Considerations touching the late treaty for a peace held at Uxbridge with some reflections upon the principall occasions and causes of the frustration thereof : extracted out of the late printed full relation of the passages concerning it. Dugdale, William, Sir, 1605-1686. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A34353 of text R200044 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C5920). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 95 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A34353 Wing C5920 ESTC R200044 08488401 ocm 08488401 41398 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34353) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41398) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1253:6) Considerations touching the late treaty for a peace held at Uxbridge with some reflections upon the principall occasions and causes of the frustration thereof : extracted out of the late printed full relation of the passages concerning it. Dugdale, William, Sir, 1605-1686. 36 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Oxford : 1645. Attributed to William Dugdale--National union catalog pre-1956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A34353 R200044 (Wing C5920). civilwar no Considerations touching the late treaty for a peace held at Vxbridge. With some reflections upon the principall occasions and causes of the [no entry] 1645 16585 19 15 0 0 0 0 21 C The rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-09 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CONSIDERATIONS Touching the Late TREATY FOR A PEACE held at VXBRIDGE . With some Reflections upon the Principall Occasions and Causes of the FRVSTRATION THEREOF . Extracted out of the late Printed full Relation of the Passages concerning it . PRINTED AT OXFORD , BY Leonard Lichfield Printer to the Vniversity . 1645. CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE FRVSTRATION Of the Late TREATY . CONON describing the practises and plots used by Gelon , how to make himselfe sole Tyrant over Sicily , sets this downe for a ruled observation upon his Case ; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that , as there is a kind of Pleasure , in the practice and exercise of any Power which is given ; so , that pleasure , is improoved to a kind of Lust or Venery , no way so much , as , when that Power is exercised and administred , either against the Fortune , or against the Person , of that man , which gives it : The beames of Soveraignety , by like , being as the beames of the Sunne , not so hot , in direct and strait lines , as in reflections . And therefore , as Pliny speakes of Callimachus ( an excellent Painter , but one that was so curious , that the grace of his work was much abated by the diligence ; for , he could never tell , when he had done well ) that , he was maximus sus calumniator , his own worst detractor : So does Aristides observe of an excellent Prince , administring that Empire with Remissenesse and Favour , which is best sway'd by Iustice , and by Power ; that he is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , his own greatest Rebel ; For , letting down the string of Monarchy never so little , and sinking his own naturall Right and Interest in all High Actions , to an inferior communication , and adoption of other Councells , It often hapneth to him , as it does , to many other kind Masters in the World , That , whatsoever he shall , heretofore , have granted , shall be no longer thought on , as a piece of Grace and Mercy ; but , whatsoever He shall , henceforth , deny , shall be now lookt on , as an Act of great Injustice and Tyranny . The sadde testimony , which the Miseries of our present Warre afford unto this Truth , will save the labour of examining other witnesses ; and the sadder testimony , which the Mistakes of our late pretended Peace , afford , will save the examination of them . Never did condescention , ( I had almost said , submission ) in any Prince , meet with so much scorne and contempt , from any People ; whil'st all His former Acts of Grace and Favour , that should have Instructed their obedience , doe but Arme their Pride : By receiving , they only learne to Aske ; and , having gotten a Power into their hands , they are now so farre enamoured of Majesty , that , if they cannot get her Scepter , ( as they hope , they shall ) They are resolv'd , not to let goe her Sword ; not unlike , to some young passionate lovers of Beauty , who , when they cannot obtaine the Eldest daughter to Wife , whom they most desire , will match her Sister . They think it not enough to cousen us of our Monies ; now , they cousen us of our very Sences ; and whilest they call upon the World , to behold and see a Treaty , They cheat them , with a very Trick . They have dealt with this whole Kingdom , now , as they dealt with the Lord Mack-Quire , not long since ; They have , in a manner , executed a Common-wealth , these three or foure years , by Rapines , by Rebellions , and by all the sad appertenances of Warre ; and now , They cut it downe , as it were in a pretended Treaty , for a well setled Peace ; but , to what end ? not , as purposing or intending any such blessing , as Peace , unto the Kingdom , that should animate it , as it were , with a new life , and make it happy ; but , only , to recover a little , so much of her exanimated Spirits , as shall make her sensible , and more apprehensive of fresh and new Miseries . For , that in the late Treaty , they never did intend a Peace , I think , will be easily made appeare to any common judgement and understanding , that shall observe and weigh no more , then these foure particulars . First their Indisposition and Aversion from Treating : Secondly , their Impotent and Imperfect Qualification of their Commissioners to Treat : Thirdly , their Insolent Expostulations and Demands in the Treaty : and Lastly , Their Inexorable Obduration and Deafnesse , against all Enlargement , Prorogation , or Reviving of the Treaty . I. Concerning the first of these , their naturall indisposition and aversion from Treating . It is worth observing , That from the 4th of Iuly last , when His Majesty recommended this Treaty first unto them , unto the 23d of November last , when their Propositions were brought downe to Oxford , upon which the Treaty was founded , there passed almost five whole Monthes betweene . A Small Time , for the grave Advices of a Parliament to worke in , in such a poynt full of perplexities , as this , Whether it be better for the Kingdome , to have Peace , or Warre ? If the question had been onely put , whither Presbytery were not better then Episcopacy , whereon dependeth but the Ruine of the Church ? or whether Democracy , were not better then Monarchy , whereon dependeth , but the Ruine of the State ? or lastly , whither the Militia of the Kingdome , were not safer in their hands , then in the Kings ; whereon dependeth , but the Ruine of them both ? For the ventilation and agitation of such easie poynts , as these , a matter of Three Dayes a piece , is time enough ; ( for no more would be allowed us , at Vxbridge ) as if the Church , amongst the other new markes of Primitive Institution , were in this also , to be reckoned the more like ▪ to Christ ; for dying and rising again ; for laying down her old Ceremonious and Carnall Body , and taking up a new , glorious and Spirituall Body , and all in Three Dayes ? But when a poynt of so great concernement , as this , comes in debate , whither it be better to have Peace , or Warre ? A poynt , which , if it miscarry never so little in the stating , may chance endanger That Lords Pension , and this Lords Place ; may chance endanger the Tryall of some of the Members , and the Trade of more ; may chance returne them , to their Originall three-penny Seates , that have sat , all this while in great State , upon the Stage ? It will aske time , to traverse and discusse it ; and foure or five monthes Allowance , is truely , with the shortest . All this while , indeed , had they a very hard game to play . They held the Wolfe by the Eare , as they say ; They durst not hold a Treaty , when the King offered it , for then , They knew they should loose Themselves ; and They durst not let it goe , when it was offered ; for , then they knew they should loose the People . Was it not high time , for to bestirre them now , and like true State-Iugglers , expresse a little skill ? First therefore , to make the People a little sport in the street , the better to perswade them faster in ; They doe give it out , that if the King would acknowledge them His Parliament , and the Great Councell of the Kingdome , then They would Treat ; as if this were a World for men , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to admire Names for Things : as if Theodora in Procopius , having been a common Whore , and now comming to the Court to be Iustinians wife , were ever a whit