was so , and the service or work of Teaching and Governing being to continue in all times , doth not render their Office Ordinary ; as the Office of Moses was not rendered Ordinary , because many works of Government exercised by him were re-committed to the standing Elders of Israel . And if they have Successors , it must be either into their whole Office , or into some parts . Their Successors into the whole ( however differing from them in measure of Gifts and peculiar Qualifications ) must be called Apostles , the same Office gives the same Denomination ; and then we shall confess that Bishops , if they be their Successors in Office , are of Divine Institution , because the Apostolical Office was so . If their Successors come into part of their Office only , the Presbyters may as well be called their Successors as the Bishops , and so indeed they are called by some of the ancient Fathers , Irenoeus , Origen , Hierome and others . Whereas in truth the Apostles have not properly Successors into Office , but the ordinary Power of Teaching and Governing ( which is setled in the Church for continuance ) is instituted and settled in the hands of ordinary Officers by a New Warrant and Commission , according to the rules of Ordination and Calling in the Word , which the Bishop hath not yet produced for himself , and without which he cannot challenge it upon the general allusive Speeches used by the Fathers without scruple . And whereas Your Majesty numbers the extent of their work amongst those things which were extraordinary in the Apostles ; we could wish that You had declared whether it belong to their Mission or Vnction : for we humbly conceive , that their Authoritative Power to do their Work in all places of the World did properly belong to their Mission , and consequently that their Office as well as their Abilities was extraordinary ; and so by Your Majesties own Concession not to be succeeded into by the Bishops . As to the Orders of standing Officers of the Church , Your Majesty doth reply , That although in the places cited , Phil. i. 1. i Tim. iii. 8. there be no mention but of the two Orders only of Bishops or Presbyters , and Deacons , yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing Office in the Church besides : Which we humbly conceive is justly proved , not only because there are no other named , but because there is no rule of Ordaining any third , no Warrant or way of Mission ; and so Argument is as good as can be made , a non causa ad non effectum : for we do not yet apprehend that the Bishops pretending to the Apostolick Office do also pretend to the same manner of Mission ; nor do we know that those very many Divines that have asserted two Orders only , have concluded it from any other grounds than the Scriptures cited . There appear ( as your Majesty saith ) two other manifest Reasons why the Office of Bishops might not be so proper to be mentioned in those places . And we humbly conceive there is a third more manifest than those two , viz. because it was not . The one Reason given by Your Majesty is , because in the Churches which the Apostles themselves planted , they placed Presbyters under them for the Office of Teaching , but reserved in their own hands the Power of Governing those Churches , for a longer or shorter time , before they set Bishops over them . Which , under Your Majesties favour , is not so much a reason why Bishops are not mentioned to be in those places , as that they indeed were not . The variety of Reasons ( may we say ? or Conjectures ) rendred why Bishops were not set up at first , as namely , because fit men could not be so soon found out , which is Epiphanius his reason ; or for remedy of Schism , which is Jerome's reason ; or because the Apostles saw it not expedient , which is Your Majesties reason ; doth shew that this Cause labours under a manifest weakness . For the Apostles reserving in their own hands the power of Governing , we grant it , they could no more devest themselves of power of Governing , than ( as Dr. Bilson saith ) they could lose their Apostleship : had they set no Bishops in all Churches , they had no more parted with their power of Governing than they did in setting up the Presbyters ; for we have proved that Presbyters , being called Rulers , Governors , Bishops , had the power of Governing in Ordinary committed to them , as well as the Office of Teaching , and that both the Keys ( as they are called ) being by our Saviour committed into one hand , were not by the Apostle divided into two . Nor do we see how the Apostle could reasonably commit the Government of the Church to the Presbyters of Ephesus , Acts 20. and yet reserve the power of Governing ( viz. in Ordinary ) in his own hands , who took his solemn leave of them , as never to see their faces more . As concerning that part of the power of Government , which for distinction sake , may be called Legislative , and which is one of the three fore-mentioned things challenged by the Bishops , viz. giving Rules , the reserving of it in the Apostles hands hindred not but that , in Your Majesties Judgment , Timothy and Titus were Bishops of Ephesus and Crete , to whom the Apostle gives Rules for Ordering and Governing of the Church : Nor is there any more reason that the Apostles reserving that part of the Power of Governing which is called Executive in such cases and upon such occasions as they thought meet , should hinder the setting up of Bishops , if they had intended it ; and therefore the reserving of Power in their hands can be no greater reason why they did not set us Bishops at the first , than that they never did . And since ( by Your Majesties Concession ) the Presbyters were plac'd by the Apostles first , in the Churches by them planted , and that with Power of Governing , as we prove by Scripture ; You must prove the super-institution of a Bishop over the Presbyters by the Apostles in some after-times , or else we must conclude that the Bishop got both his Name and Power of Government out of the Presbyters hand , as the Tree in the wall roots out the stones by little and little as it self grows . As touching Philippi , where Your Majesty saith it may be probable there was yet no Bishop , it is certain there were many like them , who were also at Ephesus , to whom if only the Office of Teaching did belong , they had the most laborious and honourable part , that which was less honourable being reserved in the Apostles hands , and the Churches left in the mean time without ordinary Government . The other Reason given why only two Orders are mentioned in those places is , because he wrote in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus to them that were Bishops , so there was no need to write any thing concerning the Choice or Qualification of any other sort of Officers than such as belonged to their Ordination or Inspection ; which were Presbyters and Deacons only , and no Bishops . The former Reason why only two Orders are mentioned in the Epistle to the Philippians , was , because there was yet no Bishop ; this latter Reason why the same two only are mentioned in these Epistles , is , because there was no Bishop to be Ordained . We might own the reason for good , if there may be found any rule for the Ordination of the other Order of Bishops in some other place of Scripture : but if the Ordination cannot be found , how should we find the Order ? And it is reasonable to think that the Apostle in the Chapter formerly alledged , i Tim. iii. where he passes immediately from the Bishop to the Deacon , would have distinctly exprest , or at least hinted , what sort of Bishops he meant , whether the Bishop over Presbyters , or the Presbyter-Bishop , to have avoided the confusion of the Name , and to have set as it were some matk of difference in the Escocheon of the Presbyter-Bishop , if there had been some other Bishop of a higher house . And whereas Your Majesty saith , there was no need to write to them about a Bishop in a distinct sense , who belonged not to their Ordination and Inspection : we conceive that in Your Majesties judgment , Bishops might then have Ordained Bishops like themselves ; for there was then no Canon forbidding one single Bishop to ordain another of his own rank ; and there being many Cities in Crete , Titus might have found it expedient ( as those ancient Fathers that call him Arch-bishop think he did ) to have set up Bishops in some of those Cities . So that . this Reason fights against the Principles of those that hold Timothy and Titus to have been Bishops . For our part , we believe that these Rules belonged not to Timothy and Titus with strict limitation to Ephesus and Crete , but respectively to all the places or Churches where they might come , and to all that shall at any time have the Office of Ordaining and Governing ; as it is written in the same Chapter , i Tim. iii. 14 , 15. These things I have written unto thee , &c. that thou mayest know how to behave thy self in the House of God , which is the Church . And therefore if there had been any proper Character or Qualification of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , if any Ordination or Office ; we think the Apostle would have signified it ; but because he did not , we conclude ( and the more strongly from the insufficiency of Your Majesties two Reasons ) that there are only two Orders of Officers , and consequently that a Bishop is not superior to a Presbyter : for we find not ( as we said in our Answer ) that one Officer is superior to another who is of the same Order . Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles . Your Majesty having in Your first Paper said , that You could not in Conscience consent to Abolish Episcopal Government , because You did conceive it to be of Apostolical Institution , practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Successors , and hath ever since till these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : we thought it necessary in our Answer , to subjoyn to that we had said out of the Scriptures , the Judgment of divers ancient Writers and Fathers , by whom Bishops were not acknowledged as a Divine , but as an Ecclesiastical Institution , as that which might very much conduce both to the easing of Your Majesties Scruple , to consider that howsoever Episcopal Government was generally current , yet the superscription was not judged Divine by some of those that either were themselves Bishops , or lived under that Government ; and to the vindication of the opinion which we hold from the prejudice of Novellisme , or of Recess from the Judgment of all Antiquity . We do as firmly believe ( as to matter of fact ) that Chrysostome and Austin were Bishops , as that Aristotle was a Philosopher , Cicero an Orator ; though we should rather call our Faith and belief thereof certain in matter of fact , upon humane Testimonies uncontroll'd , than infallible , in respect of the Testimonies themselves . But whereas Your Majesty saith , That the darkness of the History of the Church in the times succeeding the Apostles is a strong Argument for Episcopacy , which notwithstanding that darkness hath found so full proof by unquestioned Catalogues , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like : we humbly conceive , that those fore-mentioned times were dark to the Catalogue-makers , who must derive the series of Succession from and through those Historical darknesses , and so make up their of Catalogues very much from Traditions and Reports , which can give no great Evidence , because they agree not amongst themselves : and that which is the great blemish of their Evidence is , that the nearer they come to the Apostles times ( wherein they should be most of all clear , to establish the Succession firm and clear at first ) the more doubtful , uncertain , and indeed contradictory to one another , are the Testimonies . Some say that Clemens was first Bishop of Rome after Peter ; some say the third : and intricacies about the Order of Succession in Linus , Anacletus , Clemens , and another called Cletus ( as some affirm ) are inextricable . Some say that Titus was Bishop of Crete ; some say , Arch-Bishop ; and some , Bishop of Dalmatia . Some say that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus ; and some say that John was Bishop of Ephesus at the sametime . Some say that Polycarpus was the first Bishop of Smyrna ; another saith that he succeeded one Bucolus ; and another , that Aristo was first . Some say that Alexandria had but one Bishop , and other Cites two ; and others , that there was but one Bishop of one City at the same time . And how should those Catalogues be unquestionable , which must be made up out of Testimonies that fight one with another ? We confess that the Ancient Fathers , Tertullian , Irenoeus , &c. made use of Succession as an Argument against Hereticks or Innovators , to prove that they had the traduces Apostolici seminis , and that the Godly and Orthodox Fathers were on their side . But that which we now have in hand is Succession in Office ; which , according to the Catalogues , resolves it self into some Apostle or Evangelist , as the first Bishop of such a City or Place , who ( as we conceive ) could not be Bishops of those places , being of higher Office ; though , according to the language of after-times , they might by them that drew up the Catalogues be so called , because they planted and founded , or watered those Churches to which they are Entitled , and had their greatest residence in them . Or else the Catalogues are drawn from some eminent men that were of great veneration and reverence in the times and places where they lived , and Presidents or Moderators of the Presbyteries whereof themselves were Members : from whom to pretend the Succession of after - Bishops , is as if it should be said that Caesar was Successor to the Roman Consuls . And we humbly conceive that there are some Rites and Ceremonies used continually in the Church of old , which are asserted to be found in the Apostolical and Primitive times , and yet have no colour of Divine Institution ; and , which is Argument above all other , the Fathers , whose Names we exhibited to your Majesty in our Answer , were doubtless acquainted with the Catalogues of Bishops who had been before them , and yet did hold them to be of Ecclesiastical Institution . And lest Your Majesty might reply , That however the Testimonies and Catalogues may vary , or be mistaken , in the order , or times , or names of those persons that succeeded the Apostles , yet all agree that there was a Succession of some persons ; and so though the credit of the Catalogues be infirmed , yet the thing intended is confirmed thereby . We grant that a Succession of men to feed and govern those Churches while they continued Churches , cannot be denied , and that the Apostles and Evangelists , that planted and watered those Churches , ( though extraordinary and temporary Officers ) were by Ecclesiastical Writers , in compliance with the Language and usage of their own times , called Bishops ; and so were other eminent men , of chief note , presiding in the Presbyteries of the Cities or Churches , called by such Writers as wrote after the division or distinction of the names of Presbyters and Bishops . But that those first and ancientest Presbyters were Bishops in proper sense , according to Your Majesties description , invested with power over Presbyters and people , to whom ( as distinct from Presbyters ) did belong the power of Ordaining , giving Rules , ahd Censures , we humbly conceive can never be proved by authentick or competent Testimonies . And granting that Your Majesty should prove the Succession of Bishops from the Primitive times seriatim ; yet if these from whom You draw , and through whom You derive it , be found either more than Bishops , as Apostles , and extraordinary persons , or less than Bishops , as merely first Presbyters , having not one of the three Essentials to Episcopal Government ( mentioned by Your Majesty ) in their own hand ; it will follow , that all that Your Majesty hath proved by this Succession is the Homonymy and equivocal acceptation of the word Episcopus . For Clemens his Testimony , which Your Majesty conceiveth to be made use of as our old fallacy , from the promiscuous use of the words to infer the indistinction of the things ; we refer our selves to himself in his Epistle , now in all mens hands , whose Testimony we think cannot be eluded but by the old Artifice of hiding the Bishop under the Presbyters name : for they that have read his whole Epistle , and have considered that himself is called a Bishop , Clement's opinion concerning the distinct Offices of Bishops and Presbyters , or rather not doubt of it , if only his own Epistle may be impanel'd upon the Inquest . Concerning Ignatius his Epistles , Your Majesty is pleased to use some earnestness of expression , charging some of late , without any regard of ingenuity or truth , out of their partial disaffection to Bishops , to have endeavoured to discredit his Writings . One of those cited by us cannot ( as we conceive ) be suspected of disaffection to Bishops ; and there are great Arguments drawn out of those Epistles themselves , betraying their insincerity , adulterate mixtures , and interpolations ; so that Ignatius cannot be distinctly known in Ignatius . And if we take him in gross , we make him the Patron ( as Baronius and the rest of the Popish Writers do ) of such rites and observations as the Church in his time cannot be thought to have owned . He doth indeed give testimony to the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter ; that which may justly render him suspected is , that he gives too much . Honour ( saith he ) the Bishop , as God's high Priest , and after him you must honour the King. He was indeed a holy Martyr , and his writings have suffered Martyrdom as well as he : Corruptions could not go current but under the credit of worthy Names . That which Your Majesty saith in Your fourth Paragraph , that we might have added , ( if we had pleased ) That James , Timothy , Titus , &c. were constituted and ordained Bishops of the forementioned places respectively , and that all the Bishops of those times were reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office ; we could not have added it without prejudice ( as we humbly conceive ) to the truth : for the Apostles did not ordain any of themselves Bishops , nor could they do it , for even by Your Majesties Concession they were Bishops before , viz. as they were Apostles ; nor could any Apostle his choice of a certain Region or place to exercise his function in whilst he pleased , render him a Bishop any more , than Paul was Bishop of the Gentiles , Peter of the Circumcision . Neither did the Apostles ordain the Evangelists Bishops of those places unto which they sent them ; nor were the Bishops of those times any more than , as Your Majesty saith , reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office ; they came after the Apostles in the Churches by them planted , so might Presbyters do . But that 's not properly succession , at least not succession into Office ; and this we say with a Salvo to our Assertion , That in those times there were no such Bishops distinct from Presbyters . Neither do we understand , whether the words Episcopal Office in this Section refer to the Bishops or Apostles : for in reference to Apostles it insinuates a distinction of the Apostles Office into Apostolical and Episcopal , or that the Office Apostolical was wholly Episcopal ; unto neither of which we can give our consent for reasons forementioned . To the testimonies by us recited in proof of two only Orders , Your Majesty answers , first , That the promiscuous use of the names of Bishops and Presbyters is imported . That which Your Majesty not long ago called our old fallacy , is now Your Answer , only with this difference : we under promiscuous names hold the same Office ; Your Majesty under promiscuous names supposes two , which if , as it is often asserted , was but once proved , we should take it for a determination of this Controversie . Secondly , that they relate to a School-point , or a nicety , utrum Episcopatus fit or do vel gradus ; both sides of the questionists or disputants in the mean time acknowledging the right of Church-government in the Bishops alone . It is confest by us , that that question as it is stated by Popish Authors is a curious nicety , to which we have no eye or reference ; for though the same Officers may differ from , and excel others of the same order in Gifts or Qualifications , yet the Office it self is one and the same , without difference or degrees , as one Apostle or Presbyter is not superior to another in the degree of Office ; they that are of the same Order are of the same degree in respect of Office , as having Power and Authority to the same Acts. Nor doth the Scripture warrant or allow any Superiority of one over another of the same Order ; and therefore the proving of two Orders only in the Church is a demonstration that Presbyters and Bishops are the same . In which point the Scripture will counter-balance the testimonies of those that assert three degrees or orders , though ten for one . But , for easing of Your Majesty of the trouble of producing testimonies against those cited by us , we make this humble motion , that the Regiments on both sides may be discharged out of the field , and the Point disputed by Dint of holy Scripture . Id verum quod primum . Having passed through the Argumentative parts of Your Majesties Reply , wherein we should account it a great happiness to have given Your Majesty any satisfaction , in order whereunto You pleased to honour us with this employment , we shall contract our selves in the remainder , craving Your Majesties pardon , if You shall conceive us to have been too much in the former , and too little in that which follows . We honour the pious intentions and munificence of Your Royal Progenitors ; and do acknowledge that Ornamental Accessions granted to the Person do not make any substantial change in the Office : the real difference betwixt that Episcopal Government which first obtained in the Church , and the present Hierarchy , consists in ipso regimine & modo regiminis ; which cannot be clearly demonstrated in particulars , until it be agreed on both sides what that Episcopacy was then , and what the Hierarchy is now ; and then it would appear whether these three forementioned Essentials of Episcopal Government were the same in both . For the Power under Christian Princes and under Pagan is one and the same , though the Exercise be not . And we humbly receive Your Majesties pious Advertisement , ( not unlike that of Constantine's ) stirring us up , as men unbiassed with private interests , to study the nearest Accommodation and best resemblance to the Apostolical and Primitive times . But for Your Majesties Salvo to the Bishops sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , and that distinction of Ordination , Authoritative in the Bishop , and Concomitant in the Presbytery , which You seem to found upon these two Texts , 11 Tim. i. 6. 1 Tim. IV. 14. and which is used by Dr. Bilson , and other Defenders of Episcopacy , in explication of that Canon of the fourth Council of Carthage , which enjoyns the joynt imposition of the Bishops and Presbyters hands , we shall give Your Majesty an accompt when we shall be called to the inquisition thereof : Albeit that we do not for the present see , but that this Proviso of Your Majesty renders our accommodation to the Apostolical and Primitive times ( whereunto You did exhort us ) unfeisible . We notwithstanding do fully profess our acknowledgement of subordination of the outward exercise of Jurisdiction to the Sovereign power , and our accomptableness to the Laws of the Land. As for Your Majesties three Questions of great importance , Whether there be a certain form of Government left by Christ and his Apostles to be observed by all Christian Churches ; Whether it bind perpetually , or be upon occasion alterable in whole or in part ; Whether that certain form of Government be the Episcopal , Presbyterian , or some other differing from them hoth : The whole Volume of Ecclesiastical Policy is contained in them ; and we hope that neither Your Majesty expected of us a particular Answer to them at this time , nor will take offence at us , if we hold only to that which is the question in order to the Bill of Abolition . For we humbly profess our readiness to serve Your Majesty , in Answering these or any other questions within our proper cognisance , according to the proportion of our mean abilities . For Your Majesties Condescension , in vouchsafing us the liberty and honour of examining Your learned Reply cloathed in such Excellency of Style , and for Your exceeding Candour shewed to such men as we are , and for the acceptation of our humble duty , we render to Your Majesty most humble Thanks , and shall pray , That such a Pen in the hand of such Abilities may ever be employed in a Subject worthy of it . That your Majesty would please to consider , that in this point under debate Succession is not the best Clue , and most certain and ready way to find out the Original ; for to go that way , is to go the furthest way about , yea , to go backward : and when You are at the Spring , viz. the Scripture it self , You go to the Rivers end , that You may seek the Spring . And that the Lord would guide Your Majesty , and the two Houses of Parliament , by the right hand of his Counsel , and shew You a happy way of healing our unhappy Differences , and of settling the Commonwealth of Jesus Christ , which is the Church ; so as all the members thereof may live under You in all Godliness , Peace and Honesty . V. His MAJESTIES Final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. MDCXLVIII . WHat you have offered by way of Reply to His Majesties Second Paper of October 6. in yours of October 17. in order to the further satisfaction of His Conscience in the point of Episcopacy , His Majesty heard , when it was publickly read by you , with diligent attention , and hath since ( so far as His leisure would permit ) taken the same into his private and serious Consideration : Wherein His Majesty not only acknowledgeth your great Pains and Endeavours to inform His Judgment , acording to such perswasions as your selves have in the matter in debate ; but also taketh special notice of the Civility of your applications to Him both in the Body and Conclusion of your Reply : yet He cannot but observe withall , that in very many things you either mistake His meaning and purpose in that Paper , or at least come not up fully enough thereunto in this Reply . Which to have shown , will sufficiently remonstrate your present Reply to be unsatisfactory in that behalf , without making a particular Answer to every passage in it , which to a Paper of that length would require more time than His Majesty can think fit ( amidst the present weighty affairs ) to allow unto a debate of this nature : Especially since His Majesty hath often found mutual returns of long Answers and Replies , to have rather multiplied disputes by starting new Questions , than informed the Conscience by removing former Scruples . As to the Scriptures cited in the Margin of His Majesties first Paper . It being granted by you , that those Scriptures did prove the Apostles , and others being single Persons , to have exercised respectively the several powers in the Paper specified , which powers ( by your own confession in this Reply , Sect. 7. ) a single Person who is but a mere Presbyter hath no right to exercise ; and it being withall evident that a Bishop in the Ecclesiastical sense , and as distinct from a Presbyter , layeth claim to no more than to a peculiar right in the exercise of some or all of the said Powers , which a mere Presbyter hath not ; the Conclusion seemeth natural and evident , that such a Power of Church-Government as we usually call Episcopal is sufficiently proved by those Scriptures . As to the Bishops Challenge . First , when you speak of a Writ of partition , you seem to take His Majesties words , as if He had shared and cantoned out the Episcopal Office , one part to the Bishops alone , another to the Presbyters alone ; and you fall upon the same again afterwards ( Sect. 6. ) Whereas His Majesties meaning was , and by His words appeareth so to have been , that one part of the Office ( that of Teaching , &c. ) was to be common to both alike ; but the other part ( that of Governing Churches ) peculiar to the Bishop alone . Secondly , you infer from His Majesties words , That the Bishops Challenge appeareth to be grown to more than was formerly pretended to . Which inference His Majesties words by you truly cited , if rightly understood , will not bear . For having proved from Scripture the power of Church-Government in all the three mentioned Particulars to have been exercised by the Apostles and others ; His Majesty said but this only , That the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them , in respect of their Episcopal Office , than what properly falleth under one of these three . The Words are true ; for he that believeth they challenge not so much , might safely say they challenge no more . But the Inference is not good ; For he that saith they challenge no more , doth not necessarily imply they challenge all that . In the power of Ordination , which is purely spiritual , His Majesty conceiveth the Bishops challenge to have been much-what the same in all times of the Church ; and therefore it is that the matter of Ordination is most insisted on , as the most constant and most evident difference between Bishops and Presbyters , especially after the times of Constantine , which His Majesty by your relating to Chrysostom and Hierom taketh to be the same you call the times of Grown Episcopacy . But His Majesty seeth no necessity that the Bishops challenge to the power of Jurisdiction should be at all times as large as the exercise thereof appeareth at some times to have been ; the exercise thereof being variable according to the various conditions of the Church in different times . And therefore His Majesty doth not believe that the Bishops under Christian Princes do challenge such an amplitude of Jurisdiction to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office precisely , as was exercised in the Primitive times by Bishops before the days of Constantine . The reason of the difference being evident , That in those former times under Pagan Princes the Church was a distinct Body of it self , divided from the Commonwealth , and so was to be governed by its own Rules and Rulers ; the Bishops therefore of those times , tho they had no outward coercive power over mens Persons or Estates , yet inasmuch as every Christian man , when he became a Member of the Church , did ipso facto , and by that his own voluntary act , put himself under their Government , they exercised a very large power of Jurisdiction in Spiritualibus , in making Ecclesiastical Canons , receiving Accusations , conventing the Accused , examining Witnesses , judging of Crimes , excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper , enjoyning Penances upon them , casting them out of the Church , receiving them again upon their Repentance , &c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters as others . But after that the Church under Christian Princes began to be incorporated into the Commonwealth , whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the Civil and Ecclesiastical Powers , the Jurisdiction of Bishops ( in the outward exercise of it ) was subordinate unto and limitable by the supreme Civil power , and hath been , and is at this day , so acknowledged by the Bishops of this Realm . Thirdly , you seem to affirm in a Parenthesis , as if nothing were confessed to have been extraordinary in the Apostles but their Gifts and Enablements only ; whereas His Majesty in that Paper hath in express words named as Extraordinaries also , the Extent of their Charge , and the Infallibility of their Doctrine , without any meaning to exclude those not named , as their immediate Calling , and if there be any other of like reason . Fourthly , for the Claim to a jus Divinum , His Majesty was willing to decline both the Term ( as being by reason of the different acception of it subject to misconstruction ) and the dispute , whether by Christ , or his Apostles . Nevertheless , altho His Majesty sees no cause to dislike their opinion who derive the Episcopal power originally from Christ himself , without whose warrant the Apostles would not either have exercised it themselves , or derived it to others ; Yet for that the practice in them is so clear and evident , and the warrant from him exprest but in general Terms ( As my Father sent me , so send I you , and the like ) He chose rather ( as others have done ) to fix the claim of the power upon the practice , as the more evidential way , than upon the warrant , which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute . As to the Definition of Episcopacy . First , whereas you except against it , for that it is competent to Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Government as well as Episcopal , His Majesty thinketh you might have excepted more justly against it if it had been otherwise . Secondly , His Majesty believeth that even in the persons by you named . ( Timothy , Titus and the Angels ) the definition in all the parts of it is to be found , viz. that they were all single persons ; that they had their several peculiar Charges ; and that within their several precincts they had authority over Presbyters as well as others . Neither , thirdly , doth His Majesty think it needful that any word be added to the Genus in the definition , or that the Scripture should any where put all the parts of the definition together . It would be a hard matter to give such a definition of an Apostle , or a Prophet , or an Evangelist , or a Presbyter , or a Deacon , or indeed almost of any thing , as that the parts thereof should be found in any place of Scripture put altogether . Fourthly , His Majesty consenteth with you , that the point in issue is not the Name or Work meerly , but the Office , and that it were a Fallacy to argue a particular Office from a General or Common work : But judgeth withal , that it can be no Fallacy to argue a Particular Office from such a work as is peculiar to that Office , and is as it were the formalis ratio thereof ; and therefore no Fallacy from a work done by a single person which a single Presbyter hath no right to do , to infer an Office in that person distinct from the Office of a Presbyter . As to the Scriptures cited by you , viz. Titus 1. Acts xx . 11 Peter v. First , when you say you take His Majesties Concession , That in those times of the Church and places of Scripture there was no distinct Office of Bishops and Presbyters ; if you take it so , truly you take it gratis ( His Majesty never gave it you : ) and you mistake it too more ways than one ; for , to speak properly , His Majesty made no Concession at all . It was rather a Preterition in order to the present business , and to avoid unnecessary disputes , which ought not to be interepreted as an acknowledgement of the Truth of your Expositions of those places . For his own express words are , [ Although His Majesty be not sure that the Proof will reach so far in each of those Places . ] Which words plainly evidence , that which you call His Majesties Concession to be indeed no Concession , but to have been meant according to that form of Speech very usual in disputations , Dato , non Concesso . But in that Concession , such as it is , His Majesty is not yet able to imagine what you could find whereon to ground those words , That in those times of the Church there was no distinct , &c. there being not any thing in the whole passage that carrieth the least sound that way , or that hath relation to any particular times of the Church . Neither is the Concession such as you take it , as it relateth to those places of Scripture : What His Majesty said was confessed on all sides ( which are the words you take for a Concession ) was but this , That supposing ( but not granting ) the word Bishop to be used in all those places to signifie a Presbyter , the Office and Work in those places mentioned as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are ( upon that supposal ) the Office and Work of a Presbyter ; which is so manifest a Truth , that no man without admitting Contradictions can say the contrary . But how wide or short that is from what you make to be His Majesties Concession , your selves by comparing His words with yours may easily judge . But your selves a little after make a Concession which His Majesty ( warned by your example how soon anothers meaning may be mistaken when his words are altered ) is willing to take in the same words you give it , viz. When you say , and you bring reasons also to prove it , That it seemeth manifest that Ordination and Censures are not to be exercised by a single Presbyter . Secondly , you repeat your Arguments formerly drawn from those places , and press the same from the force of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and from the Circumstances of the Text , and otherwise ; adding withal , that His Majesty hath waved the notice or answer of something by you alledged therein . Hereunto His Majesty saith , that He waved not any thing in your former Paper for any great difficulty He conceived of answering it ; but being desirous to contract His Answer , and knowing to what frailties Arguments drawn from Names and Words and Conjectural Expositions of Scripture are subject , He passed by such things as He deemed to be of least Consideration in order to the end of the whole Debate , to wit , the satisfaction of His Judgement and Conscience in the main business . Otherwise His Majesty could have then told you , That there are who , by the like Conjectures , grounded ( as seemeth to them , ) upon some Probabilities in the Text , interpret those places in the Acts and in St Peter , of Bishops properly so called , and in the restrained Ecclesiastical sense , rather than of ordinary Presbyters : That supposing them both meant of Ordinary Presbyters , the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifie to feed and oversee ) might not unfitly be applied to them as inferior Pastors , in relation to their Flocks under their charge and oversight ( the Flock being in both the places expresly mentioned ) which hindreth not , but that the same words may in a more particular manner be appropriated to Bishops in respect of that Authority and oversight they have even over Presbyters themselves also : That still granting your own interpretation of the word Bishop in that place to Titus , it can prove no more than that the two names in that place are given to the same Function : That from all the Premisses in your Paper there laid together , and supposed true , His Majesty doth not conceive it justly proved , That the Office of a Bishop and Presbyter is wholly the same , but at the most , That the Offices were not in those places distinguished by those Names . Thirdly , if the Assignment of any particular Qualification , work or duty , unto a Bishop , distinct from a Presbyter , by the Scripture , would ( as you say ) put this question near to an issue ; His Majesty should well have hoped that it might soon be brought to a near point , and that from the evidence of the Epistles onely of St. Paul to Timothy , wherein as he particulary expresseth the qualification , work , and duty of Presbyters and Deacons , that Timothy might know what persons were fit to be ordained unto those Offices ; so in the directions given to Timothy throughout those Epistles , he sufficiently describeth the qualification , work and duty of a Bishop , that Timothy might know how to behave himself in the exercise of his Episcopal Office , as well in Ordaining as in Governing the Church . As to the signification of the word Episcopus , the primary signification thereof , and the application of it to Church-Officers , you acknowledge ; and that the same was after by Ecclesiastical usage appropriated to Bishops you deny not : But the distinction of Episcopus Gregis and Episcopus Pastorum you do not allow . If you disallow it for the unfitness of the word , as may seem by that passage , where you say that His Majesty hath said that Episcopus signifieth a Keeper of Shepherds , His Majesty thinketh you might very well have spared that exception : For if there be a person that hath the oversight of many Shepherds under him , there is no more impropriety in giving such a person the style of Episcopus Pastorum , than there is in using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in calling Doeg the Master of Saul's Herdsmen . And for the thing it self , it cannot be denied but that the Apostles , and Timothy and Titus , ( by what claim , ordinary or extraordinary , as to the present business it matters not ) had the oversight and authority over many Pastors and were therefore truly and really Episcopi Pastorum . The appropriation of the names of Episcopus and Presbyter to these distinct Offices , considering that it was done so early , and received so universally in the Church , as by the writings of Clemens , Ignatius , the Canons commonly called of the Apostles , and other ancient evidences doth appear , His Majesty hath great reason to believe that it was done by consent of the Primitive Bishops , merely in honour of the Apostles , out of their respect and reverence to whose persons and personal Prerogatives . they chose to call themselves Bishops rather than Apostles in common usage ; although they made no scruple to maintain their succession from the Apostles , when they spake of things proper to their Episcopal Function , nor to use upon occasion the terms of Apostle and Apostolical in that sense . The truth of all which is to be seen frequently in the writings of the Ancients . The Testimonies of so many Writers , ancient and modern , as have been produced for the Scripture-original of Bishops , His Majesty conceiveth to be of so great importance in a question of this nature , that He thinks himself bound both in Charity and Reason to believe , that so many men of such quality would not have asserted the same with so much confidence , but upon very good ground . The Men respectively of high estimation and reverend authority in the Church , worthily renowned for their Learning and Piety , of moderate and even Passions , of Orthodox belief , sundry of them uninteressed in the Quarrel , and some of them of later times by interest and education byassed the other way . Their assertions positive , peremptory and full of assurances ( Constat , & nemo ignorat , it is clear , none can be ignorant , and other such like expressions ; ) namely That Christ constituted Bishops in the Apostles , That it was founded upon a divine Law , That Episcopacy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ordinance of God , That it seemed good to the Holy Ghost so to order it , &c. Insomuch as they accounted Aerius an Heretick for holding the contrary . And this their Judgment they delivered as led thereunto by evidence of Scripture ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God's Word teacheth it ; apertis Scripturae testimoniis , it appeareth by plain testimonies of Scripture ; discimus ex hoc loco , from this place we learn , and the like . ) Which testimonies should they be encountred ( as His Majesty doth not yet believe they can be ) with a cloud of Witnesses to the contrary , for number , and in every other respect , equal thereunto ; yet should not the Authority of their evidence in reason be much lessened thereby ; inasmuch as one Witness for the Affirmative , ought to be of more value than ten for the Negative ; and the testimony of one person that is not interessed , than of an hundred that are . And whereas you seem in this Question to decline this kind of trial , because matter of Right is properly triable by Scripture ; His Majesty conceiveth this present Question , in what terms soever proposed , to be yet in the true stating of it , and in the last Resolution , clearly a Question of Fact , and not of Right : For what Right soever the Bishops have , or pretend to have , must be derived from the Fact of Christ or his Apostles . Which matter of Fact , if it be not in the most plain Historical manner that may be , related in the Scriptures , but is to be deduced thence by topical remote inferences and probability of Conjectures , the most rational and proper expedient for the finding out of the Right is to have recourse to the Judgment , but especially to the Practice , of the nearest and subsequent times , according to the received Maxims , Lex currit cum Praxi , & Consuetudo optimus interpres Legum . Now he that shall find by all the best Records extant , that the distinction of Bishops from , and the Superiority over Presbyters , was so universally and speedily spread over the face of the whole World , and their Government submitted unto so unanimously by the Presbyters , that there never was any considerable opposition made there-against before Aerius , ( and that cryed down as an Heresie ) nor since , till this last Age ; and shall duly consider withal , that if Episcopal Government had not then been conceived to have had its institution from the Authority of Christ or his Apostles , or if any other form of Church-Government could have pretended to such institution , it had been the most impossible thing in the world , when there neither was any outward coercive power to inforce it , nor could be any General Council to establish it , to have introduced such a Form of Government so suddenly and quietly into all Christian Churches , and not the Spirit of any one Presbyter , for ought that appeareth , for above Three Hundred years , to have been provoked either through Zeal , Ambition , or other motive , to stand up in the just defence of their own and the Churches liberty against such an Usurpation ; His Majesty believeth that whosoever shall consider the premisses , together with the Scripture-evidences that are brought for that Government , will see reason enough to conclude the same to have something of Divine Institution in it , notwithstanding all the evasions aad objections that the subtil wit of man can devise to perswade the contrary . And therefore His Majesty thinketh it fit plainly to tell you , that such Conjectural Interpretations of Scripture as He hath yet met with in this Argument , how handsomly soever set off , are not Engines of strength enough to remove Him from that Judgment wherein He hath been setled from His Childhood , and findeth so consonant to the Judgment of Antiquity , and to the constant Practice of the Christian Church for so many hundred years ; which in a matter of this nature ought to weigh more than mere Conjectural Inferences from Scripture-Texts that are not so attested . Which having now once told you , His Majesty thinketh Himself discharged from the necessity of making so large and particular an Answer to every Allegation in the sequel of your Reply , as hitherto He hath done . As to the Apostles Mission and Succession ; To make His Answer the shorter to so long a discourse , His Majesty declareth , that His meaning was not by distinguishing the Mission and Vnction of the Apostles , so to confine them as if they should relate precisely and exclusively , the one to the Office , the other to the Abilities ; but that they did more especially and eminently so relate : For the Apostles after their last Mission , ( Matth. xxviii . 19 , 20. ) whereby they were further warranted to their Office and Work , were yet to wait for that promised anointing , ( Luke xxiv . 49. Acts i. 4. ) the special effect whereof was the enduing them with Gifts of the Holy Ghost , for the better and more effectual performing of that their Work and Office. Nor was it His Majesties meaning to restrain the Extraordinaries in the Apostolical Office to those Gifts only : ( for His Majesty afterwards in the same Paper mentioneth other Extraordinaries also , as before is said ) but only to instance in those Gifts , as one sort of Extraordinaries , wherein the Apostles were to have no Successors . But His Majesties full meaning was , that the whole Apostolical Office ( setting aside all and only what was personal and extraordinary in them ) consisted in the work of Teaching and Governing ; which being both of necessary and perpetual use in the Church to the worlds end , the Office therefore was also to continue , and consequently , the persons of the Apostles being mortal , to be transmitted and derived to others in succession : And that the Ordinary Successors of the Apostles immediately , and into the whole Office both of Teaching and Governing , are properly the Bishops ; the Presbyters succeeding them also , but in part , and into the Office of Teaching only , and that mediately and subordinately to the Bishops , by whom they are to be ordained and authorized thereunto , which His Majesty taketh not to be , as you call it , a dissolving of the Apostolical Office. Now the ground of what His Majesty hath said concerning the manner of Succession to the Apostles , that it may appear not to have been said gratis , is this ; The things which the Scriptures record to have been done by Christ or his Apostles , or by others at their appointment , are of three sorts , some acts of Power merely extraordinary ; others acts of an ordinary power , but of necessary and perpetual use ; othersome , lastly , and those not a few , Occasional and Prudential , fitted to the present condition of the Church in several times . To the Apostles in matters of the first sort none pretend succession ; nor are either the Examples of what the Apostles themselves did , or the directions that they gave to others what they should do , in matters of the third sort , to be drawn into consequence so far as to be made necessary Rules , binding all succeeding Church-officers in all Times to perpetual observation . So that there remain the things of the middle sort only , which we may call Substantials , into which the Apostles are to have ordinary and standing Successors . But then the difficulty will be , by what certain marks Extraordinaries , Substantials and Prudentials may be known and distinguished each from other . Evident it is , the Scriptures do not afford any particular discriminating Characters whereby to discern them ; the Acts of all the three sorts being related in the like narrative forms , and the directions of all the three sorts expressed in the like preceptive forms . Recourse therefore must of necessity be had to those two more general Criterions [ the Laws of all human actions ] Reason and Common Usage . Our own Reason will tell us , that instructing the People of God in the Christian Faith , exhorting them to Piety and good Works , administring the Sacraments , &c. which belong to the Office of Teaching ; that Ordaining of Ministers , Inspection over their Lives and Doctrines , and other Administrations of Ecclesiastical Affairs belonging to the Office of Governing , are matters of great importance , and necessary concernment to the Church in all ages and times ; and therefore were to be concredited to standing Officers in a Line of succession , and accordingly were judged , and the continuance of them preserved in the constant usage of the Churches of Christ : But that , on the other side , the decrees concerning Abstinence from Blood and Strangled , Acts xv . the Directions given for the ordering some things in the Church-Assemblies , i Cor. xiv . for making Provisions for the Poor , i Cor. xvi . 