the honester Woman , for Euphemia's name ; as if they knew not ▪ how to imitate their dear Brethren of Scotland , as Aesops Asse did the Dogge , who , seeing the Dogge leap upon his Master , and his Master stroke him , and call him by his Name , thought that He might doe so too , and be as welcome . When this did not take , as was expected , ( for I dare say , They stood upon this Denomination , They desired the grant of this Liberty , but as Saint Augustine in his youth is reported to have desired the gift of Chastity , which He had rather God would have denied him ) when there was no Remedy , but that Treat they must ; By meere slight of hand , they draw some Propositions , which they will have called , Propositions for a safe and a well grounded Peace , like so many Ribbands out of their mouth , the various Colours whereof doe so please the Peoples Eyes , that they cannot see the Cordes ; Propositions , which the very Anabaptists have already Christned in their Child-hood , and call'd them Propositions of Peace ; which I am confident , They dare not hope to see , at their full yeares of Action and Accomplishment , even by a successefull Warre . And thus , having made the Quarrell become the Decision ; having by cleanly conveyance , jugled the true ground of the Warre on the Kings part , into the Foundation of the Peace on their part : They hope , they have satisfied the World , now , that They are for Peace , but that the King is not ; And they doubt not , I warrant you , to raise good Summes out of the People , for the continuance of Warre , upon the credit of these pretended Intentions , which they had of Peace : as your ordinary Iuglers of Small ▪ Wares use to doe ; who will put a padlock into the poore Country-fellowes mouth , that shall thereby suffer some of his Tricks , and then make him pay his penny , besides , for seeing them . II. In the second place , observe their Impotent and Imperfect . Qualification of their Commissioners to Treat : For first , whereas , the King invested his Commissioners , or any ten of them , with a full and whole Power , not only to Meet and Treat , but also , to Compose and Conclude a Peace , obliging Himselfe under his own Royall Hand to ratifie whatsoever they should doe : The Men of Westminster endow their Commissioners , but with halfe a Power ; A Power to Treat ; but reserve to themselves the better halfe , a power to Conclude ; tying up their Commissioners onely to such Instructions , as , either were already given them , or else , from time to time , should be . Now , let all the World Iudge , whether these men had any Love to Peace , ( nay , whether they , rather , did not Feare it ) who , durst not trust their owne Members , creatures of their owne election and free choyce , with the managery and regulating of it . The Kings Majesty trusted his Commissioners with a power , which , if they had abus'd , they had , indeed , abus'd the King , by giving and betraying up his Rights ; but , They had not abus'd themselves ; nay , they might have done it , no doubt , to their owne great advantage : But , if They had trusted their Commissioners with such a power , those Commissioners could not have abus'd the Parliament , by giving up , and betraying of their Rights , but withall , They must abuse Themselves , and doe it , to their owne speciall disadvantage : And yet , so zealous is the King for Peace , that it might be setled , that , Those men , who might abuse his Power to his prejudice , are trusted ; and so jealous are the Rebels of Peace , least it should be setled , that Those men , who could not abuse the Parliament-power , but to their owne prejudice , are not . Now : what could the World expect , in order to a Peace , from such Eunuch-Commissioners ? from such persons , who were rather Parliament-Conduits , to conveigh such Answers , and the Reflection of such Thoughts , as were hourely put into them ; then , Parliament . Commissioners , to speak upon occasion , and to utter , what They themselves Thought ? What could the World look for , from men , who were not so much , as their Humble Oratours , to use ( if not , any Reason , as being against the usage of Parliament , yet ) a little Rhetorique to colour , and set off the businesse ; but , were onely their dumbo Oracles , which opened not their mouth , or ever spake word , but , as the Devill of Westminster ( who , was brought every day from London to Vxbridge in a Cloak-bagg , as the Holy Ghost , they say , was once brought from Rome to Trent ) did usually possesse them , and inspire them . I believe , they durst confide in their Committee ; but , they durst not confide in their Commissioners . The Grand Committee , they knew , was , as the first-running of this Rebellion ; all the Strength and Spirit of Sedition was in it ; which would keep life in their Designes and Purposes , though at the very last gaspe ; But these Commissioners , are but like the second-tapp , which runnes smaller and smaller ; there might possibly they thought , be some rellish and tincture of Allegiance in some of them ; and therefore , they durst not adventure any rich Commodities , in a bottome , that had , or might have , more pieces , then they could imagine . In the meane time , God help the poore common people of this Land , that have trusted these men with their Fortunes , Freedomes and Lives , in managing of a Warre , for the space of three yeares , and over ; who , now dare not Trust one another , with either , in setling of a Peace , for the space of three whole Dayes together . III. Thirdly , consider their Insolent Expostulations and Demands in the Treaty . Whereas Warre is ever full of Tumors , Risings and Swellings ; all Treaties have in them , still , a kind of lankenesse , leanenesse , or as it were , a falling away of Desires ; ( for , if there be not a mutuall condescension on both Sides ; if one part onely take , and the other onely give : The Common-wealth may have a clove put in her Mouth , but she hath not cur'd her Lunges , and as one disadvantage does beget a Treaty , so another advantage will break it ) And then , to what one abatement , in what one part , of what one Proposition , did their Commissioners ever condescend ? In what one thing , did they goe lesse at Vxbridge , then before they did at Oxford : unlesse perchance you will account it a greater insolence , to defie the King at fifty miles distance from their owne dung-hill , then to doe it at fifteene ? Men , that will pretend to Treat , and yet will proceed in no complying , but all in a commanding and Imperious way , as these men did , can no more properly be said to Treat , then the Slave and his Master in Terence , could be said to Fight ; when the one with beating , and the other with being beat , at last , They were both sore and weary . Induciae sunt Belli Feriae , saith Varro : Truces and Treaties , are Warre 's Holy-dayes : and as Religion useth to have her free practice and exercise in the one , so should Reason in the other ; and for men to urge onely Demands in a Treaty , which lyes open on purpose , for admitting of Debates , is all one , as for a man to think to make a Syllogisme , of nothing but Conclusions , because he would have no Proposition denyed . Besides , if nothing lesse then the granting of all these Demands can obtaine a Peace , ( as it should seeme it cannot ) I would faine know , what these men propose unto themselves if they should obtaine by Warre ? What can They have more to Aske , or the King to Give , unlesse it were his Life ? ( and if any thing secure that , it must be their Scorne , as preferring that of any Constables before it . ) Suppose ( I doubt not , but the King of Kings will ever keep them at the distance of a Supposition , and therefore I suppose ) that all Successe , which ever yet crown'd impious Attempt , should wait on thi● Rebellion , and make them Lucky Villaines : ( for I find , 〈◊〉 even the Rebell Iewes , a Nation condemn'd to Slavery 〈◊〉 the sacking of Hierusalem , were prosperous and for tunate once , for seaven yeares together , in an Insurrection under the Persian , which is more then ever they could boast off , either before or since ) Yet I dare say , that in these Propositions , They have endeavoured to lay some particular Obligations upon the King , in the way to Peace ( as for example , that Imperious Obstruction of the Two Princes Right in their Electorall Dignity , which is the provision of the 22th Proposition ) which They themselves will never be able to make good unto their Malice , if they should succeed and prosper in this unnaturall Warre : And are these fit Ingredients for a Peace ? If they can gaine that , in order to a Peace ( that is , a Curbe and Bridle on the Imperiall Law ) which they cannot loose by Warre , ( because they never had it ) I should commend the playing of their Cardes ; and think they doe just , as some cunning Merchants of their owne Miseries use to doe ; that will ordinarily get more by the Breif , then they could loose , by the Fire . But you will say , They demanded of the King , in order to our Peace , in a manner , but two things ; An abolition of Episcopall Government , for the setling of the Church ; and a disposall of the Militia to Commissioners of their owne Nomination , for the securing of the State . And to say truth , They did not : but then , if you mark it , These two particulars doe stand out , and shew themselves as the most prominent pieces of all their Propositions , as those Two teeth did in the Worme , which C●esias writes of in his Indian Stories : which indeed , were all the teeth that Worme had : and yet with those two Teeth , was that Worme able to pull downe any Camel or Oxe , that happened to come neare him . The bare concession of these , involves a totall Alteration in the Government , both of the Spirituall and Civill State ; and all other things contained in their Propositions , non sunt plura , sed minora , as Quintilian speakes , They are not more parts of Insolence , but lesser pieces . Concerning the abolishing of Episcopacy , there passed Arguments with the Divines : one side pressing for it , and the 〈◊〉 against it . Those Arguments on our part , that concluded against the abolishing thereof , were drawne , as I have learnt , from these three severall Heads : First , from the poynt of Perjury , the King having taken a Solemne Oath to maintaine the Rights & Liberties of Holy Church : Secondly , from the poynt of Sacriledge ; The alienation of Things offer'd unto God , being accompanied still with visible , and more then ordinary Iudgements from God , either upon the Persons or Fortunes , or Families , of those men that are the chiefe Instruments and Actors therein : and Thirdly , from the poynt of Divine Right ; Episcopacy having been accounted and accepted , as an Ordinance and Institution of Christ himselfe , by the most Learned men that have lived in all Ages of the Church . Against those Arguments deduced from the two first heads , there was scarse any thing offered in the shape of a Reply , which indeed was not Ridiculous , even in the Iudgement of their owne Commissioners : for it appear'd , in those Two questions of Sacriledge and Perjury , Their understanding of the State thereof , was like their Conscience of the Sinne , little or just none at all . Indeed little could be said , by greater Clerkes then they : for as the Oratour observes of some Creatures , that are pretty nimble at shifting for themselves , so long as they are in Cranies and in Holes ▪ who notwithstanding are soone overtaken and caught when they are brought out into an open Field , where every man may see them ; So there are some pieces of Truth , which will admit of disquisition , whither they be so , or no , so long , as they doe but peep now and then , out of the Pitt ; which , when they are once laid open to the understanding , will beare no Argument ; because they carry their owne light with them , that does betray them . But as touching the third Head , those Arguments that were instituted in defence of the Divine Right thereof , out of the Scriptures , to those , They made a shift to say something ; and although that something were no more like an Answer , then an Ape is like a Man : yet their owne Commissioners , who saw them beaten from their two other Workes , and yet were resolved never to give up the Fort ; abett those Answers , and seeme to wonder , that we were not satisfied therewith . Alas ! I cannot blame young Gamesters at disputing , if they catch up their last Stake . It was all they had to live on . The two former Heads , that of Sacriledge , and the other of Perjury , they frighted them so , that they durst not look them in the Faces : They were indeed so open , and so demonstrable : But this Third Head of Divine Right ; because they thought it a Head in a Bagge : because They knew it was more Problematicall , and would admit colours on either side : therefore they stick close to that , and thinke they can avoyd all Arguments from Scripture , that may be brought to prove it ; nay , They thinke they can raise as good Arguments out of the Scripture , that shall conclude against it . And truely , I would not have any man thinke it strange , for men of contrary Perswasions to have contrary Conceptions upon some Texts of Scripture , which Scripture they did neither make nor write , and , which Scripture , is brought to prove and evidence a Truth , perchance , which , either it did not intend at all , or but upon occasion , and by the by ; ( as it may well happen in the case of Episcopacy , and in most other poynts of Christian Practice . ) Why should any man , I say , wonder at this , that shall observe the very same Men , according to their different , and divided interests , to have as divided and different understandings , upon some Texts of Law , which Law , notwithstanding , they themselves fram'd and made , and which Law was brought to prove and evidence a Truth , which was one of the very Reasons , why that Law was made : ( as it happened afterwards in the Case of the Kings Power in making a Cessation with Ireland , whither it were limited , or whither it were not limited by the Statute made this Parliament ; and as it will happen in most other poynts of Civill-Right . ) Not that I can think these Arguments brought on either side , to be of equall worth and strength ( for as it appeares by all their Commissioners Answers which I have read , so does it appeare by some of their Commissioners Arguments , which I have heard , that They had no Power to Conclude ) but that I thinke Ignorant Men , in pursuing of any Truth , to be like ignorant Hunters in pursuance of their Game ; who whatsoever they can light on , by the by , lay hold on strait ; and if they come to sell it , will be sure to aske much more then it is worth , or then any other man who knowes what the Thing is will give , Imbecillitate suâ pretium rei metientes , as he saies ; having no better measure of the things worth , then their owne weakenesse ; Or , that I thinke , with Saint Hilary , quot voluntates , tot fides ; there are as many severall Faiths , as there are , Willes ; and , when men of severall engagements , fall into heats and disputes , in poynts , which are not mathematically demonstrable ; their severall affections ordinarily will improve into severall opinions , and they will judge of things , not according to other mens proofes , but their own praepossessions : And therefore , for my part , I have ever thought most of our Divinity Disputation , but a kind of Church-Duell ; which does oftner declare , which is the Stronger side , then , which the Truer ; & so much the more often , by how much , it may fall out easily , that the truth may be on neither . But if men will proceed to Disputes and Arguments , ( which , seldome , or , never , is , to any purpose ; for , either , those persons , at whose request , or for whose satisfaction that Disputation is instituted , are able to judge of the solidity and strength thereof , or they are not : If they are not able to judge of it , they receive no good by it ; and , If they are able to judge , they do not need it ) it is a requisite expedient for hopefull proceedings in that kind , That , men proportion their Proofes according to the nature and condition of those Propositions , which they are to prove : If the matter , be a Matter of Beliefe , the Scripture is the best proofe thereof ; b●cause the Scripture exactly conteynes all matters of Faith ; but if it be , a Matter of Practise , the Scripture is not the best Proofe thereof ; because , as it containes not exactly , all Matters of Forme , so , neither is there any reason , why it should containe them ; it being the principall , if not the sole end of Scripture , to transmit those Lawes of Faith unto the world , by which , it should be governed : and not , to transcribe the Formes , Institutions , and Difference in degrees , of those Officers , who , then did , and ever were , to governe it . Nor does it a whit impeach the Divine right and Institu●ion of Episcopacy in the Church , founded in the first Apostles , if there should chance to be found , no particular Text in Scripture , which , in expresse tearmes , does settle and establish that Foundation : no more , then it does impeach the Right of Monarchy , in a State , founded in the Roman Empire , or , in any other Kingdom of the World , a thousand yeares agoe , because in the Code , or Digest of those Fundamentall Lawes , by which those Kingdoms have been so long govern'd , there is no particular Act or Lawe , made , in direct wordes , which does establish and ordaine , that Imperiall and Monarchicall Forme of Government . And therefore , there is no more reason in the world , when a man sees , or may see , that the whole Church of Christ in all ages , hath ever acknowledged , and