1. for the choice and maintenance of Widows , i Tim. v. for the enoiling of the sick , James v. 14. and other like , were but Occasional , Prudential and Temporary , and were so esteemed by the Churches ; and the practice of them accordingly laid aside . So for the Succession into the Apostolical Office , we find in the Scriptures Evidence clear enough , that the Apostles committed to others , as namely to Timothy and Titus , the Power both of Teaching and Governing the Churches . And common Reason and Prudence dictating to us , that it is good for the edifying of the Church , that there should be many Teachers within a competent precinct , but not so that there should be many Governours ; and the difference of Bishops and Presbyters to the purposes aforesaid , having been by continual usage received and preserved in the Christian Church , down from the Apostles to the present times ; His Majesty conceiveth the succession of Bishops to the Apostles into so much of their Office as was ordinary and perpetual , and such a distinction of Bishops and Presbyters as His Majesty hath formerly expressed , needeth no further Confirmation from Scripture ( to such as are willing to make use of their Reason also , which in interpreting Scripture upon all other occasions they are inforced to do ) nor any thing by you produced in this Paragraph any further Answer : only that distinction of Eminently and Formally , because you illustrate it by instancing in Himself , His Majesty could not but take notice of , which He either understandeth not , or thinketh your Illustration thereof not to be very apposite : for Actions and Operations flow from the Forms of things , and demonstrate the same , as Effects do their Causes . The Apostles therefore acting in the ordinary exercise of Church-Government , did act not Eminently only , but Formally also , as Bishops rather than Apostles . As Concerning Timothy and Titus . First , Whether they were Evangelists or no , His Majesty never meant to dispute : Only , because you often call for Scripture-proof , His Majesty thought fit to admonish you , that in your Answer you take two things for granted ( viz. that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and that Evangelists , were such Officers as you described ) neither of which , if it should be denied , you could clearly prove from Scripture alone , without calling in the help of other Writers to attest it , as in your Reply you have now done Master Hooker's : neither have you indeed brought any thing in this Reply out of Scripture to prove either of both , sufficient to convince him that were of a contrary mind . Secondly , you seem ( Sect. 12. ) to mistake that which was the Third Point in that part of His Majesties Paper , which was not , Whether Timothy and Titus were Evangelists or no ; ( concerning which His Majesty neither did , nor doth contend ) but Whether in the Church-Government they exercised , they acted as Evangelists ( as you affirm ) and so only as extraordinary Officers , or not . Zuinglius having said that the Name of a Bishop and Evangelist is the same thing , proveth it from ii Tim. iv . and concludeth , Constat idem fuisse officium utriusque , Bishop and Evangelist the same Office both . Gerard saith , the word Evangelist in that place is taken generally , and not in the special sense , that is to say , for a Minister of the Gospel at large , ( and the Context there indeed seemeth to import no more ) and not for an Evangelist by peculiar Office. And Scultetus not only affirmeth , that Saint Paul appointed Timothy and Titus to Ephesus and Crete , not as Evangelists , but as Church-Governours ; but saith further , that the Epistles written to them both do evince it , and also bringeth Reasons to prove it . Upon what particular Reasons Gillespy , &c. reject the conceit of their acting as Evangelists , His Majesty certainly knows not : But if this be one of their Arguments ( as , to their best remembrance from whom His Majesty had the Information , it is ) That if whatsoever is alleged from the Scripture to have been done by the Apostles , and by Timothy and Titus , in point of Ordination , Discipline and Government , may be eluded by this , that they acted therein as extraordinary Officers ; there will be no proof at all from Scripture of any power left in any ordinary Church-Officer to the purposes aforesaid : His Majesty then recommendeth to your most sober thoughts to consider , First , how this Conceit of their acting as extraordinary Ministers only tends to the subversion of all Ministers , as well as of the Bishops , ( since upon this very ground especially the Socinians deny all Mission and Ordination of Ministers in the Church ) ; and Secondly , if the contrary be proved by Gillespy , &c. by good Arguments , that they acted as ordinary Officers in the Church , then , whether they have not thereby laid a better foundation for the claim of the Bishops , ( viz. of Governing the Churches as single persons in Ordinary Office ) than either they or you are willing to acknowledg . Thirdly , His Majesty thinketh it a great liberty which you take in rendring the sense of His Reply as you have done ; viz. The Scriptures never call them Bishops , but the Fathers do , &c. Whereas if you had followed His sense in that Paper , you might rather have delivered thus , The Scripture describeth them as Bishops , and the Fathers call them so . For that of yours , The Scripture calls Timothy an Evangelist ; some of late have refuted it , and rejected it with scorn : you should have said rather , The Scripture doth not any where affirm of Titus , nor clearly prove of Timothy , that they were ( by peculiar Office ) Evangelists ; but that in governing the Churches they acted as Evangelists , or extraordinary Officers , is by sundry late Writers ( the Evasion it self having been but of late time minted ) refuted and rejected . For that of yours , The Scripture relates their motion from Church to Church ; but some affirm them to be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete ; It should have been , Neither doth their motion from Church to Church hinder but that they might afterward be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete : neither doth their being Bishops of Ephesus and Crete hinder but that they might afterwards , for propagation of the Gospel , be by the Apostles appointment often imployed other-where . For that of yours , The Scripture makes distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but some say that Timothy and Titus were both ; It should have been , The Scripture maketh no such distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but that the same persons might not only successively be both , but even at the same time also be called by both Names . Fourthly , Tho you say , You do not undervalue the Testimonies and Catalogues mentioned , yet you endeavour ( which cometh not far short of undervaluing ) to lessen the reputation of both but too much . Of those Testimonies , by putting them off , as if , when they report Timothy and Titus and others to have been Bishops , they speak but vulgarly , or by way of allusion , and not exactly as to the point in Debate . But of Hierom , upon whom you chiefly rely in this cause , the contrary is evident , who in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers , wherein he was to deliver things Fide Historica , and to describe the persons of such as are Registred in that Catalogue by their proper and known distinctive Titles and Styles , expresly styleth Timothy , Titus , Mark , Polycarp and others , Bishops of such and such places ; and such on the other side as were but mere Presbyters , Ecclesioe Antiochenoe or Alexandrinoe Presbyteri , &c. observing the difference so constantly and exactly throughout the whole Book , that nothing can be more clear , than that he understood the word Episcopus no otherwise than in the ordinary Ecclesiastical sense , and as a Bishop is distinct from a Presbyter . As for that passage you allege out of him , by custome , in the judgment of Learned men , he must mean the practice of the Apostolick times ; and by Dominica dispositio , the express Precept of Christ : unless you will have himself contradict what himself hath written in sundry other places ; whose Testimonies in the behalf of Episcopal Superiority are so clear and frequent in his Writings , that ( altho he of all the Ancients be least suspected to favour that Function overmuch , yet ) the Bishops would not refuse to make him Arbitrator in the whole business . As for the Catalogues , there will be more convenient place to speak of them afterwards . Fifthly , your long Discourse concerning the several stations and removes of Timothy and Titus ( Sect. 13 , 14. ) and their being called away from Ephesus and Crete ( Sect. 15. ) His Majesty neither hath time to examine , nor thinketh it much needful ( in respect of what He hath said already ) so to do . It is sufficient to make His Majesty at least suspend His Assent to your Conjectures and Inferences , First , that He findeth other Learned men , from the like Conjectures , to have made other Inferences ; as namely , that Timothy and Titus having accompanied Paul in many journeys , postea & tandem were by him constituted Bishops of Ephesus and Crete . Secondly , that supposing they were , after the times of the several Epistles written to them , sent by the Apostles to other places , or did accompany them in some of their journeys , even for a long time together , it cannot be concluded thence that they were not then Bishops of those Churches , or that the Government of those Churches was not committed to their peculiar charge : If it be supposed withall ( which is but reasonable ) that their absence was commanded by the Apostle , and that they left their Churches cum animo revertendi . Thirdly , that the places which you press again of i Tim. i. 3. and Titus i. 5. weigh so little to the purpose intended by you , even in your own judgments ( for you say only , They put fair to prove it ) that you cannot expect they should weigh so much in His as to need any further Answer ; save only that His Majesty knoweth not what great need or use there should be of leaving Timothy at Ephesus , or Titus in Crete , for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , with such directions and admonitions to them for their care therein , if they were not sent thither as Bishops . For either there were Colleges of Presbyters in those places before their coming thither , or there were not : if there were , and that such Colleges had power to ordain Presbyters and Deacons without a Bishop , then was there little need of sending Timothy and Titus so solemnly thither about the work ; if there were none , then had Timothy and Titus power of sole Ordination , which is a thing by you very much disliked . Those inconveniences His Majesty thinketh it will be hard wholly to avoid upon your Principles . That Discourse you conclude with this Observation , That in the very same Epistle to Timothy , out of which he is endeavoured to be proved a Bishop , there is clear evidence both for Presbyters imposing hands in Ordination , and for their Ruling : Yet His Majesty presumeth you cannot be ignorant , that the evidence is not so clear in either particular , but that in the former very many , of the Latin Fathers especially and sundry later Writers , as Calvin and others , refer the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the remoter Substantive Grace or Gift , and not that of Imposition of Hands ; and so understand it as meant of the Office of Presbytery , or , as we were wont to call it in English , by derivation from that Greek word , of Priesthood , in Timothy himself , and not of a Colledg or Company of Presbyters collectively imposing hands on him : and that the Greek Fathers , who take the word collectively , do yet understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there a Company of Apostles or Bishops who laid hands on Timothy in his ordination to the Office of a Bishop , ( as was ordinarily done by three joyning in that act in the Primitive and succeeding times ) and not of a College of mere Presbyters : and that in the latter particular , to wit , that of Ruling , the place whereon His Majesty conceiveth your Observation to be grounded , hath been by the Adversaries of Episcopal Government generally and mainly insisted upon , as the only clear proof for the establishing of Ruling-Lay-Elders , which interpretation His Majesty knoweth not how far you will admit of . As to the Angels of the Churches . His Majesties purpose in naming these Angels in His first Paper , sufficiently declared in His second , required no more to be granted for the proving of what He intended , but these Two Things only : First , That they were Personae singulares ; and then , That they had a Superiority in their respective Churches , as well over Presbyters as others : which two being the Periphrasis or Definition of a Bishop , His Majesty conceived it would follow of it self , That they were Bishops . That the Epistles directed to them in their respective Reproofs , Precepts , Threatnings , and other the contents thereof , did concern their fellow-Presbyters also , and indeed the whole Churches ( which in your last you again remember ) His Majesty did then and doth still believe , finding it agreeable both to the tenor of the Epistles themselves , and to the consentient judgment of Interpreters . Only His Majesty said , and still doth , That that hindreth not but that the Angels to whom the Epistles were directed were Personae singulares still . This His Majesty illustrated by a Similitude , which tho it do not hold in some other respects , and namely those you observe , ( for His Majesty never dreamt of a four-footed Similitude ) yet it perfectly illustrates the thing it was then intended for ; as is evident enough , so that there needeth no more to be said about it . That which you insist upon to prove the contrary from Revel . xi . 24. But I say to you ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plurally ) and the rest in Thyatira , is plainly of no force , if those Copies in which the copulative conjunction is wanting be true ; for then the Reading would be this , But I say to you the rest in Thyatira . But following the ordinary Copies , the difficulty is not great , such manner of Apostrophes by changing the number , or turning the speech to another person , being very usual both in Prophetick Writings , such as this Book of Revelation is , and in Epistles of this nature written to one , but with reference to many others therein concerned . Beza expoundeth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to you , ( that is , the Angel as President , and his Collegues the other Presbyters ) and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock or people : which manner of speaking might be illustrated by the like forms of speech to be used in a Letter written to a Corporation , wherein the Mayor and Aldermen especially , but yet the whole Town generally , were concerned , but directed to the Mayor alone ; or from a Lord , containing some Orders for his own houshould especially , and generally for the whole Township , but by the Inscription directed to his Steward only , or the like . The Consent of ancient and later Writers was produced by His Majesty for the proof of the two things before named only , but especially of the first , viz. That the Angels were Personae singulares : ( for the latter , viz. That they were superiour to Presbyters also , had been confessed by your selves in your first Grant before ) but was not produced to prove the Conclusion it self immediately , viz. That they were Bishops in distinct sense , altho sundry of their Testimonies come up even to that also . But to the first point , That they were Single persons , the concurrence is so general , that His Majesty remembreth not to have heard of any one single Interpreter , before Brightman , that ever expounded them otherwise : And yet the same man ( as His Majesty is informed ) in his whole Commentary upon the Revelation doth scarce , if at all , any where else , save in these Seven Epistles , expound the word Angel collectively , but still of one single person or other , insomuch as he maketh one Angel to be Gregory the Great , another Queen Elizabeth , another Cranmer , another Chemnitius , and the like . But generally both the Fathers and Protestant Divines agree in this , That the Angel was a Single person : some affirming plainly , and that in terminis , he was the Bishop ; some naming the very persons of some of them , as of Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna , and others ; some calling him the chief Pastor or Superintendent of that Church ; and those that speak least , and were more or less disaffected to Bishops , as Beza , Doctor Reynolds , the Geneva Notes , and even Cartwright himself , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , President or chief among the Presbyters . And this they do sundry of them , not crudely delivering their Opinions only , and then no more , but they give Reasons for it , and after examination of the several Opinions , prefer this before the rest , affirming , That Doctissimi quique interpretes , all the best learned Interpreters so understand it , and that they cannot understand it otherwise , vim nisi facere Textui velint , unless they will offer violence to the Text. That which His Majesty said concerning the Subdivision of those that had divided themselves from the common received judgment of the Church , was meant by His Majesty , as to the Subdivision , in respect of this particular of the Angels , wherein they differ one from another ; as to the Division , in respect of their dislike of Bishops , wherein they all agree . And truly His Majesty doth not yet see , how either their Differences can be possibly reconciled in the former ( no accommodation in the world being able to make all the people of the whole Church , nor yet a Colledg consisting of many Presbyters , to be one Single person ; ) or their recess wholly excused in the latter , their dissenting from the common and received Judgment and Practice of the Christian Church in the matter of Episcopacy , and the evil consequents thereof , having , in His Majesties Opinion , brought a greater reproach upon the Protestant Religion , and given more advantage ( or colour at least ) to the Romish party to asperse the Reformed Churches in such sort as we see they do , than their disagreement from the Church of Rome in any one controverted Point whatsoever besides hath done . As to the Apostles Successors . Here little is said , the substance whereof hath not been Answered before . His Majesty therefore briefly declares His meaning herein , That the Apostles were to have no necessary Successors in any thing that was extraordinary , either in their Mission or Unction ; That His Majesty spake not of Succession into Abilities otherwise than by instance , mentioning other particulars withal , which thing , He thinketh , needeth not to have been now the third time by you mentioned ; That in the Apostles Mission or Commission ( for His Majesty under the name of Mission comprehended both ) and consequently in the Apostolical Office , as there was something extraordinary , so there was something ordinary , wherein they were to have Successors ; That Bishops are properly their Successors in the whole Apostolical Office , so far as it was ordinary , and to have Successors ; That therefore the Bishops Office may in regard of that Succession be said to be Apostolical ; That yet it doth not follow that they must needs be called Apostles , taking the Denomination from the Office , inasmuch as the Denomination of the Apostles , peculiarly so called , was not given them from the Office whereunto they were sent , but ( as the word it self rather importeth ) from the immediateness of their Mission , being sent immediately by Christ himself , in respect whereof , for distinction sake , and in Honour to their Persons , it was thought fitter by those that succeeded , in common usage to abstain from that Denomination , and to be styled rather by the Name of Bishops ; That if the Apostles had no Successors , the Presbyters ( who are their Successors in part , mediately and subordinately to the Bishops ) will be very hard set to prove the Warrant of their own Office and Mission ; which if not derived from the Apostles ( who only received power of Mission from Christ ) by a continued line of Succession , His Majesty seeth not upon what other bottom it can stand . As to the standing Officers of the Church . You insisted upon Two Places of Scripture , Phil. i. 1. and 1 Tim. iii. to prove that there were to be no more standing Officers in the Church than the two in those places mentioned ( viz. ) Presbyters ( who are there called Bishops ) and Deacons ; whereunto His Majesties Answer was , That there might be other , tho not mentioned in those places : which Answer tho it were alone sufficient , yet , ex abundanti , His Majesty shewed withall , that supposing your interpretation of the word Bishop in both the places ( viz. ) to denote the Office of Presbyter only ) there might yet be given some probable conjectures , which ( likewise supposed true ) might satisfie us , why that of Bishop in the distinct sense should not be needful or proper to be named in those places . His Majesties former Reason , tho in Hypothesi , and as applied to the Church of Philippi it be but conjectural , yet upon the credit of all Ecclesiastical Histories and consideration of the Condition of those times , as it is set forth in the Scriptures also , it will appear in Thesi to be undoubtedly true ( viz. ) That the Apostles themselves first planted Churches ; That they were perpetual Governours , and , in chief , of all the Churches whilst they lived ; That as the burthen grew greater by the propagation of the Gospel , they assumed others in partem curae , committing to their charge the peculiar oversight of the Churches in some principal Cities , and the Towns and Villages adjacent , as James at Jerusalem , and others in other places , sooner or later , as they saw it expedient for the service of the Church ; That the persons so by them appointed to such peculiar charges did exercise the powers of Ordination , and other Government , under the Apostles , and are therefore in the Church Stories called Bishops of those places in a distinct sense ; That in some places , where the Apostles were themselves more frequently conversant , they did for some while govern the Churches immediately by themselves , before they set Bishops there ; and that after the Apostles times , Bishops only were the ordinary Governours of the Churches of Christ : And His Majesty believeth it cannot be proved , either from clear evidence of Scripture , or credible testimonies of Antiquity , that ever any Presbyter or Presbytery exercised the power either of Ordination at all without a Bishop , or of that which they call Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in ordinary , and by their own sole Authority , or otherwise than as it was delegated unto them upon occasion , and for the time , by Apostles or Bishops . For that place of Phil. 1. 1. in particular , His Majesties purpose being not to interpret the place , ( a work fitter for Divines ) but to manifest the inconsequence of the Argument whereby you would conclude but two standing Officers only , because but two there named , He gave this as one probable conjecture why there might be no Bishop in distinct sense there mentioned , because possibly the Apostles had not as yet set any Bishop over that Church : which His Majesty did not propose as the only , no , nor yet as the most probable conjecture , ( for which cause He delivered it so cautiously , saying only , It might be probable ) but as that which for the present came first into His thoughts , and was sufficient for His purpose , without the least meaning thereby to prejudice other interpretations ; as , namely , of those Expositors who take the words ( with the Bishops and Deacons ) as belonging to the persons saluting , and not to the persons saluted , to this sense , Paul and Timotheus , the servants of Jesus Christ , with the Bishops and Deacons , to the Saints at Philippi , &c. or of those who affirm , and that with great probability too , that Epaphroditus was then actually Bishop of Philippi , but not to be mentioned in the Inscription of the Epistle , because he was not then at Philippi , but with Saint Paul at Rome when that Epistle was written . Any of which conjectures if they be true , ( as there is none of them utterly improbable ) that place of Phil. 1. 1. will not do you much service in this Question . In the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , the Apostle directeth and admonisheth them as Bishops , particularly concerning Ordination of Ministers , that they do it advisedly , and ordain none but such as are meetly qualified for the Service of the Church ; which Directions and Admonitions His Majesty believeth for the substance to belong to all Bishops of after-times as well as unto them : But His Majesty seeth no necessity why in those Epistles there should be any particular directions given concerning the Ordination of Bishops , at least unless it could be made appear that they were to ordain some such in those places , nor perhaps if that could be made to appear , inasmuch as in those Epistles there is not the least signification of any difference at all between Presbyters and Deacons in the manner of their Ordination , both being to be performed by the Bishop , and by Imposition of Hands , and so both comprehended under that general Rule ( Lay hands suddenly on no man ) but only , and that very little , and scarce considerable ( as to the making of distinct Offices ) in the qualification of their persons . The Ordination therefore of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , being to be performed in the same manner , and the same Qualifications after a sort , saving such differences as the importance of their several Offices make , ( which is more in the degree than in the things ) being required in both , it had been sufficient if in those Epistles there had been direction given concerning the Ordination and Qualification of but one sort of Church-Officers only ; as in the Epistle to Titus we see there are of Presbyters only , and no mention made of Deacons in the whole Epistle ; whence it may be as well concluded , That there was to be no other standing Officer in the Church of Crete but Presbyters only , because Saint Paul giveth no directions to Titus concerning any other , as it can be concluded , That there were to be no other Officers in the Church of Ephesus but Presbyters and Deacons only , because Saint Paul giveth no direction to Timothy concerning any other . As to the Ages succeeding the Apostles . Concerning the Judgment of Ecclesiastical Writers about the Divine Right of Episcopacy , His Majesty conceiveth the difference to be more in their Expressions than in their Meaning , some calling it Divine , others Apostolical , and some ( but not many ) Ecclesiastical . But that the Superiority of Bishops above Presbyters began in the Apostles times , and had its foundation in the Institution either of Christ himself or of his Apostles , His Majesty hath not heard ( Aerius exceped ) that any till these latter Ages have denied . For that which you touch upon concerning the word Infallible , His Majesty supposeth you knew His meaning , and He delighteth not to contend about words . As for the Catalogues , some uncertainties in a few ( a frailty which all human Histories are subject to ) His Majesty taketh to be insufficient to discredit all . Differences there are in Historiographers , in reciting the Succession of the Babylonian , Persian , and Macedonian Kings , and of the Saxon Kings in England . And we find far more inextricable intricacies in the Fasti Consulares , the Catalogues of the Roman Consuls ( notwithstanding their great care in keeping of the publick Records , and the exactness of the Roman Histories ) than are to be found in Epistcopal Catalogues , those especially of the chiefest Cities , as Jerusalem , Rome , Antioch , Alexandria , Ephesus , &c. Yet as all men believe there were Kings in those Countries , and Consuls in Rome in those times ; so ( as you might well foresee would be answered ) the discrediting of the Catalogues of Bishops in respect of some uncertainties , ( although His Majesty doubteth not but many of the differences you instance in may be fairly reconciled ) tendeth rather to the confirming of the thing it self . That which you say in Answer hereunto , that the Ecclesiastical Writers called them Bishops in compliance to the Language of their own Times , after the names of Presbyters and Bishops were distinguished , but that they were not indeed Bishops in the proper sense now in Question ; His Majesty , who believeth the distinction of those names to have begun presently after the Apostles times ( if not rather whilst some of them were living ) doth consequently believe , that as they were called , so they were indeed Bishops in that proper sense . It appeareth by Ignatius his Epistles every where , how wide the difference was in his time between a Bishop and a mere Presbyter . If Hierom only , and some a little ancienter than he , had applied the name Bishop to persons that lived some Ages before them , there might have been the more colour to have attributed it to such a compliance as you speak of ; but that they received both the Name and the truth of their relations from unquestionable Testimonies and Records , His Majesty thinketh it may be made good by many instances . For example , to instance in one only , Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna , who is thought to be the Angel of that Church in the Revelations ; Ignatius , who was contemporary with him , wrote one Epistle to him , and sends salutation to him in another , as Bishop of Smyrna . Many years after , Irenaeus , Bishop of Lyons in France , ( whose Writings were never yet called in question by any ) not only affirms him to have been constituted Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles , but saith , That he himself when he was a Boy had seen him a very old man. Tertullian next , a very ancient Writer , affirmeth That he was Bishop of Smyrna , there placed by Saint John. After cometh Eusebius , who in his Ecclesiastical History not only Historically reporteth of his being Bishop there , as he doth of other Bishops ; but citeth also for it the Testimonies both of Ignatius and Irenaeus ( which , by the way , giveth good credit to Ignatius his Epistles too . ) Then Hierom also and others , lastly , attest the same . And it cannot be doubted but Eusebius and Hierom had in their times the like certain Testimonies and Grounds for sundry others , whom they report to have been Bishops ; which Testimonies and Records are not all come to our hands . For the Testimonies of Clemens and Ignatius , His Majesty saith , First , That tho it be not reasonable that the Testimony of one single Epistle should be so made the adequate measure of Clemens his Opinion , as to exclude all other proof from his Example , or otherwise ; yet His Majesty , since Clemens was first named by you , and the weight of the main cause lieth not much upon it , is content also for that matter to refer Himself to that Epistle . Secondly , That His Majesty could not but use some earnestness of expression in the cause of Ignatius against some who have rejected the whole Volume of his Epistles , but upon such Arguments as have more lessened the Reputation of their own Learning , than the Authority of those Epistles , in the opinion of moderate and judicious men : And yet Blondellus , a very Learned man , tho he reject those Epistles , confesseth notwithstanding the Ancient Fathers gave full Credence thereunto . The Apostles , you say , did not ordain themselves Bishops of any particular places ; and yet the Bishops of some particular places are reported in the Catalogues to have been Sucoessors to such or such of the Apostles , and even the Names of such Apostles are entred into the Catalogues . To this His Majesty saith , That the Apostles were formerly Bishops by virtue of their Mission from Christ , as hath been already declared , but did neither ordain themselves , nor could be ordained of others , Bishops of such or such particular Cities : Although His Majesty knoweth not but that they might , without prejudice to their Apostleship , and by mutual consent , make choice of their several quarters wherein to exercise that Function , as well as Saint Peter and Saint Paul by consent went , the one to the Circumcision , the other to the Gentiles . But such apportionments did not intitle them to be properly called Bishops of those places , unless any of them by such agreement did fixedly reside in some City ; of which there is not in the History of the Church any clear unquestionable Example . If James the Lord's Brother ( who was certainly Bishop of Jerusalem ) were not one of the twelve Apostles , as the more general opinion is that he was not ; yet did the Churches of succeeding times , for the greater honour of their Sees , and the memory of so great Benefactors , enter in the Head of the Lists or Catalogues of their Bishops , the Names of such of the Apostles as had either first planted the Faith , or placed Bishops , or made any long abode and continuance , or ended their days among them : yet doth not the true Title of being Successors to the Apostles thereby accrue to the Bishops of those places more than to other Bishops , but all Bishops are equally Successors to the Apostles in two other respects ; the one , for that they derive their Ordination by a continued Line of Succession from the Apostles ; the other , for that they succeed into the same Apostolical Power and Function , which the Apostles as ordinary Pastors had . Your motion , to reduce this whole Dispute to Scripture alone , were the more reasonable , if the matter in question were properly a Point of Faith : And yet even in points of Faith ( as the Doctrine of the Trinity , the Canon of Scripture , and sundry other ) the uniform judgment of the Church hath been ever held of very considerable regard . But being a matter of Fact , as before was said , which the Scriptures do not deliver entirely and perspicuously in any one place together , but obscurely and by parts , so that the understanding thereof dependeth merely upon conjectural Interpretations and uncertain probabilities , nor assure any certain distinguishing Characters whereby to discern what therein is extraordinary , what prudential , and what of necessary and perpetual Obligation , there seemeth to His Majesty to be a necessity of admitting the subsequent Judgment and Practice of the Christian Churches into the Trial. As to the Three Questions proposed by His Majesty . His Majesty resteth very much unsatisfied , that you have now again wholly declined the answering of those three Questions so clearly proposed by Him , which your selves also consess to be of great importance , upon this only pretence , That the whole Volume of Ecclesiastical Policy is contained in them : Whereas His Majesty did neither expect nor require from you any large or Polemical Discourse concerning those Questions ; but yet did conceive you were ( in order to His Satisfaction in your own Undertaking ) in some sort obliged to have declared in few words what your Judgment was therein , with the grounds thereof , that so His Majesty might have taken the same into His further Consideration , than which nothing could have more conduced to the informing of His Judgment , and the satisfaction of His Conscience : which His Majesty also further conceives you might have done with the tenth part of that pains you have hitherto bestowed to other purposes , and therein have given full as much satisfaction to His desires as he expected , and in all likelihood better satisfaction to His Judgment , than He yet findeth , or can hope to find from you , so long as you hold off from declaring your Opinions concerning those Questions . For certainly until one of these three things can be clearly evidenced unto His Majesty , ( viz. ) Either that there is no certain Form of Church-Government at all prescribed in the Word ; or if there be , that the Civil Power may change the same as they see cause ; or if it be unchangeable , that it was not Episcopal , but some other ; His Majesty thinks himself excuseable in the judgment of all reasonable men , if He cannot as yet be induced to give his Assent to the utter Abolition of that Government in the Church which He found here setled to His hands , which hath continued all over the Christian World from the times of the Apostles until this last Age , and in this Realm ever since the first plantation of Christianity , as well since the Reformation as before , which hath been confirmed by so many Acts of Parliament , approved as consonant to the holy Word of God in the Articles of our Religion , and by all the Ministers of the Church of England , as well by their personal Subscriptions as otherwise , so attested and declared , and which Himself in His Judgment and Conscience hath for so many years been , and yet is , perswaded to be at least of Apostolical Institution and Practice . Truly , His Majesty cannot but wonder what should be the reason of your great shiness and unwillingness to discover your minds in a matter of so great and necessary consequence : and for a final conclusion of this whole Dispute ( which His Majesty thinketh fit to shut up with this Paper ) He must plainly tell you , That your endeavours to have given Him satisfaction in the Questions proposed would have added much , in His opinion , to the reputation of your Ingenuity in the whole undertaking ; it being not probable you should work much upon His Judgment , whilst you are fearful to declare your own ; nor possible to relieve His Conscience , but by a free discharge of yours . Nevertheless , His Majesty liketh well of your Prayer in the close of your Paper , and thinketh you should do very well to joyn therewith your utmost possible endeavours towards the settling of Truth and a happy Peace in this unsettled Church and Kingdom . THE END . ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ THE POURTRAICTURE OF HIS SACRED MAJESTY IN HIS SOLITUDES and SUFFERINGS . I. Vpon His MAJESTIES Calling this last PARLIAMENT . THIS last Parliament I called , not more by others advice , and necessity of my Affairs , than by my own choice and inclination ; who have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for my Crown , as best pleasing to my People . And altho I was not forgetful of those sparks which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments , ( which by forbearing to convene for some years I hoped to have extinguished ; ) yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick Grievances in Church and State , I hoped ( by my freedom and their moderation ) to prevent all misunderstandings and miscarriages in this : In which as I feared affairs would meet with some Passion and Prejudice in other men , so I resolved they should find least of them in My self ; not doubting but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoise the over-balancings of any Factions . I was , inded , sorry to hear with what Partiality and Popular heat Elections were carried in many places : yet hoping that the Gravity and Discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament ( guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms ) no man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament than My self , who knowing best the Largeness of my own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment , pleased My self most in that good and firm understanding which would hence grow between Me and my People . All Jealousies being laid aside , My own and My Childrens Interests gave Me many obligations to seek and preserve the Love and welfare of my Subjects ; the only temporal Blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs , as their greatest Honour and Safety , next Gods Protection . I cared not to lessen My self in some things of my wonted Prerogative , since I knew I could be no loser , if I might gain but a recompence in my Subjects Affections . I intended not only to oblige my Friends , but mine Enemies also ; exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented , if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense . The Odium and offences which some mens Rigor or Remisness in Church and State had contracted upon my Government , I resolved to have expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future , as might not only rectify what was amiss in Practice , but supply what was defective in the Constitution : No man having a greater zeal to see Religion setled , and preserved in Truth , Unity and Order , than My self , whom it most concerns both in Piety and Policy ; as knowing that , No flames of civil Dissentions are more dangerous than those which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions . I resolved to reform what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be oonvinced of to be amiss , and to grant whatever my Reason and Conscience told Me was fit to be desired . I wish I had kept My self within those bounds , and not suffered my own Judgment to have been overborn in some things , more by others importunities than their Arguments : My confidence had less betrayed My self and my Kingdomes to those advantages which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but Power and Occasions to do mischief . But our Sins being ripe , there was no preventing of Gods Justice from reaping that Glory in our Calamities which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity . For Thou ( O Lord ) hast made us see , that Resolutions of future Reforming do not always satisfie thy Justice , nor prevent thy Vengeance for former miscarriages . Our Sins have overlaid our Hopes . Thou hast taught us to depend on thy Mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . When Thou hast vindicated thy Glory by thy Judgments , and hast shewed us how unsafe it is to offend Thee , upon presumptions afterwards to please Thee ; then I trust thy Mercies will restore those Blessings to us , which we have so much abused as to force Thee to deprive us of them . For want of timely Repentance of our sins , Thou givest us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . Yet I do not repent of my calling this last Parliament ; because , O Lord , I did it with an upright intention , to thy Glory and my peoples good . The Miseries which have ensued upon Me and My Kingdoms , are the just effects of thy displeasure upon us ; and may be yet ( through thy mercy ) preparative of us to future Blessings , and better hearts to enjoy them . O Lord , tho Thou hast deprived us of many former comforts , yet grant Me and My people the benefit of our afflictions and thy chastisements ; that thy rod as well as thy staff may comfort us . Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an Enemy , but a Father , when thou givest us those humble affections , that measure of Patience in Repentance , which becomes thy Children . I shall have no cause to repent the Miseries this Parliament hath occasioned , when by them thou hast brought Me and My people unfeignedly to repent of the Sins we have committed . Thy Grace is infinitely better with our Sufferings , than our Peace could be with our Sins . O thou soveraign Goodness and Wisdom , who over-rulest all our Counsels , over-rule also all our hearts ; That the worse things we suffer by thy Justice , the better we may be by thy Mercy . As our Sins have turned our Antidotes into poyson , so let thy Grace turn our poysons into Antidotes . As the Sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy War , so let this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace . That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here , yet I may attain to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart and in thy Heaven , which Christ hath purchased , and thou wilt give to thy Servant ( tho a Sinner ) for my Saviours sake , Amen . II. Vpon the Earl of STRAFFORD's Death . I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford , as a Gentleman whose great Abilities might make a Prince rather afraid than ashamed to employ him in the greatest affairs of State. For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this was like enough to betray him to great errors and many enemies : Whereof he could not but contract good store , while moving in so high a sphear and with so vigorous a lustre , he must needs ( as the Sun ) raise many envious exhalations , which condensed by a Popular Odium , were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity . Though I cannot in my Judgment approve all he did , driven ( it may be ) by the necessities of Times and the Temper of that People , more than led by his own disposition to any height and rigor of actions : yet I could never be convinced of any such Criminousness in him , as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice , and Malice of his Enemies . I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs than in the business of that unfortunate Earl ; when between my own unsatisfiedness in Conscience , and a necessity ( as some told Me ) of satisfying the importunities of some people , I was perswaded by those that I think wished Me well , to chuse rather what was safe , than what seemed just ; preferring the outward Peace of my Kingdoms with men , before that inward exactness of Conscience before God. And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My part ( for plenary consent it was not ) to his destruction , whom in my Judgment I thought not , by any clear Law , guilty of Death ; that I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret : which , as a sign of my Repentance , I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men , as an act of so sinful frailty , that it discovered more a fear of Man than of God , whose name and place on Earth no man is worthy to bear who will avoid inconveniencies of State by acts of so high injustice as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate . I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience , thereby to salve State sores ; to calm the storms of Popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome . Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences , to shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime , Better one man perish ( tho unjustly ) than the people be displeased , or destroyed . For , In all likelihood , I could never have suffered , with my people , greater calamities , ( yet with greater comfort ) had I vindicated Strafford's Innocency , at least by denying to sign that destructive BILL , according to that Justice which my Conscience suggested to Me , than I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful importunities with so cruel a favour . And I have observed , that those who counselled Me to sign that BILL , have been so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People , that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they ; He only hath been least vexed by them , who counselled Me not to consent against the Vote of my own Conscience . I hope God hath forgiven Me and them the sinful rashness of that business . To which being in my Soul so fully conscious , those Judgments God hath pleased to send upon Me , are so much the more welcome , as a means ( I hope ) which his Mercy hath sanctified so to Me , as to make Me repent of that unjust Act , ( for so it was to Me ) and for the future to teach Me , That the best rule of Policy is to prefer the doing of Justice before all enjoyments , and the Peace of my Conscience before the preservation of my Kingdoms . Nor hath any thing more fortified my resolutions against all those violent importunities , which since have sought to gain a like consent from Me to Acts wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied , than the sharp touches I have had for what passed Me in my Lord of Strafford's Business . Not that I resolved to have employed him in my Affairs , against the advice of my Parliament ; but I would not have had any hand in his Death , of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured than any man living could be . Nor were the Crimes objected against him so clear , as after a long and fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses ; especially that of the Lords , of whom scarce a third part were present when the Bill passed that House . And for the House of Commons , many Gentlemen , disposed enough to diminish my Lord of Strafford's greatness and power , yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law , durst not condemn him to die : who for their Integrity in their Votes , were , by Posting their Names , exposed to the popular calumny , hatred and fury ; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Justice , ( that is , to have both My self and the two Houses Vote and do as they would have us ) that many ( 't is thought ) were rather terrified to concur with the condemning party , than satisfied that of right they ought so to do . And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation , sufficiently tells the world , that some remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies , as knowing he had very hard measure , and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves . This tenderness and regret I find in my Soul , for having had any hand ( and that very unwillingly , God knows ) in shedding one mans blood unjustly , ( tho under the colour and formalities of Justice , and pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs ; ) which may ( I hope ) be some evidence before God and Man , to all Posterity , that I am far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that Blood which hath been shed in this unhappy War , which some men will needs charge on Me , to ease their own Souls , who am , and ever shall be , more afraid to take away any mans life unjustly , than to lose My own . But Thou , O God of infinite mercies , forgive Me that act of sinful compliance , which hath greater aggravations upon Me than any man. Since I had not the least temptation of Envy or Malice against him , and by My place should at least so far have been a preserver of him , as to have denied my consent to his destruction . O Lord , I acknowledg my transgression , and my sin is ever before Me. Deliver Me from blood-guiltiness , O God , thou God of my salvation , and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness . Against Thee have I sinned , and done this evil in thy sight ; for Thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand . Yet cast Me not away from thy presence , purge Me with the Blood of my Redeemer , and I shall be clean ; wash Me with that precious effusion , and I shall be whiter than snow . Teach Me to learn Righteousness by thy Judgments , and to see my frailty in thy Justice : While I was perswaded by shedding one mans blood to prevent after-troubles , thou hast for that , among other sins , brought upon Me and upon my Kingdoms great , long and heavy troubles . Make Me to prefer Justice , which is thy Will , before all contrary clamors , which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will. It is too much that they have once overcome Me , to please them by displeasing Thee : O never suffer Me for any reason of State , to go against my Reason of Conscience , which is highly to sin against Thee , the God of Reason and Judg of our Consciences . Whatever , O Lord , Thou seest fit to deprive Me of , yet restore unto Me the joy of thy Salvation , and ever uphold Me with thy free Spirit , which subjects my Will to none but thy Light of Reason , Justice and Religion , which shines in my Soul ; for Thou desirest Truth in the inward parts , and Integrity in the outward expressions . Lord , hear the voice of thy Sons and my Saviours Blood , which speaks better things ; O make Me and my People to hear the voice of Joy and Gladness , that the bones which thou hast broken may rejoyce in thy Salvation . III. Vpon his MAJESTIES going to the House of COMMONS . MY going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the Five Members , was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could . It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears ; yea , and many of My Friends resented it as a motion rising rather from Passion than Reason , and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those times required . But these men knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds , with which I thought My self so furnished , that there needed nothing to such evidence as I could have produced against those I charged , save only a free and legal Tryal , which was all I desired . Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens Persons , further than I had discovered those ( as I thought ) unlawful correspondencies they had used , and engagements they had made , to embroyl My Kingdoms : of all which I missed but little to have produced writings under some mens own hands , who were the chief Contrivers of the following Innovations . Providence would not have it so : yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart , who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace , which to preserve by calling in question half a dozen men in a fair and Legal way ( which God knows was all my design ) could have amounted to no worse effect , had it succeeded , than either to do Me and My Kingdom right , in case they had been found guilty ; or else to have cleared their Innocency , and removed My Suspicions ; which , as they were not raised out of any Malice , so neither were they in Reason to be smothered . What flames of Discontent this spark ( tho I sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it ) soon kindled , all the world is witness . The aspersion which some men cast upon that action , as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons , and invade their Privilege , is so false , that as God best knows I had no such intent , so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I then said or did , the least intimation of any such thoughts . That I went attended with some Gentlemen , as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and Safety of a King so to be attended , especially in discontented times ; so were My Followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard , and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict . Nor were they more scared at my coming , than I was unassured of not having some affronts cast upon Me , if I had none with Me to preserve a Reverence to Me : For many people had ( at that time ) learn'd to think those hard thoughts , which they have since abundantly vented against Me both by words and deeds . The Sum of that business was this : Those men and their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted Vulgar as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties than My self , and so worthier of their protection . I leave them to God and their own Consciences , who , if guilty of evil machinations , no present impunity or Popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals . To which , in the obstructions of Justice among men , we must religiously appeal , as being an argument to us Christians of that after unavoidable Judgement , which shall re-judge what among men is but corruptly decided , or not at all . I endeavoured to have prevented , if God had seen fit , those future Commotions which I foresaw . would in all likelihood follow some mens activity ( if not restrained ) and so now have done , to the undoing of many thousands ; the more is the pity . But to over-awe the Freedom of the Houses , or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them , was not at all My design : I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on My side , as should not have needed so rough assistance ; and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with Patience , than to use such hazardous extremities . But thou , O Lord , art my witness in heaven , and in my heart : If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent , or if there were any such wickedness in my thoughts ; Then let the Enemy persecute my Soul , and tread my life to the ground , and lay mine Honour in the dust . Thou that seest not as man seeth , but lookest beyond all popular appearances , searching the heart and trying the reins , and bringing to light the hidden things of darkness , shew thy self . Let not my Afflictions be esteemed ( as with wise and godly men they cannot be ) any argument of my Sin in that matter ; more than their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency . But forgive them wherein they have done amiss , though they are not punished for it in this world . Save thy Servant from the privy Conspiracies and open Violence of bloody and unreasonable men , according to the uprightness of my heart and the innocency of my hands in this matter . Plead my cause , and maintain my right , O thou that sittest in the Throne judging rightly , that thy Servant may ever rejoyce in thy Salvation . IV. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults . I Never thought any thing ( except our Sins ) more ominously presaging all these Mischiefs which have followed , than those Tumults in London and Westminster soon after the Convening of this Parliament ; which were not like a Storm at Sea , ( which yet wants not its Terror ) but like an Earthquake , shaking the very foundations of all ; than which nothing in the world hath more of horror . As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God , while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea : so 't is no less , that he restrains the Madness of the people . Nor doth any thing portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation , than when he suffers the confluence and clamors of the Vulgar to pass all boundaries of Laws and reverence to Authority . Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence , that they spared not to invade the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses , menacing , reproaching , shaking , yea and assaulting some Members of both Houses , as they fancied or disliked them : Nor did they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments , both in contemptuous words and actions , to My self and My Court. Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking , as an Ague , but a Quotidian Fever , always encreasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission . First , they must be a Guard against those Fears which some men scared themselves and others withall ; when indeed nothing was more to be feared , and less to be used by wise men , than those Tumultuary confluxes of mean and rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect , then to dictate , at last to command and over-awe the Parliament . All obstructions in Parliament ( that is , all freedom of differing in Votes , and debating matters with Reason and Candor ) must be taken away with these Tumults : By these must the Houses be purged , and all Rotten Members ( as they pleased to count them ) cast out ; by these the obstinacy of men resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued ; by these all factious , seditious and schismatical Proposals against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil must be backed and abetted , till they prevailed . Generally , whoever had most mind to bring forth Confusion and Ruin upon Church and State , used the midwifery of those Tumults : whose riot and impatience was such , that they would not stay the ripening and season of Counsels , or fair production of Acts in the order , gravity , and deliberateness befitting a Parliament ; but ripped up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive Votes , such as their Inviters and Encouragers most fancied . Yea , so enormous and detestable were their Outrages , that no sober man could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated and connived at by some ; countenanced , incouraged , and applauded by others . What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired for the publick good , than obtain it by such unlawful and irreligious means ? But mens Passions and Gods directions seldom agree : violent designs and motions must have suitable engines ; such as too much attend their own Ends , seldom confine themselves to Gods Means . Force must crowd in what Reason will not lead . Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrons of Tumults , to send for them , to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , some men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance : God in his due time will let these see , that those were no fit Means to be used for attaining his Ends. But , as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage when strong Winds blow upon it ; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some Reputation for Parts and Piety to set them on . That which made their Rudeness most formidable , was , that many complaints being made , and Messages sent by My self and some of both Houses , yet no order for redress could be obtained with any vigor and efficacy , proportionable to the malignity of that now far spread disease and predominant Mischief . Such was some mens Stupidity , that they feared no inconvenience ; others Petulancy , that they joyed to see their Betters shamefully outraged and abused , while they knew their only security consisted in vulgar flattery : So insensible were they of Mine or the two Houses common Safety and Honours . Nor could ever any order be obtained , impartially to examine , censure and punish the known Boutefeus and impudent Incendiaries , who boasted of the influence they had , and used to convoke those Tumults as their advantages served . Yea , some ( who should have been wiser Statesmen ) owned them as friends , commending their Courage , Zeal and Industry ; which to sober men could seem no better than that of the Devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour . I confess , when I found such a deafness , that no Declaration from the Bishops , who were first foully insolenced and assaulted , nor yet from other Lords and Gentlemen of Honour , nor yet from My self , could take place for the due repression of these Tumults , and securing not only Our freedom in Parliament , but Our very Persons in the streets ; I thought My self not bound by My presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts ; I hoped by My withdrawing , to give time both for the ebbing of their tumultuous Fury , and others regaining some degrees of Modesty and sober sense . Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimity in any man for Popular terrors , to desert his publick station : But I think it a hardiness beyond true Valour , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a Sea ; which to resist at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gains a fitter time to repair the breach . Certainly , a Gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , than scuffle with an undisciplined rabble . Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a War , when I went from Whitehall only to redeem My Person and Conscience from violence : God knows I did not then think of a War. Nor will any prudent man conceive that I would by so many former , and some after Acts , have so much weakned My self , if I had purposed to engage in a War , which to decline by all means , I denied My self in so many particulars : 't is evident I had then no Army to flie unto for Protection or Vindication . Who can blame Me , or any other , for withdrawing our selves from the daily baitings of the Tumults , not knowing whether their Fury and Discontent might not flie so high , as to worry and tear those in pieces , whom as yet they but played with in their paws ? God , who is my sole Judge , is my Witness in Heaven , that I never had any thoughts of going from my house at White-hall , if I could have had but any reasonable fair quarter : I was resolved to bear much , and did so ; but I did not think My self bound to prostitute the Majesty of My Place and Person , the safety of My Wife and Children , to those who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunity most capable of their rudeness and petulancy . But this business of the Tumults ( whereof some have given already an account to God , others yet living know themselves desperately guilty ) Time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried , that I think it best to leave it as it is ; Only I believe the just Avenger of all disorders will in time make those men and that City see their Sin in the glass of their Punishment . 'T is more than an even lay , that they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended . Had this Parliament , as it was in its first Election and Constitution , sate full and free , the Members of both Houses being left to their freedom of Voting , as in all Reason , Honour and Religion they should have been , I doubt not but things would have been so carried , as would have given no less content to all good men than they wished or expected . For I was resolved to hear Reason in all things , and to consent to it so far as I could comprehend it : But as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations , so are Tumults to Parliaments , and Plebeian Concourses to publick Counsels , turning all into Disorders and sordid Confusions . I am prone sometimes to think , that had I called this Parliament to any other place in England ( as I might opportunely enough have done ) the sad Consequences in all likelihood , with Gods Blessing , might have been prevented . A Parliament would have been welcom in any place ; no place afforded such confluence of various and vicious humours as that where it was unhappily convened . But we must leave all to God , who orders our Disorders , and magnifies his Wisdom most when our Follies and miseries are most discovered . But thou , O Lord , art my refuge and defence ; to Thee I may safely fly , who rulest the raging of the Sea , and the Madness of the People . The floods , O Lord , the floods are come in upon Me , and are ready to overwhelm Me. I look upon My Sins and the Sins of My People ( which are the tumults of our Souls against Thee , O Lord ) as the just cause of these Popular inundations which Thou permittest to over-bear all the banks of Loyalty , Modesty , Laws , Justice and Religion . But Thou that gatheredst the waters into one place , and madest the dry land to appear , and after didst asswage the Flood which drowned the World by the word of thy power , rebuke those Beasts of the People , and deliver Me from the Rudeness and strivings of the Multitude . Restore , we beseech Thee , unto us the freedoms of our Councels and Parliaments , make us unpassionately to see the light of Reason and Religion , and with all order and gravity to follow it , as it becomes Men and Christians ; so shall we praise thy Name , who art the God of Order and Counsel . What man cannot or will not repress , thy Omnipotent Justice can and will. O Lord , give them that are yet living a timely sense and sorrow for their great sin , whom Thou knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those Disorders : Let Shame here , and not Suffering hereafter , be their Punishment . Set bounds to our Passions by Reason , to our Errors by Truth , to our Seditions by Laws duly executed , and to our Schisms by Charity ; that we may be , as thy Jerusalem , a City at unity in it self . This grant , O my God , in thy good time , for Jesus Christ's sake , Amen . V. Vpon His MAJESTIES passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliaments ; and after setling this , during the pleasure of the Two Houses . THAT the World might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first , to contribute what in Justice , Reason , Honour and Conscience I could to the happy success of this Parliament , ( which had in Me no other design but the general Good of my Kingdoms ) I willingly passed the BILL for Triennial Parliaments : which , as gentle and seasonable Physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting any head or prevailing ; especially , if the Remedy proved not a Disease beyond all remedy . I conceived this Parliament would find work with convenient recesses for the first three years ; but I did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more work than they found to do , by undoing so much as they found well done to their hands . Such is some mens activity , that they will needs make work rather than want it ; and chuse to be doing amiss , rather than do nothing . When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens Fears , and compass publick Affairs ; I was perswaded to grant that BILL of Sitting during the pleasure of the Houses , which amounted in some mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this Parliament . By this Act of highest Confidence , I hoped for ever to shut out and lock the door upon all present Jealousies and future Mistakes : I confess I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of doors , as some men have now requited Me. True , it was an Act unparallel'd by any of my Predecessors ; yet cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation than this , of an extreme Confidence I had , that My Subjects would not make ill use of an Act , by which I declared so much to trust them , as to deny My self in so high a point of my Prerogative . For good Subjects will never think it just or fit , that My condition should be worse by my bettering theirs : Nor indeed would it have been so in the events , if some men had known as well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire , advantages of doing good or evil . A continual Parliament ( I thought ) would but keep the Common-weal in tune , by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigor , wherein My interest lies more than any mans , since by those Laws My Rights as a KING would be preserved no less than My Subjects ; which is all I desired . More than the Law gives Me I would not have , and less the meanest Subject should not . Some ( as I have heard ) gave it out , that I soon repented Me of that setling Act ; and many would needs perswade Me , I had cause so to do : but I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of Honour , that the more I granted them , the less I should have and enjoy with them . I still counted My self undiminished by My largest Concessions , if by them I might gain and confirm the love of my People . Of which I do not yet despair , but that God will still bless Me with increase of it , when Men shall have more leisure and less prejudice ; that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those ( as I think ) not more Princely than friendly contributions which I granted towards the perpetuating of their Happiness , who are now only miserable in this , That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good . Nor do I doubt but that in Gods due time , the Loyal and cleared affections of My People will strive to return such retributions of Honour and Love to Me or My Posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of My Confidence and My Sufferings for them ; which ( God knows ) have been neither few , nor small , nor short ; occasioned chiefly by a perswasion I had , that I could not grant too much , or distrust too little , to men , that being professedly My Subjects , pretended singular Piety and Religious strictness . The Injury of all Injuries is , that which some men will needs load Me withal , as if were a wilful and resolved Occasioner of My own and My Subjects Miseries ; while ( as they confidently , but ( God knows ) falsly divulge ) I repining at the establishment of this Parliament , endeavoured by force and open hostility to undo what by My Royal assent I had done . Sure it had argued a very short sight of things , and extream fatuity of mind in Me , so far to bind My own hands at their request , if I had shortly meant to have used a Sword against them . God knows , tho I had then a sense of Injuries ; yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a War : I was not then compelled , as since , to injure My self by their not using favours with the same Candor wherewith they were conferred . The Tumults indeed threatned to abuse all Acts of Grace , and turn them into wantonness ; but I thought at length their own Fears , whose Black arts first raised up those turbulent Spirits , would force them to conjure them down again . Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon Me or others , was I then in any capacity to have taken just revenge in an Hostile and Warlike way upon those whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people , that I could not have given My Enemies greater and more desired advantages against Me , than by so unprincely Inconstancy to have assaulted them with Arms , thereby to scatter them , whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of Parliament . God knows I longed for nothing more , than that My self and My Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of My many Condescendings . It had been a course full of Sin , as well as of Hazard and Dishonour , for Me to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword which I had so lately planted , so much ( as I thought ) to My Subjects content , and Mine own too , in all probability ; if some men had not feared where no fear was , whose security consisted in scaring others . I thank God , I know so well the sincerity and uprightness of My own Heart , in passing that great BILL , which exceeded the very thoughts of former times , that although I may seem less a Politician to men , yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. Nor had I any reservations in My own Soul when I passed it , nor repentings after , till I saw that My letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple , was a temptation to them to cast Me down headlong ; concluding , that without a Miracle , Monarchy it self , together with Me , could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitious fall as they intended . Whom God in mercy forgive , and make them see at length , That as many Kingdoms as the Devil shewed our Saviour , and the glory of them , ( if they could be at once enjoyed by them ) are not worth the gaining by ways of sinful ingratitude and dishonour , which hazards a Soul worth more Worlds than this hath Kingdoms . But God hath hitherto preserved Me , and made Me to see , that it is no strange thing for men left to their own Passions , either to do much evil themselves , or abuse the overmuch goodness of others , whereof an ungrateful Surfeit is the most desperate and incurable disease . I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act , since I have no reflections upon it as a Sin of my Will , tho an Error of too charitable a Judgment : Only I am sorry other mens eyes should be evil , because Mine were good . To Thee ( O my God ) do I still appeal , whose all-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitful darknesses of their hearts . Thou gavest Me a heart to grant much to my Subjects ; and now I need a heart fitted to suffer much from some of them . Thy will be done , tho never so much to the crossing of ours , even when we hope to do what might be most conformable to thine and theirs too who pretended they aimed at nothing else . Let thy Grace teach Me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of my best hopes and most specious desires . I see while I thought to allay others Fears , I have raised mine own ; and by setling them , have unsetled My self . Thus have they requited me evil for good , and hatred for my good will towards them . O Lord , be thou my Pilot in this dark and dangerous storm , which neither admits my return to the Port whence I set out , nor my making any other with that Safety and Honour which I designed . 'T is easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of my people ; nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many , which Thou hast suffered so far to prevail upon Me , as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of greatest Indulgence to them , and assurance of them . But no Favors from Me can make others more guilty than My self may be , of misusing those many and great ones which Thou , O Lord , hast conferred on Me. I beseech Thee give Me and them such Repentance as thou wilt accept , and such Grace as we may not abuse . Make Me so far happy , as to make a right use of others abuses ; and by their failings of Me , to reflect with a reforming displeasure upon my Offences against Thee . So , altho for My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy temporal Blessings , yet I may be happy to enjoy the comfort of thy Mercies , which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most glorious Saints . VI. Vpon His MAJESTIES retirement from WESTMINSTER . WIth what unwillingness I withdrew from Westminster , let them judg , who unprovided of tackling and victual , are forced to Sea by a Storm ; yet better do so , than venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore . I stayed at White-hall till I was driven away by shame more than fear , to see the barbarous Rudeness of those Tumults who resolved they would take the boldness to demand any thing , and not leave either My self , or the Members of Parliament the liberty of Our Reason and Conscience to deny them any thing . Nor was this intolerable Oppression My case alone , ( though chiefly Mine : ) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses , when they had used each their own freedom . Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or Reason conclusive to My Judgment ; nor can they include or carry with them My consent , whom they represent not in any kind ; nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses , than I see them agree with the will of God , with my just Rights as a King , and the general good of my People . I see that , as many men , they are seldom of one mind ; and I may oft see that the major part of them are not in the right . I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds , how desirous I was to give all just content , when I agreed to so many Bills , which had been enough to secure and satisfie all , if some mens Hydropick insatiableness had not learned to thirst the more by how much the more they drank ; whom no fountain of Royal Bounty was able to overcome , so resolved they seemed either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . Sure it ceases to be Counsel , when not Reason is used , as to men , to perswade , but Force and Terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumultuary Patrons shall project . He deserves to be a Slave without pity or redemption , that is content to have the Rational soveraignty of his Soul , and liberty of his Will and Words so captivated . Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable , as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that Freedom which cannot be denied Me as a King , because it belongs to Me as a Man and a Christian ; owning the dictates of none but God to be above Me , as obliging Me to consent . Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul , which subjects Me only to God , so far as by Reason or Religion he directs Me , than live with the Title of a King , if it should carry such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer Me to use My Reason and Conscience , in which I declare as a King to like or dislike . So far am I from thinking the Majesty of the Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation-Oath , in a blind and brutish formality to consent to whatever its Subjects in Parliament shall require , as some men will needs infer ; while denying me any power of a Negative voice as King , they are not ashamed to seek to deprive Me of the liberty of using My Reason with a good Conscience , which themselves and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publick , who would take it very ill to be urged , not to deny whatever My self as King , or the House of Peers with Me should , not so much desire as enjoyn them to pass . I think My Oath fully discharged in that point , by my Governing only by such Laws as My People with the House of Peers have chosen , and My self consented to . I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to go as oft against My Conscience , as I should consent to such new Proposals which My reason , in Justice , Honour and Religion bids Me deny . Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary Government , ( that is , the Law of anothers will , to which themselves give no consent ) that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man that must be subject to the will of others , without having power left him to use his own Reason , either in Person , or by any Representation . And if my dissentings at any time were ( as some have suspected and uncharitably avowed ) out of Error , Opinionativeness , Weakness , or Wilfulness , and what they call Obstinacy in Me ( which not true Judgment of things , but some vehement Prejudice or Passion hath fixed on My Mind ; ) yet can no man think it other than the badg and method of Slavery , by savage Rudeness and importunate obtrusions of Violence to have the mist of his Error and Passion dispelled , which is a shadow of Reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or Man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully follows what he takes for Reason : The uprightness of his Intentions will excuse the possible failings of his Understanding . If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star , it can be no fault in him to steer his course by such Stars as do best appear to him . It argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason and convincing Arguments , who call in the assistance of mere force to carry on the weakness of their Counsels and Proposals . I may in the truth and uprightness of my Heart protest before God and Men , that I never wilfully opposed or denied any thing that was in a fair way , after full and free debates , propounded to Me by the Two Houses , further than I thought in good Reason I might and was bound to do . Nor did any thing ever please Me more , than when My Judgment so concurred with theirs , that I might with good Conscience consent to them : yea in many things , where not absolute and moral necessity of Reason , but temporary convenience on point of Honour was to be considered , I chose rather to deny My self than them ; as preferring that which they thought necessary for My Peoples good , before what I saw but convenient for My self . For I can be content to recede much from My own Interests and Personal Rights , of which I conceive My self to be Master ; but in what concerns Truth , Justice , the Rights of the Church , and my Crown , together with the general good of my Kingdoms , ( all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in Me ) here I am and ever shall be fixt and resolute ; nor shall any man gain my consent to that wherein my Heart gives my Tongue or Hand the Lye ; nor will I be brought to affirm that to Men , which in my Conscience I denied before God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with My Saviour , than to exchange that of Gold ( which is due to Me ) for one of Lead , whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and comply to the various and oft contrary dictates of any Factions ; when in stead of Reason and Publick Concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of Parties , and flows from the partialities of private Wills and Passions . I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King , than to prefer his Conscience before his Kingdoms . O my God , preserve thy Servant in this Native , Rational and Religious Freedom ; for this I believe is thy will that we should maintain : who , though Thou dost justly require us to submit our Vnderstandings and Wills to thine , whose Wisdom and Goodness can neither err nor misguide us , and so far to deny our carnal Reason in order to thy Sacred Mysteries and Commands , that we should believe and obey rather than dispute them ; yet dost Thou expect from us only such a reasonable Service of Thee , as not to do any thing for Thee against our Consciences ; and as to the desires of men , enjoinest us to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Laws , which are the Rules of Civil Justice , and to declare our Consents to that only which our Judgments approve . Thou knowest , O Lord , how unwilling I was to desert that place in which Thou hast set Me , and whereto the Affairs of My Kingdoms at present do call Me. My People can witness how far I have been content for their good , to deny My self in what Thou hast subjected to My disposal . O let not the unthankful importunities and Tumultuary Violence of some mens Immoderate demands , ever betray Me to that dangerous and unmanly slavery , which should make Me strengthen them by my Consent in those things which I think in my Conscience to be against thy Glory , the good of my Subjects , and the discharge of my own duty to Reason and Justice . Make Me willing to suffer the greatest Indignities and Injuries they press upon Me , rather than commit the least sin against my Conscience . Let the just Liberties of my People be ( as well they may ) preserved in fair and equal ways , without the slavery of my Soul. Thou that hast invested Me by thy Favours in the power of a Christian King , suffer Me not to subject my Reason to other mens Passions and Designs , which to Me seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligious : So shall I serve Thee in the truth and uprightness of my Heart , tho I cannot satisfie these men . Though I be driven from among them , yet give Me grace to walk always uprightly before Thee . Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice : for these , I know , will bring Me at last to Peace and Happiness with Thee ; though for these I have much trouble among men . This I beg of Thee for my Saviours sake . VII . Vpon the QUEENS Departure and Absence out of ENGLAND . ALthough I have much cause to be troubled at my Wifes departure from Me , and out of my Dominions ; yet not her absence so much as the scandal of that Necessity which drives Her away , doth afflict Me : That She should be compelled by My own Subjects , and those pretending to be Protestants , to withdraw for her Safety : This being the first example of any Protestant Subjects that have taken up Arms against their King , a Protestant . For I look upon this now done in England , as another Act of the same Tragedy which was lately begun in Scotland ; the brands of that fire being ill quenched , have kindled the like flames here . I fear such motions ( so little to the adorning of the Protestant profession ) may occasion a further alienation of Mind and divorce of Affections in Her from that Religion , which is the only thing wherein We differ . Which yet God can , and I pray he would , in time take away , and not suffer these practices to be any obstruction to her Judgment , since it is the motion of those men ( for the most part ) who are yet to seek and settle their Religion for Doctrine , Government , and good Manners , and so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants , who continue firm to their former setled Principles and Laws . I am sorry my relation to so deserving a Lady should be any occasion of her Danger and Affliction , whose Merits would have served her for a protection among the savage Indians , while their Rudeness and Barbarity knows not so perfectly to hate all Virtues as some mens Subtilty doth ; among whom I yet think few are so malicious as to hate Her for Her self . The fault is , That She is my Wife . All Justice then as well as Affection commands Me to study Her Security , who is only in danger for My sake . I am content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as She may be in safe Harbor . This comfort I shall enjoy by Her Safety in the midst of My Personal Dangers , that I can perish but half if She be preserved : In whose Memory and hopeful Posterity I may yet survive the Malice of My Enemies , altho they should be satiated with my Blood. I must leave her and Them to the Love and Loyalty of my good Subjects , and to his Protection who is able to punish the Faults of Princes , and no less severely to revenge the Injuries done to Them by those who in all duty and Allegiance ought to have made good that Safety which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes . But common Civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their Loyalty : Nor can it be safe ( for any relation ) to a King , to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their Allegiance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion . 'T is pity so noble and peaceful a Soul should see , much more suffer the Rudeness of those who must make up their want of Justice with Inhumanity and Impudence . Her sympathy with Me in my Afflictions will make her Virtues shine with greater lustre , as Stars in the darkest nights , and assure the envious world that She loves Me , not my Fortunes . Neither of Us but can easily forgive , since We do not much blame the unkindness of the Generality and Vulgar : for we see God is pleased to try both our Patience by the most self-punishing sin , the Ingratitude of those , who having eaten of our Bread , and being enriched with our Bounty , have scornfully lift up themselves against Us ; and those of our own Houshold are become our Enemies . I pray God lay not their sin to their charge , who think to fatisfie all obligations to duty by their Corban of Religion ; and can less endure to see , than to sin against , their Benefactors as well as their Soveraigns . But even that Policy of my Enemies is so far venial as it was necessary to their designs , by scandalous Articles , and all irreverent demeanor to seek to drive Her out of my Kingdoms ; lest by the influence of her Example , eminent for Love as a Wife , and Loyalty as a Subject , She should have converted to , or retained in their Love and Loyalty , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . The less I may be blest with her company , the more I will retire to God , and my own Heart , whence no Malice can banish Her. My Enemies may envy , but they can never deprive Me of the enjoyment of her Virtues , while I enjoy My self . Thou , O Lord , whose Justice at present sees fit to scatter Vs , let thy Mercy in the due time , re-unite Vs on Earth , if it be thy Will ; however , bring Vs both at last to thy Heavenly Kingdom . Preserve Vs from the hands of our despiteful and deadly Enemies ; and prepare Vs by our Sufferings for thy presence . Tho We differ in some things as to Religion , ( which is my greatest temporal Infelicity ; ) yet , Lord , give and accept the sincerity of our Affections , which desire to seek , to find , to embrace every Truth of thine . Let both our hearts agree in the Love of thy self , and Christ crucified for us . Teach Vs both what Thou wouldst have Vs to know in order to thy Glory , our publick relations , and our Souls eternal good ; and make Vs careful to do what good We know . Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be known , nor Vnbelief or Disobedience to what We know , be our misery , or our wilful default . Let not this great Scandal of those my Subjects which profess the same Religion with Me , be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou wouldst have Her to learn , nor any hardning of Her in any Error Thou wouldst have cleared to Her. Let mine and other mens Constancy be an Antidote against the poyson of their Example . Let the truth of that Religion I profess be represented to Her Judgment with all the beauties of Humility , Loyalty , Charity , and Peaceableness ; which are the proper fruits and ornaments of it : not in the odious disguises of Levity , Schism , Heresie , Novelty , Cruelty , and Disloyalty , which some mens practices have lately put upon it . Let Her see thy Sacred and Saving Truths as Thine , that She may believe , love and obey them as Thine , cleared from all rust and dross of human mixtures . That in the glass of thy Truth , She may see Thee , in those Mercies which thou hast offered to us in thy Son Jesus Christ our only Saviour , and serve Thee in all those Holy Duties which most agree with his Holy Doctrine and most imitable Example . The experience We have of the vanity and uncertainty of all human Glory and Greatness in our scatterings and eclipses , let it make Vs both so much the more ambitious to he invested in those durable Honours and Perfections which are only to be found in Thy self , and obtained through Jesus Christ. VIII . Vpon His MAJESTIES repulse at HVLL , and the fates of the HOTHAMS . MY repulse at Hull seemed at the first view an act of so rude Disloyalty , that my greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough to abet or own it : It was the first overt Essay to be made , how patiently I could bear the loss of my Kingdoms . God knows it affected Me more with shame and sorrow for others , than with Anger for My self : nor did the Affront done to Me trouble Me so much as their Sin , which admitted no colour or excuse . I was resolved how to bear this and much more with Patience : But I foresaw they could hardly contain themselves within the compass of this one unworthy act , who had effrontery enough to commit or countenance it . This was but the hand of that Cloud which was soon after to overspread the whole Kingdom , and cast all into Disorder and darkness . For 't is among the wicked Maxims of bold and disloyal undertakers , That bad actions must always be seconded with worse , and rather not be begun , than not carried on ; for they think the retreat more dangerous than the assault , and hate repentance more than perseverance in a Fault . This gave me to see clearly through all the pious disguises and soft palliations of some men ; whose words were sometime smoother than oyl , but now I saw they would prove very Swords . Against which I having ( as yet ) no defence but that of a good Conscience , thought it my best Policy , with Patience to bear what I could not remedy . And in this ( I thank God ) I had the better of Hotham , that no disdain or emotion of Passion transported Me , by the indignity of his carriage , to do or say any thing unbeseeming My self , or unsuitable to that temper which in greatest Injuries , I think , best becomes a Christian , as coming nearest to the great example of Christ . And indeed , I desire always more to remember I am a Christian than a King : for what the Majesty of the one might justly abhor , the Charity of the other is willing to bear ; what the height of a King tempteth to revenge , the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive . Keeping in compass all those impotent Passions , whose excess injures a man more than his greatest enemies can : for these give their Malice a full impression on our Souls , which otherways cannot reach very far , nor do us much hurt . I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded and avenged my Cause in the eye of the world , that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , and with some remorse and fear to own it as a notable stroke , and prediction of Divine Vengeance . For Sir John Hotham , unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of Mine , only blasted with the Conscience of his own Wickedness , and falling from one Inconstancy to another , not long after pays his own and his eldest Sons heads as forfeitures of their Disloyalty , to those men from whom surely he might have expected another reward , than thus to divide their Heads from their bodies , whose Hearts with them were divided from their KING . Nor is it strange , that they who imployed them at first in so high a service and so successful to them , should not find mercy enough to forgive him who had so much premerited of them : For Apostasie unto Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin . Nor did a solitary Vengeance serve the turn ; the cutting off one Head in a Family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the Head of the Common-weal : The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment , as he was infected with the sin of the Father against the Father of his Country : Root and Branch God cuts off in one day . These observations are obvious to every fancy . God knows , I was so far from rejoicing in the Hothams ruin , ( tho it were such as was able to give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught , being executed by them who first employed him against Me ) that I so far pitied him , as I thought he at first acted more against the light of his Conscience than I hope many other men do in the same Cause . For he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowreness which some men pretend to in matters of Religion ; which so darkens their Judgment , that they cannot see any thing of Sin and Rebellion in those means they use , with intents to reform to their Models , of what they call Religion , who think all is gold of Piety , which doth but glister with a shew of Zeal and fervency . Sir John Hotham was ( I think ) a man of another temper , and so most liable to those down-right temptations of Ambition , which have no cloak or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others . That which makes Me more pity him is , that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin and reparation of his Duty to Me , he should be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of their Justice , and not My Mercy , who could as willingly have forgiven him as he could have asked that favour of Me. For I think Clemency a debt which we ought to pay to those that crave it , when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it ; since God himself suffers us not to pay any thing for his Mercy , but only Prayers and Praises . Poor Gentleman , he is now become a notable monument of unprosperous Disloyalty , teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , That the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraign carries always its own Vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it ; and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable Executioners of it , who were the first Employers in the service . After-times will dispute it , whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull or at Tower-hill : tho 't is certain that no punishment so stains a mans Honour , as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions ; which besides the conscience of the sin , brand with most indeleble characters of infamy the name and memory to Posterity , who not engaged in the Factions of the times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . But Thou , O Lord , who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy Servant , suffer Me not to take any secret pleasure in it ; for as his death hath satisfied the Injury he did to Me , so let Me not by it gratifie any Passion in Me , lest I make thy vengeance to be mine , and consider the affront against Me more than the sin against Thee . Thou indeed , without any desire or endeavour of Mine , hast made his mischief to return on his own head , and his violent dealing to come down on his own pate . Thou hast pleaded my Cause , even before the sons of men , and taken the matter into thine own hands : That men may know it was thy work , and see that Thou , Lord , hast done it . I do not , I dare not say , So let mine Enemies perish , O Lord : yea , Lord , rather give them Repentance , Pardon and impunity , if it be thy blessed will. Let not thy Justice prevent the objects and opportunities of My Mercy ; yea , let them live and amend who have most offended Me in so high a nature ; that I may have those to forgive , who bear most proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy Majesty , which I hope thy Mercy hath forgiven Me. Lord , lay not their sins ( who yet live ) to their charge for condemnation , but to their Consciences for amendment : Let the lightning of this thunderbolt , which hath been so severe a punishment to one , be a terror to all . Discover to them their sin , who know not they have done amiss ; and scare them from their sin , that sin of malicious wickedness . That preventing thy Judgments by their true Repentance , they may escape the strokes of thine eternal Vengeance . And do Thou , O Lord , establish the Throne of thy Servant in mercy and truth meeting together : let My Crown ever flourish in righteousness and peace kissing each other . Hear my Prayer , O Lord , who hast taught us to pray for , to do good to , and to love our Enemies for thy sake , who hast prevented us with offertures of thy love even when we were thine enemies , and hast sent thy Son Jesus Christ to die for us when we were disposed to crucisie him . IX . Vpon the listing and raising Armies against the KING . I Find that I am at the same point and posture I was when they forced Me to leave White-hall : what Tumults could not do , an Army must ; which is but Tumults listed , and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an End. My recess hath given them confidence that I may be conquered . And so I easily may , as to any outward strength , which , God knows , is little or none at all : But I have a Soul invincible through Gods grace enabling Me ; here I am sure to be Conqueror , if God will give Me such a measure of Constancy as to fear him more than man , and to love the inward peace of my Conscience before any outward tranquillity . And must I be opposed with Force , because they have not Reason wherewith to convince Me ? O my Soul be of good courage ; they confess their known weakness as to Truth and Justice , who chuse rather to contend by Armies than by Arguments . Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many Acts of Grace I have lately passed , and for those many Indignities I have endured ? Is there no way left to make Me a Glorious KING , but by my Sufferings ? It is hard and disputable choice for a King , that loves his People , and desires their love , either to kill his own Subjects , or to be killed by them . Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most flourishing Kingdom , the fruits I must now reap after Seventeen years living and Reigning among them with such a measure of Justice , Peace , Plenty and Religion , as all Nations about either admired or envied ? Notwithstanding some Miscarriages in Government , which might escape rather through ill counsel of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others , envying the Publick should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , than any propensity , I hope , of My self either to Injuriousness or Oppression . Whose innocent blood during my Reign have I shed to satisfy my Lust , Anger , or Covetousness ? What Widows or Orphans tears can witness against Me , the just cry of which must now be avenged with My own Blood ? For the hazards of War are equal , nor doth the Cannon know any respect of Persons . In vain is my Person excepted by a Parenthesis of Words , when so many hands are Armed against Me with Swords . God knows how much I have studied , to see what Ground of Justice is alledged for this War against Me ; that so I might ( by giving just satisfaction ) either prevent , or soon end so unnatural a motion : which ( to many men ) seems rather the production of a surfeit of Peace , and wantonness of minds , or of private discontents , Ambition and Faction ( which easily find or make causes of quarrel ) than any real obstruction of publick Justice or Parliamentary Priviledg . But this is pretended , and this I must be able to avoid and answer before God in my own Conscience , however some men are not willing to believe Me , lest they should condemn themselves . When I first withdrew from White-hall , to see if I could allay the Insolency of the Tumults , ( of the not suppressing of which no account in Reason can be given , ( where an orderly Guard was granted ) but only to oppress both Mine and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience ) what obstructions of Justice were there further than this , that what seemed just to one man , might not seem so to another ? Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament ? That some men withdrew , who feared the partiality of their tryal , ( warned by my Lord of Strafford's death ) while the Vulgar threatned to be their Oppressors , and Judgers of their Judges , was from that instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves . If any others refused to appear , where they evidently saw the current of Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble , that their lawful Judges either durst not come to the Houses , or not declare their sense with liberty and safety ; it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man , when the sole exposing them to the publick Odium was enough to ruine them , before their Cause could be heard or tried . Had not factious Tumults overborn the Freedom and Honor of the Two Houses ; had they asserted their Justice against them , and made the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences ; I know no man so dear to Me , whom I had the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their Summons , to whose Sentence according to Law ( I think ) every Subject bound to stand . Distempers ( indeed ) were risen to so great a height , for want of timely repressing the vulgar Insolencies , that the greatest guilt of those which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents was this , That they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults and their Patrons , nor compelled to abet by their suffrages or presence , the designs of those men who agitated Innovations and Ruin both in Church and State. In this point I could not but approve their generous Constancy and Cautiousness : further than this I did never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses ; to whom I wished nothing more than Safety , Fulness and Freedom . But the truth is , some men , and those not many , despairing in fair and Parliamentary ways , by free deliberations and Votes , to gain the concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons , betook themselves ( by the desperate activity of factious Tumults ) to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes . How oft was the business of the Bishops enjoying their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers carried for them by far the major part of Lords ? Yet after five repulses , contrary to all Order and Custom , it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded again , and by a few carried , when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves . In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch brought on by tumultuary Clamours and schismatical Terrors , which could never pass till both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed . To which Partiality while in all Reason , Justice and Religion , my Conscience forbids Me by consenting to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament ; I must now be urged with an Army , and constrained either to hazard My own and My Kingdoms ruine by My Defence ; or prostrate My Conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous Superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do God and the Church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that Primitive , Apostolical , and anciently-Universal Government of the Church by Bishops . Which if other mens Judgments bind them to maintain , or forbid them to consent to the abolishing of it , Mine much more ; who , besides the grounds I have in My Judgment , have also a most strict and indispensable Oath upon my Conscience , to preserve that Order and the Rights of the Church : to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury , most unbeseeming a Christian King , should I ever by giving My Consent be betrayed , I should account it infinitely greater Misery than any hath or can befal Me ; inasmuch as the least Sin hath more evil in it than the greatest Affliction . Had I gratified their Anti-episcopal Faction at first in this point with My Consent , and sacrificed the Ecclesiastical Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetousness , Ambition and Revenge , I believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in and punish Delinquents . That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers , was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for My sake and the Common-weals ; which I was confident they would readily yield unto , rather than occasion ( by the least obstruction on their part ) any danger to Me or to My Kingdom . That I cannot add my consent for the total Extirpation of that Government , ( which I have often offered to all fit Regulations ) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience , as what I think Religious and Apostolical , and so very Sacred and Divine , is not to be dispensed with or destroyed , when what is only of civil Favour and priviledg of Honour granted to men of that Order , may with their Consent who are concerned in it be annulled . This is the true state of those Obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament ; when I call God to witness , I knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of to make a War , being only such as Justice , Reason and Religion had made in My own and other mens Consciences . Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made ; which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine or others withdrawing from , or defence against Violence : but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them , ( as they have declared often , that they might seem to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part , and load Me with all the Envy and Injuries of first assaulting them ) that God knows , I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in my thoughts . Had the Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary Justice , and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated , that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedom , becoming such a Senate , have come and discharged their Consciences , I had obtained all that I designed by my withdrawing , and had much more willingly and speedily returned than I retired ; this being my Necessity driving , the other my Choice desiring . But some men knew , I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy which I carried with Me , which would never fit their Designs ; and so while they invited Me to come , and grievously complained of my Absence , yet they could not but be pleased with it ; especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext , of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents : when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable Delinquency of the Tumults and their Exciters , which drave My self , and so many of both Houses from their places , by most barbarous indignities ; which yet in all Reason and Honour they were as loath to have deserted , as those others were willing they should , that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the Injuries of an Army , for not suffering more tamely the Injuries of the Tumults . That this is the true state and first drift and design in raising an Army against Me , is by the sequel so evident that all other pretences vanish . For when they declared by Propositions , or Treaties , what they would have to appease them ; there was nothing of consequence offered to Me , or demanded of Me , as any original difference in any point of Law or order of Justice . But among other lesser Innovations , this chiefly was urged , The Abolition of Episcopal , and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government . All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War , or easily granted by Me , and only to make up a number ; or else they were merely consequential and accessary , after the War was by them unjustly begun . I cannot hinder other mens thoughts , whom the noise and shew of Piety and heat for Reformation and Religion might easily so fill with Prejudice , that all equality and clearness of Judgment might be obstructed . But this was and is , as to my best observation , the true state of affairs between us , when they first raised an Army , with this design , either to stop my mouth , or to force my Consent . And in this truth , as to my Conscience , ( who was ( God knows ) as far from meditating a War , as I was in the eye of the world from having any preparation for one ) I find that comfort , that in the midst of all the unfortunate successes of this War on My side , I do not think My Innocency any whit prejudiced or darkned ; nor am I without that Integrity and Peace before God , as with humble confidence to address my Prayer to him . For Thou , O Lord , seest clearly through all the cloudings of humane affairs ; Thou judgest without prejudice : Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable Judgment . O my God , the proud are risen against Me , and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my Soul , and have not set Thee before their eyes . Consider my Enemies , O Lord , for they are many ; and they hate Me with a deadly hatred without a cause . For thou knowest , I had no Passion , Design or Preparation to embroil My Kingdoms in a Civil War ; whereto I had least temptation , as knowing I must adventure more than any , and could gain least of any by it . Thou , O Lord , art my witness how oft I have deplored , and studied to divert the necessity thereof ; wherein I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my Subjects blood , as to venture my own Life , which I have been oft compelled to do in this unhappy War ; and which were better spent to save , than to destroy my People . O Lord , I need much of thy grace , with Patience to bear the many Afflictions Thou hast suffered some men to bring upon Me : but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those , who not content that I suffer most by the War , will needs perswade the world that I have raised it first , or given just cause to raise it . The confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make Me almost suspect my own Innocency : Yea , I could be content ( at least by my silence ) to take upon Me so great a guilt before men , if by that I might allay the Malice of my Enemies , and redeem my People from this miserable War ; since thou , O Lord , knowest my Innocency in this thing . Thou wilt find out bloody and deceitful men ; many of whom have not lived out half their days , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels . Save , O Lord , thy Servant , as hitherto Thou hast ; and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in War. Arise , O Lord , lift up thy self , because of the rage of mine Enemies , which encreaseth more and more : Behold them that have conceived mischief , travelled with iniquity , and brought forth falshood . Thou knowest the chief design of this War is , either to destroy My Person , or force My Judgment , and to make Me renege My Conscience and Thy Truth . I am driven to cross David's choice , and desire rather to fall into the hands of men , by denying them , ( tho their mercies be cruel ) than into thy hands , by sinning against My Conscience , and in that against Thee , who art a consuming fire : Better they destroy Me , than thou shouldst damn Me. Be thou ever the defence of My Soul , who wilt save the upright in heart . If nothing but My Blood will satisfie My Enemies , or quench the flames of My Kingdoms , or Thy temporal Justice , I am content , if it be Thy will , that it be shed by Mine own Subjects hands . But O let the Blood of Me , tho their King , yet a Sinner , be washed with the Blood of My innocent and peace-making Redeemer ; for in that Thy Justice will find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternal plenary satisfaction , both for My sins and the sins of My People : whom I beseech thee still own for Thine ; and when Thy wrath is appeased by My Death , O remember thy great Mercies toward them , and forgive them , O My Father , for they know not what they do . X. Vpon their seizing the KING's Magazines , Forts , Navy , and Militia . HOW untruly I am charged with the first raising of an Army , and beginning the Civil War , the eyes that only pity Me , and the Loyal hearts that durst only pray for Me at first , might witness , which yet appear not so many on My side , as there were men in Arms lifted against Me. My unpreparedness for a War may well dishearten those that would help Me ; while it argues ( truly ) my unwillingness to fight , yet it testifies for Me , that I am set on the defensive part ; having so little hopes or power to offend others , that I have none to defend My self , or to preserve what is Mine own from their prereption . No man can doubt but they prevented Me in their purposes as well as their injuries , who are so much before-hand in their Preparations against Me , and surprizals of My strength . Such as are not for Them , yet dare not be for Me ; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by the others Numbers and Terrors . I believe My Innocency and unpreparedness to assert My Rights and Honour , makes Me the more guilty in their esteem ; who would not so easily have declared a War against Me , if I had first assaulted them . They knew My chiefest Arms left Me , were those only which the ancient Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors , Prayers and Tears . These may serve a good mans turn , if not to Conquer as a Soldier , yet to Suffer as a Martyr . Their preventing of Me , and surprizing My Castles , Forts , Arms and Navy , with the Militia , is so far best for Me , that it may drive Me from putting any trust in the arm of flesh , and wholly to cast My self into the protection of the living God , who can save by few or none , as well as by many . He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias's Caterers , and bring him food , may also make their surprisal of outward Force and Defence , an opportunity to shew Me the special support of his Power and Protection . I thank God I reckon not now the want of the Militia so much in reference to My own protection , as My Peoples . Their many and sore Oppressions grieve Me ; I am above My own : what I want in the hands of Force and Power , I have in the wings of Faith and Prayer . But this is the strange method these men will needs take , to resolve their Riddle of making Me a Glorious King , by taking away My Kingly Power : Thus I shall become a Support to My Friends , and a Terror to my Enemies , by being unable to succour the one , or suppress the other . For thus have they designed and proposed to Me the new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , as without any reality of Power , so without any necessity of Subjection and Obedience : That the Majesty of the Kings of England might hereafter hang , like Mahomet's Tomb , by a magnetick Charm , between the Power and Priviledges of the Two Houses , in an aiery imagination of Regality . But I believe the surfeit of too much Power which some men have greedily seized on , and now seek wholly to devour , will ere long make the Common-wealth sick both of it and them , since they cannot well digest it ; Soveraign Power in Subjects seldom agreeing with the stomacks of fellow-Subjects . Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia sought , by satisfying their Fears and importunities , both to secure My Friends , and overcome Mine Enemies , to gain the peace of all , by depriving My self of a sole power to help or hurt any ; yielding the Militia ( which is My undoubted Right no less than the Crown ) to be disposed of as the Two Houses shall think fit during My time . So willing am I to bury all Jealousies in them of Me , and to live above all Jealousies of them as to My self : I desire not to be safer than I wish them and My People . If I had the sole actual disposing of the Militia , I could not protect My People further than they protected Me and themselves : so that the use of the Militia is mutual . I would but defend My self so far , as to be able to defend My good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud , who , conscious to their own evil merits and designs , will needs perswade the World , That none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the Shepherd and his Flock . Miserable experience hath taught My Subjects , since Power hath been wrested from Me , and employed against Me and them , That neither can be safe , if both be not in such a way as the Law hath entrusted the publick safety and welfare . Yet even this Concession of Mine as to the exercise of the Militia , so vast and large , is not satisfactory to some men ; which seem to be Enemies not to Me only , but to all Monarchy ; and are resolved to transmit to Posterity such Jealousies of the Crown , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary Rights in point of Power , to which ( at last ) all Law is resolved , while thereby it is best protected . But here Honour and Justice due to My Successors forbid Me to yield to such a total alienation of that Power from them , which Civility and Duty ( no less than Justice and Honour ) should have forbad them to have asked of Me. For although I can be content to eclipse My own beams , to satisfie their fears , who think they must needs be scorched or blinded , if I should shine in the full lustre of Kingly Power wherewith God and the Laws have invested Me : yet I will never consent to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all Posterity and succeeding Kings , whose just recovery of their Rights from unjust Usurpations and Extortions , shall never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of Mine ; which indeed would not be more injurious to succeeding Kings than to my Subjects , whom I desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the future , so as by a Law to be ever subjected to those many factious Distractions which must needs follow the many-headed Hydra of Government : which , as it makes a shew to the People to have more eyes to foresee , so they will find it hath more mouths too which must be satisfied ; and ( at best ) it hath rather a monstrosity , than any thing of perfection beyond that of right Monarchy , where Counsel may be in many as the Senses , but the Supreme Power can be but in One as the Head. Haply , when men have tried the horrors and malignant influence which will certainly follow my enforced Darkness and Eclipse ( occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that Body , which , as the Moon , receiveth its chiefest light from Me ) they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Sun 's light . And if at present I may seem by my receding so much from the use of my Right in the Power of the Militia , to come short of the discharge of that Trust to which I am sworn for my Peoples protection ; I conceive those men are guilty of the enforced Perjury , ( if so it may seem ) who compel Me to take this new and strange way of discharging My Trust , by seeming to desert it ; of protecting My Subjects , by exposing My self to Danger or Dishonour for their safety and quiet . Which in the conflicts of Civil War , and advantages of Power , cannot be effected but by some side yielding : to which the greatest love of the Publick-Peace , and the firmest assurance of God's protection ( arising from a good Conscience ) doth more invite Me , than can be expected from other mens Fears , which arising from the Injustice of their actions ( tho never so successful ) yet dare not adventure their Authors upon any other way of safety than that of the Sword and Militia ; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of Divine Vengeance , which will overtake , or of mens own Consciences , which always attend injurious perpetrations . For My self , I do not think that I can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from Me , in order to My Peoples tranquility and God's Glory , whose protection is sufficient for Me ; and he is able , by his being with Me , abundantly to compensate to Me , as he did to Job , whatever Honour , Power , or Liberty the Chaldoeans , the Saboeans , or the Devil himself can deprive Me of . Although they take from Me all defence of Arms and Militia , all refuge by Land of Forts and Castles , all flight by Sea in My Ships and Navy , yea tho they study to rob Me of the Hearts of my Subjects , the greatest treasure and best ammunition of a King ; yet cannot they deprive Me of My own Innocency or God's Mercy , nor obstruct My way to Heaven . Therefore , O My God , to Thee I flie for help : if Thou wilt be on my side , I shall have more with Me than can be against Me. There is none in Heaven or in Earth that I desire in comparison of Thee . In the loss of all , be Thou more than all to Me. Make hast to succor Me , Thou that never failest them that put their trust in Thee . Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come against Me , who are encouraged to fight under the pretence of fighting for Me : But my eyes are toward Thee . Thou needest no help , nor shall I , if I may have thine ; if not to conquer , yet at least to suffer . If Thou delightest not in my safety and prosperity , behold here I am willing to be reduced to what Thou wilt have Me , whose Judgments oft begin with thy own Children . I am content to be nothing , that Thou mayest be all . Thou hast taught Me , That no King can be saved by the multitude of an Host ; but yet Thou canst save me by the multitude of thy Mercies , who art the Lord of Hosts , and the Father of Mercies . Help Me , O Lord , who am sore distressed on every side : yet be Thou on my side , and I shall not fear what man can do unto Me. I will give thy Justice the glory of my distress . O let thy Mercy have the glory of my deliverance from them that persecute my Soul. By my sins have I fought against Thee , and robbed Thee of thy Glory , who am thy Subject ; and justly mayest Thou by my own Subjects strip Me of my strength , and eclipse my glory . But shew thy self , O my hope and only refuge . Let not mine Enemies say , There is no help for him in his God. Hold up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . Keep Me as the apple of thine eye , hide Me under the shadow of thy wings . Shew thy marvellous loving-kindness , O Thou that savest by thy right hand them that put their trust in Thee , from those that rise up against them ; From the wicked that oppress Me , from my deadly enemies that compass Me about . Shew Me the path of life . In thy presence is fulness of joy , at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore . XI . Vpon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the KING ; and more afterwards . ALtho there be many things they demand , yet if these be all , I am glad to see at what price they set My own safety and My Peoples peace ; which I cannot think I buy at too dear a rate , save only the parting with My Conscience and Honour . If nothing else will satisfie , I must chuse rather to be as miserable and inglorious as My Enemies can make or wish Me. Some things here propounded to Me have been offered by Me ; others are easily granted : The rest ( I think ) ought not to be obtruded upon Me with the point of the Sword , nor urged with the injuries of a War ; when I have already declared that I cannot yield to them , without violating my Conscience . 'T is strange , there can be no method of Peace , but by making War upon my Soul. Here are many things required of Me , but I see nothing offer'd to Me by the way of grateful exchange of Honour ; or any requital for those Favours I have , or can yet grant them . This Honour they do Me , to put Me on the giving part , which is more Princely and Divine . They cannot ask more than I can give , may I but reserve to My self the incommunicable Jewel of my Conscience , and not be forced to part with that whose loss nothing can repair or requite . Some things ( which they are pleased to propound ) seem unreasonable to Me ; and while I have any mastery of my Reason , how can they think I can consent to them ? who know they are such as are inconsistent with being either a King , or a good Christian . My yielding so much as I have already , makes some men confident I will deny nothing . The love I have of my Peoples Peace hath ( indeed ) great influence upon Me ; but the love of Truth and inward Peace hath more . Should I grant some things they require , I should not so much weaken my outward state of a King , as wound that inward quiet of my Conscience , which ought to be , is , and ever shall be ( by Gods grace ) dearer to Me than my Kingdoms . Some things which a King might approve , yet in Honour and Policy are at some time to be denied to some men ; lest he should seem not to dare to deny any thing , and give too much incouragement to unreasonable demands and importunities . But to bind My self to a general and implicit consent to whatever they shall desire or propound , ( for such is one of their Propositions ) were such a latitude of blind obedience as never was expected from any Freeman , nor fit to be required of any man , much less of a King by his own Subjects ; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in Wisdom , as he doth in Place and Power . This were as if Sampson should have consented , not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him ; which they chose rather to do , than quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and fit occasion for their sport and scorn . Certainly , to exclude all power of denial , seems an arrogancy least of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning ; who by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority , which obligeth them to rest , if not satisfied , yet quietted , with such an answer as the will and reason of their Superior thinks fit to give ; who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of Reason to consent or dissent , else it were very foolish and absurd to ask , what another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . But if this be My right belonging to Me in Reason as a Man , and in Honour as a Soveraign King , ( as undoubtedly it doth ) how can it be other than extreme injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of granting all they have a mind to ask , whose minds may be as differing from Mine both in Reason and Honour , as their aims my be , and their qualities are ? which last God and the Laws have sufficiently distinguisht , making Me their Soveraign , and them My Subjects : whose Propositions may soon prove violent Oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary Impositions upon the Regal Authority ; since no man seeks to limit and confine his King in Reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion . But they would have Me trust to their moderation , and abandon Mine own discretion ; that so I might verifie what representations some have made of Me to the world , that I am fitter to be their Pupil than their Prince . Truly I am not so confident of My own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the Counsel of others : But yet I am not so diffident of my self , as bruitishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in My Soul , and the Majesty of my own Crown to any of My Subjects . Least of all have I any ground of credulity , to induce Me fully to submit to all the desires of those men who will not admit or do refuse and neglect to vindicate , the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament . Besides , all men that know them , know this , how young Statesmen the most part of these propounders are ; so that till experience of one seven years hath shewed Me how well they can Govern Themselves , and so much Power as is wrested from Me , I should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithful in my Trust , to put the reins of both Reason and Government wholly out of my own into their hands , whose driving is already too much like Jehu's , and whose forwardness to ascend the throne of Supremacy portends more of Phaeton than of Phoebus . God divert the Omen if it be his will. They may remember , that at best they sit in Parliament as my Subjects , not my Superiors ; called to be my Counsellors , not Dictators : Their Summons extends to recommend their Advice , not to command My Duty . When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me , I expected either some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time or overlaid by the corruption of manners , had been desired to a restauration of their vigor and due execution ; or some evil Customs preterlegal and abuses personal had been to be removed , or some injuries done by My self and others to the Common-weal were to be repaired ; or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me , wherein the advantages of my Crown being considered by them , might fairly induce Me to condescend to what tended to My Subjects good , without any great diminution of My self , whom Nature , Law , Reason and Religion bind Me ( in the first place ) to preserve , without which 't is impossible to preserve My People according to My place . Or ( at least ) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of what was ( indeed ) amiss in Church and State , as might still preserve the Foundation and Essentials of Government in both ; not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the Laws in force , the Wisdom and Piety of former Parliaments , the ancient and universal practice of Christian Churches , the Rights and Priviledges of particular men : nor yet any thing offered in lieu or in the room of what must be destroyed , which might at once reach the good end of the others Institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reform its abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeal and special piety , but with pregnant and solid Reasons , both Divine and humane , which might justifie the abruptness and necessity of such vast alterations . But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kinds or to these ends : Nothing of any Laws dis-jointed , which are to be restored , of any Right invaded , of any Justice to be unobstructed , of any Compensations to be made , of any impartial Reformation to be granted ; to all or any of which Reason , Religion , true Policy , or any other human motives might induce Me. But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time , in which is either great Novelty or Difficulty ; I perceive that what were formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State , and Schisms in the Church , and so punishable by the Laws , have now the confidence , by vulgar clamors and assistance ( chiefly ) to demand not only Tolerations of themselves in their vanity , novelty and confusion , but also Abolition of the Laws against them , and a total extirpation of that Government whose Rights they have a mind to invade . This , as to the main . Other Propositions are ( for the most part ) but as waste paper , in which those are wrapped up , to present them somewhat more handsomly . Nor do I so much wonder at the variety and horrible novelty of some Propositions ( there being nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for : ) This casts Me into , not an Admiration , but an Extasie , how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the Two Houses of the Parliament of England ; among whom I am very confident there was not a fourth part of the Members of either House , whose Judgments , free , single and apart , did approve or desire such destructive changes in the Government of the Church . I am perswaded there remains in far the major part of both Houses ( if free and full ) so much Learning , Reason , Religion , and just Moderation , as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of things , the institution and the corruption , the Government and the mis-government , the Primitive Patterns and the aberrations or blottings of after Copies . Sure they could not all , upon so little or no Reason ( as yet produced to the contrary ) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in force , to Antiquity , to the Piety of their Reforming Progenitors , to the Prosperity of former times in this Church and State under the present Government of the Church . Yet by a strange fatality , these men suffer , either by their absence , or silence , or negligence , or supine credulity , ( believing that all is good which is gilded with shews of Zeal and Reformation ) their private dissenting in Judgment to be drawn into the common Sewer or stream of the present vogue and humor ; which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular Clamors and Tumults , which served to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who studied with all diligence and policy to improve to their Innovating designs the present Distractions . Such Armies of Propositions having so little , in my Judgment , of Reason , Justice and Religion on their side , as they had Tumult and Faction for their rise , must not go alone , but ever be back'd and seconded with Armies of Soldiers . Tho the second should prevail against my Person , yet the first shall never overcome Me , further than I see cause ; for I look not at their Number and Power so much , as I weigh their Reason and Justice . Had the Two Houses first sued out their Livery , and once effectually redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults , ( which can be no other than the Hounds that attend the Cry and Hollow of those men who hunt after Factious and private Designs , to the ruin of Church and State : ) Did my Judgment tell Me , that the Propositions sent to Me were the Results of the major part of their Votes , who exercise their freedom , as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament ; I should then suspect My own Judgment , for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . For I have Charity enough to think there are wise men among them ; and Humility to think that , as in some things I may want , so 't is fit I should use their Advice , which is the end for which I called them to a Parliament . But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness and inerrability as to exclude My self ; since none of them hath that Part to act , that Trust to discharge , nor that Estate and Honour to preserve , as My self ; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs ( as the Suns influence is necessary in all Natures productions ) they cannot beget or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of publick Wisdom , which makes the Laws . But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is not more evident to Me than this is , That they are not the joynt and free desires of those in their Major number , who are of right to sit and Vote in Parliament . For many of them savor very strong of that old leaven of Innovations , masked under the name of Reformation , which in my two last famous Predecessors days heaved at , and sometime threatned both Prince and Parliaments ; but , I am sure , was never wont so far to infect the whole mass of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom , however it dispersed among the Vulgar : Nor was it likely so suddenly to taint the major part of both Houses , as that they should unanimously desire and affect so enormous and dangerous Innovations in Church and State , contrary to their former education , practice and judgment . Not that I am ignorant how the choice of many Members was carried by much Faction in the Countreys ; some thirsting after nothing more than a passionate revenge of whatever displeasure they had conceived against Me , My Court , or the Clergy . But all Reason bids Me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few , who armed themselves with the many-headed and many-handed Tumults . No less doth Reason , Honour , and Safety both of Church and State , command Me to chew such morsels before I let them down . If the streightness of my Conscience will not give Me leave to swallow down such Camels as others do of Sacriledg and Injustice both to God and Man , they have no more cause to quarrel with Me than for this , that My throat is not so wide as theirs . Yet by Gods help I am resolved , that nothing of Passion , or Peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew my Negative Power , shall have any biass upon my Judgment , to make Me gratifie My Will , by denying any thing which my Reason and Conscience commands Me not . Nor on the other side will I consent to more than Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion perswade Me to be for Gods Glory , the Churches good , my Peoples welfare , and my own Peace . I will study to satisfie My Parliament and My People ; but I will never , for fear or flattery , gratifie any Faction , how potent soever ; for this were to nourish the Disease , and oppress the body . Altho many mens Loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving Me that free and faithful Counsel which they are able and willing to impart , and I may want ; yet none can hinder Me from craving of the Counsel of that mighty Counsellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline My Heart stedfastly to follow it . O Thou first and Eternal Reason , whose Wisdom is fortified with Omnipotency , furnish thy Servant first with clear discoveries of Truth , Reason and Justice in My Vnderstanding ; then so confirm My Will and Resolution to adhere to them , that no Terrors , Injuries or Oppressions of My Enemies may ever inforce Me against those rules which Thou by them hast planted in My Conscience . Thou never madest Me a King , that I should be less than a Man , and not dare to say Yea or Nay , as I see cause ; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of Reason and liberty of Speech . Shall that be blamable in Me , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others ? Thou seest , O Lord , with what Partiality and Injustice they deny that freedom to Me their KING , which Thou hast given to all men , and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves , while they are so tender of the least breach of their Priviledges . To Thee I make my Supplication , who canst guide us by an un-erring rule through the perplexed Labyrinths of our own thoughts and other mens Proposals ; which I have some cause to suspect are purposely cast as Snares , that by my granting or denying them , I might be more entangled in those difficulties wherewith they lie in wait to afflict Me. O Lord , make thy way plain before Me. Let not My own sinful Passions cloud or divert thy Sacred Suggestions . Let thy Glory be my End , thy Word my Rule ; and then thy Will be done . I cannot please all ; I care not to please some men : If I may be happy to please Thee , I need not fear whom I displease . Thou that makest the wisdom of the world foolishness , and takest in their own devices such as are Wise in their own conceits ; make Me wise by thy Truth , for thy Honour , My Kingdoms general good , and My own Souls Salvation ; and I shall not much regard the Worlds opinion or diminution of Me. The less Wisdom they are willing to impute to Me , the more they shall be convinced of thy Wisdom directing Me ; while I deny nothing fit to be granted out of crossness or humor , nor grant any thing which is to be denied out of any fear or flattery of men . Suffer Me not to be guilty or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens Designs which are injurious to the publick good , while I confirm them by my Consent . Nor let Me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the Publick of what is best , by any morose or perverse dissentings . Make Me so humbly charitable , as to follow their Advice when it appears to be for the publick good , of whose Affections to Me I have yet but few evidences to assure Me. Thou canst as well bless honest Errors , as blast fraudulent Counsels . Since we must give an account of every evil and idle world in private at thy Tribunal ; Lord , make Me careful of those solemn Declarations of My mind which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publick , either for woe or weal. The less others consider what they ask , make Me the more solicitous what I answer . Tho Mine own and My Peoples Pressures are grievous , and Peace would be very pleasing : yet , Lord , never suffer me to avoid the one , or purchase the other , with the least expence or waste of my Conscience ; whereof Thou , O Lord , only art deservedly more Master than My self . XII . Vpon the Rebellion and Troubles in IRELAND . THE Commotions in Ireland were so sudden and so violent , that it was hard at first either to discern the rise , or apply a remedy to that precipitant Rebellion . Indeed that sea of Blood which hath there been cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in eternal both infamy and misery , whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of its effusion . It fell out , as a most unhappy advantage to some mens Malice against Me , that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to My charge , this bloodyopportunity should be offered them , with which I must be aspersed . Altho there was nothing which could be more abhorred to Me , being so full of sin against God , Disloyalty to My self , and destructive to My Subjects . Some men took it very ill not to be believed , when they affirmed that what the Irish Rebels did was done with My privity ( at least ) if not by My Commission . But these knew too well , that it is no news for some of My Subjects to fight , not only without My Commission , but against My Command and Person too ; yet all the while to pretend they fight by My Authority , and for My Safety . I would to God the Irish had nothing to alledg for their imitation against those whose blame must needs be the greater , by how much Protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against Princes than those of Papists . Nor will the goodness of mens intentions excuse the scandal and contagion of their Examples . But whoever fail of their Duty toward Me , I must bear the blame ; this Honour My Enemies have always done Me , to think moderate injuries not proportionate to Me , nor competent trials either of My Patience under them , or My Pardon of them . Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar of Falsity and Contempt with the cup of My Affliction ; charging Me not only with Untruths , but such as wherein I have the greatest share of Loss and Dishonour by what is committed ; whereby ( in all Policy , Reason and Religion , having least cause to give the least consent , and most grounds of utter detestation ) I might be represented by them to the World the more inhumane and barbarous ; like some Cyclopick Monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink but the flesh and blood of My own Subjects , in whose common Welfare My Interest lies as much as some mens doth in their Perturbations ; who think they cannot do well but in evil times , nor so cunningly , as in laying the odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . And certainly , 't is thought by many wise men , that the preposterous rigor and unreasonable severity which some men carried before them in England , was not the least Incentive that kindled and blew up into those horrid flames the sparks of Discontent , which wanted not predisposed fewel for Rebellion , in Ireland : where Despair being added to their former Discontents , and the fears of utter Extirpation to their wonted Oppressions , it was easy to provoke to an open Rebellion a people prone enough to break out to all exorbitant violence , both by some Principles of their Religion , and the natural desires of Liberty ; both to exempt themselves from their present restraints , and to prevent those after Rigors wherewith they saw themselves apparently threatned by the covetous Zeal and uncharitable Fury of some men , who think it a great Argument of the truth of their Religion , to endure no other but their own . God knows , as I can with truth wash My hands in Innocency as to any Guilt in that Rebellion ; so I might wash them in my Tears , as to the sad apprehensions I had to see it spread so far and make such waste . And this in a time when Distractions and Jealousies here in England made most men rather intent to their own safety , or designs they were driving , than to the relief of those who were every day inhumanly butchered in Ireland : whose Tears and Blood might , if nothing else , have quenched , or at least for a time repressed and smothered , those sparks of Civil Dissentions and Jealousies which in England some men most industriously scattered . I would to God no man had been less affected with Ireland's sad estate than My self I offered to go My self in Person upon that expedition : But some men were either afraid I should have any one Kingdom quieted ; or loath they were to shoot at any mark here less than My self ; or that any should have the glory of my Destruction but themselves . Had My many offers been accepted , I am confident neither the Ruine had been so great , nor the Calamity so long , nor the Remedy so desperate . So that , next to the sin of those who began that Rebellion , theirs must needs be , who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick Dissentions , or diverted the Aids , or exasperated the Rebels to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all Extremities , not only to the known Heads and chief Incendiaries , but even to the whole community of that Nation ; resolving to destroy Root and branch , men , women and children , without any regard to those usual pleas for Mercy which Conquerors , not wholly barbarous , are wont to hear from their own breasts in behalf of those whose oppressive Fears , rather than their Malice , engaged them ; or whose imbecillity for Sex and Age was such , as they could neither lift up a hand against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left . Which preposterous and ( I think ) un-evangelical Zeal is too like that of the rebuked Disciples , who would go no lower in their revenge , than to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities for the repulse or neglect of a few ; or like that of Jacob's sons , which the Father both blamed and cursed : chusing rather to use all extremities which might drive men to desperate obstinancy , than to apply moderate remedies ; such as might punish some with exemplary Justice , yet disarm others , with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and our protection of them from the fury of those who would soon drown them if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . But some kind of Zeal counts all merciful moderation Lukewarmness , and had rather be cruel than counted cold , and is not seldom more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin , than for any harm he hath done ; the confiscation of mens Estates being more beneficial , than the Charity of saving their Lives , or reforming their Errors . When all proportionable succors of the poor Protestants in Ireland , ( who were daily massacred , and overborn with numbers of now desperate Enemies ) was diverted and obstructed here , I was earnestly entreated and generally advised by the chief of the Protestant party there , to get them some respite and breathing by a cessation , without which they saw no probability ( unless by Miracle ) to preserve the remnant that had yet escaped . God knows with how much Commiseration and solicitous Caution I carried on that business , by persons of Honour and Integrity , that so I might neither incourage the Rebels Insolence , nor discourage the Protestants Loyalty and Patience . Yet when this was effected in the best sort that the necessity and difficulty of affairs would then permit , I was then to suffer again in my Reputation and Honour , because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to devour the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there . I thought that in all reason , the gaining of that respite could not be so much to the Rebels advantages ( which some have highly calumniated against Me ) as it might have been for the Protestants future as well as present safety ; if during the time of that Cessation , some men had had the grace to have laid Ireland's sad condition more to heart , and laid aside those violent motions which were here carried on by those that had better skill to let blood than to stanch it . But in all the misconstructions of my Actions , ( which are prone to find more credulity in men to what is false and evil , than love or charity to what is true and good ) as I have no Judg but God above Me ; so I can have comfort to appeal to his Omniscience , who doth not therefore deny my Innocence , because he is pleased so far to try my Patience , as he did his servant Job's . I have enough to do to look to My own Conscience , and the faithful discharge of My Trust as a KING : I have scarce leisure to consider those swarms of reproaches which issue out of some mens mouths and hearts , as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace ; much less to make such prolix Apologies as might give those men satisfaction , who conscious to their own depth of wickedness , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 'T is Kingly to do well , and hear ill ; if I can but act the one , I shall not much regard to hear the other . I thank God , I can hear with patience as bad as my worst Enemies can falsly say : and I hope I shall still do better than they desire or deserve I should . I believe it will at last appear , that they who first began to embroil my other Kingdoms , are in great part guilty , if not of the first letting out , yet of the not timely stopping , those horrid effusions of blood in Ireland . Which ( whatever my Enemies please to say or think ) I look upon , as that of my other Kingdoms , exhausted out of My own veins ; no man being so much weakned by it as My self . And I hope , tho mens unsatiable Cruelties never will , yet the Mercy of God will at length say to his Justice , It is enough ; and command the Sword of Civil wars to sheath it self : his merciful Justice intending , I trust , not our utter Confusion , but our Cure ; the abatement of our Sins , not the desolating of these Nations . O my God , let those infinite Mercies prevent us once again , which I and My Kingdoms have formerly abused , and can never deserve should be restored . Thou seest how much Cruelty among Christians is acted under the colour of Religion ; as if we could not be Christians , unless we crucifie one another . Because we have not more loved thy Truth , and practised in Charity , Thou hast suffered a spirit of Error and bitterness , of mutual and mortal Hatred to rise among us . O Lord , forgive wherein we have sinned , and sanstifie what we have suffered . Let our Repentance be our Recovery , as our great Sins have been onr Ruine . Let not the Miseries I and My Kingdoms have hitherto suffered seem small to Thee : but make our Sins appear to our Consciences as they are represented in the glass of thy Judgments ; for Thou never punishest small failings with so severe Afflictions . O therefore , according to the multitude of thy great Mercies pardon our Sins ; and remove thy Judgments , which are very many and very heavy . Yet let our Sins be ever more grievous to us than thy Judgments ; and make us more willing to repent , than to be relieved : first give us the Peace of penitent Consciences , and then the tranquillity of united Kingdoms . In the sea of our Saviours Blood drown our Sins ; and through this Red sea of our own blood bring us at last to a state of Piety , Peace and Plenty . As My publick relations to all make Me share in all My Subjects sufferings ; so give Me such a pious sense of them as becomes a Christian King , and a loving Father of My People . Let the scandalous and unjust Reproaches cast upon Me be as a breath , more to kindle My Compassion : Give Me grace to heap Charitable coals of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose Malice or cruel Zeal hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those Flames , which have so much wasted My Three Kingdoms . O rescue and assist those poor Protestants in Ireland whom Thou hast hitherto preserved . And lead those in the ways of Thy saving Truths , whose Ignorance or Errors have filled them with Rebellious and destructive Principles ; which they act under an opinion that they do Thee good service . Let the hand of Thy Justice be against those who maliciously and despitefully have raised or fomented those cruel and desperate Wars . Thou art far from destroying the innocent with tho guilty , and the erroneous with the malicious ; thou that hadst pity on Nineveh for the many Children that were therein , give not over the whole stock of that populous and seduced Nation to the wrath of those whose Covetousness makes them Cruel ; nor to their Anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . Preserve , if it be thy will , in the midst of the furnace of thy severe Justice , a Posterity which may praise Thee for Thy Mercy . And deal with Me , not according to mans unjust Reproaches , but according to the Innocency of My hands in Thy sight . If I have desired or delighted in the woful day of My Kingdoms Calamities , if I have not earnestly studied and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloody Distractions ; then let thy hand be against Me and My Fathers house . O Lord , Thou seest I have Enemies enough of men ; as I need not , so I should not dare thus to imprecate Thy Curse on Me and Mine , if My Conscience did not witness my Integrity , which Thou , O Lord , knowest right well . But I trust not to My own Merit , but thy Mercies . Spare us , O Lord , and be not angry with us for ever . XIII . Vpon the calling in of the SCOTS , and their Coming . THE Scots are a Nation upon whom I have not only common ties of Nature , Soveraignty and Bounty , with my Father of Blessed memory ; but also special and late obligations of Favours , having gratified the active Spirits among them so far , that I seemed to many to prefer the desires of that Party before My own Interest and Honour . But , I see , Royal bounty emboldens some men to ask and act beyond all bounds of Modesty and Gratitude . My Charity and Act of Pacification forbids Me to reflect on former passages ; wherein I shall ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude or inconstancy make Me repent of what I granted them for the publick good . I pray God it may so prove . The coming again of that Party into England with an Army , only to conform this Church to their late New model , cannot but seem as unreasonable , as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves . Other Errand I could never understand they had , ( besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty ) save only to confirm the Presbyterian Copy they had set , by making this Church to write after them , tho it were in bloody Characters . Which Design and End , whether it will justifie the use of such violent Means before the Divine Justice , I leave to their Consciences to judg who have already felt the misery of the Means , but not reaped the benefit of the End , either in this Kingdom or that . Such knots and crosness of grain being objected here , as will hardly suffer that Form which they cry up as the only just Reformation , and setling of Government and Discipline in Churches , to go on so smoothly here as it might do in Scotland ; and was by them imagined would have done in England , when so many of the English Clergy , through levity or discontent , if no worse Passion , suddenly quitted their former engagements to Episcopacy , and faced about to their Presbytery . It cannot but seem either Passion or some Self-seeking , more than true Zeal and pious Discretion , for any foreign State or Church to prescribe such medicines only for others , which themselves have used rather successfully than commendably ; not considering that the same Physick on different constitutions will have different operations ; that may kill one , which doth but cure another . Nor do I know any such tough and malignant Humours in the constitution of the English Church , which gentler applications than those of an Army might not easily have removed : Nor is it so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by fair and equal Disputations among those that are most concerned in the Differences , whom not Force but Reason ought to convince . But their design now seemed rather to cut off all Disputation here , than to procure a fair and equal one : For it was concluded there , that the English Clergy must conform to the Scots pattern , before ever they could be heard what they could say for themselves , or against the others Way . I could have wished fairer proceedings , both for their credits who urge things with such Violence ; and for other mens Consciences too , who can receive little satisfaction in these Points , which are maintained rather by Soldiers fighting in the Field , than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods . Sure , in matters of Religion , those Truths gain most on mens Judgments and Consciences which are least urged with secular Violence , which weakens Truth with Prejudices ; and is unreasonable to be used , till such means of rational Conviction have been applied , as leaving no excuse for Ignorance , condemns mens Obstinacy to deserved penalties . Which no Charity will easily suspect of so many Learned and Pious Church-men in England ; who being always bred up , and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former Opinion and practice , only because that Party of the Scots will needs by Force assist a like Party here , either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of Presbytery , or destroy them , at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks . If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only institution of Jesus Christ for all Churches Government ; yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots , or any other of My Subjects , Commission by the Sword to set it up in any of My Kingdoms without My consent . What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles pay'd to the chief Governors of States where they lived , is very clear in the Gospel : but that he or they ever commanded to set up such a Parity of Presbyters , and in such a way as those Scots endeavour , I think is not very disputable . If Presbytery , in such a supremacy , be an institution of Christ , sure it differs from all others , and is the first and only Point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian blood ; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy , which was with patient shedding of their own blood , not violent drawing other mens . Sure there is too much of Man in it , to have much of Christ , none of whose institutions were carried on or begun with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition ; of both which this is vehemently suspected . Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to move Me with , by their many solemn Obtestations and pious Threatnings , but only this , To represent to Me the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England , to avoid the further miseries of a War ; which some men chiefly on this design at first had begun , and now further engaged themselves to continue . What hinders that any Sects , Schisms or Heresies , if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may not , according to this opinion and pattern , set up their ways by the like methods of violence ? All which Presbytery seeks to suppress , and render odious under those Names : when Wise and Learned men think that nothing hath more marks of Schism and Sectarism than this Presbyterian way , both as to the Ancient , and still most Universal way of the Church-Government , and specially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this English Church ; which are not yet repealed , nor are like to be for Me , till I see more Rational and Religious motives than Soldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks . But we must leave the success of all to God , who hath many ways ( having first taken us off from the folly of our Opinions , and fury of our Passion ) to teach us those Rules of true Reason and peaceable Wisdom which is from above , tending most to Gods glory and his Churches good : which I think My self so much the more bound in Conscience to attend with the most judicious zeal and care , by how much I esteem the Church above the State , the glory of Christ above Mine own , and the Salvation of mens Souls above the Preservation of their Bodies and Estates . Nor may any men , I think , without sin and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under My care and tuition , into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs , till they have first gained My consent , and resolved both My own and other mens Consciences by the strength of their Reasons . Other violent motions , which are neither Manly , Christian nor Loyal , shall never either shake or settle My Religion ; nor any mans else who knows what Religion means , and how far it is removed from all Faction , whose proper engine is Force , the Arbitrator of Beasts , not of reasonable Men , much less of humble Christians and loyal Subjects in matters of Religion . But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their Opinions ; especially those that have some temptations of Gain , to recompence their losses and hazards . Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies coming in against my will , and their forfeiture of so many Obligations of Duty and Gratitude to Me , than I wondred how those here could so much distrust Gods assistance , who so much pretended Gods Cause to the People , as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation : considering they were more than competently furnished with My Subjects Arms and Ammunition , My Navy by Sea , My Forts , Castles and Cities by Land. But I find , that men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on , seem it never so plausible to the People . What cannot be justified in Law or Religion , had need be fortified with Power . And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come in to their Assistance , others of them soon after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out : what one Party thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and influence of the Scots , that the other rejects and contemns ; at once despising the Kirk-Government and Discipline of the Scots , and frustrating the Success of so chargeable , more than charitable , Assistance . For sure the Church of England might have purchased at a far cheaper rate the Truth and Happiness of Reformed Government and Discipline ( if it had been wanting , ) tho it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for their Advice in a full and free Synod : which I was ever willing to , and desirous of , that matters being impartially setled , might be more satisfactory to all , and more durable . But much of Gods Justice and Mans folly will at length be discovered through all the films and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designs : In vain do men hope to build their Piety on the ruines of Loyalty . Nor can those confederations or designs be durable , when Subjects make Bankrupt of their Allegiance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . But as my best Subjects of Scotland never deserted Me ; so I cannot think that the most are gone so far from Me , in a Prodigality of their love and respects toward Me , as to make Me to despair of their return : when besides the bonds of Nature and Conscience which they have to Me , all Reason and true Policy will teach them , that their chiefest interest consists in their Fidelity to the Crown , not in their serviceableness to any Party of the People , to a neglect and betraying of my Safety and Honour for their own advantages . However , the less cause I have to trust to men , the more I shall apply My self to God. The troubles of My Soul are enlarged : O Lord , bring Thou Me out of My distress . Lord , direct Thy Servant in the ways of that Pious Simplicity , which is the best Policy . Deliver Me from the combined strength of those , who have so much of the Serpents Subtility , that they forget the Doves Innocency . Tho hand joyn in hand , yet let them not prevail against My Soul , to the betraying of My Conscience and Honour . Thou , O Lord , canst turn the hearts of those Parties in both Nations , as Thou didst the men of Judah and Israel , to restore David with as much loyal zeal , as they did with inconstancy and eagerness pursue him . Preserve the love of thy Truth and Vprightness in Me , and I shall not despair of My Subjects affections returning towards Me. Thou canst soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebb , and retire back again to the bounds which Thou hast appointed for them . O My God , I trust in Thee : let Me not be ashamed ; let not My Enemies triumph over Me. Let them be ashamed who transgress without a cause : let them be turned back that persecute My Soul. Let Integrity and Vprightness preserve Me , for I wait on Thee , O Lord. Redeem thy Church , O God , out of all its Troubles . XIV . Vpon the COVENANT . THE Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries ; nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them by a Solemn League and Covenant : Where many engines of Religious and fair pretensions are brought , chiefly to batter or rase Episcopacy . This they make the grand evil Spirit , which , with some other Imps purposely added , to make it more odious and terrible to the Vulgar , must by so solemn a Charm and Exorcism be cast out of this Church , after more than a Thousand years possession here , from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island , and an universal prescription of time and practice in all other Churches since the Apostles times till this last Century . But no Antiquity must plead for it : Presbytery , like a young Heir , thinks the Father hath lived long enough ; and impatient not to be in the Bishops Chair and Authority ( tho Lay-men go away with the Revenues ) all Art is used to sink Episcopacy , and lanch Presbytery in England , which was lately boyed up in Scotland by the like artifice of a Covenant . Altho I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant ( some referring to My self with very dubious and dangerous limitations ) yet I chiefly wonder at the design and drift touching the Discipline and Government of the Church ; and such a manner of carrying them on to new ways , by Oaths and Covenants , where it is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things which are of no clear Moral necessity , but very disputable , and controverted among Learned and Godly men : whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be made and enjoined with that Judgment and certainty in ones self , or that Charity and candor to others of different Opinion , as I think Religion requires ; which never refuses fair and equable Deliberations , yea and Dissentings too in matters only probable . The enjoyning of Oaths upon People , must needs in things doubtful be dangerous , as in things unlawful damnable ; and no less superfluous , where former Religious and Legal Engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties . Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an Innovating Oath and Covenant with that former Protestation which was so lately taken , To maintain the Religion established in the Church of England ; since they count Discipline so great a part of Religion . But ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and gins enough to catch and hold the Vulgar credulity ; for by such politick and seemingly-pious Stratagems they think to keep the populacy fast to their Parties , under the terror of Perjury : Whereas certainly all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of Religion , Allegiance , and Laws , to God and Man. Nor can such after-Contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared Party , without My consent , and without any like power or precedent from God's or Mans Laws , be ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolve or slacken those Moral and Eternal bonds of Duty , which lie upon all my Subjects Consciences , both to God and Me. Yet as things now stand , good men shall least offend God or Me by keeping their Covenant in honest and lawful ways ; since I have the Charity to think , that the chief End of the Covenant in such mens intentions was , To preserve Religion in Purity , and the Kingdoms in Peace : To other than such ends and means they cannot think themselves engaged . Nor will those that have any true touches of Conscience endeavour to carry on the best designs ( much less such as are and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawful means , under that Title of the Covenant : unless they dare prefer ambiguous , dangerous and unauthorized Novelties before their known and sworn Duties , which are indispensable , both to God and My self . I am prone to believe and hope , that many who took the Covenant are yet firm to this Judgment , That such later Vows , Oaths or Leagues , can never blot out those former gravings and characters which by just and lawful Oaths were made upon their Souls . That which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenants more to be suspected is , That they are the common road used in all Factions and Powerful Perturbations of State or Church : Where formalities of extraordinary Zeal and Piety are never more studied and elaborate , than when Politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws ; which by such screws are cunningly , yet forcibly , wrested by secret steps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted Practice , to comply with the Humours of those men who aim to subdue all to their own Will and Power , under the disguises of Holy Combinations . Which cords and withes will hold mens Consciences no longer than Force attends and twists them : For every man soon grows his own Pope , and easily absolves himself of those ties which , not the commands of God's Word , or the Laws of the Land , but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him ; either superfluous and vain , when they were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers really aiming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary Obligations . Indeed , such Illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging men more to Duties , but only to Parties ; therefore it is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the Party and Design intended . I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna ( not that it came from Heaven as this did ) agreeable to every mans palate and relish who will but swallow it : They admit any mens senses of it , tho divers or contrary , with any Salvo's , Cautions and Reservations ; so as they cross not their chief Design , which is laid against the Church and Me. It is enough , if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their Party : So little do men remember that God is not mocked . In such latitudes of sense , I believe many that love Me and the Church well may have taken the Covenant , who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously taken by it , as now to act clearly against both all Piety and Loyalty : who first yielded to it , more to prevent that imminent Violence and Ruine which hung over their heads , in case they wholy refused it , than for any value of it or devotion to it . Wherein the latitude of some general clauses may ( perhaps ) serve somewhat to relieve them , as of Doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may , in their Places and Callings , and according to the Word of God : For these ( indeed ) carry no man beyond those bounds of good Conscience which are certain and fixed , either in Gods Laws , as to the general , or the Laws of the State and Kingdom , as to the particular regulation and exercise of mens duties . I would to God such as glory most in the name of Covenanters , would keep themselves within those lawful bounds to which God hath called them ; surely it were the best way to expiate the rashness of taking it : which must needs then appear , when besides the want of a full and lawful Authority at first to enjoyn it , it shall actually be carried on beyond and against those Ends which were in it specified and pretended . I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant , who keep it within such bounds of Piety , Law and Loyalty , as can never hurt either the Church , My self , or the Publick Peace : against which no mans lawful Calling can engage him . As for that Reformation of the Church which the Covenant pretends , I cannot think it just or comely , that by the partial Advice of a few Divines , ( of so soft and servile tempers , as disposed them to so sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former Judgments , Profession and Practice ) such foul Scandals and Suspicions should be cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England , as was never done ( that I have heard ) by any that deserved the name of Reformed Churches abroad , nor by any men of Learning and Candor at home : all whose Judgments I cannot but prefer before any mens now factiously engaged . No man can be more forward than My self , to carry on all due Reformations with mature Judgment and a good Conscience , in what things I shall ( after impartial advice ) be by God's Word and right Reason convinced to be amiss . I have offered more than ever the fullest , freest , and wisest Parliaments did desire . But the sequel of some mens Actions makes it evident , that the main Reformation intended is , The abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery , and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues : For , no men have been more injuriously used , as to their legal Rights , than the Bishops and Church-men . These , as the fattest Deer , must be destroyed ; the other Rascal-herd of Schisms , Heresies , &c. being lean , may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration . Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him the only Blasphemer of his City , and fit to dye . Still , I see , while the breath of Religion fills the Sails , Profit is the Compass by which Factious men steer their course in all seditious Commotions . I thank God , as no man lay more open to the Sacrilegious temptations of usurping the Churches Lands and Revenues , ( which issuing chiefly from the Crown , are held of it , and legally can revert only to the Crown with My Consent ; ) so I have always had such a perfect abhorrence of it in my Soul , that I never found the least inclination to such Sacrilegious Reformings : yet no man hath a greater desire to have Bishops and all Church-men so reformed , that they may best deserve and use , not only what the pious Munificence of My Predecessors hath given to God and the Church , but all other additions of Christian Bounty . But no necessity shall ever , I hope , drive Me or Mine to invade or sell the Priests Lands , which both Pharaoh's divinity , and Joseph's true Piety abhorred to do . So unjust I think it both in the eye of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most Sacred Employment of all due encouragements ; and like that other hard-hearted Pharaoh , to withdraw the Straw , and encrease the Task ; so pursuing the oppressed Church , as some have done , to the Red sea of a Civil War , where nothing but a Miracle can save either It , or Him who esteems it his greatest Title to be called , and his chiefest glory to be , The Desender of the Church , both in its true Faith and its just Fruitions , equally abhorring Sacriledg and Apostasy . I had rather live , as My Predecessor Henry the Third sometime did , on the Churches Alms , than violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . The next work will be Jeroboam's Reformation , consecrating the meanest of the People to be Priests in Israel , to serve those Golden Calves who have enriched themselves with the Churches Patrimony and Dowry ; which how it thrived both with Prince , Priests and People , is well enough known : And so it will be here , when from the tuition of Kings and Queens , which have been nursing Fathers and Mothers of this Church , it shall be at their allowance who have already discovered what hard Fathers and Stepmothers they will be . If the Poverty of Scotland might , yet the Plenty of England cannot excuse the Envy and Rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues . I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad Consequences which will inevitably follow the Parity and Poverty of Ministers , both in Church and State ; since I think it no less than a mocking and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power ; it being every mans sin not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . There are ways enough to repair the Breaches of the State without the Ruines of the Church : as I would be a Restorer of the one , so I would not be an Oppressor of the other , under the pretence of Publick Debts : The occasions contracting them were bad enough , but such a discharging of them would be much worse . I pray God neither I nor Mine may be accessary to either . To Thee , O Lord , do I address my Prayer , beseeching Thee to pardon the rashness of my Subjects Swearings , and to quicken their sense and observation of those just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which thy Word and the Laws of this Kingdom have laid upon their Consciences : From which no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or to engage them to any contrary practices . Make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing Violent and Injurious , can be Religious . Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledg , under the zeal of abhorring Idols . Suffer not Sacrilegious designs to have the countenance of Religious ties . Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings , that it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after Vows to make enquiry . Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to Perjurious and Sacrilegious Rapines , that I may not have the brand and curse to all posterity , of robbing Thee and Thy Church of what thy Bounty hath given us , and thy Clemency hath accepted from us , wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion . Tho my Treasures are exhausted , my Revenues diminished , and my Debts encreased , yet never suffer Me to be tempted to use such profane Reparations ; lest a Coal from thine Altar set such a fire on my Throne and Conscience as will be hardly quenched . Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publick , which some mens Folly and Prodigality hath contracted , be an occasion to impoverish thy Church . The State may soon recover by thy blessing of Peace upon us : the Church is never likely , in Times where the Charity of most men is grown so cold , and their Religion so illiberal . Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church all those Incouragements which by the will of the pious Donors and the Justice of the Laws are due unto them ; and give them grace to deserve and use them aright to thy Glory , and the relief of the Poor : That thy Priests may be cloathed with Righteousness , and the Poor may be satisfied with bread . Let not Holy things be given to Swine , nor the Churches bread to Dogs ; rather let them go about the City , grin like a Dog , and grudge that they are not satisfied . Let those Sacred morsels , which some men already by violence devoured , never digest with them nor theirs . Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab , gall in their mouths , rottenness to their Names , a moth to their Families , and a sting to their Consciences . Break in sunder , O Lord , all violent and Sacrilegious Confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandied together against the Church and State ; that the Folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no further . But so favour My righteous dealing , O Lord , that in the Mercies of Thee , the Most High , I may never miscarry . XV. Vpon the many Jealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the KING , to stir up the People against Him. IF I had not My own Innocency and Gods Protection , it were hard for Me to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of Malice which by Falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by Jealousies to supply the defect of real causes , which might seem to justifie so unjust Engagements against Me. And indeed , the worst effects of open hostility come short of these Designs : For I can more willingly lose my Crowns than my Credit ; nor are my Kingdoms so dear to Me as my Reputation and Honour . Those must have a period with my Life ; but these may survive to a glorious kind of Immortality , when I am dead and gone : A good name being the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecration of them to an Eternity of Love and Gratitude among Posterity . Those foul and false Aspersions were secret engines at first employed against my Peoples love of Me ; that undermining their opinion and value of Me , My Enemies , and theirs too , might at once blow up their Affections , and batter down their Loyalty . Wherein yet ( I thank God ) the detriment of my Honour is not so afflictive to Me , as the sin and danger of my Peoples Souls , whose eyes once blinded with such mists of Suspicions , they are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions : wherein they do not only not consider their Sin and Danger , but glory in their zealous adventures ; while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed , that many are ambitious to merit the name of my Destroyers , imagining they then fear God most , when they least honour their King. I thank God , I never found but my Pity was above my Anger ; nor have my Passions ever so prevailed against Me , as to exclude my most compassionate Prayers for them whom devout Errors , more than their own Malice , have betrayed to a most Religious Rebellion . I had the Charity to interpret , that most part of my Subjects fought against my supposed Errors , not my Person ; and intended to mend Me , not to end Me. And I hope that God pardoning their Errors , hath so far accepted and answered their good Intentions , that as he hath yet preserved Me , so he hath by these Afflictions prepared Me both to do Him better service , and My people more good than hitherto I have done . I do not more willingly forgive their seductions , which occasioned their loyal Injuries , than I am ambitious by all Princely merits to redeem them from their unjust Suspicions , and reward them for their good Intentions . I am too conscious to My own Affections towards the generality of my People , to suspect theirs to Me ; nor shall the Malice of my Enemies ever be able to deprive Me of the comfort which that confidence gives Me. I shall never gratifie the spightfulness of a few , with any sinister thoughts of all their Allegiance whom Pious frauds have seduced . The worst some mens Ambition can do shall never perswade Me to make so bad interpretations of most of my Subjects actions ; who possibly may be Erroneous , but not Heretical in point of Loyalty . The sense of the Injuries done to my Subjects is as sharp as those done to My self ; our welfares being inseperable ; in this only they suffer more than My self , that they are animated by some Seducers to injure at once both themselves and Me. For this is not enough to the Malice of my Enemies , that I be afflicted ; but it must be done by such instruments , that my Afflictions grieve Me not more than this doth , that I am afflicted by those whose Prosperity I earnestly desire , and whose Seduction I heartily deplore . If they had been my open and forein Enemies , I could have born it ; bur they must be my own Subjects , who are , next to my Children , dear to Me ; and for the restoring of whose Tranquility I could willingly be the Jonah , if I did not evidently foresee , that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies , as by contrary winds , the storm of their Miseries would be rather encreased than allayed . I had rather prevent my Peoples Ruine than rule over them ; nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right , as of their Happiness , if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign . Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of Life , and die many Deaths , than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray my own just Rights and Soveraignty , thereby to gratify the Ambition , or justifie the Malice of my Enemies ; between whose Malice and other mens Mistakes I put as great a difference , as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague , or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty . As Liars need have good memories , so Malicious persons need good inventions , that their Calumnies may fit every mans fancy ; and what their Reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . My Patience ( I thank God ) will better serve Me to bear , and my Charity to forgive , than my Leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than My own Vindication , I should never have given the Malice of some men that pleasure , as to see Me take notice of , or remember what they say or object . I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evil Manners and seared Consciences , which will , I believe , in a shorter time than they be aware of , both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on Me ; and make the world see , there is as little truth in them , as there was little worth in the broaching of them , or Civility ( I need not say Loyalty ) in the not-suppressing of them : whose credit and reputation , even with the People , shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of Popular obloquy and detraction , which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour . First , nothing gave Me more cause to suspect and search My own Innocency , than when I observed so many forward to engage against Me who had made great professions of singular Piety : For this gave to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Me and My Cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me , and not withal depart from God ; to think or speak well of Me , and not to blaspheme him ; so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent , to be at once Loyal to Me , and truly Religious toward God. Not but that I had ( I thank God ) many with Me which were both Learned and Religious , ( much above that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glory so much ) who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings , that they chose rather to suffer with Me than forsake Me. Nor is it strange , that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me ; especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lye for God , and what they please to call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them ; looking so much at , and crying up the goodness of the End propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the Means used , nor the depth of the Mischief chiefly plotted and intended . The weakness of these mens Judgments must be made up by their Clamors and activity . It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine , they thought theirs could not be true , if they cryed not down Mine as false . I thank God , I have had more tryal of his Grace as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England , both abroad and at home , than ever they are like to have . Nor do I know any Exception I am so lyable to in their opinion , as too great a Fixedness in that Religion ; whose judicious and solid grounds , both from Scripture and Antiquity , will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations , which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me and My People . Contrary to those well-tryed foundations both of Truth and Order , which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England , which many former Parliaments , in the most calm and unpassionate times , have oft confirmed ; in which I should ever , by Gods help , persevere , as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order . Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against My Religion , as some men would needs interpret it ; especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed , or what they said or did , so they might prevail . 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed , should not conceive , that differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegiance and Subjection . The first they owe as Men and Christians , to God ; the second they owe to Me in common , as their KING . Different professions in point of Religion cannot ( any more than in civil Trades ) take away the community of Relations either to Parents or to Princes : And where is there such an Oglio or medly of various Religions in the World again , as those men entertain in their service ( who find most fault with Me ) without any scruple , as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions ? It was , indeed , a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants , to enforce Me , a declared Protestant , their Lord and King , to a necessary use of Papists or any other , who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self . Nor did I more than is lawful for any King in such exigents , to use the aid of any his Subjects . I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professors , who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists . Indeed , it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me ( and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies ) to have been then disputing the points of different Beliefs in My Subjects , when I was disputed with by Swords points ; and when I needed the help of My Subjects as Men , no less than their Prayers as Christians . The noise of my Evil Counsellors was another useful device for those who were impatient any mens counsels but their own should be followed in Church or State ; who were so eager in giving Me better counsel , that they would not give Me leave to take it with Freedom , as a Man , or Honour , as a King ; making their counsels more like a Drench , that must be poured down , than a Draught , which might be fairly and leisurely drank , if I liked it . I will not justifie beyond humane errors and frailties My self or my Counsellors : They might be subject to some Miscarriages , yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormous Extravagances wherewith some men have now even wildred and almost quite lost both Church and State. The event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects , that had I followed the worst counsels that My worst Counsellors ever had the boldness to offer to Me , or My self any inclination to use , I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in Three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of Confusions and Hell of Miseries as some have done ; out of which they cannot , or will not , in the midst of their many great advantages , redeem either Me or my Subjects . No men were more willing to complain , than I was to redress what I saw in Reason was either done or advised amiss : and this I thought I had done even beyond the expectation of moderate men , who were sorry to see Me prone even to injure My self out of a Zeal to relieve my Subjects . But other mens insatiable desire of Revenge upon Me , My Court and My Clergy , hath wholly beguiled both Church and State of the benefit of all my either Retractations or Concessions ; and withal , hath deprived all those ( now so zealous Persecutors ) both of the comfort and reward of their former pretended Persecutions , wherein they so much gloried among the Vulgar ; and which indeed a truly-humble Christian will so highly prize , as rather not to be relieved than be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian Patience which attends humble and injured Sufferers . Another artifice used to withdraw My Peoples Affections from Me to their designs was , The noise and ostentation of Liberty , which men are not more prone to desire , than unapt to bear in the Popular sense ; which is to do what every man liketh best . If the divinest Liberty be to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Laws and Religion , I envy not my Subjects that Liberty , which is all I desire to enjoy My self ; so far am I from the desire of oppressing theirs : Nor were those Lords and Gentlemen which assisted Me so prodigal of their Liberties , as with their Lives and Fortunes to help on the enslaving of Themselves and their Posterities . As to Civil Immunities , none but such as desire to drive on their Ambitious and Covetous Designs over the Ruines of Church and State , Prince , Peers and People , will ever desire greater Freedoms than the Laws allow ; whose bounds good men count their Ornament and Protection , others their Manacles and Oppression . Nor is it just any man should expect the Reward and Benefit of the Law , who despiseth its Rule and Direction ; losing justly his Safety , while he seeks an unreasonable Liberty . Time will best inform my Subjects , that those are the best preservers of their true Liberties , who allow themselves the least licentiousness against or beyond the Laws . They will feel it at last to their cost , that it is impossible those men should be really tender of their fellow-Subjects Liberties , who have the hardiness to use their King with so severe restraints , against all Laws , both Divine and Humane ; under which yet I will rather perish , than complain to those who want nothing to compleat their mirth and Triumph but such Musick . In point of true Conscientious Tenderness ( attended with Humility and Meekness , not with proud and arrogant activity , which seeks to hatch every egg of different opinion to a Faction or Schism ) I have oft declared , how little I desire my Laws and Scepter should intrench on Gods Soveraignty , which is the only King of mens Consciences ; and yet He hath laid such restraints upon men , as commands them to be subject for Conscience sake , giving no men liberty to break the Law established , further than with Meekness and Patience they are content to suffer the Penalties annexed , rather than perturb the publick Peace . The truth is , some mens thirst after Novelties , others despair to relieve the necessities of their Fortunes , or satisfie their Ambition in Peaceable times , ( distrusting Gods Providence as well as their own Merits ) were the secret ( but principal ) impulsives to these Popular Commotions , by which Subjects have been perswaded to expend much of those plentiful Estates they got and enjoyed under My Government in peaceable times ; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious Reproaches which impotent Malice can invent , and My self exposed to all those Contempts which may most diminish the Majesty of a King , and encrease the ungrateful insolences of my People . For mine Honour , I am well assured that as mine Innocency is clear before God in point of any Calumnies they object ; so My Reputation shall , like the Sun , ( after Owls and Bats have had their freedom in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of splendor as those feral Birds shall be grieved to behold and unable to bear . For never were any Princes more glorious than those whom God hath suffer'd to be tried in the furnace of Afflictions by their injurious Subjects . And who knows but the just and merciful God will do Me good for some mens hard , false and evil speeches against Me ? Wherein they speak rather what they wish , than what they believe or know . Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour by those rude and scandalous Pamphlets ( which , like fire in great Conflagrations , flie up and down to set all places on like flames ) as those men do , who pretending to so much Piety , are so forgetful of their duty to God and Me : by no way ever vindicating the Majesty of their KING against any of those who , contrary to the precept of God and precedent of Angels , speak evil of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those who are honoured with the name of Gods. But 't is no wonder if men not fearing GOD , should not Honour their KING . They will easily contemn such shadows of God , who reverence not that Supreme and adorable Majesty , in comparison of whom all the Glory of Men and Angels is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such Characters of Divine Authority and Sacred power upon Kings , as none may without sin seek to blot them out . Nor shall their black veils be able to hide the shining of My face , while God gives Me a heart frequently and humbly to converse with him , from whom alone are all the irradiations of true Glory and Majesty . Thou , O Lord , knowest my reproach and my dishonour , my Adversaries are all before Thee . My Soul is among Lions , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men ; whose teeth are spears and arrows , their tongue a sharp sword . Mine Enemies reproach Me all the day long , and those that are mad against Me are sworn together . O my God , how long shall the sons of men turn my glory into shame ? how long shall they love vanity , and seek after lies ? Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side , Hold not thy peace , lest my Enemies prevail against Me , and lay mine honour in the dust . Thou , O Lord , shalt destroy them that speak lies ; the Lord will abhor both the Blood-thirsty and Deceitful men . Make my Righteousness to appear as the light , and mine Innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day . Suffer not my silence to betray mine Innocency , nor my displeasure my Patience : That after my Saviours example , being reviled , I may not revile again ; and being cursed by them , I may bless them . Thou that wouldst not suffer Shimei's tongue to go unpunished , when by thy Judgments on David he might seem to justifie his disdainful reproaches ; give Me grace to intercede with thy Mercy for these my Enemies , that the reward of false and lying tongues , even hot burning coals of eternal fire , may not be brought upon them . Let my Prayers and Patience be as water to cool and quench their tongues , who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . Let Me be happy to refute and put to silence their evil-speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips , but of my Prayer for their Repentance and thy Pardon . Teach Me David's Patience and Hezekiah's Devotion ; that I may look to thy Mercy through mans Malice , and see thy Justice in their Sin. Let Sheba's Seditious speeches , Rabshekah's Railing , and Shimei's Cursing , provoke , as my humble Prayer to Thee , so thy renewed Blessing toward Me. Though they curse , do Thou bless ; and I shall be blessed , and made a Blessing to my People : That the stone which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . Look down from Heaven , and save Me from the reproach of them that would swallow Me up . Hide Me in the secret of thy presence from the pride of man , and keep Me from the strife of tongues . XVI . Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Book . IT is no news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State , by those , who seeking to gain reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary Parts and Piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . So hardly can the Pride of those that study Novelties allow former times any share or degree of Wisdom or Godliness . And because matter of Prayer and Devotion to God justly bears a great part in Religion , ( being the Souls more immediate converse with the Divine Majesty ) nothing could be more plausible to the People than to tell them they served God amiss in that point . Hence our publick Liturgy , or Forms of constant Prayers , must be ( not amended , in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner , to which I should easily consent , but ) wholly cashiered and abolished : and after many Popular contempts offered to the Book and those that used it according to their Consciences and the Laws in force , it must be crucified by an Ordinance , the better to please either those men who gloried in their extemporary vein and fluency ; or others , who conscious to their own formality in the use of it , thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , and a total rejecting of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts . As for the matter contained in the Book , sober and Learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the Cavils and exceptions of those , who thought it a part of Piety to make what profane objections they could against it , especially for Popery and Superstition : whereas no doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the Doctrine of the Church of England ; and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox . For the manner of using Set and Prescribed Forms , there is no doubt but that wholesom words being known and fitted to mens Understandings , are soonest received into their Hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them judicious and fervent Affections . Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy ( as I hold this to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the constancy abates nothing of the Excellency and Usefulness . I could never see any Reason why any Christian should abhor , or be forbidden to use the same Forms of Prayer ; since he prays to the same God , believes in the same Saviour , professeth the same Truths , reads the same Scriptures , hath the same Duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants for the most part , both inward and outward , which are common to the whole Church . Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray as to whom we pray , and in what words as to what sense ; when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same Words ? our appetite and digestion too may be good when we use , as we pray for , our daily bread . Some men I hear are so impatient not to use in all their Devotions their own invention and gifts , that they not only disuse ( as too many ) but wholly cast away and contemn the Lords Prayer ; whose great guilt is , that it is the warrant and original Pattern of all set Liturgies in the Christian Church . I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention , and the vain affectations of variety for expressions in Publick Prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin than that which they call Coldness and Barrenness : Nor are men in those Novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant Forms , where not the words , but mens hearts are to blame . I make no doubt but a man may be very Formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently Devout in the most wonted expressions : nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy : nor are constant Forms of Prayers more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Prayer and Devotion , than unpremeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it . Tho I am not against a grave , modest , discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publick , the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions ; yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many Learned and Godly men , such as the Composers of the Service-Book were , who may in all reason be thought to have more of Gifts and Graces enabling them to compose , with serious deliberation and concurrent advice , such Forms of Prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants , inform the Hearers understanding , and stir up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soul of Prayer , and that so much pretended Spirit of Prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have : which what they are many times , ( even there where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations , emptiness , impertinency , rudeness , confusions , flatness , levity , obscurity , vain and ridiculous repetitions , the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way . Wherein men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves , not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before God and the Church , after so ridiculous and ( indeed ) profane a manner . Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance , as Sacramental administrations and the like , which are still the same , Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly , which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the Duty , as Forms of Publick composure ; or else they must every time affect new expressions when the Subject is the same : which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies , not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatness , order and gravity becoming those Duties , which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private Infirmities , Indispositions , Errors , Disorders and Defects , both for Judgment and Expression . A serious sense of which inconveniences in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the Wisdom and Piety of the Ancient Churches , to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure . The want of which , I believe , this Church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned Ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in more Errors , Schisms , Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion , which are already but too many , the more is the pity . However , if Violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations ( that men may not seem to have nothing to do ) which Law , Reason and Religion forbids at least to be so obtruded , as wholly to justle out the Publick Liturgy : Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severity of those men , who either lately had subscribed to , used and maintained the Service-book ; or refusing to use it , cryed out of the rigor of the Laws and Bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of their Consciences in not using it . That these men ( I say ) should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directory ; as if the Spirit needed help for Invention , tho not for Expresions ; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit , as if it were cloathed in and confined to fit words : ( So slight and easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to delude the Vulgar . ) That further , they should use such severity , as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-Book publickly , although their Consciences bind them to it , as a duty of Piety to God and Obedience to the Laws . Thus I see no men are prone to be greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegal Novelties , than such whose Pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions , and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious liberties : which freedom with much regret they now allow to Me and my Chaplains , when they may have leave to serve Me , whose Abilities even in their extemporary way comes not short of the others , but their Modesty and Learning far exceeds the most of them . But this matter is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober Debates ; lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Laws , they should have been driven either to sin more against their Knowledg , by taking away the Liturgy ; or to displease some Faction of the People , by continuing the use of it . Tho I believe they have offended more considerable men , not only for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious Piety , than those are whose Weakness or Giddiness they sought to gratify by taking it away . One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book , I believe , was this , that it taught them to pray so oft for Me : to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen ; nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches , and even Cursings of Me in their own Forms , in stead of praying for Me. I wish their Repentance may be their only Punishment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of Publick Liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use and reverence to them , which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms of sound and wholesom words . And Thou , O Lord , which art the same God , blessed for ever , whose Mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy ; Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions . Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well-advised Devotions . Let the matters of our Prayers be agreeable to thy will , which is always the same ; and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy Holy Spirit in us . And then we doubt not but thy Spiritual perfections are such , as Thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the Pious constancy of our Petitions in them both . Whose variety or constancy Thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded , but left them to the Piety and Prudence of thy Church , that both may be used , neither despised . Keep men in that pious moderation of their Judgments in matters of Religion , that their Ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their own Abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities . And since the advantage of Error consists in Novelty and Variety , as Truth 's in Vnity and Constancy ; suffer not thy Church to be pestered with Errors , and deformed with Vndecencies in thy Service , under the pretence of Variety and Novelty : nor to be deprived of Truth , Vnity and Order , under this fallacy , That Constancy is the cause of Formality . Lord , keep us from formal Hypocrifie in our own hearts ; and then we know that praying to Thee , or praising of Thee ( with David and other Holy men ) in the same Forms cannot hurt us . Give us Wisdom to amend what is amiss within us , and there will be less to mend without us . Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind Zeal and over-bold Devotion . XVII . Of the Differences between the KING and the Two Houses , in point of CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . TOuching the Government of the Church by Bishops , the common Jealousie hath been , that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it , not so much out of Piety , as Policy and reason of State. Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce Me to approve that Government above any other , as I find it impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet , unless he hath such an influence upon Church-men , and they such a dependance on Him , as may best restrain the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues ; who with the Keys of Heaven have so far the Keys of the Peoples Hearts , as they prevail much by their Oratory to let in or shut out both Peace and Loyalty . So that I being ( as KING ) intrusted by God and the Laws with the good both of Church and State ; I see no reason I should give up , or weaken by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason I ought to have over both . The removing Bishops out of the House of Peers ( of which I have elsewhere given an account ) was sufficient to take off any suspicion , that I encline to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State-affairs : Tho indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in that House , who would not Vote according to his Conscience . I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution , as a matter of Religion , wherein both my Judgment is fully satisfied that it hath of all other the fullest Scripture grounds , and also the constant Practice of all Christian Churches ; till of late years the Tumultuariness of people , or the Factiousness and Pride of Presbyters , or the Covetousness of some States and Princes , gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models , and propose them under the specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter and Kingdom , the better to serve their turns , to whom the change was beneficial . They must give Me leave , having none of their temptations to invite Me to alter the Government of Bishops , ( that I may have a title to their Estates ) not to believe their pretended grounds to any new ways ; contrary to the full and constant testimony of all Histories , sufficiently convincing unbiassed men , that as the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles , and their immediate Successors , the first and best Bishops , so it cannot in Reason or Charity be supposed that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the Rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their Divine and Holy Pattern : That since the first Age , for fifteen hundred years , not one Example can be produced of any setled Church , wherein were many Ministers and Congregations , which had not some Bishop above them , under whose Jurisdiction and Government they were . Whose constant and universal practice agreeing with so large and evident Scripture-Directions and Examples , as are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , for the setling of that Government , not in the Persons only of Timothy and Titus , but in the Succession ; ( the want of Government being that which the Church can no more dispense with in point of well-being , than the want of the Word and Sacraments in point of being : ) I wonder how men came to look with so envious an eye upon Bishops power and authority , as to oversee both the Ecclesiastical use of them , and Apostolical constitution : which to Me seems no less evidently set forth , as to the main scope and design of those Epistles , for the setling of a peculiar Office , Power and Authority in them , as President-Bishops above others , in point of Ordination , Censures , and other acts of Ecclesiastical Discipline ; than those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops and Deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles ; who in the latitude and community of the name were then , and may now , not improperly be call'd Bishops , as to the oversight and care of single Congregations committed to them by the Apostles , or those Apostolical Bishops who ( as Timothy and Titus ) succeeded them in that ordinary power , there assigned over larger divisions , in which were many Presbyters . The Humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of Apostles , as a name in the Churches style appropriated from its common notion ( of a Messenger , or one sent ) to that special Dignity which had extraordinary Call , Mission , Gifts , and Power immediately from Christ ; they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters : until use ( the great arbitrator of words and master of language ) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name , those Persons whose Power and Office were indeed distinct from and above all other in the Church , as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary and constant power of governing the Churches , ( the honour of whose name they moderately , yet commendably , declined ) all Christian Churches ( submitting to that special authority ) appropriated also the name of Bishop , without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancy , to those who were by Apostolical propagation rightly descended and invested into that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and Primitive Churches : which , without all doubt , had many such holy Bishops , after the pattern of Timothy and Titus ; whose special power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles ( the chief grounds and limits of all Episcopal claim as from Divine Right ) than are the characters of these perilous times , and those men that make them such , who not enduring sound Doctrine , and clear testimonies of all Churches practice , are most perverse Disputers , and proud Usurpers against true Episcopacy : who , if they be not Traitors and Boasters , yet they seem to be very covetous , heady , high-minded , inordinate and fierce , lovers of themselves , having much of the Form , little of the power of Godliness . Who , by popular heaps of weak , light and unlearned Teachers , seek to over-lay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of Episcopal Government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth both by Scripture and all after-Histories of the Church . This I write rather like a Divine than a Prince , that Posterity may see ( if ever these Papers be publick ) that I had fair grounds , both from Scripture-Canons and Ecclesiastical Examples , whereon my Judgment was stated for Episcopal Government . Nor was it any Policy of State , or obstinacy of Will , or partiality of Affection , either to the men or their Function , which fixed Me ; who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to Me , as to recompence the injuries and losses I and My dearest Relations , with My Kingdoms , have sustained and hazarded , chiefly at first upon this quarrel . And not only in Religion , of which Scripture is the best rule , and the Churches Universal Practice the best commentary ; but also in right Reason and the true nature of Government , it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters or Ministers should be any more against Christianity , than it is in all secular and Civil Governments , where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction . I can no more believe that such Order is inconsistent with true Religion , than good Features are with Beauty , or Numbers with Harmony . Nor is it likely that God , who appointed several orders and a Prelacy in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests , should abhor or forbid them among Christian Ministers , who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men ; for preventing and suppressing of which , the Apostolical Wisdom ( which was divine ) after that Christians were multiplied to many Congregations , and Presbyters with them , appointed this way of Government , which might best preserve Order and Union with Authority . So that I conceive it was not the Favour of Princes or Ambition of Presbyters , but the Wisdom and Piety of the Apostles , that first setled Bishops in the Church ; which Authority they constantly used , and enjoyed in those times which were purest for Religion , tho sharpest for Persecution . Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in one man by the joynt counsel and consent of many Presbyters : I have offered to restore that , as a fit means to avoid those Errors , Corruptions and Partialities , which are incident to any one man ; also to avoid Tyranny , which becomes no Christians , least of all Church-men ; besides , it will be a means to take away that burthen and odium of affairs which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders , as indeed I think it formerly did on the Bishops here . Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion , than such a frame of Government which is Paternal , not Magisterial : and wherein not only the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion , Emulations and Contempts , which are prone to arise among equals in Power and Function ; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts , and aptitudes for Government above others , doth invite to employ them , in reference to those Abilities wherein they are eminent . Nor is this Judgment of Mine touching Episcopacy any pre-occupation of Opinion which will not admit any oppositions against it : It is well known I have endeavoured to satisfie My self in what the chief Patrons for other ways can say against this or for theirs : And I find as they have far less of Scripture grounds and of Reason , so for Examples , and Practice of the Church , or testimonies of Histories , they are wholly destitute , wherein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others . As for those obtruded Examples of some late Reformed Churches , ( for many retain Bishops still ) whom necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth than commendeth for their Inconformity to all Antiquity ; I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed , and governed by Bishops , should be forced to conform to those few , rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches which needed no Reformation , and to those Churches at this day , who governed by Bishops in all the Christian world , are many more than Presbyterians or Independents can pretend to be : All whom the Churches in My Three Kingdoms lately governed by Bishops would equalize , ( I think ) if not exceed . Nor is it any point of Wisdom or Charity , where Christians differ , ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian world ( except a handful of some Protestants ) so great a scandal in point of Church-Government ; whom tho you may convince of their Errors in some points of Doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their Reformation , they must necessarily desert and wholly cast off that Government which they and all before them have ever owned as Catholick , Primitive and Apostolical , so far , that never Schismaticks nor Hereticks ( except those Aerians ) have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in that point , ever having Bishops above Presbyters . Besides , the late general Approbation and Submission to this Government of Bishops by the Clergy as well as the Laity of these Kingdoms , is a great confirmation of My Judgment ; and their Inconstancy is a great prejudice against their Novelty . I cannot in charity so far doubt of their Learning or Integrity , as if they understood not what heretofore they did , or that they did conform contrary to their Consciences : So that their facility and Levity is never to be excused , who before ever the point of Church-government had any free and impartial debate , contrary to their former Oaths and Practice , against their obedience to the Laws in force , and against My Consent , have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops , but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping all the Bishops , and many other Church-men , of all their due Authority and Revenues , even to the selling away and utter alienation of those Church-lands from any Eclesiastical uses . So great a power hath the stream of Times and the prevalency of Parties over some mens Judgments ; of whose so sudden and so total change little reason can be given , besides the Scots Army coming into England . But the Folly of these men will at last punish it self , and the Desertors of Episcopacy will appear the greatest Enemies to and Betrayers of their own Interest : for Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual as when it is joined to and crowned with Episcopacy . All Ministers will find as great a difference in point of thriving between the favour of the People and of Princes , as Plants do between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberal dews of Heaven . The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see , what a poor Carcass they are when parted from the influence of that Head to whose Supremacy they have been sworn . A little Moderation might have prevented great mischiefs . I am firm to Primitive Episcopacy , not to have it extirpated , ( if I can hinder it . ) Discretion without Passion might easily reform whatever the rust of Times or indulgence of Laws or corruption of Manners have brough upon it . It being a gross vulgar Error , to impute to or revenge upon the Function the faults of Times or Persons ; which Seditious and popular Principle and Practice all wise men abhor . For those Secular additaments and ornaments of Authority , Civil Honour and Estate , which My Predecessors and Christian Princes in all Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men , I look upon them but as just Rewards of their Learning and Piety , who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government ; also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality , meet strengthenings of their Authority in point of Respect and Observance , which in peaceful times is hardly payed to any Governors by the measure of their Virtues so much as by that of their Estates ; poverty and meanness exposing them and their Authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners , which persecuting Times much restrained . I would have such men Bishops as are most worthy of those encouragements , and best able to use them . If at any time My Judgment of men failed , My good Intention made my error venial : And some Bishops I am sure I had , whose Learning , Gravity and Piety no men of any worth or forehead can deny . But of all men , I would have Church-men , especially the Governors , to be redeemed from that vulgar Neglect , which ( besides an innate principle of vicious opposition which is in all men against those that seem to reprove or restrain them ) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian Parity , which makes all Ministers equal , and the Independent Inferiority , which sets their Pastors below the People . This for my Judgment touching Episcopacy ; wherein ( God knows ) I do not gratifie any design or Passion with the least perverting of Truth . And now I appeal to God above , and all the Christian World , whether it be just for Subjects , or pious for Christians , by Violence and infinite Indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force Me their KING and Soveraign , as some men have endeavoured to do , against all these grounds of My Judgment , to consent to their weak and divided Novelties . The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I do , that the Church should be governed as Christ hath appointed , in true Reason and in Scripture ; of which I could never see any probable shew for any other ways : who either content themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude , when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation , in a City or Countrey ; or else they deny these most evident Truths , That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained as well as over the Churches they planted ; and That Government being necessary for the Churches well-being , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others , after the example of that power and superiority they had above others ; which could not end with their Persons , since the use and Ends of such Government still continue . It is most sure , that the purest Primitive and best Churches flourished under Episcopacy ; and may so still , if Ignorance , Superstition , Avarice , Revenge , and other disorderly and disloyal Passions had not so blown up some mens minds against it , that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns , they supply with Violence and Oppression ; wherein some mens zeal for Bishops Lands , Houses and Revenues , hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy ; which ( however other men esteem ) to Me is no less sin than Sacriledg , or a Robbery of God ( the giver of all we have ) of that portion which devout minds have thankfully given again to him in giving it to his Church and Prophets ; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water as a libation offered to himself . Furthe●more , as to My particular engagement above other men , by an Oath agreeable to my Judgment . I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government and the Rights of the Church . Were I convinced of the Unlawfulness of the Function , as Antichristian , ( which some men boldly , but weakly , calumniate ) I could soon with Judgment break that Oath , which erroneously was taken by Me. But being daily by the best disquisition of Truth more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which I am sworn , how can any man that wisheth not my Damnation , perswade Me at once to so notorious and combined sins of Sacriledg and Perjury ? besides the many personal Injustices I must do to many worthy men , who are as legally invested in their Estates as any who seek to deprive them ; and they have by no Law been convicted of those Crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods . I have oft wondred , how men pretending to Tenderness of Conscience and Reformation , can at once tell Me , that My Coronation-Oath binds Me to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me ( which they urge with such Violence ) tho contrary to all that Rational and Religious Freedom which every man ought to preserve , and of which they seem so tender in their own Votes ; yet at the same time these men will needs perswade Me , that I must and ought to dispense with , and roundly break that part of My Oath , which binds Me ( agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion I have ) to maintain the Government and legal Rights of the Church . 'T is strange My Oath should be valid in that part , which both My self and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable , as being against the very natural and essential liberty of our Souls ; yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause , wherein I think My self justly obliged both to God and Man. Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long , by some mens ambitious Covetousness and Sacrilegious Cruelty , torturing ( with Me ) both Church and State in Civil dissentions , till I shall be forced to consent , and declare that I do approve what ( God knows ) I utterly dislike and in my Soul abhor , as many ways highly against Reason , Justice , and Religion ; and whereto if I should shamefully and dishonourably give my Consent , yet should I not by so doing satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties which contend with each other , as well as both against Me and Episcopacy . Nor can My late condescending to the Scots in point of Church-Government be rightly objected against Me , as an inducement for Me to consent to the like in my other Kingdoms : for it should be considered , that Episcopacy was not so rooted and setled there as 't is here ; nor I ( in that respect ) so strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom as in this : for what I think in my Judgment best , I may not think so absolutely necessary for all places and at all times . If any shall impute My yielding to them as My Failing and Sin , I can easily acknowledg it ; but that is no argument to do so again , or much worse , I being now more convinced in that point : nor indeed hath My yielding to them been so happy and succesful as to encourage Me to grant the like to others . Did I see any thing more of Christ , as to Meekness , Justice , Order , Charity and Loyalty , in those that pretend to other modes of Government , I might suspect My Judgment to be biassed or forestalled with some Prejudice and wontedness of Opinion : but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the Manners of many of those men , that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new ways of Government . Nor can I find that in any Reformed Churches ( whose patterns are so cried up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominion ) either Learning or Religion , works of Piety or Charity , have so flourished beyond what they have done in My Kingdoms , ( by Gods blessing ) which might make Me believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives , than Episcopacy in its right constitution . The Abuses of which deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained ; for I think it far better to hold to Primitive and Uniform Antiquity , than to comply with divided Novelty . A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops , humble Presbyters , and sober People ; so as Church affairs should be managed neither with Tyranny , Parity , nor Popularity ; neither Bishops ejected , nor Presbyters despised , nor People oppressed . And in this Integrity both of My Judgment and Conscience I hope God will preserve Me. For Thou , O Lord , knowest my Vprightness and Tenderness . As Thou hast set Me to be a Defender of the Faith , and a Protector of thy Church , so suffer Me not by any violence to be over-born against My Conscience . Arise , O Lord , maintain thine own Cause ; let not thy Church be deformed as to that Government , which derived from thy Apostles , hath been retained in purest and Primitive times , till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular Envy ; which seeks to rob it of all the encouragements of Learning and Religion . Make Me as the good Samaritan , compassionate and helpful to thy afflicted Church ; which some men have wounded and robbed , others pass by without regard either to pity or relieve . As My Power is from Thee , so give Me grace to use it for Thee . And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING ; yet preserve Me in that liberty of Reason , love of Religion , and thy Churches welfare , which are fixed in My Conscience as a Christian . Preserve from Sacrilegious invasions those temporal Blessings which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy Glory Forgive their Sins and Errors who have deserved thy just permission thus to let in the wild Boar and subtile Foxes , to waste and deform thy Vineyard , which thy right hand hath planted , and the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate . O let Me not bear the infamous brand to all posterity , of being the first Christian KING in this Kingdom who should consent to the oppression of thy Church and the Fathers of it ; whose Errors I would rather , with Constantine , cover with silence and reform with meekness , than expose their Persons and Sacred Functions to vulgar contempt . Thou , O Lord , seest how much I have suffered with and for thy Church ; make no long tarrying , O my God , to deliver both Me and It from unreasonable men , whose counsels have brought forth and continue such violent Confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches Peace , thereby letting in all manner of Errors , Schisms and Disorders . O thou God of Order and of Truth , in thy good time abate the Malice , asswage the Rage , and confound all the mischievous Devices of Thine , Mine , and thy Churches Enemies . That I , and all that love thy Church , may sing Praises to Thee , and ever magnifie thy Salvation , even before the Sons of men . XVIII . Vpon Uxbridg Treaty , and other Offers made by the KING . I Look upon the way of Treaties , as a retiring from fighting like Beasts , to arguing like Men , whose strength should be more in their Understandings than in their Limbs . And tho I could seldom get opportunities to Treat , yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to it : having greater confidence of my Reason , than my Sword : I was so wholly resolved to yield to the first , that I thought neither My self nor others should need to use the second , if once we rightly understood each other . Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me , to prevent them with expresses of My Desires , and even Importunities to Treat : It being an office not only of Humanity , rather to use Reason than Force ; but also of Christianity , to seek peace and ensue it . As I was very unwillingly compelled to defend My self with Arms , so I very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace . The events of all War by the Sword being very dubious , and of a Civil War uncomfortable ; the End hardly recompencing , and late repairing the mischief of the Means . Nor did any success I had , ever enhaunce with Me the price of Peace , as earnestly desired by Me as any man , tho I was like to pay dearer for it than any man : All that I sought to reserve was Mine Honour and My Conscience ; the one I could not part with as a KING , the other as a Christian . The Treaty at Vxbridg gave the fairest hopes of an happy Composure ; had others applied themselves to it with the same Moderation as I did , I am confident the War had then ended . I was willing to condescend as far as Reason , Honour and Conscience would give Me leave : nor were the remaining Differences so essential to my Peoples Happiness , or of such consequence as in the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either Security or Prosperity : for they better enjoyed both many years before ever those demands were made ; some of which to deny , I think the greatest Justice to My self , and Favor to my Subjects . I see Jealousies are not so easily allayed as they are raised : Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements , than to engage ; what is wanting in Equity , must be made up in Pertinacy . Such as had little to enjoy in Peace , or to lose in War , studied to render the very name of Peace odious and suspected . In Church affairs , where I had least liberty of Prudence , having so many strict ties of Conscience upon Me , yet I was willing to condescend so far to the setling of them as might have given fair satisfaction to all men whom Faction , Covetousness , or Superstition had not engaged more than any true Zeal , Charity , or love of Reformation . I was content to yield to all that might seem to advance true Piety : I only sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order , Maintenance and Authority , to the Churches Government ; and what , I am perswaded ( as I have elsewhere set down My thoughts more fully ) is most agreeable to the true Principles of all Government , raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the primitive Apostolical Pattern , and the practice of the Universal Church conform thereto . From which wholly to recede , without any probable reason urged or answered , only to satisfie some mens wills and phantasies ( which yet agree not among themselves in any point , but that of extirpating Episcopacy , and fighting against Me ) must needs argue such a softness and infirmity of Mind in Me , as will rather part with Gods Truth than Mans Peace ; and rather lose the Churches Honour , than cross some mens Factious humors . God knows , and time will discover , who were most to blame for the unsuccessfulness of that Treaty , and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities . I believe , I am very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men , who have seriously weighed those Transactions , wherein I endeavoured no less the restauration of Peace to My People , than the preservation of My own Crowns to My Posterity . Some men have that height , as to interpret all fair Condescendings as Arguments of Feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stifness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . A grand Maxime with them was , always to ask something which in reason and Honour must be denied , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting Peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of War ; endeavouring first to make Me destroy My self by dishonourable Concessions , that so they might have the less to do . This was all which that Treaty or any other produced , to let the world see how little I would deny , or they grant , in order to the Publick Peace . That it gave occasion to some mens further restiveness , is imputable to their own depraved tempers , not to any Concessions or Negations of Mine : I have always the content of what I offered , and they the regret and blame for what they refused . The highest tide of Success set Me not above a Treaty , nor the lowest ebb below a Fight : tho I never thought it any sign of true Valor to be prodigal of mens lives , rather than to be drawn to produce our own Reasons , or subscribe to other mens . That which made Me for the most part presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty was , some mens unwillingness to Treat : which implied some things were to be gained by the Sword , whose unreasonableness they were loath to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by Soldiers than by Counsellors . I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that Treaties breaking , and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the Sword , a better opportunity to use such Moderation as was then wanting ; that so , tho Peace were for our sins justly deferred , yet at last it may be happily obtain'd : What we could not get by our Treaties , we may gain by our Prayers . O Thou that art the God of Reason and of Peace , who disdainest not to Treat with Sinners , preventing them with offers of Atonement , and beseeching them to be reconciled with thy self , who wantest not Power or Justice to destroy them , yet aboundest in Mercy to save ; soften our hearts by the Blood of our Redeemer , and perswade us to accept of Peace with Thy self , and both to procure and preserve Peace among our selves , as Men and Christians . How oft have I intreated for Peace , but when I speak thereof , they make them ready to War ? Condemn us not to our Passions , which are destructive both of our selves and of others . Clear up our Vnderstandings to see thy Truth , both in Reason , as Men , and in Religion , as Christians : and encline all our hearts to hold the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace . Take from us that Enmity which is now in our hearts against Thee : and give us that Charity which should be among our selves . Remove the evils of War we have deserved ; and bestow upon us that Peace which only Christ our great Peace-maker can merit . XIX . Vpon the various Events of the War ; Victories and Defeats . THE various Successes of this unhappy War have at least afforded Me variety of good Meditations . Sometimes God was pleased to try Me with Victory , by worsting my Enemies , that I might know how with Moderation and thanks to own and use his Power , who is only the true Lord of Hosts , able when he pleases to repress the Confidence of those that fought against Me with so great advantages for Power and Number . From small beginnings on My part he let me see , that I was not wholly forsaken by My Peoples Love or his Protection . Other times God was pleased to exercise my Patience , and teach Me not to trust in the arm of Flesh , but in the living God. My Sins sometimes prevailed against the Justice of my Cause : and those that were with Me wanted not matter and occasion for his just Chastisement both of them and Me. Nor were my Enemies less punished by that Prosperity , which hardened them to continue that Injustice by open Hostility , which was begun by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults . There is no doubt but personal and private Sins may oft-times over-balance the Justice of publick engagements ; nor doth God account every gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War a righteous Cause . The more men are prone to arrogate to their own Skill , Valour and Strength , the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own Glory . I am sure the Event or Success can never state the Justice of any Cause , nor the peace of mens Consciences , nor the eternal fate of their Souls . Those with Me had ( I think ) clearly and undoubtedly for their Justification the Word of Cod and the Laws of the Land , together with their own Oaths ; all requiring Obedience to My just Commands ; but to none other under Heaven without Me , or against Me , in the point of raising Arms. Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Fears , and wild fundamentals of State ( as they call them ) which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State ; being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to alledg , who being My Subjects , were manifestly the first assaulters of Me and the Laws , first by unsuppressed Tumults , after by listed Forces . The same Allegations they use , will fit any Faction that hath but power and Confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the Present Laws and Governors ; which can never be such as some Side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them , to a Rebellion against them . Some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs who died fighting against Me , the Laws , their Oaths , and the Religion established : But sober Christians know , that glorious Title can with truth be applied only to those who sincerely preferred God's Truth and their Duty in all these particulars before their Lives and all that was dear to them in this world ; who having no advantagious designs by any Innovation , were religiously sensible of those ties to God , the Church , and My self , which lay upon their Souls , both for Obedience and just Assistance . God could , and I doubt not but he did , through his Mercy , crown many of them with Eternal Life whose lives were lost in so just a Cause ; the destruction of their Bodies being sanctified as a means to save their Souls . Their Wounds and temporal Ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness , while the evident approach of Death , did through Gods Grace , effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility , Faith and Repentance , which , together with the Rectitude of their present Engagement , would fully prepare them for a better Life than that which their Enemies brutish and disloyal Fierceness could deprive them of , or without Repentance hope to enjoy . They have often indeed had the better against My side in the Field , but never , I believe , at the Bar of Gods Tribunal , or their own Consciences ; where they are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant Reasons , both from Law , Allegiance and all true Christian grounds , which conflict with , and accuse them in their own thoughts , than they oft were in a desperate bravery to fight against those Forces which sometimes God gave Me. Whose condition conquered and dying I make no question but is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man ( that duly values his Duty , his Soul and Eternity beyond the enjoyments of this present Life ) than the most triumphant glory wherein their and Mine Enemies supervive ; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt wherewith their suspitious or now-convincted Consciences do pursue them ; especially since they and all the World have seen how false and un-intended those pretensions were which they first set forth as the only plausible ( tho not justifiable ) grounds of raising a War , and continuing it thus long against Me and the Laws established , in whose safety and preservation all honest men think the welfare of their Country doth consist . For and with all which it is far more honourable and comfortable to suffer , than to prosper in their ruine and subversion . I have often prayed , that all on My side might joyn true Piety with the sense of their Loyalty , and be as faithful to God and their own Souls as they were to Me : That the defects of the one might not blast the endeavours of the other . Yet I cannot think that any shews or truth of Piety on the other side were sufficient to dispence with , or expiate the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to Me , which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venture their lives for Me. I never had any Victory which was without My Sorrow , because it was on mine own Subjects , who , like Absolom , died many of them in their sin : And yet I never suffered any Defeat which made Me despair of Gods Mercy and Defence . I never desired such Victories as might serve to conquer , but only restore the Laws and Liberties of My People ; which I saw were extremely oppressed , together with My Rights , by those men who were impatient of any just restraint . When Providence gave Me or denied Me Victory , My desire was neither to boast of My Power , nor to charge God foolishly ; who I believe at last would make all things to work together for My good . I wished no greater advantages by the War , than to bring My Enemies to Moderation , and My Friends to Peace . I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute Conquest , and never prayed more for Victory over others than over My self . When the first was denied , the second was granted Me , which God saw best for Me. The different events were but the methods of Divne Justice , by contrary winds to winnow us : That by punishing our Sins he might purge them from us ; and by dedeferring Peace , he might prepare us more to prize and better to use so great a Blessing . My often Messages for Peace shewed that I delighted not in War : as my former Concessions sufficiently testified how willingly I would have prevented it ; and my total unpreparedness for it , how little I intended it . The conscience of my Innocency forbade Me to fear a War ; but the love of My Kingdoms commanded Me ( if possible ) to avoid it . I am guilty in this War of nothing but this , That I gave such advantages to some men by confirming their Power , which they knew not to use with that modesty and gratitude which became their Loyalty and My Confidence . Had I yielded less , I had been opposed less ; had I denied more , I had been more obeyed . 'T is now too late to review the Occasions of the War ; I wish only a happy Conclusion of so unhappy Beginnings . The inevitable fate of our Sins was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the Divine Justice to be quiet : we having conquered his Patience , are condemned by mutual conquerings to destroy one another ; for the most prosperous Successes on either side impair the welfare of the whole . Those Victories are still miserable that leave our Sins un-subdued , flushing our Pride , and animating to continue Injuries . Peace it self is not desirable , till Repentance have prepared us for it . When we fight more against our selves and less against God , we shall cease fighting one against another . I pray God these may all meet in our hearts , and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these Civil Wars , that I may know better to obey God , and govern my People , and they may learn better to obey both God and Me. Nor do I desire any man should be further subject to Me , than all of us may be subject to God. O my God , make Me content to be overcome , when Thou wilt have it so . Teach Me the noblest Victory over My self and my Enemies by Patience ; which was Christs Conquest , and may well become a Christian King. Between both thy hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting , fashion us to that frame of Piety Thou likest best . Forgive the Pride that attends our prosperous , and the Repinings which follow our disastrous events ; when going forth in our own strength , Thou withdrawest thine , and goest not forth with our Armies . Be Thou all , when we are something , and when we are nothing ; that Thou mayest have the Glory , when we are in a victorious or inglorious condition . Thou , O Lord , knowest how hard it is for Me to suffer so much evil from my Subjects , to whom I intend nothing but good ; and I cannot but suffer in those Evils which they compel Me to inflict upon them , punishing My self in their Punishments . Since therefore both in conquering and being conquered I am still a Sufferer ; I beseech Thee to give Me a double portion of thy Spirit , and that measure of Grace which only can be sufficient for Me. As I am most afflicted , so make Me most reformed ; that I may be not only happy to see an end of these Civil Distractions , but a chief instrument to restore and establish a firm and blessed Peace to My Kingdoms . Stir up in all parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with Reason , Moderation , and such Self-denial as becomes those who consider , that our mutual Divisions are our common Distractions , and the Vnion of all is every good mans chiefest Interest . If , O Lord , as for the sins of our Peace Thou hast brought upon us the miseries of War , so for the sins of War Thou shouldst see fit still to deny us the blessing of Peace , and so keep us in a circulation of Miseries ; yet give Me thy Servant , and all Loyal ( tho afflicted ) Subjects , to enjoy that Peace which the world can neither give to us nor take from us . Impute not to Me the Blood of My Subjects , which with infinite unwillingness and grief hath been shed by Me in My just and necessary Defence ; but wash Me with that precious Blood which hath been shed for Me by my great Peace-maker , Jesus Christ : who will , I trust , redeem Me shortly out of all My Troubles ; for I know the triumphing of the Wicked is but short , and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a moment . XX. Vpon the Reformations of the Times . NO Glory is more to be envied than that of due Reforming either Church or State , when Deformities are such that the Perturbation and Novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of Reforming . Altho God should not honour Me so far as to make Me an instrument of so good a work , yet I should be glad to see it done . As I was well pleased with this Parliaments first intentions , to reform what the indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners might have depraved ; so I am sorry to see , after the freedom of Parliament was by factious Tumults oppressed , how little regard was had to the good Laws established and the Religion setled , which ought to be the first Rule and Standard of Reforming : with how much Partiality and popular Compliance the Passions and Opinions of men have been gratified , to the detriment of the Publick , and the infinite Scandal of the Reformed Religion . What dissolutions of all Order and Government in the Church ; what Novelties of Schisms and corrupt Opinions ; what Undecencies and Confusions in Sacred Administrations ; what Sacrilegious invasions upon the Rights and Revenues of the Church ; what Contempt and Oppressions of the Clergy ; what injurious Diminutions and Persecutings of Me , have followed ( as showres do warm gleams ) the talk of Reformation , all sober men are Witnesses , and with My self sad Spectators hitherto . The great miscarriage , I think , is , that Popular clamors and fury have been allowed the Reputation of Zeal and the publick Sense ; so that the study to please some Parties hath indeed injured all . Freedom , Moderation and Impartiality , are sure the best tempers of Reforming Counsels and endeavours : What is acted by Factions cannot but offend more than it pleaseth . I have offered to put all differences in Church affairs and Religion to the free consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen ; the results of whose Counsels as they would have included the Votes of all , so it 's like they would have given most satisfaction to all . The Assembly of Divines , whom the Two Houses have applied ( in an unwonted way ) to advise of Church Affairs , I dislike not further than that they are not legally convened and chosen , nor act in the name of all the Clergy of England ; nor with freedom and impartiality can do any thing , being limited and confined , if not over-awed , to do and declare what they do . For I cannot think so many men , cried up for Learning and Piety , who formerly allowed the Liturgy and Government of the Church of England as to the main , would have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish both of them , ( the last of which they knew to be of Apostolical institution at least , as of Primitive and Universal practice ) if they had been left to the liberty of their own sussrages ; and if the influence of contrary Factions had not by secret encroachments of hopes and fears prevailed upon them , to comply with so great and dangerous Innovations in the Church , without any regard to their own former Judgment and Practice , or to the common Interest and Honour of all the Clergy , and in them of Order , Learning and Religion ; against examples of all Ancient Churches , the Laws in force , and My Consent , which is never to be gained against so pregnant light as in that point shines on My Understanding . For I conceive that where the Scripture is not so clear and punctual in Precepts , there the constant and universal Practice of the Church in things not contrary to Reason , Faith , Good Manners , or any positive Command , is the best Rule that Christians can follow . I was willing to grant or restore to Presbytery what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to , in a conjuncture with Episcopacy : but for that wholly to invade the Power , and by the Sword to arrogate and quite abrogate the Authority of that Ancient Order , I think neither just as to Episcopacy , nor safe for Presbytery , nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State. A due Reformation had easily followed moderate Counsels , and such ( I believe ) as would have given more content even to the most of those Divines who have been led on with much Gravity and Formality to carry on other mens designs : which no doubt many of them by this time discover , tho they dare not but smother their frustrations and discontents . The specious and popular titles of Christ's Government , Throne , Scepter and Kingdom ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their Parties now have at least ) as also the noise of a thorough Reformation , may as easily be fixed on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured figures . The breaking of Church-Windows , which time had sufficiently defaced ; pulling down of Crosses , which were but Civil , not Religious marks ; defacing of the Monuments and Inscriptions of the Dead , which served but to put Posterity in mind to thank God for that clearer light wherein they live ; the leaving of all Ministers to their liberties and private abilities in the Publick Service of God , where no Christian can tell to what he may say Amen , nor what adventure he may make of seeming , at least , to consent to the Errors , Blasphemies and ridiculous Undecencies , which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their Prayers , Preaching , and other Offices ; the setting forth also of old Catechisms and Confessions of Faith new drest , importing as much as if there had been no sound or clear Doctrine of Faith in this Church , before some four or five years consultation had matured their thoughts touching their first Principles of Religion : All these and the like are the effects of popular , specious and deceitful Reformations ( that they might not seem to have nothing to do ) and may give some short flashes of content to the Vulgar ( who are taken with Novelties , as Children with Babies , very much , but not very long : ) but all this amounts not to , nor can in Justice merit the glory of the Churches thorough Reformation ; since they leave all things more deformed , disorderly and discontented than when they began , in point of Piety , Morality , Charity , and good Order . Nor can they easily recompence or remedy the Inconveniencies and Mischiefs which they have purchased so dearly , and which have and ever will necessarily ensue , till due Remedies be applied . I wish they would at last make it their Unanimous work to do Gods work , and not their own : Had Religion been first considered ( as it merited ) much trouble might have been prevented . But some men thought that the Government of this Church and State , fixed by so many Laws and long Customs , would not run into their new moulds , till they had first melted it in the fire of a Civil War ; by the advantages of which they resolved , if they prevailed , to make My self and all My Subjects fall down and worship the Images they should form and set up . If there had been as much of Christs Spirit for Meekness , Wisdom and Charity , in mens hearts , as there was of his Name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs Rule , it would certainly have obtained more of God's Blessing , and produced more of Christs Glory , the Churches good , the Honour of Religion , and the Unity of Christians . Publick Reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts which they purpose to try on others ; for Deformities within will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformation to such private Designs as must needs hinder the publick good . I am sure the right methods of Reforming the Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the Civil State , nor can Religion be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty , which is one of the chiefest Ingredients and Ornaments of true Religion ; for next to Fear God , is , Honour the King. I doubt not but Christs Kingdom may be set up without pulling down Mine ; nor will any men in impartial times appear good Christians , that approve not themselves good Subjects . Christ's Government will confirm Mine , not overthrow it ; since as I own Mine from Him , so I desire to Rule for his Glory and his Churches good . Had some men truly intended Christ's Government , or knew what it meant in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions both against Me and one another . As good Ends cannot justifie evil Means , so nor will evil Beginnings ever bring forth good Conclusions ; unless God , by a miracle of Mercy , create Light out of Darkness , Order out of our Confusions , and Peace out of our Passions . Thou , O Lord , who only canst give us beauty for ashes , and Truth for Hypocrisie , suffer us not to be miserably deluded with Pharisaical washings , in stead of Christian Reformings . Our greatest Deformities are within : make us the severest Censurers and first Reformers of our own Souls . That we may in clearness of Judgment and Vprightness of heart be a means to reform what is indeed amiss in Church and State. Create in us clean hearts , O Lord , and renew right spirits within-us ; that we may do all by thy directions , to thy Glory , and with thy Blessing . Pity the Deformities which some rash and cruel Reformers have brought upon this Church and State ; quench the fires which Factions have kindled under the pretence of Reforming . As thou hast shewed the world by their Divisions and Confusions what is the pravity of some mens Intentions , and weakness of their Judgments ; so bring us at last more refined out of these fires , by the methods of Christian and charitable Reformations ; wherein nothing of Ambition , Revenge , Covetousness or Sacrilege may have any influence upon their counsels whom thy Providence in just and lawful ways shall entrnst with so great , good , and now most necessary a work . That I and My People may be so blest with inward Piety , as may best teach us how to use the Blessing of outward Peace . XXI . Vpon His MAJESTIES Letters taken and divulged . THE taking of My Letters was an opportunity , which as the malice of Mine Enemies could hardly have expected , so they knew not how with honour and civility to use it . Nor do I think , with sober and worthy minds , any thing in them could tend so much to My Reproach , as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the Divulgers : The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness being discovered in the greatest advantages against an Enemy ; and the greatest Obligations being those which are put upon us by them from whom we could least have expected them . And such I should have esteemed the concealing of My Papers : The freedom and secrecy of which commands a Civility from all men not wholly barbarous ; nor is there any thing more inhumane than to expose them to publick view . Yet since Providence will have it so , I am content so much of My Heart ( which I study to approve to Gods Omniscience ) should be discovered to the world , without any of those dresses or popular captations which some men use in their Speeches and Expresses . I wish my Subjects had yet a clearer sight into My most retired Thoughts : Where they might discover how they are divided between the Love and Care I have , not more to preserve My own Rights , than to procure their Peace and Happiness ; and that extreme Grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . Nor can any mens Malice be gratified further by My Letters , than to see My Constancy to my Wife , the Laws and Religion . Bees will gather Honey where the Spider sucks Poyson . That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my Enemies by all fair and just Correspondencies , no man can blame who loves Me or the Commonwealth ; since My Subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable , or enjoy their Peace and Liberty while I am oppressed . The World may see how some Mens design , like Absolom's , is by enormous Actions to widen differences , and exasperate all Sides to such distances , as may make all Reconciliation desperate . Yet I thank God I can not only with Patience bear this as other Indignities , but with Charity forgive them . The Integrity of My Intentions is not jealous of any injury My Expressions can do them ; for although the confidence of Privacy may admit greater freedom in Writing such Letters which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet the Innocency of My chief Purposes cannot be so stained or mis-interpreted by them , as not to let all men see , that I wish nothing more than an happy composure of Differences with Justice and Honour , not more to My own than My Peoples content , who have any sparks of Love or Loyalty left in them : who by those My Letters may be convinced , that I can both mind and act My own and My Kingdoms Affairs , so as becomes a Prince ; which Mine Enemies have always been very loth should be believed of Me , as if I were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others , whom they please to brand with the name of Evil Counsellors . It 's probable some men will now look upon Me as My own Counsellor , and having none else to quarrel with , under that notion they will hereafter confine their anger to My self : Altho I know they are very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of My own Thoughts , or follow the light of My own Conscience , which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity to themselves ; not allowing Me to think their Counsels to be other than good for Me , which have so long maintained a War against Me. The Victory they obtained that day when My Letters became their prize , had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst of Popular glory among the Vulgar , with whom Prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause , as Adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect : As if good fortune were always the shadow of Virtue and Justice , and did not oftner attend Vicious and Injurious actions as to this world . But I see no Secular advantages seem sufficient to that Cause which began with Tumults , and depends chiefly upon the reputation with the Vulgar . They think no Victories so effectual to their designs as those that most rout and waste My Credit with My People ; in whose hearts they seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparks of Love , Respect and Loyalty to Me , that they may never kindle again , so as recover Mine , the Laws and the Kingdoms Liberties , which some men seek to overthrow . The taking away of My Credit is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of My Life and My Kingdoms : first I must seem neither fit to Live , nor worthy to Reign ; by exquisite methods of Cunning and Cruelty I must be compelled first to follow the Funerals of My Honour , and then be destroyed . But I know God's un-erring and impartial Justice can and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designs of men ; He is able , and ( I hope ) will turn even the worst of Mine Enemies thoughts and actions to My good . Nor do I think that by the surprize of My Letters I have lost any more than so many Papers : How much they have lost of that reputation for Civility and Humanity , ( which ought to be paid to all men , and most becomes such as pretend to Religion ) besides that of Respect and Honour which they owe to their King , present and after-times will judge . And I cannot think that their own Consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that Shame and Dishonour which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publick flattery and popular countenance . I am sure they can never expect the Divine approbation of such indecent actions , if they do but remember how God blest the modest respect and filial tenderness which Noah's Sons bare to their Father ; nor did his open infirmity justify Cham's impudency , or exempt him from that Curse of being Servant of Servants : which Curse must needs be on them who seek by dishonourable actions to please the Vulgar , and confirm by ignoble acts their dependance upon the People . Nor can their Malicious intentions be ever either excusable or prosperous , who thought by this means to expose Me to the highest Reproach and Contempt of my People ; forgetting that duty of Modest concealment which they owed to the Father of their Country , in case they had discovered any real Uncomeliness , which , I thank God , they did not ; who can , and , I believe , hath made Me more respected in the hearts of many , ( as he did David ) to whom they thought , by publishing My private Letters , to have rendred me as a vile Person , not fit to be trusted , or considered under any notion of Majesty . But Thou , O Lord , whose wise and all-disposing Providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs , make Me to see the constancy of Thy Mercies to Me in the greatest advantages Thou seemest to give the Malice of My Enemies against Me. As Thou didst blast the counsel of Achitophel , turning it to David's good and his own ruine ; so canst Thou defeat their design who intended by publishing My private Letters nothing else but to render Me more odious and contemptible to my People . I must first appeal to thy Omniscience , who canst witness with my Integrity , how unjust and false those scandalous Misconstructions are , which My Enemies endeavour by those Papers of Mine to represent to the world . Make the evil they imagined , and displeasure they intended thereby against Me , so to return on their own heads , that they may be ashamed , and covered with their own Confusion as with a cloak . Thou seest how Mine Enemies use all means to cloud Mine Honour , to pervert My purposes , and to slander the footsteps of thine Anointed . But give Me an heart content to be dishonoured for thy sake and thy Churches good . Fix in Me a purpose to honour Thee , and then I know Thou wilt honour Me , either by restoring to Me the enjoyment of that Power and Majesty which Thou hast suffered some men to seek to deprive Me of ; or by bestowing on Me that crown of Christian Patience , which knows how to serve Thee in honour or dishonour , in good report or evil . Thou , O Lord , art the fountain of Goodness and Honour , Thou art clothed with excellent Majesty ; make Me to partake of thy Excellency for Wisdom , Justice and Mercy , and I shall not want that degree of Honour and Majesty which becomes the Place in which thou hast set Me , who art the lifter up of my head , and my Salvation . Lord , by thy Grace lead Me to thy Glory , which is both true and eternal . XXII . Vpon His MAJESTIES leaving Oxford , and going to the SCOTS . ALtho God hath given Me Three Kingdoms , yet in these He hath not now left Me any place where I may with safety and Honor rest My Head ; shewing Me that Himself is the safest Refuge , and the strongest Tower of Defence , in which I may put My Trust . In these Extremities I look not to man so much as to God : He will have it thus ; that I may wholly cast My self , and My now distressed Affairs upon his Mercy , who hath both the hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . What Providence denies to Force , it may grant to Prudence : Necessity is now My Counsellor , and commands Me to study My Safety by a disguised withdrawing from My chiefest Strength , and adventuring upon their Loyalty who first began my Troubles . Haply God may make them a means honourably to compose them . This My Confidence of them may disarm and overcome them : My rendring My Person to them may engage their Affections to Me , who have oft professed , They fought not against Me , but for Me. I must now resolve the riddle of their Loyalty , and give them opportunity to let the world see they mean not what they do , but what they say . Yet must God be My chiefest Guard , and My Conscience both My Counsellor and My Comforter . Tho I put my Body into their hands , yet I shall reserve My Soul to God and My self ; nor shall any Necessities compel Me to desert mine Honour , or swerve from My Judgment . What they sought to take by Force , shall now be given them in such a way of unusual Confidence of them , as may make them ashamed not to be really such as they ought , and professed to be . God sees it not enough to deprive Me of all Military Power , to defend My self ; but to put Me upon using their power , who seem to fight against Me , yet ought in duty to defend Me. So various are all human affairs , and so necessitous may the state of Princes be , that their greatest Danger may be in their supposed Safety , and their Safety in their supposed Danger . I must now leave those that have adhered to Me , and apply to those that have opposed Me : this method of Peace may be more prosperous than that of War , both to stop the effusion of blood , and to close those wounds already made . And in it I am no less solicitous for My Friends safety than Mine own ; chusing to venture My self upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute Loyalty to all extremities . It is some skill in play to know when a game is lost : better fairly to give over , than to contest in vain . I must now study to re-inforce my Judgment , and fortifie my Mind with Reason and Religion ; that I may not seem to offer up My Souls Liberty , or make My Conscience their Captive , who ought at first to have used Arguments , nor Arms , to have perswaded My Consent to their new demands . I thank God , no Success darkens or disguises Truth to Me ; and I shall no less conform my words to my inward dictates now , than if they had been , as the words of a KING ought to be among Loyal Subjects , full of power . Reason is the Divinest power : I shall never think My self weakned , while I may make full and free use of that . No eclipse of outward fortune shall rob me of that light : what God hath denied of outward Strength , his Grace , I hope , will supply with inward Resolutions ; not morosely to deny what is fit to be granted , but not to grant any thing which Reason and Religion bids me deny . I shall never think My self less than My self , while I am able thus to preserve the Integrity of My Conscience , the only Jewel now left Me which is worth keeping . O Thou Soveraign of our Souls , the only Commander of our Consciences ; tho I know not what to do , yet mine eyes are toward Thee : To the protection of thy Mercy I still commend My self . As Thou hast preserved Me in the day of Battel , so Thou canst still shew Me thy strength in My weakness . Be Thou unto Me in My darkest night a pillar of Fire , to enlighten and direct Me ; in the day of my hottest Affliction be also a pillar of Cloud , to overshadow and protect Me ; be to Me both a Sun and a Shield . Thou knowest that it is not any perverseness of Will ; but just perswasions of Honour , Reason and Religion , which have made Me thus far to hazard my Person , Peace and safety , against those that by Force have sought to wrest them from Me. Suffer not My just Resolutions to abate with My outward Forces ; let a good Conscience always accompany Me in my greatest Solitude and Desertions . Suffer Me not to betray the powers of Reason , and that Fortress of My Soul , which I am intrusted to keep for Thee . Lead Me in the paths of thy Righteousness , and shew Me thy Salvation . Make My ways to please Thee , and then Thou wilt make Mine Enemies to be at Peace with Me. XXIII . Vpon the SCOTS delivering the KING to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby . YET may I justifie those Scots to all the world in this , that they have not deceived Me , for I never trusted to them further than to men : If I am sold by them , I am only sorry they should do it ; and that My price should be so much above my Saviour's . These are but further Essays which God will have Me make of mans Uncertainty , the more to fix Me on Himself , who never faileth them that trust in him . Tho the Reeds of Egypt break under the hand of him that leans on them ; yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . Gods Providence commands Me to retire from all to himself , that in him I may enjoy My self , whom I lose while I let out my hopes to others . The Solitude and Captivity to which I am now reduced , gives Me leisure enough to study the World's Vanity and Inconstancy . God sees it fit to deprive Me of Wife , Children , Army , Friends and Freedom , that I may be wholly His , who alone is all . I care not much to be reckoned among the Unfortunate , if I be not in the black list of Irreligious and Sacrilegious Princes . No Restraint shall ensnare My Soul in sin , nor gain that of Me which may make My Enemies more insolent , My Friends ashamed , or My Name accursed . They have no great cause to triumph that they have got My Person into their power , since My Soul is still My own : nor shall they ever gain My Consent against My Conscience . What they call Obstinacy , I know God accounts honest Constancy , from which Reason and Religion , as well as Honour , forbid Me to recede . 