observed a difference of Order between a Bishop and a Priest , why , he should inferre , that at first , a Bishop and a Priest were all one , no doubt , because the word Presbyter , in Scripture , is sometime given to both : Then there is , when he reads , or may read , that the Church of the Iewes in all ages , never had but One High-priest ; Why , he should inferre , that at last , there were Two High Priests in that Church , no doubt , because Annas and Caiphas , are both called High Priests together , in Scripture . I speake none of this , as if I thought the Divine Right of Episcopacy could not be prov'd by Scripture ( for I rest most assured , it is as cleerly prov'd from thence as the Observation of the Lords Day : which particular , I rather doe insist upon , because , in these Propositions for a well setled Peace , There is One Act desired to be passed , for the Abolishing of the One , and Another Act desired to be passed , for the Observation of the other ; when all knowing men must confesse , their Interest and Tenure in the Scripture , to be equall , and the same . ) But because I think , that Scripture is not the right Topick , out of which men ought to deduce and draw those proofes ; If it finde but any footing in the Scripture , the Churches universall Practice of such a Proofe , is the best Proof that can be made , of such a Practice ; In regard , that Matters of Faith and Good Life , as they are Essentiall to the Church , so , they are Vnivocall ; and , the Scripture , as it delivers them , once , so it delivers them , ever : but , Matters of Forme , and Government , if they should be confest Essentiall to the Church , in their Institutions ; yet , are they not alwaies Vnivocall , in their operations ; but of necessity must rise and fall , and , either admit of grouth , or seem to doe so , according to the conditions and changes of time , that will suite best unto them . Besides , the condition of the Mysticall Body , the body of the Church , as considered in her Infancy , to my thinking is not much unlike to the condition of the Naturall body , the body of Man , as considered in His ; and the severall operation of orders in the one , is not much unlike to the severall operation of soules in the other ; now we know that the reasonable soule , albeit a soule of another order , then the sensitive ( being derived from a nobler extraction , and origine ) and infused from the beginning into the Body , no lesse then it , yet , it exercises little or no distinct operations in that body from it ; till such time as that body come to yeares of understanding , where Reason may have room and scope to work in , at her pleasure : In like manner that Order of Episcopacy might be planted from the beginning in the Church , and be superinduc't upon this order of Preisthood , as a distinct and nobler Order from it ; and yet , in the nonage of the Church , there may be little or no distinction found in the Scripture , of Administration of those Orders ; which then began most eminently to appear , when that Body of the Church was a little more grown , and come to years , and had Instruments fitted , and Organs well prepared for the execution thereof . Furthermore it would be considered , that there is something almost in every practicall Text of Scripture , like to that which the Painters call the Aire in every Face ; if all the parts of a Face , be taken in their right feature and proportions , and that Aire be not taken ( which Aire is a kind of center , wherein all consents of similitude and likenesse meet ) one man will confidently pronounce the Face is like , and another will as confidently pronounce as he , that it is not ; and both believe themselves to be very right in judgement ; If the sense of the words of any Text be taken and understood , according to the partiall and particular acceptation of those words in other places ; and then the Generall Aire , the Scope and Harmony of the whole Text , with that which went before , and that which followes ; The Relation and Interest which it hath to persons and places , or that cast of the lo●ke , as it were , which it hath upon some Times , Vsages , and Customes ; if all this be not taken , and understood , as well : One man , may deduce one conclusion from that text , and another man , another crosse to that , and both think themselves to have inferred justly . No mervaile then , if these men , should produce some Texts of Scripture , that colour for Presbytery to those mens Apprehensions , that are resolv'd before , to set it up : and no mervaile , if they produce other Texts , that look a squint upon Episcopacy , to those mens understanding , that are resolv'd before , to pull it downe ; For , when the Aire of the Face , is mist , it is no longer , a Picture , but a Phancy ; and , whom , every man is pleas'd to think it like , like to them , it is , and , when the Aire of a T●xt is mist ( as they , generally , either , never goe about to take it , or , ever misse it ) That text , is like the Children of Israells Manna , which will tast , to every man , according to the particular affection and inclination of his own palate ; or , like Pauso's Horse , which was , ever ready made , whither you would have the Head or Heeles stand uppermost , all was one . And , therefore our Commissioners chalkt them out the readiest way , to detect the unlawfulnesse of Episcopall Government , if there were any ; when , They desired to be informed by them , when , and where any Nationall Church since the Apostles time , was ever governed without it . For , if they pretend that Government to be unlawfull , and yet , can shew no other ; it is a shrewd argument , that they doe but pretend it ; For , it can hardly be imagined , that Christ should ordaine but one only lawfull forme of Government in his Church , that was to abide , even unto the end of the World : and , that , that Forme should so soon decay and perish , as that there should not remaine the least foot-step or impression of it in his Church , for the whole space of Fifteen hundred years together . But their Commissioners will not heare of this ; They tell us , that , what our Lords did mention concerning a Nationall Church , is a new Question , which hath not , as yet , been any part of the subject of their Debate . Good Lord I how well acquainted are these men with Congregationall , and Classicall , and Synodicall , and Nationall Assemblies , which are for them : and , what a strange matter they make , of a Nationall Church , because , it is against them ? This is but just , as I have known some beggars , who will make you believe they do not understand scarce a word of good English , because they find , they can get more with Canting . Well : They are willing for all this , to believe Episcopall Government unlawfull : and I make no question ( at least no new Question , for I believe , it is already stated ) but that , They look to be well paid for their opinion . But this I must tell them ; I would not have them found that unlawfulnesse on Scripture ; or I would have them finde it ; For , as concerning all their arguments out of Scripture , which have hitherto been brought against it , I will say no more but this ; That they have concluded no more against Episcopacy , even to those very persons that have such unequall thoughts , and so prejudicate affections to that sacred Order ; Then they may conclude , when they please against the keeping of the Lords Day , against the Baptizing of Infants , against Originall sinne , or in a word , against any one Article , either of Christian Practice or Beliefe , established in the Church ; when the disbeliefe of any one of these Articles is like to prove as advantagious and beneficiall to them , as the disbelieving of this Episcopacy hath done . Concerning the Militia , their demands were Two ; First , They demand the sole Nomination of all the Persons to be entrusted therewith wholly to themselves , not allowing the King , not only the Power of nomination of one man in Twenty , but not so much as the Power of exception against one man in Twenty : Secondly , they demand the Continuance of this Power during pleasure , and without any limitation or restriction of Time . And truely , when I met with this , I began to think , that in short time , the Rebels would invest the King with such a Prerogative , as Agatharcides reports of the Sabaeans , that they allowed their King ▪ So long as he kept close , and within his Court , it was lawfull for him to doe any thing , what he would ; but if once he stirr'd a foot , but out of his Palace , it was then lawfull for them to stone him . His Majesties most Loyall and most Humble Subjects , will be content to spare him a little Honour ; but they will be sure to clip , and pare him to the quick , of all His Power . So that upon the whole matter ; the Case is this . Iohn a Nokes and Iohn a Stiles fell out , and fought ; and having drawne some bloud one from another , at last , they were contented to put up their Swords , and be made Friends ; Provided , that both their Swords might be put into such hands , as might prevent all further quarrelling betweene them . Iohn a Stiles , he proposes that both their Swordes may be put into Two friends hands ; that the ones Friend may keep the one , and the others Friend the other . But Iohn a Nokes , ( though causelessely he drew first on Iohn a Stiles , which meant him no harme yet now ) afraid least Iohn a Stiles should doe him mischiefe , will have both the Swords put into his owne hands , or He will not be Friends . Now certainly , though upon severe examination of this offer'd Composition , there be no reall security , founded upon that motion , even of Iohn a Stiles ( for if the Two Swords should be put into two Friends hands as he desires ; The Danger might be more , because They might fall out also , as the other did before them : But the Security is not , because two Persons are no more secure against two , then one against one ) yet there is more Imaginable security , that is , Men will be more apt to conceive and imagine , that Iohn a Stiles intended and meant honestly , as equally , and as indifferently to provide for both their securities , as possibly upon the suddaine he could , in this His way ; then They can imagine or conceive , that Iohn a Nokes , could intend or meane in that way of His . And yet this is the way the Parliament will take , or none ; Vnlesse they may have the whole Power of the Militia put into the hands of such Persons amongst themselves , whom they shall nominate , They will not heare of Peace . Now if the Nomination of Commissioners for the Militia be deviced , as the fittest Instrument in order to security of Sides , as no doubt it is ; reason will , that , as the Feares are equall and reciprocall on both sides , so should the securities be also ; And then what reason is there in the world , that the King should not as well desire the sole Nomination of all the Commissioners of the Militia , in order to His better Security from Them ; as that They should desire the sole Nomination of those Commissioners , in order to their better security from Him ? Oh! there is great Reason , they will tell us ; and such a Reason that we little thought on ; For This Power of the Commissioners , whom they desire to Nominate , without the King , is not to be exercised by them untill a Peace be concluded upon the Treaty , and then His Majesty will be fully secured by the Lawes of the Kingdome , and by the duties and affections of His People . If I understand ought , the Result of that which is here said , is this : There are two wayes of securing both the King and the Kingdome , when the Peace is once setled , from those mutuall Feares and Iealoufies , which the one hath of the other ; and they are these : First the sole and whole Nomination of such a number of Commissioners , that shall have power over all the Forces of this Kingdome both by Sea and Land : that is one way ; and Secondly , The benefit and use of the Lawes of the Land , together with the Duties and Affections of the People to guard ones Person ; that is another way . Now the justest and most equall way , to divide this double Security between both Parties , against their double Feares , is this : For Them to take the Sole Nomination of all Commissioners that shall have Power over all the Forces of the Kingdome , both by Sea and Land ; and so secure the Kingdome this way : and for Him to betake himselfe to the Lawes of the Land , and the Duties and Affections of His People ; and so secure Himselfe that way . But what if this way be neither just nor equall ? I have a just suspition upon it , which I wish they would remove ; For I demand : This Security , which the Lawes of the Land , and the Duties and Affections of the People can give , either it is greater then that other Security , which consists in the Sole Nomination of Commissioners , or it is lesse , or it is even , and as commensurate in all parts and proportions , as any two things can be . That both these Securities are equall on all parts , I believe , they will not say ; because I know , they never measur'd them ; for albeit , they may reckon and number the strength of their Horses , and their Armes , yet they may not reckon and number the Aff●ctions and Hearts of the People : or if they have numbred them , and find them equall on all partes ; I hope I may say it 〈◊〉 not Incivility , and I know They must 〈◊〉 It is not Injustice , 〈◊〉 two Equall Securities , for the King to Choose , and then the matter is ended . But if they say , it is either greater or lesse , then are the King and the Kingdom , still in the very same Insecurities , Feares , and Iealousies which they were before ; and so these wayes which they have found out for mutuall securities , do not reach their Ends ; and by consequence are not in reason to be insisted on . For if the Laws of the Land , and the Duties and Affections of the People be a lesser security to the King , then the sole nomination of Commissioners is to the Parliament ; then is not He so secure from Feares and Iealousies from Them , as They are from Him ; And if they be a greater security , then are not they so secure from Feares and Iealousies from Him , as He is from Them So that , take these wayes how you please , and they must needs prove either impossible or uselesse ; uselesse , if one of the securities be greater or lesse then the other , for then they doe not equally proportion the Securities unto the Feares : Impossible , if once they goe about to number the Hearts and Affections of the People , and reckon upon them : which commonly the greater sort of People themselves doe not truely know . And as it is against Reason , this Demand of Theirs , so is it against Law ; The Power of Warre and Peace , and the Managery of the Civill Sword , being so rivetted and incorporated into the Crowne , by the Fundamentall Lawes of this Land , that without manifest Alteration in the very Foundation of this Government , it cannot be distinguished and divided from it . When They are told of this , They tell us againe ; that this Demand of Theirs , conteines no such Alteration , as we speake off , but Desires that , which by the Wisedome of the Parliaments of both Kingdomes is judged necessary at this time , for the security of His Majesties Kingdomes , and preservation of the Peace now to be setled . But if these words admit of any , they must admit of one of these foure sences ; and let us see , whither any one of them make a true Answer to that which hath been said . For first , either they must meane , that to have had a Power , and now to have it not , is no Alteration , ( and surely that is false ; for if a ●otion from being such , to a not being such ; be a proper Alte●ation , as the Philosopher telleth us , it is ; Certainly , to have the Sole Power of the Sword in ones handes , is a being such ; and to have no Sword in ones Power , is a not being such ; and so by consequence an Alteration . ) Or Secondly , they must meane , that such an Alteration in the Government of the State , which both the Parliaments of the Kingdome desire , is not to be tearm'd an Alteration ; ( and truely that is true ; so long , as both the Parliaments onely desire it : but when They obtaine that desire , then it is as perfect an Alteration , as if it were made by Force and Violence : as a man does as truely loose his money when he is cheated , as he does when he is rob'd : and then 't is false again . ) Or in the third place , Their meaning must be , that , that Alteration which is for the better , namely , the preserving of the Peace , and securing of the Kingdomes , and is judged necessary to that end , by the wisedome of both the Parliaments , that , is not to be call'd an Alteration ; ( and if the other sense be false , this cannot be true : for it is all one , in respect of the Truth and Nature of an Alteration in the Civill Body , whither it be done in Passion , and for the worse , or in Iudgement , and for the better : as it is all one , in regard of the Truth and Nature of an Alteration in the Naturall Body , when he that was well the last minute , and is ill the next , whither he be made so sick , either by his Surset or his Physicke . ) Or last of all , They must meane , that They doe not know what an Alteration is : ( and that may be True ; but supposing the Wisedome of the Parliament , it were better for their credit to be False : ) And then , take these words of theirs , in any one of these foure sences , which you please , and they signifie just nothing in the way of a true Answer to that objection concerning Alteration , which our Commissioners urg'd them with before ; For the words taken in either of the three first sences , doe indeed containe an Answer , but that Answer is not Truth : and taken in the last sence , They