'T is evident now , that it was not Evil Counsellors with Me , but a good Conscience in Me , which hath been fought against ; nor did they ever intend to bring Me to My Parliament , till they had brought My Mind to their obedience . Should I grant what some men desire , I should be such as they wish Me ; not more a King , and far less both Man and Christian . What Tumults and Armies could not obtain , neither shall Restraint ; which tho it have as little of Safety to a Prince , yet it hath not more of Danger . The Fear of men shall never be My Snare , nor shall the love of any Liberty entangle my Soul : Better others betray Me than My self , and that the price of my Liberty should be My Conscience . The greatest Injuries My Enemies seek to inflict upon Me cannot be without My own Consent . While I can deny with Reason , I shall defeat the greatest impressions of their Malice , who neither know how to use worthily what I have already granted , nor what to require more of Me but this , that I would seem willing to help them to destroy My self and Mine . Altho they should destroy Me , yet they shall have no cause to despise Me. Neither Liberty nor Life are so dear to Me as the Peace of My Conscience , the Honour of My Crowns , and the welfare of My People ; which My Word may injure more than any War can do , while I gratifie a few to oppress all . The Laws will , by God's blessing , revive , with the Love and Loyalty of my Subjects , if I bury them not by My Consent , and cover them in that grave of dishonour and injustice which some mens Violence hath digged for them . If my Captivity or Death must be the price of their Redemption , I grudg not to pay it . No condition can make a King miserable , which carries not with it his Souls , his Peoples , and Posterities Thraldom . After-times may see what the Blindness of this Age will not ; and God may at length shew My subjects , that I chose rather to suffer for them than with them . Haply I might redeem My self to some shew of Liberty , if I would consent to enslave them . I had rather hazard the Ruin of one King , than to confirm many Tyrants over them ; from whom I pray God deliver them , whatever becomes of Me , whose Solitude hath not left Me alone For Thou , O God , infinitely good and great , art with Me , whose Presence is better than Life , and whose Service is perfect Freedom . Own Me for thy Servant , and I shall never have cause to complain for want of that Liberty which becomes a Man , a Christian , and a King. Bless Me still with Reason as a Man , with Religion as a Christian , and with Constancy in Justice as a King. Tho Thou sufferest Me to be stript of all outward Ornaments , yet preserve Me ever in those enjoyments wherein I may enjoy Thy self , and which cannot be taken from Me against My Will. Let no fire of Affliction boyl over my Passion to any Impatience or sordid Fears . There be many say of Me , there is no help for Me : do Thou lift up the light of thy Countenance upon Me , and I shall never want Safety , Liberty , nor Majesty . Give Me that measure of Patience and Constancy which my condition now requires . My strength is scattered , my expectation from men defeated , my Person restrained : O be not Thou far from Me , lest My Enemies prevail too much against Me. I am become a wonder and a scorn to many : O be Thou My Helper and Defender . Shew some token upon Me for good , that they that hate Me may be ashamed , because Thou , Lord , hast holpen and comforted Me. Establish Me with thy free Spirit , that I may do and suffer Thy will , as Thou wouldst have Me. Be merciful to Me , O Lord , for my Soul trusteth in Thee : yea and in the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge , until these Calamities be over-past . Arise to deliver Me , make no long tarrying , O my God. Tho Thou killest Me , yet will I trust in thy Mercy and My Saviour's Merit . I know that My Redeemer liveth : tho Thou leadest Me through the vale and shadow of Death , yet shall I fear none ill . XXIV . Vpon their denying His MAJESTY the attendance of His Chaplains . WHen Providence was pleased to deprive Me of all other civil Comforts and secular Attendants , I thought the absence of them all might best be supplied by the attendance of some of My Chaplains ; whom for their Function I reverence , and for their Fidelity I have cause to love . By their Learning , Piety and Prayers I hoped to be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments , or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in God's good time : so reaping by their Pious help a spiritual harvest of Grace , amidst the thorns and after the plowings of temporal Crosses . The truth is , I never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously Pious and soberly Devout . The Solitude they have confined Me unto , adds the Wilderness to My Temptations : For the company they obtrude upon Me is more sad than any Solitude can be . If I had asked My Revenues , My Power of the Militia , or any one of My Kingdoms , it had been no wonder to have been denied in those things , where the evil Policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurious Usurpation : But to deny Me the Ghostly comfort of My Chaplains , seems a greater Rigor and Barbarity than is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners and greatest Malefactors ; whom tho the Justice of the Law deprives of worldly comforts , yet the Mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy , as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies , and to damn their Souls . But My Agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good Angel ; for such I account a Learned , Godly , and discreet Divine : and such I would have all mine to be . They that envy My being a King , are loth I should be a Christian ; while they seek to deprive Me of all things else , they are afraid I should save My Soul. Other sense Charity it self can hardly pick out of those many harsh Repulses I received , as to that Request so often made for the attendance of some of My Chaplains . I have sometime thought , the Unchristianness of those denials might arise from a displeasure some men had to see Me prefer My own Divines before their Ministers : whom tho I respect for that worth and piety which may be in them ; yet I cannot think them so proper for My present Comforters or Physicians , who have ( some of them at least ) had so great an influence in occasioning these Calamities , and inflicting these Wounds upon Me. Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that Devotional compliance and juncture of hearts , which I desire to bear in those holy Offices to be performed with Me and for Me ; since their Judgments standing at a distance from Me , or in jealousie of Me , or in opposition against Me , their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with Mine , or Mine with theirs , either in Prayer or other holy Duties , as is meet and most comfortable ; whose Golden Rule and bond of Perfection consists in that of mutual Love and Charity . Some Remedies are worse than the Disease , and some Comforters more miserable than Misery it self : when like Job's Friends , they seek not to fortifie ones mind with Patience , but perswade a man , by betraying his own Innocency , to despair of God's Mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands and harden the hearts of insolent Enemies . I am so much a friend to all Church-men that have any thing in them beseeming that Sacred Function , that I have hazarded My own Interest chiefly upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights : whom the more I looked upon as Orphans , and under the Sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers ; the more I thought it My duty to appear as a Father and a Patron for them and the Church . Although I am very unhandsomly requited by some of them , who may live to repent no less for My Sufferings than their own ungrateful Errors , and that injurious Contempt and Meanness which they have brought upon their Calling and Persons . I pity all of them , I despise none ; only I thought I might have leave to make choice of some for my special Attendants , who were best approved in My Judgment , and most suitable to My Affection . For I held it better to seem undevout , and to hear no mens Prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those Petitions to which the Heart cannot consent , nor the Tongue say Amen , without contradicting a mans own Understanding , or belying his own Soul. In Devotions I love neither Profane Boldness , nor Pious Nonsense ; but such an humble and judicious Gravity , as shews the Speaker to be at once considerate of God's Majesty , the Churches Honour , and his own Vileness ; both knowing what things God allows him to ask , and in what manner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the Divine Mercy for himself and others . I am equally scandalized with all Prayers that sound either imperiously , or rudely , or passionately ; as either wanting Humility to God , or Charity to men , or Respect to the Duty . I confess I am better pleased , as with studied and premeditated Sermons , so with such publick Forms of Prayer as are fitted to the Churches and every Christians daily and common necessities ; because I am by them better assured what I may joyn my Heart unto , than I can be of any mans Extemporary sufficiency ; which as I do not wholly exclude from publick occasions , so I allow its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements , where neither the solemnity of the Duty , nor the modest regard to others do require so great exactness as to the outward manner of performance . Tho the light of Understanding and the fervency of Affection , I hold the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional , solitary and social Devotions . So that I must needs seem to all equal minds , with as much Reason to prefer the service of My own Chaplains before that of their Ministers , as I do the Liturgy before their Directory . In the one I have been always educated and exercised ; in the other I am not yet Catechised nor acquainted : And if I were , yet should I not by that , as by any certain Rule and Canon of Devotion , be able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use , which is already as much despised and disused by many of them , as the Common-prayer sometimes was by those men , a great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin of railing against and contemning the Government and Liturgy of this Church . But I had rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli , than to that of Vae vobis , Hypocritae , by seeming to pray what I do not approve . It may be , I am esteemed by my Deniers sufficient of My self to discharge My Duty to God as a Priest , tho not to Men as a Prince . Indeed I think both Offices , Regal and Sacerdotal , might well become the same Person ; as anciently they were under one name , and the united rights of primogeniture : Nor could I follow better precedents , if I were able , than those two eminent Kings , David and Solomon ; not more famous for their Scepters and Crowns , than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers , the other for his Divine Parables and Preaching : whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet , the other of a Preacher . Titles indeed of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the Roman Emperors affected from the Nations they subdued ; it being infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods Church by the Word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword. Yet since the order of Gods Wisdom and Providence hath , for the most part , always distinguished the gifts and Offices of Kings and Priests , of Princes and Preachers , both in the Jewish and Christian Churches ; I am sorry to find My self reduced to the necessity of being both , or enjoying neither . For such as seek to deprive Me of My Kingly Power and Soveraignty , would no less enforce Me to live many months without all Prayers , Sacraments and Sermons , unless I become My own Chaplain . As I owe the Clergy the protection of a Christian KING , so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their Gifts and Prayers ; which I look upon as more prevalent than My own or other mens , by how much they flow from Minds more enlightned , and Affections less distracted than those which are encumbred with Secular affairs : besides , I think a greater Blessing and acceptableness attends those Duties , which are rightly performed , as proper to and within the limits of that calling to which God and the Church have specially designed and consecrated some men . And however , as to that Spiritual Government by which the Devout Soul is subject to Christ , and through his Merits daily offers it self and its services to God , every private believer is a King and a Priest , invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood ; yet as to Ecclesiastical order and the outward Polity of the Church , I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every mans turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State where every one affects to rule as King. I was always bred to more modest , and , I think , more Pious Principles : The consciousness to my Spiritual defects makes Me more prize and desire those Pious assistances which holy and good Ministers , either Bishops or Presbyters , may afford Me ; especially in these Extremities to which God hath been pleased to suffer some of my Subjects to reduce Me , so as to leave them nothing more but my Life to take from Me ; and to leave Me nothing to desire , which I thought might less provoke their Jealousy and offence to deny Me than this , of having some means afforded Me for my Souls comfort and support . To which end I made choice of men , as no way ( that I know ) scandalous , so every way eminent for their Learning and Piety , no less than for their Loyalty : nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against them but only this , That they may seem too able , and too well-affected toward Me and my Service . But this is not the first service ( as I count it the best ) in which they have forced Me to serve My self : tho I must consess , I bear with more grief and impatience the want of my Chaplains than of any other my Servants , and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from my Wife and Children ; since from these indeed more of human and temporary Affections , but from those more of Heavenly and Eternal Improvements may be expected . My comfort is , that in the enforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary means , God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his Gifts and Graces . If his Spirit will teach Me , and help my infirmities in Prayer , Reading and Meditation , ( as I hope he will ) I shall need no other either Orator or Instructor . To Thee therefore , O My God , do I direct my now solitary Prayers : What I want of others help , supply with the more immediate assistances of thy Spirit , which alone can both enlighten my darkness , and quicken my dulness . O thou Sun of Righteousness , thou Sacred Fountain of Heavenly Light and Heat , at once clear and warm my Heart , both by instructing of Me , and interceding for Me. In Thee is all Fulness , from Thee is all Sufficiency , by Thee is all Acceptance . Thou art company enough , and comfort enough : Thou art my King , be also my Prophet and my Priest . Rule Me , teach Me , pray in Me , for Me , and be Thou ever with Me. The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with Thee in that Sacred Duel , when he had none to second him but Thy self , who didst assist him with power to overcome Thee , and by a welcome violence to wrest a Blessing from Thee , O look on Me thy Servant in infinite mercy , whom Thou didst once bless with the joint and sociated Devotions of others , whose fervency might inflame the coldness of my Affections towards Thee ; when we went to or met in thy House with the Voice of joy and gladness , worshipping Thee in the unity of Spirits and with the bond of Peace . O forgive the neglect and not improving of those happy Opportunities . It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican in the wilderness , as a Sparrow on the house top , and as a Coal scattered from all those pious glowings and devout reflections which might best kindle , preserve and encrease the holy fire of thy Graces on the Altar of my Heart , whence the sacrifice of Prayers and incense of Praises might be duly offered up to Thee . Yet , O Thou that breakest not the bruised Reed , nor quenchest the smoaking Flax , do not despise the weakness of my Prayers , nor the smotherings of my Soul in this uncomfortable loneness , to which I am constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps which I much want , and no less desire . O let the hardness of Their Hearts occasion the softnings of mine to Thee and for them . Let their Hatred kindle my Love , let their unreasonable denials of my Religious desires the more excite my Prayers to Thee . Let their inexorable deafness encline thine ear to Me , who art a God easy to be entreated : Thine Ear is not heavy , that it cannot , nor thy Heart hard , that it will not hear ; nor thy Hand shortned , that it cannot help Me thy desolate Suppliant . Thou permittest men to deprive Me of those outward means which Thou hast appointed in thy Church ; but they cannot debar Me from the communion of that inward Grace which Thou alone breathest into humble hearts . O make Me such , and Thou wilt teach Me , Thou wilt hear Me , Thou wilt help Me : the broken and contrite heart , I know , Thou wilt not despise . Thou , O Lord , canst at once make Me thy Temple , thy Priest , thy Sacrifice , and thine Altar ; while from an humble Heart I ( alone ) daily offer up in holy Meditations , fervent Prayers , and unfeigned Tears , my self to Thee , who preparest Me for Thee , dwellest in Me , and acceptest of Me. Thou , O Lord , didst cause by secret supplies and miraculous infusions , that the handful of meal in the vessel should not spend , nor the little Oyl in the cruise fail the Widow , during the time of drought and dearth . O look on my Soul , which , as a Widow , is now desolate and forsaken : let not those saving truths I have formerly learned now fail my memory ; nor the sweet effusions of thy Spirit , which I have sometime felt , now be wanting to my Heart in this Famine of ordinary and wholsome food , for the refreshing of my Soul. Which yet I had rather chuse , than to feed from those hands who mingle my bread with ashes , and my wine with gall , rather tormenting than teaching Me ; whose mouths are proner to bitter Reproaches of Me , than to hearty Prayers for Me. Thou knowest , O Lord of Truth , how oft they wrest thy Holy Scriptures to my destruction , ( which are clear for their Subjection , and my Preservation : ) O let it not be to their damnation . Thou knowest how some men ( under colour of long Prayers ) have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren , their King , and their God. O let not those mens Balms break my head , nor their Cordials oppress my heart : I will evermore pray against their Wickedness . From the poison under their tongues , from the snares of their lips , from the fire and the swords of their words , ever deliver Me , O Lord , and all those Loyal and Religious hearts who desire and delight in the prosperity of my Soul , and who seek by their Prayers to relieve this Sadness and Solitude of thy Servant , O my King , and my God. XXV . Penitential Meditations and Vows in the KING's Solitude at Holdenby . GIve ear to my words , O Lord , consider my Meditation , and hearken to the voice of my cry , my King and my God ; for unto Thee will I pray . I said in mine hast , I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes ; nevertheless Thou hearest the voice of my supplication , when I cry unto Thee . If Thou , Lord , shouldst be extream to mark what is done amiss , who can abide it ? But there is mercy with Thee , that Thou mayest be feared ; therefore shall sinners fly unto Thee . I acknowledg my Sins before Thee , which have the aggravation of my Condition ; the eminency of my Place adding weight to my Offences . Forgive , I beseech Thee , my personal and my peoples Sins , which are so far Mine , as I have not improved The power thou gavest Me to thy Glory and my Subjects good . Thou hast now brought Me from the glory and freedom of a King , to be a Prisoner to my own Subjects : justly , O Lord , as to thy over-ruling hand , because in many things I have rebelled against Thee . Tho Thou hast restrained my Person , yet enlarge my Heart to Thee , and thy Grace towards Me. I come far shart of David's Piety ; yet since I may equal David's Afflictions , give Me also the Comforts and the sure Mercies of David . Let the penitent sense I have of my Sins be an evidence to Me that Thou hast pardoned them . Let not the Evils which I and my Kingdoms have suffered seem little unto Thee , the Thou hast not punished us according to our Sins . Turn Thee ( O Lord ) unto Me ; have mercy upon Me , for I am desolate and afflicted . The sorrows of my Heart are enlarged ; O bring Thou Me out of my Troubles . Hast Thou forgotten to be gracious , and shut up thy loving kindness in displeasure ? O remember thy Compassions of old , and thy loving kindnesses which have been for many generations . I had utterly fainted , if I had not believed to see thy Goodness in the land of the living . Let not the sins of our Prosperity deprive us of the benefit of thy Afflictions . Let this fiery trial consume the dross which in long Peace and Plenty we had contracted . Tho Thou continuest Miseries , yet withdraw not thy Grace ; what is wanting of Prosperity , make up in Patience and Repentance . And if thy Anger be not yet to be turned away , but thy hand of Justice must be stretched out still ; let it , I beseech Thee , be against Me and my Fathers house : as for these Sheep what have they done ? Let my Sufferings satiate the malice of mine and thy Churches Enemies . But let their Cruelty never exceed the measure of my Charity . Banish from Me all thoughts of Revenge , that I may not lose the reward , nor Thou the glory of my Patience . As Thou givest Me a heart to forgive them , so I beseech Thee do Thou forgive what they have done against Thee and Me. And now , O Lord , as Thou hast given Me an heart to pray unto Thee , so hear and accept this Vow which I make before Thee . If Thou wilt in mercy remember Me and my Kingdoms , in continuing the light of thy Gospel , and setling thy true Religion among us ; In restoring to us the benefit of the Laws , and the due execution of Justice ; In suppressing the many Schisms in Church , and Factions in State : If Thou wilt restore Me and mine to the ancient Rights and Glory of my Predecessors : If Thou wilt turn the hearts of my People to Thy self in Piety , to Me in Loyalty , and to one another in Charity : If Thou wilt quench the flames and withdraw the fewel of these Civil Wars . If Thou wilt bless us with the freedom of publick Counsels , and deliver the Honour of Parliaments from the insolency of the Vulgar . If Thou wilt keep Me from the great offence of enacting any thing against my Conscience ; and especially from consenting to Sacrilegious Rapines and spoilings of thy Church : If Thou wilt restore Me to a capacity to glorifie Thee , in doing good both to the Church and State ; Then shall my Soul praise Thee , and magnifie thy Name before my People . Then shall thy Glory be dearer to Me than my Crowns , and the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power be my chiefest care : Then will I rule My People with Justice , and My Kingdoms with Equity . To thy more immediate hand shall I ever owe , as the rightful Succession , so the merciful Restauration of My Kingdoms , and the glory of them . If Thou wilt bring Me again with Peace , Safety and Honour , to my chiefest City and My Parliament : If Thou wilt again put the Sword of Justice into My hand , to punish and protect : Then will I make all the world to see , and my very Enemies to enjoy , the benefit of this Vow and Resolution of Christian Charity which I now make unto Thee , O Lord. As I do freely pardon , for Christ's sake , those that have offended Me in any kind ; so my hand shall never be against any man , to revenge what is past , in regard of any particular injury done to Me. We have been mutually punished in our unnatural Divisions ; for thy sake , O Lord , and for the love of my Redeemer , have I purposed this in my heart , That I will use all means in the ways of Amnestie and Indemnity , which may most fully remove all Fears , and bury all Jealousies in forgetfulness . Let thy Mercies be toward Me and Mine , as my resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward my People . Hear my Prayer , O Lord , which goeth not out of feigned lips . Blessed be God , who hath not turned away my Prayer , nor taken his Mercy from Me. O my Soul , commit thy way to the Lord ; trust in him , and he shall bring it to pass . But if Thou wilt not restore Me and Mine , what am I that I should charge Thee foolishly ? Thou , O Lord , hast given , and thou hast taken ; Blessed be thy Name . May my People and thy Church be happy , if not by Me , yet without Me. XXVI . Vpon the Armies Surprizal of the KING at Holdenby , and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses , the Army , and the City . WHat part God will have Me now to act or suffer in this new and strange scene of affairs I am not much solicitous : some little practice will serve that man who only seeks to represent a part of Honesty and Honour . This surprize of Me tells the world , that a KING cannot be so low but he is considerable , adding weight to that Party where he appears . This motion , like others of the Times , seems eccentrick and irregular , yet not well to be resisted or quieted : Better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . These are but the struglings of those Twins which lately one Womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevail against the elder ; what the Presbyterians have hunted after , the Independents now seek to catch for themselves . So impossible is to for lines to be drawn from the Center , and not to divide from each other so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . That the Builders of Babel should from Division fall fall to Confusion is no wonder ; but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill omen , and sounds too like the fury of those Zealots , whose intestine bitterness and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City . Well may I change My Keepers and Prison , but not my captive Condition ; only with this hope of bettering , that those who are so much professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties , cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their KING : What they demand for their own Consciences , they cannot in reason deny to Mine . In this they seem more ingenuous than the Presbyterian Rigor , who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to Laws , are become the greatest Exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions before they are stamped with the Authority of Laws , which they cannot well have without My Consent . 'T is a great argument that the Independents think themselves manumitted from their Rivals service , in that they carry on a business of such consequence as the assuming My Person into the Armies custody , without any Commission but that of their own Will and Power . Such as will thus adventure on a KING , must not be thought over-modest or timorous to carry on any design they have a mind to . Their next motion menaces and scares both the Two Houses and the City : which soon after acting over again that former part of tumultuary motions , ( never questioned , punished , or repented ) must now suffer for both , and see their former Sin in the glass of the present Terrors and Distractions . No man is so blind as not to see herein the hand of Divine Justice : they that by Tumults first occasioned the raising of Armies , must now be chastened by their own Army for new Tumults . So hardly can men be content with one sin , but add sin to sin , till the latter punish the former . Such as were content to see Me and many Members of both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed Tumults , are now forced to fly to an Army , or defend themselves against them . But who can unfold the riddle of some mens Justice ? The Members of both Houses who at first withdrew ( as My self was forced to do ) from the rudeness of the Tumults , were counted Desertors , and outed of their Places in Parliament : such as stayed then , and enjoyed the benefit of the Tumults , were asserted for the only Parliament-men . Now the Fliers from , and Forsakers of their Places carry the Parliamentary power along with them , complain highly against the Tumults , and vindicate themselves by an Army : such as remained and kept their stations , are looked upon as Abettors of tumultuary insolencies , and betrayers of the freedom and honour of Parliament . Thus is Power above all Rule , Order and Law ; where men look more to present Advantages than their Consciences , and the unchangeable rules of Justice : while they are Judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . Now the Plea against Tumults holds good , the Authors and Abettors of them are guilty of prodigious Insolencies ; whenas before they were counted as Friends and necessary Assistants . I see Vengeance pursues and overtakes ( as the Mice and Rats are said to have done a Bishop in Germany ) them that thought to have escaped , and fortified themselves most impregnably against it both by their Multitude and Compliance . Whom the Laws cannot , God will punish by their own Crimes and hands . I cannot but observe this Divine Justice , yet with sorrow and pity ; for I always wished so well to Parliament and City , that I was sorry to see them do or suffer any thing unworthy such great and considerable Bodies in this Kingdom . I was glad to see them only scared and humbled , not broken by that shaking : I never had so ill a thought of those Cities as to despair of their Loyalty to Me ; which Mistakes might eclipse , but I never believed Malice had quite put out . I pray God the Storm be yet wholly passed over them ; upon whom I look , as Christ did sometime over Jerusalem , as objects of My Prayers and Tears , with compassionate Grief , foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their Duty : fatal blindness frequently attending and punishing wilfulness , so that men shall not be able at last to prevent their Sorrows , who would not timely repent of their Sins ; nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the Comforts , who securely neglect the Counsels belonging to their Peace . They will find that Brethren in iniquity are not far from becoming insolent Enemies ; there being nothing harder than to keep ill men long in one mind . Nor is it possible to gain a fair period for those motions which go rather in a round and circle of Fancy , than in a right line of Reason tending to the Law , the only Center of publick consistency ; whither I pray God at last bring all sides . Which will easily be done , when we shall fully see how much more happy we are to be subject to the known Laws , than to the various Wills of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant ways , like violent motions in Nature , soon grows weary of it self , and ends in a refractory sullenness : Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces who first put them upon those violent strokes . For the Army ( which is so far excusable as they act according to Soldiers Principles and Interests , demanding Pay and Indemnity ) I think it necessary , in order to the Publick Peace , that they should be satisfied as far as is just ; no man being more prone to consider them than My self : tho they have fought against Me , yet I cannot but so far esteem that Valour and Gallantry they have some time shewed , as to wish I may never want such men to maintain My self , My Laws , and My Kingdoms , in such a Peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion as much as any men . But Thou , O Lord , who art perfect Vnity in a Sacred Trinity , in Mercy behold those whom thy Justice hath divided . Deliver Me from the strivings of my People , and make Me to see how much they need my Prayers and Pity , who agreed to fight against Me , and yet are now ready to fight against one another , to the continuance of my Kingdoms Distractions . Discover to all sides the ways of Peace from which they have swerved : which consists not in the divided Wills of Parties , but in the joynt and due observation of the Laws . Make Me willing to go whither Thou wilt lead Me by thy Providence ; and be Thou ever with Me , that I may see thy Constancy in the worlds variety and Changes . Make Me even such as Thou wouldst have Me , that I may at last enjoy that Safety and Tranquillity which Thou alone canst give Me. Divert , I pray Thee , O Lord , thy heavy Wrath justly hanging over those populous Cities , whose Plenty is prone to add fewel to their Luxury , their Wealth to make them wanton , their Multitudes tempting them to Security , and their Security exposing them to unexpected Miseries . Give them eyes to see , hearts to consider , wills to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to thy Glory and the publick Peace ; lest their Calamity come upon them as an armed man. Teach them , that they cannot want Enemies who abound in Sin ; nor shall they be long undisarmed and un-destroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against Thee and the clear convictions of their own Consciences , fight more against themselves than ever they did against Me. Their Sins exposing them to thy Justice , their Riches to others Injuries , their Number to Tumults , and their Tumults to Confusion . Tho they have with much forwardness helped to destroy Me , yet let not my Fall be their Ruine . Let Me not so much consider either what they have done or I have suffered , ( chiefly at first by them ) as to forget to imitate my crucified Redeemer , to plead their Ignorance for their Pardon ; and in my dying extremities to pray to Thee , O Father , to forgive them , for they knew not what they did . The tears they have denied Me in my saddest condition , give them grace to bestow upon themselves ; who the less they weep for Me , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . O let not my Blood be upon them and their Children , whom the Fraud and Faction of some , not the Malice of all , have excited to crucifie Me. But Thou , O Lord , canst and wilt ( as Thou didst my Redeemer ) both exalt and perfect Me by my Sufferings , which have more in them of thy Mercy , than of mans Cruelty or thy own Justice . XXVII . To the PRINCE of Wales . SON , if these Papers , with some others , wherein I have set down the private reflections of My Conscience , and My most impartial thoughts touching the chief passages which have been most remarkable or disputed in My late Troubles , come to Your hands , to whom they are chiefly design'd , they may be so far useful to You , as to state Your Judgment aright in what hath passed ; whereof a Pious is the best use can be made : and they may also give You some directions , how to remedy the present Distempers , and prevent ( if God will ) the like for time to come . It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of My long Restraint , when I find My leisure and Solitude have produced something worthy of My self and useful to You ; that neither You nor any other may hereafter measure My Cause by the Success , nor My Judgment of things by My Misfortunes : which I count the greater by far , because they have so far lighted upon You , and some others , whom I have most cause to love as well as My self , and of whose unmerited Sufferings I have a greater sense than of Mine own . But this advantage of Wisdom You have above most Princes , that You have begun , and now spent some years of Discretion in the experience of Troubles and exercise of Patience ; wherein Piety , and all Virtues , both Moral and Political , are commonly better planted to a thriving , as Trees set in Winter , than in the warmth and serenity of times , or amidst those Delights which usually attend Princes Courts in times of Peace and Plenty ; which are prone either to root up all Plants of true Virtue and Honour , or to be contented only with some Leaves and withering Formalities of them , without any real Fruits , such as tend to the Publick good , for which Princes should always remember they are born , and by Providence designed . The evidence of which different Education the holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam : the one prepared by many Afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom ; the other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court , and so corrupted , to the great diminution both for Peace , Honour and Kingdom , by those Flatteries which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes as Flies are from Fruit in Summer , whom Adversity , like cold weather , drives away . I had rather You should be Charles le Bon than le Grand , Good than Great ; I hope God hath designed You to be both , having so early put You into that exercise of his Graces and Gifts bestowed upon You , which may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose You to those Princely Endowments and Employments which will most gain the love and intend the welfare of those over whom God shall place You. With God I would have You begin and end , who is King of Kings , the Soveraign Disposer of the Kingdoms of the world , who pulleth down one and setteth up another . The best Government and highest Soveraignty You can attain to is , to be subject to Him , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your Heart . The true Glory of Princes consists in advancing God's Glory , in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good ; also in the dispensation of Civil Power with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace . Piety will make You prosperous ; at least it will keep You from being miserable : nor is he much a loser that loseth all , yet saveth his own Soul at last . To which center of true Happiness , God ( I trust ) hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of Affliction which he hath been pleased to draw on Me , and by which he hath ( I hope ) drawn Me nearer to Himself . You have already tasted of that Cup whereof I have liberally drank , which I look upon as God's Physick , having that in Healthfulness which it wants in Pleasure . Above all , I would have You , as I hope You are already , well grounded and setled in your Religion : the best Profession of which I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England , in which You have been educated : Yet I would have your own Judgment and Reason now seal to that sacred Bond which Education hath written , that it may be judiciously your own Religion , and not other mens Custom or Tradition , which You profess . In this I charge You to persevere , as coming nearest to God's Word for Doctrine , and to the Primitive examples for Government , with some little Amendment , which I have other-where expressed , and often offered , tho in vain . Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your Souls than your Kingdoms Peace , when God shall bring You to them . For I have observed , that the Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation , and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights . When some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion ; when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience , they cry out Zeal . So that unless in this point You be well setled , You shall never want temptations to destroy You and Yours , under pretensions of Reforming matters of Religion ; for that seems , even to worst men , as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst Designs . Where besides the Novelty , which is taking enough with the Vulgar , every one hath an affectation , by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion , to be thought Zealous ; hoping to cover those Irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious , by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . Take heed of abetting any Factions , or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion , contrary to what is in your Judgment , and the Church well setled . Your partial adhering , as Head , to any one side , gains You not so great advantages in some men hearts ( who are prone to be of their King's Religion ) as it loseth You in others , who think themselves and their profession first despised , then persecuted by You. Take such a course as may either with Calmness and Charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality ; or so order affairs in point of Power , that You shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction . For if ever You stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , You are undone : The Serpent will devour the Dove . You may never expect less of Loyalty , Justice , or Humanity , than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion : Their Interest is always made God's ; under the colours of Piety ambitious Policies march , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy : You may hear from them Jacob's voice , but You shall feel they have Esau's hands . Nothing seemed less considerable than the Presbyterian Faction in England for many years , so compliant they were to publick Order : nor indeed was their Party great either in Church or State , as to mens Judgments . But as soon as Discontents drave men into Sidings , as ill Humors fall to the disaffected part , which causes Inflammations , so did all at first who affected any Novelties adhere to that Side , as the most remarkable and specious note of difference ( then ) in point of Religion . All the lesser Factions at first were officious Servants to Presbytery , their great Master : till Time and Military success discovering to each their peculiar Advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of Uniform Religion , pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of Profits and Preferments , to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State , but even of Presbytery it self , which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all . Let nothing seem little or despicable to You in matters which concern Religion and the Churches Peace ; so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual suppressing Errors and Schisms , which seem at first but as a hand-breadth , yet by Seditious Spirits , as by strong winds , are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven . When You have done Justice to God , Your own Soul , and his Church , in the profession and preservation both of Truth and Unity in Religion ; the next main hinge on which Your Prosperity will depend and move is that of Civil Justice , wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms , to which You are rightly Heir , are the most excellent Rules You can Govern by : which by an admirable temperament , give very much to Subjects Industry , Liberty and Happiness , and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , who owns his People as Subjects , not as Slaves : whose Subjection , as it preserves their Property , Peace and Safety , so it will never diminish Your Rights , nor their ingenuous Liberties , which consist in the enjoyment of the fruits of their Industry , and the benefit of those Laws to which themselves have consented . Never charge Your head with such a Crown as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole Body ; the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength , honour or safety to the Head , but a necessary debilitation and Ruin. Your Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather than exacting the rigor of the Laws ; there being nothing worse than Legal Tyranny . In these two points , the preservation of established Religion and Laws , I may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of My Sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honour of a kind of Martyrdom , as to the testimony of My own Conscience ; the Troublers of My Kingdoms having nothing else to object against Me but this , That I prefer Religion and Laws establisht before those Alterations they propounded . And so indeed I do and ever shall , till I am convinced by better Arguments than what hitherto have been chiefly used towards Me , Tumults , Armies , and Prisons . I cannot yet learn that Lesson , nor I hope ever will You , That it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the Perturbation of the Laws , in which is wrap'd up the publick Interest and the good of the Community . How God will deal with Me as to the removal of these Pressures and Indignities , which his Justice by the very unjust hands of some of My Subjects hath been pleased to lay upon Me , I cannot tell : nor am I much solicitous what Wrong I suffer from men , while I retain in My Soul what I believe is right before God. I have offered all for Reformation and Safety that in Reason , Honour and Conscience I can ; reserving only what I cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury to My own Soul , the Church , and My People , and to You also , as the next and undoubted Heir of My Kingdoms . To which if the Divine Providence , to whom no Difficulties are insuperable , shall in his due time after My decease bring You , as I hope he will , My Counsel and Charge to You is , that You seriously consider the former real or objected Miscarriages which might occasion My Troubles , that You may avoid them . Never repose so much upon any mans single Counsel , Fidelity , and Discretion , in managing affairs of the first magnitude , ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in Your self or others a diffidence of Your own Judgment , which is likely to be always more constant and impartial to the interests of Your Crown and Kingdom than any mans . Next , beware of exasperating any Factions by the crosness and asperity of some mens Passions , Humors , or private Opinions , imployed by You , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . Wherein a charitable Connivence and Christian Toleration often dissipates their strength whom rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and oppressed Party into such Combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their Persecutors ; who are commonly assisted by that Vulgar commiseration which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion . Provided the Differences amount not to an insolent opposition of Laws and Government , or Religion established , as to the essentials of them : Such motions and minings are intolerable . Always keep up solid Piety , and those Fundamental Truths which mend both hearts and lives of men , with impartial Favour and Justice . Take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all or the best incouragements of Learning , Industry and Piety ; but with an equal eye and impartial hand distribute favours and rewards to all men , as You find them for their real Goodness , both in Abilities and Fidelity , worthy and capable of them . This will be sure to gain You the hearts of the best , and the most too ; who , tho they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer ways of Virtue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards . I have , You see , conflicted with different and opposite Factions ; ( for so I must needs call and count all those that act not in any conformity to the Laws established in Church and State : ) No sooner have they by force subdued what they counted their Common Enemy , ( that is , all those that adhered to the Laws and to Me ) and are secured from that fear , but they are divided to so high a rivalty , as sets them more at defiance against each other than against their first Antagonists . Time will dissipate all Factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves , which were at first wrap'd up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion , Reformation , and Liberty . As the Wolf is not less cruel , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appear no better than a Wolf under Sheeps cloathing . But as for the seduced Train of the Vulgar , who in their simplicity follow those disguises , My charge and counsel to You is , That as You need no palliations for any designs , ( as other men ) so that You study really to exceed ( in true and constant demonstrations of Goodness , Piety and Virtue , towards the People ) even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion : so You shall neither fear any detection , ( as they do who have but the face and mask of Goodness ; ) nor shall You frustrate the just expectations of Your People , who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects Novelties , as from the virtuous Constancy of their King. When these mountains of congealed Factions shall by the Sunshine of God's Mercy and the splendor of Your Virtues be thawed and dissipated , and the abused Vulgar shall have learned , that none are greater Oppressors of their Estates Liberties and Consciences , than those men that entitle themselves the Patrons and Vindicators of them , only to usurp power over them ; let then no Passion betray You to any study of Revenge upon those whose own Sin and Folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . But as soon as the forked arrow of factious Emulations is drawn out , use all Princely arts and Clemency to heal the Wounds ; that the smart of the Cure may not equal the anguish of the Hurt . I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion to so great a latitude , as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws ; and which might serve to exclude all future Jealousies and Insecurities . I would have You always propense to the same way ; whenever it shall be desired and accepted , let it be granted not only as an Act of State-policy and Necessity , but of Christian Charity and Choice . It is all I have now left Me , a power to forgive those that have deprived Me of all ; and I thank God I have a heart to do it , and joy as much in this Grace which God hath given Me , as in all my former enjoyments ; for this is a greater argument of God's love to Me , than any Prosperity can be . Be confident ( as I am ) that the most of all sides who have done amiss , have done so not out of Malice , but Mis-information , or Mis-apprehension of things . None will be more loyal and faithful to Me and You than those Subjects , who sensible of their Errors and our Injuries , will feel in their own Souls most vehement motives to Repentance , and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . As Your quality sets you beyond any Duel with any Subject ; so the Nobleness of Your Mind must raise You above the meditating any Revenge , or executing Your Anger upon the many . The more conscious You shall be to Your own Merits upon Your People , the more prone You will be to expect all Love and Loyalty from them , and to inflict no Punishment upon them for former Miscarriages : You will have more inward complacency in Pardoning one , than in Punishing a thousand . This I write to You , not despairing of God's Mercy and My Subjects affections towards You ; both which I hope You will study to deserve , yet we cannot merit of God but by his own Mercy . If God shall see fit to restore Me , and You after Me , to those enjoyments which the Laws have assigned to Us , and no Subjects without an high degree of Guilt and Sin , can divest Us of ; then may I have better opportunity , when I shall be so happy to see You in Peace , to let You more fully understand the things that belong to God's Glory , Your own Honour , and the Kingdoms Peace . But if You never see My face again , and God will have Me buried in such a barbarous Imprisonment and Obscurity , ( which the perfecting some mens Designs requires ) wherein few hearts that love Me are permitted to exchange a word or a look with Me ; I do require and entreat You as Your Father and Your KING , that You never suffer Your Heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England . I tell You , I have tried it , and after much search and many Disputes , have concluded it to be the best in the world : not only in the Community , as Christian , but also in the special notion as Reformed ; keeping the middle way , between the pomp of Superstitious Tyranny , and the meanness of Fantastick Anarchy . Not but that ( the draught being excellent as to the main , both for Doctrine and Government , in the Church of England ) some lines , as in very good Figures may haply need some sweetning or polishing , which might here have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand , if some mens Precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude Alterations as would have quite destroyed all the Beauty and Proportions of the whole . The scandal of the late Troubles , which some may object and urge to You against the Protestant Religion established in England , is easily answered to them or Your own thoughts in this , That scarce any one who hath been a Beginner , or an active Prosecutor of this late War against the Church , the Laws and Me , either was or is a true Lover , Embracer , or Practiser of the Protestant Religion established in England : which neither gives such Rules , nor ever before set such Examples . 