may indeed containe a Truth , but that Truth is no Answer . This Demand notwithstanding so sencelesse and unreasonable in the very substance of the thing , receives a new accession of Insolence , from the circumstance of time : For ( as if their Soveraignty could have no soule , unlesse that soule were Immortall . ) First , they desire this nomination of the Commissioners , without any limitation or restriction of Time ; and Secondly they desire it for seaven yeares at least , and after the expiration of that tearme , to be setled and exercised in such manner , as shall be agreed on by His Majestie , and the Two Houses of Parliament in England , and by His Majestie , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , and not otherwise . So that for these seaven yeares it seems they will proceed with the King , as God did with Nebuchad-nezzar for his seaven times ; He shall converse with Beasts , ( that is , He shall be no better then any one of the Beasts of the People , as the Prophet speaks , ) His Royalty , and His Imperiall Rights all this while being taken from Him ; which after those seaven yeares , like Nebuchad-nezzars understanding , shall revert and return safe again unto Him . And is not this a gracious condescension ? Is not this a kind relaxation of the former Rigour ? are not these men willing to comply , and to do any thing for Peace ? I will not say that either this is a condescension , and a complying on their parts , or that nothing is ; but I will say that either this was a condescension and complying on their parts , or that nothing was ; for in all those Twenty dayes of the Treaty , which should have bin intended by both sides , for reciprocall abatements of the rigour of their first Desires , They never receded from any one part of any one of their Propositions , but only in the particular of this Limitation ; and eighteen of the twenty dayes were full elapsed and expired , before ever they expressed that . But what if these Oraculous words of theirs should have a double sense ? what if that which we are willing to take , as a little Grant ▪ should prove a greater Grievance ? I think if these words [ And after the expiration of the said tearme , the Militia of the Kingdome to be seiled , and exercised in such manner , as shall be agreed on by His Majestie and the two Houses of Parliament , &c. ] be well weigh'd and examined , although they may seem to return the King , after His seaven yeares Apprenticeship , unto his Liberty againe , and as it were make Him Free , yet they will signifie no more in order , to any such true Freedom , then in that old expression of [ For ever and a day ] that Day , there signifies in order unto any true time ; For if the King shall not exercise His own Legall Power of the Militia , when those seaven yeares are expired , Otherwise , then by both Houses of Parliament shall be agreed on ( as their words expresly say , he shall not ) what is the difference between His condition , during these seaven yeares , and His condition when those seaven yeares shall be expired , but only in this , that for seaven yeares He shall have no Power with them ; and after those seaven yeares He shall have no Power without them ; so that either way He is bereaved of His Right ; and for ought I can see yet , more this last way , which is proposed in the way of Concession , and Favour ; then he is , the first way , which is imposed by way of Oppression and Rigour . For the King , having no Power with them , but being excluded for seaven yeares , from the nomination of Commissioners , hath thus much of Liberty left him , that he is not oblig'd , either to God , or Man , to answer for those miscarriages of State , that shall happen in the mean while , by Persons that may abuse their Trust ; and although he suffer something , yet all this while , he is sure , that He shall Doe nothing , against his owne will ; But the King having no power without them , that is , having his Power ordered , as it is like to be , when his Seaven yeares are out , by both His Houses of Parliament , and [ OTHERWISE ] not to be exercised ; may be reduced to this straite and necessity , that if both His Houses of Parliament shall agree upon some Person notoriously disaffected to His Majesties Rights or Governement , who thereby , perchance , shall have merited some marke of His Displeasure ; The King notwithstanding , shall be compelled and enforced , to Doe something against his owne will ; and to set upon such a man a speciall stampe of Confidence and Favour ; Which indeed , rather is a piece of infelicity then a part of any Power ; as we call it Power in God , whereby he is able to doe any Thing ; and yet , doe not call it Power but Weaknesse , even in God himselfe , if he should be able to sinne . And having thus extracted all the Pure Metall of the Crowne , by their demands ; having thus extenuated and annihilated all the Kings Power of making Warre ; they begin to bethink themselves , of disposing the Allay too , for their best advantage ; They will not leave Him , so much , as a Power neither , of Making Peace . For they demand , That the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties with the Rebells , without consent of both Houses of Parliament be pronounced voyde ; And that the Prosecution of the Warre in Ireland , be setled in both Houses of Parliament , to be managed by the joynt advice of both the Kingdomes : Good God! That these ill men should not be content to rob their King of all His Power and Royalty ; that they should not be content to render Him no True King ; But their petulant insolence must attempt His very Faith and Honesty ; But they must attempt to render Him no True Man ? As if they had a purpose to constraine Him , to a needlesse breach of Promise now ; that with more colour , and better credit , hereafter , they might distrust Him ; as they report of the daughter of Sejanus , who was first purposely ravisht , that after wards , she might be put to death ; because being a Virgin , by the Law she could not suffer ? For this particular demand of making the Cessation voide , was made in the moneth of February last ; and that very Cessation voyded of it selfe , expired in the Moneth of March ; Now if the Kings Commissioners had agreed to the latter part of this Demand , the setling of the prosecution of the Warre in both Houses of Parliament , for the time to come ; what could the voyding of this Cessation contribute to the current of their designe ( but onely by way of scandalous Reflexion upon His Majesties breach of Faith and Promise ) when that Cessation would voyd it selfe , would exhale and expire of it selfe , before ever those Designes of theirs could be ripe for any prosecution ? I confesse , when I look well upon it , me thinkes the true state of this question , concerning the Irish Cessation , is the same with the state of that question in Plutarke , concerning Demonides his shooes . Demonides was a lame impotent man , and therefore had his shooes made very wide and easy for his feet ; Those shooes , when a cunning youth had stolne one day from him , and some of his neighbours comming in , and willing to extenuate and alleviate his Losse , that he might be the lesse affected with it , had told him , that they were but a scurvy paire of clouterly shooes , and very naughtily made ; Demonides replyed , that the shooes indeed , were no very good shooes ; but they were very good shooes for Demonides , because a better paire would not have fitted his sore feet halfe so well . In like manner , it may be said of this Cessation ; That indeed , it was no very good Cessation ; because peradventure other Cessations heretofore , have been made , according to the more punctuall Rules of Honour and Advantage : But it was a very good Cessation for Ireland ; because the condition of her infirmity was such , that she could admit no better . For when the Chiefe Iustices and Officers of State , when the chiefe Commanders and Officers of the Campe , when both of them shall complaine unto the King , of the miserable condition and posture of Ireland , for very want of Food ; and advertise Him , by their Letters , of her present inabilities to maintaine the prosecution of a Warre ; what could the King doe more , in discharge of His duty both to God and Man , then to admit of a Cessation , in order to a present Peace ? The Houses of Parliament it seems would not help them at all ; ( for after Six months expectation , they send them provision of Victualls , for some Seaven daies , as if they purposed a scorne to the Miseries of their poore Brethren , rather then a succour . ) And the King could not help them better , then by giving his Approbation to a Cessation , which the Publique Ministers of the State of Ireland , had ordered and assented to , there , as fittest for the present condition of that Kingdome ; and so shew Himselfe , at least willing to Respite that Cause as well