'T is true , some heretofore had the boldness to present threatning Petitions to their Princes and Parliaments , which others of the same Faction ( but of worse Spirits ) have now put in execution . But let not counterfeit and disorderly Zeal abate your value and esteem of true Piety : both of them are to be known by their fruits . The sweetness of the Vine and Fig-tree is not to be despised , tho the Brambles and Thorns should pretend to bear Figs and Grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . Nor would I have you to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments ; which in their right constitution , with Freedom and Honour , will never injure or diminish your Greatness ; but will rather be as interchangings of Love , Loyalty and Confidence between a Prince and his People . Nor would the events of this Black Parliament have been other than such ( however much biassed by Factions in the Elections ) if it had been preserved from the Insolencies of Popular dictates and Tumultuary impressions : The sad effects of which will , no doubt , make all Parliaments after this more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour which belongs to such Assemblies ( when once they have fully shaken off this yoke of Vulgar encroachment ) since the Publick Interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and People . Nothing can be more happy for all , than in fair , grave and honourable ways to contribute their Counsels in common , enacting all things by publick consent , without Tyranny or Tumults . We must not starve our selves , because some men have surfeited of wholsom food . And if neither I nor You be ever restored to Our Rights , but God in his severest Justice will punish My Subjects with continuance in their Sin , and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their Wickedness : I hope God will give Me and You that Grace , which will teach and enable Us to want as well as to wear a Crown , which is not worth taking up or enjoying upon sordid , dishonourable and irreligious terms . Keep You to true Principles of Piety , Virtue and Honour , You shall never want a Kingdom . A Principal point of Your Honour will consist in Your conferring all Respect , Love and Protection on Your Mother , My Wife ; who hath many ways deserved well of Me , and chiefly in this , ( that having been a means to bless Me with so many hopeful Children , all which , with their Mother , I recommend to your Love and Care ) She hath been content , with incomparable Magnanimity and Patience , to suffer both for and with Me and You. My Prayer to God Almighty is , ( whatever becomes of Me , who am , I thank God , wrapt up and fortified in My own Innocency and his Grace ) that he would be pleased to make You an Anchor , or Harbour rather , to these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms ; a Repairer , by Your Wisdom , Justice , Piety and Valour , of what the Folly and Wickedness of some men have so far ruined , as to leave nothing intire in Church or State , to the Crown , the Nobility , the Clergy or the Commons , either as to Laws , Liberties , Estates , Order , Honour , Conscience , or Lives . When they have destroyed Me ( for I know not how far God may permit the Malice and Cruelty of My Enemies to proceed , and such apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given Me ) as I doubt not but My Blood will cry aloud for Vengeance to Heaven ; so I beseech God not to pour out his Wrath upon the generality of the People , who have either deserted Me , or engaged against Me , through the Artifice and hypocrifie of their Leaders , whose inward Horror will be their first Tormentor , nor will they escape exemplary Judgments . For those that loved Me , I pray God they may have no miss of Me when I am gone : so much I wish and hope that all good Subjects may be satisfied with the Blessings of Your Presence and Virtues . For those that repent of any defects in their Duty toward Me , as I freely forgive them in the word of a Christian King ; so I believe You will find them truly zealous to repay with interest that Loyalty and Love to You which was due to Me. In sum , what Good I intended , do You perform , when God shall give you Power . Much Good I have offered , more I purposed to Church and State , if Times had been capable of it . The deception will soon vanish , and the Vizards will fall off apace : This mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion ( for so it now plainly appears , since My Restraint and cruel Usage , that they fought not for Me , as was pretended ) will not long serve to hide some mens Deformities . Happy times , I hope , attend You , wherein Your Subjects ( by their Miseries ) will have learned , That Religion to their God and Loyalty to their King cannot be parted without both their Sin and their Infelicity . I pray God bless You , and establish Your Kingdoms in Righteousness , Your Soul in true Religion , and Your Honour in the Love of God and Your People . And if God will have Disloyalty perfected by My Destruction , let My Memory ever with My Name live in You , as of Your Father that loves You , and once a KING of Three flourishing Kingdoms ; whom God thought fit to honour not only with the Scepter and Government of them , but also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely Death for them , while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church , the power of the Laws , the Honour of My Crown , the Priviledg of Parliaments , the Liberties of My People , and My own Conscience ; which , I thank God , is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdoms . I know God can , I hope he yet will restore Me to My Rights : I cannot despair either of his Mercy , or of My Peoples Love and Pity . At worst , I trust I shall but go before You to a better Kingdom , which God hath prepared for Me , and Me for it , through My Saviour Jesus Christ , to whose Mercies I commend You and all Mine . Farewell , till We meet , if not on Earth , yet in Heaven . XXVIII . Meditations upon Death , after the Votes of Non-addresses , and His MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle . AS I have leisure enough , so I have cause more than enough to meditate upon , and prepare for my Death ; for I know there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes . It is God's Indulgence which gives Me the space , but Man's Cruelty that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts . For besides the common burthen of Mortality , which lies upon Me as a Man , I now bear the heavy load of other mens Ambitions , Fears , Jealousies , and cruel Passions , whose Envy or Enmity against Me , makes their own lives seem deadly to them , while I enjoy any part of Mine . I thank God , My Prosperity made Me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of Mortality : Those are never unseasonable , since this is always uncertain : Death being an Eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy days . But My now long and sharp Adversity hath so reconciled in Me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men , that , I thank God , the common terrors of it are dispelled , and the special horror of it as to My particular much allayed : for altho My Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of Cruel and Implacable enemies can put upon it ( affairs being drawn to the very dregs of Malice ; ) yet , I bless God , I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous , tho sharp , since My Redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them ; which as to the Immaturity , Unjustice , Shame , Scorn and Cruelty of it , exceeded whatever I can fear . Indeed , I never did find so much the Life of Religion , the Feast of a good Conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious Integrity and Constancy , as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death . I am not so old as to be weary of Life ; nor ( I hope ) so bad as to be either afraid to dye , or ashamed to live : true , I am so afflicted , as might make Me sometime even desire to dye ; if I did not consider , that it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to die daily , in conquering , by a lively Faith and patient Hopes of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us ( as it were ) by piece-meals , and make us overlive our own fates ; while we are deprived of Health , Honour , Liberty , Power , Credit , Safety or Estate , and those other Comforts of dearest relations , which are as the Life of our lives . Tho , as a KING , I think My self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the Love and good will of My People ; for which as I have suffered many deaths , so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead : notwithstanding My Enemies have used all the poison of Falsity and violence of Hostility to destroy , first the Love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects , and then all that content of Life in Me which from these I chiefly enjoyed . Indeed they have left Me but little of Life , and only the husk and shell ( as it were ) which their further Malice and Cruelty can take from Me ; having bereaved Me of all those worldly Comforts for which Life it self seems desirable to men . But , O my Soul , think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives Thee any opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such Christian Patience and Magnanimity in a good Cause , as are the greatest Honour of our lives , and the best improvement of our Deaths . I knows that in point of true Christian Valour it argues Pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life , and a want of that heroick greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian , in the patient and generous sustaining those Afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this Body , and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our Prosperity moves higher or lower ; whose total absence is best recompenced with the dew of Heaven . The assaults of Affliction may be terrible , like Sampsom's Lion , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet converse with God. That I must dye as a man is certain : that I may dye a King by the hands of my own Subjects , a violent , sudden and barbarous death , in the strength of my years , in the midst of my Kingdoms , my Friends and loving Subjects , being helpless Spectators , my Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over me , living , dying , and dead , is so probable in humane reason , that God hath taught Me not to hope otherwise as to mans Cruelty ; however I despair not of God's infinite Mercy . I know my Life is the object of the Devils and Wicked mens Malice ; but yet under God's sole custody and disposal ; whom I do not think to flatter for longer Life , by seeming prepared to die : but I humbly desire to depend upon him , and to submit to his will both in life and death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to Me. I confess it is not easie for Me to contend with those many horrors of Death wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted ; which are equally horrid either in the suddenness of a Barbarous Assassination , or in those greater Formalities whereby my Enemies ( being more solemnly cruel ) will , it may be , seek to add ( as those did who crucified Christ ) the Mockery of Justice to the Cruelty of Malice . That I may be destroyed , as with greater Pomp and artifice , so with less Pity , it will be but a necessary policy , to make my Death appear as an act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Soveraign ; who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without Me , much less against Me ; and who , being sworn and bound by all that is Sacred before God and Man to endeavour my preservation , must pretend Justice to cover their Perjury . It is , indeed , a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be his Accusers , Parties and Judges ; but most desperate , when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign ; wherein those who have had the chiefest hand and are most guilty of contriving the publick Troubles , must by shedding My Blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before God and man , and , I believe , in their own Consciences too ; while they carried on unreasonable demands , first by tumults , after by Armies . Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawful Superiors than this , the Guilt of their unjust Vsurpation ; notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents , applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs , who despaired , indeed , of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard , till the Heir , whose right it is , be cast out and slain . With them my greatest Fault must be , that I would not either destroy My self , with the Church and State , by my word , or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword ; whose covetous Ambition no Concessions of Mine could ever yet either satisfie or abate . Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of Brambles , which some men seek to erect ( at once , weak , sharp , and fruitless either to God or man ) is like to thrive , till watered with the Royal Blood of those whose right the Kingdom is . Well , God's will be done ; I doubt not but my innocency will find him both my Protector and my Advocate , who is my onely Judge , whom I own as King of Kings ; not onely for the eminency of his Power and Majesty above them , but also for that singular Care and Protection which he hath over them ; who knows them to be exposed to as many Dangers ( being the greatest Patrons of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on Earth ) as there be either Men or Devils which love Confusion . Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the Bones , and cement it with the Blood of their KINGS . I am confident they will find Avengers of my Death among themselves : the Injuries I have sustained from them , shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me. Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my Blood , shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by Shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after Mine : The sad Confusions following my Destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my Troubles , in which God alone ( who onely could ) hath many ways pleaded my Cause ; not suffering them to go unpunished whose confedaracy in Sin was their only Security ; who have cause to fear that God will both further divide , and by mutual Vengeance afterward destroy them . My greatest conquest of Death is from the Power and Love of Christ , who hath swallow'd up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection , and the glory of his Ascension . My next Comfort is , That he gives Me not only the Honour to imitate his Example in suffering for Righteousness sake , ( though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice ) but also that Charity which is the noblest Revenge upon and Victory over my Destroyers ; by which , I thank God , I can both forgive them , and pray for them , that God would not impute my Blood to them , further than to convince them what need they have of Christs Blood to wash their Souls from the guilt of shedding Mine . At present , the Will of my Enemies seems to be their only rule , their Power the measure , and their Success the exactor of what they please to call Justice ; while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own Safety by My Danger , and the security of their Lives and Designs by My Death : forgetting , that as the greatest temptations to Sin are wrapped up in seeming Prosperities , so the severest Vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to compleat their wicked purposes . I bless God , I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a Violent Death may pass from Me , as that of his Wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting Me are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to my Death are embrued with my Blood. The will of God hath confined and concluded Mine ; I shall have the pleasure of dying , without any pleasure of desired Vengeance . This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies , and a King toward his Subjects . They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content to lose , when God sees fit by their hands to take it from Me ; whose Mercy , I believe , will more than infinitely recompence whatever by mans Injustice he is pleased to deprive me of . The glory attending my Death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in Life . I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world , when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his Graces with Glory , and exchanged the shadows of my Earthly Kingdoms among men , for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with Himself . For the censures of the world , I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my Destroyers will sufficienly confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against Me : I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious Love of the ablest and best of my Subjects , who do not only pity and pray for Me , but would be content even to die with Me or for Me. These know how to excuse my Failings as a man , and yet to retain and pay their Duty to Me as their KING ; there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects , by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes , especially there where more than sufficient Satisfaction hath been made to the publick ; the enjoyment of which private Ambitions have hitherto frustrated . Others , I believe , of softer tempers , and less advantaged by My Ruin , do already feel sharp Convictions , and some remorse in their Consciences ; where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against Me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes , having under pretence of paring others nails been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength . The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his Complices ( at once mutining against both Prince and Priest ) in such a method of Divine Justice as is not ordinary ; the Earth of the lowest and meanest People opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and wors-used Authority , upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their Desings against Me , the Church , and State. My chiefest comfort in Death consists in My Peace , which , I trust , is made with God , before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword between Me and My causless Enemies , where I doubt not but his Righteous Judgment will confute their fallacy , who from worldly Success ( rather like Sophisters than sound Christians ) draw those popular Conclusions for God's Approbation of their actions ; whose wise Providence ( we know ) oft permits many events which his revealed Word , ( the only clear , safe and fixed Rule of good Actions and good Consciences ) in no sort approves . I am confident , the Justice of my Cause and Clearness of my Conscience before God and toward my People will carry Me as much above them in God's decision , as their Successes have lifted them above Me in the Vulgar opinion : who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world , whose rise is from Hell as to the Injuriousness and Oppression of the Design . The prosperous winds which oft fill the sails of Pirats , do not justifie their Piracy and Rapine . I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in my enforced Contestation for and Vindication of the Laws of the Land , the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments , the Rights of my Crown , the just Liberty of my Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government and due Encouragements , than if I had with the greatest advantages of Success over-born them all ; as some men have now evidently done , what-ever Designs they at first pretended . The Prayers and Patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup , which I doubt not but I shall more cheerfully take , and drink as from God's hand , ( if it must be so ) than they can give it to Me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against Me. And as to the last event I may seem to owe more to my Enemies than my Friends ; while those will put a period to the Sins and Sorrows attending this miserable Life , wherewith these desire I might still contend . I shall be more than Conqueror through Christ enabling Me , for whom I have hitherto suffered , as he is the Author of Truth , Order and Peace ; for all which I have been forced to contend against Error , Faction and Confusion . If I must suffer a Violent Death , with my Saviour , it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom : where the debt of Death which I owe for Sin to Nature , shall be raised as a gift of Faith and Patience offered to God. Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept : and altho Death be the wages of My own Sin as from God , and the effect of others Sins as men , both against God and Me ; yet as I hope My own Sins are so remitted that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my Death , so I desire God to pardon their Sins who are most guilty of my Destruction . The Trophees of my Charity will be more glorious and durable over them , than their ill-managed Victories over Me. Tho their Sin be prosperous , yet they had need to be penitent , that they may be pardoned . Both which I pray God they may obtain ; that my Temporal Death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by God's just inflicting Eternal Death upon them : for I look upon the Temporal Destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable than the Eternal Damnation of the meanest Subject . Nor do I wish other than the safe bringing of the Ship to shore , when they have cast Me over-board : though it be very strange , that Mariners can find no other means to appease the Storm themselves have raised , but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God , my Enemies Cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation ; whose Malice in this I shall defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body : of whose Salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair , they have only discovered this , that they do not much desire it . Whose uncharitable and cruel Restraints , denying Me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains , hath rather enlarged than any way obstructed my access to the Throne of Heaven . Where Thou dwellest , O King of Kings , who fillest Heaven and Earth , who art the fountain of Eternal Life , in whom is no shadow of Death . Thou , O God , art both the just Inflicter of Death upon us , and the merciful Saviour of us in it and from it . Yea it is better for us to be dead to our selves , and live in Thee , than by living in our selves to be deprived of Thee . O make the many bitter aggravations of my Death , as a Man and a King , the opportunities and advantages of thy special Graces and Comforts in my Soul , as a Christian . If Thou , Lord , wilt be with Me , I shall neither fear nor feel any evil , tho I walk through the valley of the shadow of Death . To contend with Death , is the work of a weak and mortal man ; to overcome it , is the Grace of Thee alone , who art the Almighty and Immortal God. O my Saviour , who knowest what it is to die with Me as a man , make Me to know what it is to pass through Death to Life with Thee my God. Tho I die , yet I know that Thou my Redeemer livest for ever : tho Thou slayest Me , yet Thou hast incouraged Me to trust in Thee for Eternal Life . O withdraw not thy Favour from Me , which is better than Life . O be not far from Me , for I know not how near a violent and cruel Death is to Me. As thy Omniscience , O God , discovers , so thy Omnipotence can defeat the Designs of those who have , or shall conspire my Destruction . O shew Me the goodness of thy Will , through the wickedness of theirs . Thou givest Me leave , as a man , to pray that this Cup may pass from Me ; but Thou hast taught Me , as a Christian , by the example of Christ , to add , Not My will , but thine be done . Yea , Lord , let our wills be one , by wholly resolving Mine into Thine : let not the desire of Life in Me be so great , as that of doing or suffering thy Will in either Life or Death . As I believe Thou hast forgiven all the Errors of my Life , so I hope Thou wilt save Me from the Terrors of my Death . Make Me content to leave the Worlds Nothing , that I may come really to enjoy All in Thee , who hast made Christ unto Me in Life Gain , nnd in Death Advantage . Tho my Destroyers forget their Duty to Thee and Me ; yet do not Thou , O Lord , forget to be merciful to them . For what profit is there in my Blood , or in their gaining my Kingdoms , if they lose their own Souls ? Such as have not only resisted my just Power , but wholly usurped and turned it against My self , tho they may deserve , yet let them not receive to themselves Damnation . Thou madest thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified Him , while at once He suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them . O let the voice of his Blood be heard for my Murtherers , louder than the Cry of Mine against them . Prepare them for thy Mercy by due Convictions of their Sin , and let them not at once deceive and damn their own Souls , by fallacious pretensions of Justice in destroying Me ; while the conscience of their unjust Vsurpation of power against Me chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against Me. O Lord , Thou knowest I have found their Mercies to Me , as very false , so very cruel ; who pretending to preserve Me , have meditated nothing but my Ruine . O deal not with them as blood-thirsty and deceitful men ; but overcome their Cruelty with Thy Compassion and My Charity . And when Thou makest inquisition for my Blood , O sprinkle their polluted , yet penitent , Souls with the Blood of thy Son , that thy destroying Angel may pass over them . Tho they think my Kingdoms on Earth too little to entertain at once both them and Me ; yet let the capacious Kingdom of thy infinite Mercy at last receive both Me and my Enemies . When being reconciled to Thee in the Blood of the same Redeemer , we shall live far above these Ambitious desires , which beget such mortal Enmities . When their hands shall be heaviest and cruellest upon Me , O let Me fall into the arms of thy tender and eternal Mercies . That what is cut off of my Life in this miserable moment , may be repayed in thy ever-blessed Eternity . Lord , let thy Servant depart in Peace , for my eyes have seen thy Salvation . Vota dabunt quae bella negârunt . FINIS . An Historical TABLE of both PARTS . That the Reader may the more easily discern the Order of those Historical Papers which are digested under their several Heads in the First Part , and more readily conjoyn them in their proper Places with the Second ; it is thought fit to represent both together , in this Table , according to their Dates and Dependencies . MDCXXV . HIS Majesties Speech at the Opening of His First Parliament , June 18. 1625. page 159 , 160 His Speech to both Houses at Oxford , Aug. 4. 1625. ibid. MDCXXV . VI. His Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament , 1625 , 6. p. 160 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall , March 29. 1626. p. 161 His Speech to the House of Lords at Westminster , May 11. 1626. ibid. A Declaration concerning His Two First Parliaments , p. 217 MDCXXVII . VIII . His Majesties Speech at the Opening of His Third Parliament , March 17. 1627 , 8. p. 162 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall , April 4. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Speaker and House of Commons , April 14. 1628. p. 163 His Speeches to both Houses in Answer to their Petition , Jun. 2. 7. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Lower House , at the Reading their Remonstrance , June 11. 1628. ibid. His Speech to both Houses at the Prorogation , Jun. 26. 1628. p. 164 MDCXXVIII . IX . His Speech to both Houses , Jan. 24. 31. 1828 , 9. p. 164 , 165 His Speech to the Lower-House concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. 1628 , 9. p. 165 A Declaration concerning His Third Parliament , p. 222 A Proclamation for suppressing false Rumours touching Parliaments , Mar. 27. 1629. p. 230 MDCXXXVI . VII . His Majesties Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money , Feb. 2. 1636 , 7. With their Answer , p. 231 , 232 MDCXL . His Majesty's Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Fourth Parliament , 1640. p. 166 A Declaration concerning His Fourth Parliament , p. 233 His Speech to the Great Council of the Lords at York , Septemb. 24. 1640. p. 167 MDCXL . XLI . Of His Calling His Fifth Parliament , See Icon Basil . I. p. 647 His Speech at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament , Nov. 3. 1640. p. 168 Six Speeches to both Houses , Nov. 5. 1640. Jan. 25. Feb. 3. 10. 15. 1640 , 4. 1. Apr. 28. 1641. p. 168 , & seqq . MDCXLI . His Speech to the Lords concerning the Earl of Strafford , May 1. 1641. p. 172 His Letter to the Lords , May. 11. p. 138 See also Icon Basil . II. V. p. 648 , 654 Two Speeches to both Houses , Jun. 22. Jul. 5. 1641. p. 172 , 173 His Speech to the Scotish Parliament at Edinburgh , Aug. 19. 1641. p. 173 Two Speeches to both Houses after His Return out of Scotland , Dec. 2. 14. 1641. p. 174 A Petition of the Lower House , With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , Dec. 1. 1641. p. 241 , 243 His Majesty's Answer to the Petition , p. 254 His Declaration in Answer to the Remonstrance , p. 255 The Petition and Protestation of the Bishops , Dec. 28. 1641. p. 258 MDCXLI . II. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members , Jan. 3. 1641 , 2. p. 259 His Majesties Speech to the Lower House concerning them , Jan. 4. 1641 , 2. p. 175 His Speech to the Londoners at Guild-Hall , Jan. 5. 1641 , 2. p. 175 See also Icon Bafil . III. IV. VI. VII . p. 650 , 651 , 656 , 658 His Message for Peace from Canterbury Jan. 20. 1641 , 2. p. 97 His Speeches to the Committees of both Houses at Theobalds , Mar. 1. at Newmarket , Mar. 9. 1641 , 2. p. 175 His Message from Huntingdon , Mar. 15. 1641 , 2. p. 97 MDCXLII . Two Speeches to the Gentry of Yorkshire , April 5. May 12. 1642. p. 177 Of His Majesty's Repulse at Hull , See Icon Basil . VIII . p. 659 The Nineteen Propositions , Jun. 2. 1642 p. 260 His Majesty's Answer , p. 262 See also Icon Basil . XI . p. 659 His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York , Jun. 13. 1642. p. 271 With their promise thereupon , p. 272 His Declaration concerning the Scandalous Imputation of His Raising War , Jan. 1642. p. 273 With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords , p. 276 Of the many Jealousies and Scandals cast upon His Majesty , See Icon Basil . XV. p. 680 A Proclamation forbidding Levies of Forces , Jun. 18. 1642. p. 277 See also Icon Basil . IX . X. p. 661 , 665 His Majesty's Speeches to the Inhabitants of Nottinghamshire , Jul. 4. of Lincolnshire , Jul. 15. of Leicester , Jul. 20. and the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. 1642. p. 178 , 179 , 180 Votes for Raising an Army against the King , Jul. 12. 1642. p. 279 A Declaration of both Houses for Raising Forces , Aug. 8. 1642. p. 280 His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , p. 281 A Proclamation against the Earl of Essex , Aug. 9. 1642. p. 283 His Majesty's Proclamation for the setting up His Standard , Aug. 12. 1642. p. 285 His large Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. p. 286. His Declaration concerning His Messages for Peace , p. 315 His Speeches to His Army , Sept. 19. to the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flint , Sept. 27. of Shropshire , Sept. 28. 1642. p. 181 , 183 His Declaration after the Battle at Edge-Hill , p. 323 His Speech to the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , Nov. 2. 1642. p. 183 His Declaration concerning His Advance to Brentford , p. 325 The Answer of both Houses to His Message from thence , With His Reply p. 327 , 328 The Petition of both Houses , Nov. 24. 1642. With His Answer , p. 329 MDCXLII . III. The Proceedings in the Treaty at Oxford , p. 330. His Majesty's Messages Apr. 12. 1643. p. 353. and May 19. 1643. p. 101 A Declaration of both Houses upon the Treaty , p. 372. With His Majesties Declaration in Answer , Jun. 3. 1643. p. 380 His Proclamation against the pretended Orders of the Two Houses , Jun. 20. 1643. p. 397 Concerning the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland , See Icon Basil . XII . p. 671 Articles between the two Houses and the Scots concerning Ireland , Aug. 6. 1642. p. 524 Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , Apr. 4. May 11. 1643. p. 527 , 528 , 529 The Grounds and Motives of the Cessation in Ireland , Oct. 19. 1643. p. 401 Of the Coming in of the Scots , and their Covenant , See Icon Basil . XIII . XIV . p. 674 , 677 Articles between the two Houses and the Scots , Nov. 29. 1643. p. 519 A Proclamation for Assembling the Members of Parliament at Oxford , Dec. 22. 1643. p. 409 MDCXLIII . IV. A Letter of the Lords at Oxford to the Scots , Jan. 1643 , 4. p. 410 His Majesty's Speeches to the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Jan 22. Feb. 7. 1643 , 4. p. 184 , 185. Votes of the Commons at Oxford , Jan. 26. Mar. 12. 1643 , 4. p. 411 A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , of their Proceedings for a Treaty , Mar. 19. 1643 , 4. p. 412 Another Declaration concerning their Endeavours for Peace , March 19. 1643 , 4. p. 422 MDCXLIV . Their Petition to His Majesty , Apr. 25. 1644. With His Answer , p. 433 His Speech at their Recess , Apr. 26. 1644. p. 185 A Declaration to Foreign Churches , May 13. 1644. p. 436 His Majesty's Message from Evesholme , Jul. 4. 1644. after the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy , p. 102 His Speech to the Inhabitants of Somerset at Kingsmore , Jul. 23. 1644. p. 186 His Letter to the Earl of Essex , Aug. 6. 1644. p. 141 His Message from Tavestock , Sept. 8. after the Defeat of Essex in Cornwal , 1644. p. 103 A Proclamation , Declaring His Resolution for Peace , Sept. 30. 1644. p. 437 His Majesties Message from Oxford , Dec. 13. 1644. p. 103 MDCXLIV . V. A Proclamation for a Fast upon occasion of the Treaty , Jan. 27. 1644 , 5. p. 439 His Majesty's Letters to the Queen , With His Instructions to His Commissioners at Vxbridge , and Secretary Nicholas , p. 143 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 A Full Relation of the Treaty at Vxbridge , p. 437. With the Appendix , p. 515. And His Majesty's Answer to their three last Papers , p. 531 Of Vxbridge Treaty , See also Icon Basil . XVIII . p. 692 His Majesty's Letters to the Queen , Mar. 13. 1644 , 5. Mar. 30. 1645. p. 150 , 152 MDCXLV . His Majesty's Letter to Prince Rupert , Aug. 3. 1645. p. 155 His Letter to Secretary Nicholas concerning the publishing His Letters , Aug. 4. 1645. ibid. Of which , See also Icon Basil . XXI . p. 699 MDCXLV . VI. Ten Messages of His Majesty to both Houses , Dec. 5 , 15 , 26 , 29 , 1645. Jan. 15 , 17 , 24 , 29. Feb. 26. Mar. 23. 1645 , 6. With two or three Answers of theirs , p. 547 , & seqq . MDCXLVI . His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , Apr. 13. 1646. p. 557 Of His going to the Scots , See Icon Basil . XXII . p. 701 His Messages to both Houses , From Southwell , May 18. From New-Castle , Jun. 10. With His Letter to the Governours of His Garrisons , Jun. 10. 1646. p. 558 , 560 , 561 His Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , Jun. 11. 1646. p. 561 The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at New-Castle , Jul. 24. With His Answer , Aug. 1. 1646. p. 562 , 570 His Message from New-Castle , Dec. 20. 1646. p. 571 MDCXLVI . VII . His Queries to the Scots , Jan. 14. 1646 , 7. With their Answer , and His Reply , p. 572 , 573 Of their delivering Him to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby , See Icon Basil . XXIII . p. 702 His Messages for His Chaplains , Feb. 17. Mar. 6. 1646 , 7. p. 115 , 116 Of which , See also Icon Basil . XXIV . XXV . p. 703 , 707 MDCXLVII . His Majesties Message from Holdenby , May 12. 1647. p. 573 Of the Armies Surprisal of him at Holdenby , and the insuing Distractions , See Icon Basil . XXVI . p. 708 The Petition and Engagement of the Londoners , With the Declaration of both Houses thereupon , Jul. 24. And an Ordinance and Votes , Jul. 26. 31. 1647. p. 576 , 577 The Proposals of the Army , Aug. 1. 1647 p. 578. The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Hampton-Court , Sept. 7. With His Answer , Sept. 9. 1647. p. 584 , 585 His Message left at Hampton Court , Nov. 11. 1647. p. 586 His Letter to Colonel Whaley , p. 156 To the Lord Montague , ibid. His Message from the Isle of Wight , Nov. 17. 1647. p. 586 His Letters to Sir Thomas Fairfax , p. 157 His Message for an Answer to the Former , Dec. 6. 1647. p. 590 The Four Bills and Propositions to His Majesty , with the Scots Papers , Dec. 24. And His Answer , Dec. 28. 1647. p. 590. 594 MDCXLVII . VIII . A Declaration and Votes for no further Address to His Majesty , p. 595 His Majesty's Declaration thereupon , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. p. 596 His Answer to the Reasons for their Votes for No Address . p. 132 See also Icon Basil . XXVIII . p. 716 MDCXLVIII . His Majesty's Letter to the Scots , Jul. 31. 1648. p. 157 Votes for a Treaty , p. 598 His Majesty's Speech to the Committee , Aug. 7. 1648. p. 187 His Message in Answer to the Votes , Aug. 10. 1648. p. 598 Votes in Order to the Treaty , With His Majesty's Answer , Aug. 28. 1648. p. 600 , 601 A Letter of both Speakers , Sept. 2. With His Majesty's Answer , Sept. 7. 1648. p. 601 , 602 His Majesty's Message with Propositions , Sept. 29. 1648. p. 602 A Vote concerning them , Oct. 2. 1648. p. 606 His Majesty's Speech to the Commissioners of both Houses , Nov. 4. 1648. p. 188 The Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army , Nov. 20. 1648. p. 607 His Majesty's Queries concerning it , p. 608 His Speech to the Commissioners at their taking leave , p. 188 His Letter to the Prince , p. 158 His Declaration concerning the Treaty , and the Army , p. 608 MDCXLVIII . IX . His Majesty's Speeches to the Pretended High Court of Justice , With the History of His Trial , Jan. 1648 , 9. p. 189 His Speeches to His Children , Jan. 29. 1648 , 9. p. 205 His Speech upon the Scaffold , With the manner of His Martyrdom , Jan. 30. 1648 , 9. p. 206 APPENDIX . Concerning Church-Government . Of the Differences between His Majesty , and the two Houses in point of Church-Government , See Icon Basil . XVII . p. 687 The Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and Henderson concerning the Change of Church-Government , 1646. p. 75 The Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and the Divines attending the Commissioners of both Houses at Newport , 1648. Append. p. 612 , & seqq . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31771-e7530 The Duke of Lenox & the Earl of Arran in Scotland . Some Writers ( who since have been convinced of their misinformation ) have named amongst those seven Lords , the Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin ; but his Lordship upon the first notice of this report , did to several Persons of Quality and Honour he conversed with , and since hath affirmed to me , that he was not then present , and that his heart could never consent to the shedding of the blood of that excellent Prelate . * A full Answer . † The Regal Apology . His Majestie 's Religion . His Justice . His Clemency . His Fortitude . His Patience . His Humility . His Choice of Ministers of State. His Affection to His People . His Obliging Converse . His Fidelity . His Chastity . His Temperance . His Frugality . His Intellectual Abilities . His Skill in all Arts. His Eloquence . His Political Prudence . The Censure of His Fortune . A Presage of His Fall , and the future State of the Royal Family . His Recreations . The Features of His Body . His Children . Notes for div A31771-e32290 Acts 14. 23. Acts 6. 6. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor. 5. 5. 3 Joh. 9 , 10. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. 5. Revel . 2. 3. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Tit. 3. 10. Notes for div A31771-e49520 * 5 , 15 , 26 , 29. of Decemb. 84 15. of Jan. 1645. Notes for div A31771-e50990 * Jan. 23. 2 Feb. Notes for div A31771-e60920 [ Passed by the Fag-end of the House of Commons ; Jan. 4. having been cast out by the Lords , Jan. 2. ] Hereabout I was stopt , and not suffered to speak any more concerning Reasons . * defiance . * Answer . * four ( for it seems some came in after ) Here a Lady interposed , saying ▪ Not half the People ; but was silenced with threats . Upon the Earl of Strafford . Pointing to the Bishop . Turning to some Gentlemen that wrote . Pointing to the Bishop . These words were spoken upon occasion of private Discourse between His Majesty and the Bishop concerning the several Stages of man's life , and his course through them , in allusion to Posts and Stages in a Race . Notes for div A31771-e85430 * Cook 7. Report . Calvin's Case . Mr. Stroud . Mr. Pym. Sir John Biron . Lord Say. His Majesty's gracious Message to both Houses of Parliament , sent from Nottingham Aug. 25. 1642. by the Earls of Southampton and Dorset , Sr. John Culpeper Chancellor of the Exchequer , and Sr. William Vdal . The Answer of the Lords and Commons to His Majesty's Message the 25. of Aug. 1642. His Majesty's Reply to an Answer sent by the two Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 25 of August , concerning a Treaty of Accommodation . The humble Answer and Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament unto the Kings last Message . The humble Answer of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament unto His Majesty's last Message . Notes for div A31771-e99420 Message of Feb. 20. * [ to the Votes of both Houses , and to their desire of a safe Con●uct . ] [ His Majesty's Message of Apr. 12. at the end of the Treaty . ] Inserted before , pag. 353. * were presently . [ His Majesty's Message replying to this Paper is inserted before , p. 250. ] In His Message of April 12. pag. 353. Pag. 353. April 5. * The fourth of Edward the Third , Artic. 1. against Roger Mortimer . The King had put to him four Bishops , four Earls , and four Barons ; without whose consent , or of four of them , no great business was to be transacted . Rot. Parliam . 13 E. 3. N. 15 , 16. The whole Navy disposed of by Parliament . N. 13 , 14. Admirals appointed , and Instructions given to them . N. 32. Instructions for the defence of Jersey , and a Deputy-Governour appointed in Parliament N. 35. Souldiers of York , Nottingham , &c. to go at the cost of the Countrey ; and what they are to do . N. 36. A Clark appointed for payment of their wages by the oversight of the Lord Percy and Nevil . N. 38. Sir Walter Creak appointed Keeper of Berwick . N. 39. Sir Tho. de Wake appointed to set forth the Array of Soldiers for the County of York , and N. 40 , 41 , 42 , 43. others for other Counties . 14 E. 3. N. 36. The Parliament agreeth that in the Kings absence the Duke of Cornwal shall be Keeper of England . N. 35. They appoint the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Earls of Lancaster , Warren and Huntington , Councellors to the Duke , with power to call such others as they shall think fit . N. 19. Certain appointed to keep the Islands and Sea-coasts . N. 42. The Lord of Mowbray appointed Keeper of Berwick . N. 48. Commission to the Lord Mowbray of the Justices of Lentham . N. 53 , 54 , &c. Commissions of Array to the Earl of Angois , and others . 15 E. 3. N. 15. That the Chancellors , chief Justices , Treasurers , Chancellors and Barons of the Exchequer , &c. may be chosen in open Parliament , and there openly sworn to observe the Laws . Answer thus , That as they sall by death or otherwise , it shall be so done in the choice of a new , with your assents , &c. 50 E. 3. N. 10 , 11. Ordered in Parliament , That the King should have at the least ten or twelve Counsellors , without whom no weighty matters should pass , &c. N. 15. A Commission to the L. Percy and others , to appoint able persons for the defence of the Marches of the East-Riding . 1. R. 2. N. 18 , 19. The Parliament wholly disposeth of the Education of the King , and of the Officers , &c. N. 51. Officers for Gascoign , Ireland , and Artois , Keepers of the Ports , Castles , &c. 2. R. 2. Rot. Parl. par . 2. artic . 39. The Admiralty . N. 37. In a Schedule is contained the order of the E. of Northumb. and others for the defence of the North Sea-coasts , and confirmed in Parliament . 6 R. 2. N. 11. The Proffer of the Bishop of Norwich to keep the Sca-coasts , and accepted in Parliament 8 R. 2. 11 , 16. The names of the chief Officers of the Kingdom to be known to the Parliament , and not to be removed without just cause . 11 R. 2. N. 23. No persons to be about the King , or intermeddle with the Affairs of the Realm , other than such as be appointed by Parliament . 15 R. 2. N. 15. The Commons name the person to treat of a Peace with the Kings enemies . Rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. N. 106. That the King will appoint able Captains in England and Wales . Stat. 4. H. 4. cap. 31 , 32 , 33. printed , The Welch-men shall bear Office. 5 H. 4. N. 16. The King , at the request of the Commons , removed his Confessor and three other Men from about him . N. 37. At the request of the Commons , nameth divers Privy-Councellors . 7 , and 8 H. 4 26. Power given to the Merchants to name two persons to be Admirals . 7 , and 8 H. 4. N. 31. Councellors appointed by Authority of Parliament . N. 26. Commissions granted in Parliament to keep the Sea. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 6. N. 61. Chancellor , Treasurer , and Privy Seal appointed by Parliament . N. 24. Protector , and Defensor Regni , appointed by Parliament . N. 26. Privy Councellors . 2 H. 6. N. 15. Counsels named by Parliament . 4 H. 6. N. 19. The Duke , by common consent in Parliament , appoints a Deputy to keep Berwick Castle . 14 H. 6. N. 10. The keeping of the Town of Calice is committed to the Duke of Gloucester , by Indenture between him and the King , and confirmed in Parliament . 31 H. 6. N. 41. Rich. Earl of Salisbury and others are appointed by Parliament to keep the Seas , Tunnage and Poundage appointed to them for three years . 33 H. 6. N. 27. Discharged . 39 H. 6. N. 32. The Duke of York made by Parliament , General . Stat. 21 Jac. cap. 34. Treasurers and a Council of War appointed by Parliament , and an Oath directed to be by them taken . The Earl of Essex made Lord Lieutenant of the County of York , and Sir Jo. Conyers Lieut. of the Tower , upon the desire of the Lords and Commons this Parliament . With very many more Precedents , which , to avoid prolixity , are purposely omitted . In His Message of April 12. His Message of May 5. Message of May 19. Notes for div A31771-e117350 Mr. Alexander Hampden . Dan. Kniveton . * He. As in the case of the late Earl of Manchester , Lord Privy-Seal . Mr. Gamul . * Bound . Mr. Pym. M. Yeomans & M. Bourchier of Bristol . M. Tompkins , M. Chaloner , at London , and divers others . [ Published in Latine , English , & French. ] Notes for div A31771-e134010 See these Messages in the Appendix , n. 1. and 2. [ In the Appendix ] [ In the Appendix . ] Together with this inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , His Majesty sent a safe Conduct for their Commissioners and their Retinue . Prince Rupert's Letter . His Majesty's Propositions . All their Commissioners were not then come to Vxbridge . * The Papers intended are the Propositions concerning Religion , which were not then delivered . It was on Thursday being Market-day , and the first day of the Meeting . * The Paper intended , is that before of 30. Jan. num . 13. The Propositions here intended are those before mentioned on their part , sent by the Earl of Denbigh and others to Oxford . And the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy is in the Appendix , n. 3. * Meaning the next present Paper . * This joynt Declaration is already printed . But the Articles being not Printed are in the Appendix , n. 4. * See before num . 31. * The Directory which was delivered in is of great length , and the Covenant delivered with it , both now Printed and obvious , are therefore forborn to be inserted here or in the Appendix . * See them in the Appendix n. 5. and 6. * The Alterations intended here and in the third Proposition , are according to the Articles of the Treaty at Edenburgh , ( which see in the Appendix , n. 4. ) and the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , which are ; That whereas by the Bill the Bishops Lands are mentioned to be given to the King , and other Church-Lands for other uses , by those Articles and Declarations they may be taken away , and imployed to payment and recompence of the Scots , and for paying the publick Debts , and repairing of particular Losses . * That was by Conference . See num . 59. * These words are in the preamble of the Bill presented by them for abolishing Episcopacy . See before in the margin to the Paper , num . 44. * See that Clause in the Bill in the Appendix , n 3. at this mark † * Num. 52. * None were made * None at all were delivered in . * See these Papers after , n 170. 192 , and 193. * The Paper intended , is the King's Commissioners Reply to their first Answer , 13. Feb. n. 61. * See the Paper , 20. Feb. after n. 196 being delivered upon another occasion . * See before , num . 56. * See num . 84. * See num . 86. & 88. * See the Paper intended , n. 91. * The precedent Paper . * The next precedent Paper . * The Paper after n. 128 was delivered with this . * See before n. 16. * See the printed Act. * See n. 107. and 109. and n. 105. * See the Papers intended , n. 92. & 106 ▪ * Nu. 111. * See before , n. 111 The Admiralty is an office of Inheritance in Scotland , and setled by Act of Parliament . * Num. 84. * n. 361. * Copies of the Letters and Advices were accordingly delivered . [ In the Appendix . ] See the late Statute concerning the Adventures for Irish Lands . * See the Letters and Advices in the Appendix . num . 9. See all these in the Appendix . * Demand . * Which were the the two next precedent Papers . * The two Papers following , n. 171 , & 172. were delivered in before this Paper , and the reference is to them & others formerly delivered on that Subject . * See the Paper , 20. Feb. n. 192. touching His Majesties return to Westminster . * of * given . * It is the sixth of His Majesties Propositions . See His Majesties Propositions , n. 8. and the Letter from the Earl of Essex , n. 9. that their Commissioners should have Instructions to Treat upon them . * See their Paper before , 11. Feb. num . 184. * See their Paper , num . 63. referring to this . * See their last Paper . * Manner . * protest . See them in the Narrative , num . 136 , 177 & 178. * See it in the Narrative , num . 136. See the Narrative , n. 77. num . 78. num . 80. num . 81. num . 105. & 107. num . 106 , 107 , 112. num . 109. num . 110. num . 111. num . 113. 115. num . 116. num . 117. num . 118. num . 119. * These are their words , but seem to be mistaken , for Our Commissioners always insisted , We should name some of them . See Our Commissioners Paper , touching Our Return to the two Houses , after Disbanding of Armies , num . 191. num . 130. Num. 131. See num . 132. Num. 130. Num. 136. See these in the Narrative , nnm . 177 , & 178. Notes for div A31771-e172700 [ Presented Jul. . 24. ] [ These Propositions are for the most part the same with those at Vxbridge . ] [ Representation of the Army , Jun. 14. 1647. ] [ The Propositions being the same with those at Newcastle , we have only repeated the heads , as we found them . ] [ This is part of the third , in the Propositions . ] [ 14. To null all Honours conferred since 1642. by the old Seal . ] [ These Propositions being generally the same with those at Vxbridge , Newcastle , and Hampton-Court , it was thought fit to represent only the Heads . ] Notes for div A31771-e192260 Acts xiv . 23. Acts vi . 6. 1 Cor. xvi . 1. 1 Cor. xiv . 1 Cor. v. 3. iii Joh. 9 , 10. 1 Tim. v. 22. Tit. i. 5. Rev. ii . iii. 1 Tim. v. 19. Tit. iii. 10. Tit. i. 5 , 7. Acts xx . 17 , 18. 1 Pet. v. 1 , 2. * by . * Exercit. 8. in Ignat. c. 3. a Act. xvii . 14. b 15. c i Thes . iii. 1 , 2. d Act. xviii . 5. e Act. xix . 22. f Act. xx . 4. g ver . 5 , 6. h ver . 17. h i Tim. i. 3. i Heb. xiii . 23. * Phil. i. 1. Philem. ver . 1. Col. i. 1. Heb. xiii . 23. ii Tim. iv . 6 , 10. 11 , 12 , 16. k Gal. i. 2. l Tit. iii. 12. m ii Cor. ii . 12. n ii Cor. v. 6. o ii Cor. viii 6. p ii Tim. iv . 10. 1. Reply , Sect. 1 , 2 , 2. Reply , Sect. 3. 4 , 5. 3. Reply , Sect. 6. 4. Reply , Sect. 7. 5. Reply , Sect. 8. 6. Reply , Sect. 9. 7. Reply , Sect. 10. — 15. 8. Reply , 16. 9. Reply , 17 , 18. 10. Reply , 19 , 28. 11. Reply , 23 , — 27. 12. Reply , 19 , &c.