as He could , which He well knew himselfe unable , to Revenge . Now in Inducijs Bellum manet , quamvis Pugna cesset , say our Books ; So long as the Parties ingaged in a Warre , proceed no further then Cessations , and Truces for a time , There is only a suspension of the Fight , there is no suffocation of the Quarrell ; which may better be resum'd again , when they that manage it , shall have out-grown those necessities and encombrances , which compell'd them first unto it : so that if this Cessation were Destructive to either of the Parties , it is most like to be so to the Rebels ; who were not in that visible Distresse , and want of all sort of Provision , as the Protestant party was ; and if the condition of the protestants were the worse condition when the Cessation began , because the actuall necessities of both sides were unequall , and We wanted more then They ; certainly the condition of the Rebels cannot be the better condition , when the Cessation shall end ; because the possible supplies of both sides must be confessed equall , and They can be no more releiv'd , then We . Notwithstanding all this , this Cessation of Ireland is exploded , and exclaim'd against by both Houses of Parliament , as destructive to His Maiesties good Subiects , and to the Protestant Religion , and only for the advantage of the Popish Rebels . Indeed I do read , that there may be Destruction in a Cessation ; for the Prophet David calling all men to behold the works of the Lord , and what destruction he hath wrought upon the earth ; in the 46 Psalme ; makes his first instance in the poynt of a Cessation , in the next words that follow , He maketh Warrs to cease . vers. 9. But the Prophet had a Mysticall meaning in his words ; and so no doubt have They ; For surely they mean that a Cessation is destructive to the good Subjects of Ireland , just in the very same sense , that the want of Victuals is a Preservative for them ; and , if that be not a mysticall sence , I know not what is . But if these men would speak plaine , they would say , That this Cessation in Ireland is Destructive to His Majesties ill Subjects here in England , who cannot have that convenient colour now , to raise Forces and levy Monies , for the suppression of a Rebellion there ; which Monies and Forces , they may convert , ( as heretofore too often they have done ) to the feeding and fomenting of their own Rebellion here . And this is evidently the Reason , why they so desire a prosecution of the Warre in Ireland , and demand the settlement of that Prosecution in their own hands ; that having once a Power , of impropriating all the Succours of Ireland , to their own Rebellious ends and purposes , they may with better advantage , mannage the Warre here in England , against the King ; when they shall have Two swords for His One ; and may fight against Him , not only with His Enemies , but with His Friends . For if both Houses of Parliament , intended only the prosecution of Iustice upon those accursed Rebells , and not some vicious ends of their own , no lesse accursed then they , ( for the grounds of all Rebellions are alike ; and if there be any just ground for one , no ground is unjust , that is laid for any other ) Certainly the King would be thought on , as a fitter instrument of execution , ( whither He be considered as King , or as one single Person , who can have but one will , and so cannot differ from himselfe ) then a collected body , made out of many Persons of two Kingdoms , ( those of each Kingdom having a negative voyce ) who thereby may have Two willes , and so differ amongst themselves ; whereby the main businesse must needs receive obstruction . Neither does that avoid this inconvenience , which these men say ; namely , That in case of any disagreement in the Committee , the two Houses of Parliament are to prosecute that Warre ; unlesse they can imagine any man so simple , as not to think it as possible for the two Houses of Parliament to disagree , as for one Committee ; Besides , when the Parliament had a mind to settle the Militia of England for the preservation of the Peace , in the hands of some Commissioners of their own naming , and would exclude the King , from so much as the nomination of any one amongst them ; They give this , as a reason of their desire ; That is the Commissioners should be severally named , as the King would have had them ; probably they would have acted according to their severall interests , and the warre thereby would be more easily revived ; And is it not as probable now , if the prosecution of the Warre in Ireland should be setled in a Committee of two severall Kingdoms , England and Scotland , that the Persons of that Committee , should have severall interests , and ends in the carrying on of that Warre , according to their severall Necessities or Ambitions , and so what one aymes at , as a Conversion , the other may intend , as Conquest ? by which meanes , the Warre either will be retarded , or , which is worse , exchanged ? I doe not asperse either of the two Nations with the unworthinesse of these Designes ; But I must needs say this : When a great mans House is on Fire , which he is able to quench , with the servants help of his own Family , and yet strangers will be pressing in whether he will or no ; It is an even wager , if Two men come in together to Helpe ; but One of them comes to Steale . If this Committee of both Kingdoms should have but one and the same end , and that end , a good one . The quenching of the Fire of that Rebellion in Ireland , and the reducing of that unhappy Kingdome to His Majesties Obedience : yet certainly , reason would not , that the prosecution of such a good end , should be put into the hands of such State-Empericks , who will goe about to cure a burnt Finger , by putting it into another Fire : who thinke to quench the flames of that Rebellion there , by blowing up a greater Rebellion here . And let no man wonder , that I call this Rebellion a greater : For as the Casuists use to say , That , when a man Sweares , the greater the subject-matter of his Oath is , the lesse is the sinne : So doe I say , That , when a man Rebels , the better his Ground is , whither it be Religion or Gods Glory , the worse is his Rebellion : because he goes about to lay that for a Foundation , which will never incorporate with any part of the Superstructure or Building . Nay , further then all this : If it should please God to give these men the grace of true Repentance , so that they should detest this unnaturall Rebellion here ; and with unfeigned hearts should set themselves to the extirpation and rooting out of that Rebellion there ; yet , in reason , were not the prosecution of that Warre , to be put into their handes , even then ; because , in the Traverses of an uncertaine Warre , In those ordinary reciprocations and returnes of Fortune ; In those ebbings and flowings of Successe , which are not the lesse naturall to great Enterprizes , because , lesse certain : There will fall out many particular emergent occasions , both for Action and Councell , quae , non dum fiunt laudentur , sed cum facta sunt , as the Oratour speaks : The Successe whereof , will much depend upon the Secrecy : and the greatest commendation that can be given the doing of them , is , that they are already done . Which Councells can never runne so cleare through a Sive , as through a Pipe : where , many Heads have the conveighing thereof , as where , but one . And therefore it was not a piece of Pride but Policy , in that great States-man , who would usually debate all his Designes of Warre amongst his Councell ; but then , would be sure never to follow that Advice , which generally was accounted for the best : because by long experience he had observ'd , that a lesse Expedient , accompanied with secrecy and silence , operated more in the wayes of Advantage ; then a greater Expedient , expos'd to common observation and knowledge . And then let all the World Iudge , whither it stand with ordinary Prudence and Reason , to commit the prosecution of a Warre to their Hands , who doe now manage an Actuall Warre against their owne Prince , and are in open Rebellion against Him ; which ordinary Wisedome and Discretion would not entrust them with ( as being a Multitude ) if They should returne to their Subjection and Obedience . IV. In the last place , observe their inexorable obduration and deafnesse against all enlargement , prorogation , or reviging of the Treaty . For being importun'd by the King Commissioners for an Addition of Time ( that so , as they might give Fuller Answers to those Propositions of the Parliament if there were occasion ; so they might hope to receive some kind of Answer to those Propositions of the King : of which some , received no direct Answer , and some , no Answer at all . ) They kept them still in suspence , till the very Twentieth Day , that Day , when the Treaty was to break up , before ever They would give them Answer : And then they tell them , That their Lordships having not given full and satisfactory answers concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , They cannot for those reasons expect an Addition of Time : ( A man would thinke , they should rather have given more time in hope of Fuller Answers : specially having nothing else to doe , but to receive the Homage of our Commissioners , as if they had come rather to keep a Court , then to speed a Commission . ) Neither have they received any Instructions to continue this Treaty any longer then the Twenty Dayes , of which this is the last . Oh! the torment of having an ill Conscience , and hearing Reason ! I dare say , never was any Cheater in the Pillory , gladder to see the Iudges come from Westminster , then these ill men were to s●e the Twentieth Day , that was to redeem them from the cruelties of a convinced understanding ! And yet , as your ordinary Players , when they cannot play that Comedy which was intended , because some of their principall men of partes are drunke : will lay the fault on the Spectators , and say , the House or Galleries are not full : So these Actors of a Peace ; when they durst not continue the Treaty any longer , because of those Overtures that were made by our Commissioners concerning a Cessation , concerning the Kings Returne to Westminster , and concerning a present disbanding of both Armies , the very steame and ayre whereof , was able to turne the braines of this Rebellion , and to make it stagger ; They tell our Commissioners , that it seemes We had resolved that the Treaty should end with the Twenty Dayes ; the meanes to continue it , being so well knowne to be , a good Progresse in the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and Ireland ; wherein they cannot find any satisfaction that was intended by Vs to be agreed unto . But when ( as any man would imagine ) did they tell them this ? Truely just , when the last instant of the Twenty Dayes was now expired ; After Twelve a clock at night ; when They were sure no Answer could be given , as part of the Treaty , without their Consent ; As if the Rules of Treating were like those of Scolding , and the simple World must needs imagine , that because They had the last Word , They had the best Cause . I must professe ingenuously , when I met with this particular , and compar'd it with the drolleryes of many of their other Papers , where meere Fumes are maintain'd like Fortifications , and so much Reason , as will hardly make a cracker , is mounted like some whole piece of Canon , that must sweep and carry all before it ; I could not , on the suddain , satisfie my selfe , whither I were reading Solids or Phancies ; whither I had met with a Relation or a Romance . I could never heare any thing of the Presbytery , but me thoughts , it sounded like the report of some Enchanted Castle , which every Knight is bound by his Adventure to seeke , but knowes not where to find : For their Commissioners urge and presse Our Commissioners , ever and anon unto it : and yet never so much as offer them any particular Idea , visible Forme , or Representation thereof , whereby they might be enabled to passe their Iudgement and Opinion of it . I never could read their Papers concerning Episcopacy , but me thoughts , it lookt , like to some strange Blacke-Knight , that was much afflicted and oppressed , but no body could know the Cause : for I saw plainly , They were resolv'd to ruine it , though they had no Reason . And then , let the ground be never so disadvantagious , the Weapons never so unequall , the Quarrell never so unjust , or the Designe never so impossible : I found that the Knight did ever kill the Giant , as in all Romances , He is wont to doe : For let the Proposition be against Law , let it be against Reason , nay , let it be against Religion , all is one for that : and the Parliament is sure to have the better of the King . But did Our Commissioners make no good Progresse in their three Propositions as these men pretend ? First , it is evident , We proceeded farther in Their Propositions , then They did in Ours ; for , apprehending the businesse of that Meeting in its true and proper notion , as being intended rather for a triall of Iudgements , then a tickling of Humours , Our Commissioners never returned Answer to their Papers , but such as was elemented and made up of Reason and Conscience , Iustice and Prudence , which of necessity must satisfie , either wife men or good ; whereas They rather gave Excuses then Answers , when They did give any ; and sometimes They would not give so much as that : which I think was so farre from being Satisfactory , that it was not Civill . And doe these men accuse us of breaking up the Treaty by our ill Progresse in their Propositions ; when We had Propositions , ( which They were to Treat on as well according to the Tenour of their own Commission , ) wherein notwithstanding They made not so much as any kind of progresse at all ? Secondly , We conceive , ( and so We doubt not but the wiser world will , ) that the Commissioners on both sides , were to be reckoned on as Parties , who were mutually to make up this good progresse between them , by their complying and co-operating Hands ; and not as Iudges for the one side to determine , whether that were good or no , which the other side had made ; and therefore we think , there is no more reason on the one side , why our Progresse on Their Propositions should be reckoned and accounted no good Progresse , because They say it is not ; Then there is on the other side , why it should not be reckoned and accounted a good Progresse , because We say it is . They find themselves a little pinch't with this ; and therefore They produce a Reason against our good Progresse , which they doubt not , but will satisfie the World , ( Then , truly must they serve the World , as they serv'd Vs at Vxbridge : suffer it onely to receive a Paper , and then ▪ not suffer it to Returne an Answer ; for otherwise , there is roome enough for a Reply . ) And that reason , is this : that , For Religion We granted them very litle or nothing but what already They were in possession of by the Lawes of this Kingdome . Should this which they alleadge be true , certainly this were a strange Argument against us , to prove , that we made no good Progresse in their Propositions , because we granted little or nothing , but what they were already in possession of by Law ; For , if the defence of their Lawes , was one of the chiefe ingredients that made the Warre , ( as out of doubt it was ; and foure yeares agoe , what other language did they speake ? wherefore did they take up Armes , but for the maintenance of Religion , their Liberties , and their Lawes ? ) Assuredly , the bare Concession of the free use and benefit of those Lawes , is a signe of faire progression in the way to Peace . He that should have told the Souldier when he first took up Armes , that he was to fight for the making of New Lawes , and not for the maintaining of the Old , would , I believe , have found but very cold Musters ; But in few yeares , see , to what a Contradiction of sinne these Men are growne ; At first , They took up their Armes to compell and force the King to keep the Lawes ; and now , They are resolv'd by like , never to lay them downe againe , if He will not Break them . It is one of the Kings Propositions offered to them , That whatsoever hath been done contrary to the knowne Lawes of the Kingdome , should be renounced and recalled : and I dare presume , His Majesty would allow that for a good Progresse upon His Propositions , if the Parliament would but grant Him that ; nay , He would aske no more ; He would repose Himselfe in that , as the sole Complement of His Desires ; and yet , that very thing which the King would be contented to rely and rest on , as upon His End ; namely , That nothing should be done contrary to the knowne establisht Law of this Land ; That , will not the Parliament accept of in the condition of a good Progresse , onely bending and leading thereunto . Truely , this Allegation of theirs , is so full of advantage , that I could almost wish it True : that is , I could wish our Commissioners had not granted them , so much as very little , but had granted them entirely nothing at all , but what they are in possession of already by Law ; because I cannot well see , how they could grant it . But , what if all this which they alleadge be false ? What if our Commissioners were so farre from granting them very little , but what they were in possession of already by Law , that they granted them very much ? What if those particular Concessions , which were never yet established by Law , were more then those which were ? Nay , what if it evidently be made appeare , that they never were by Law of the Land in possession of any the least of those Concessions , which our Commissioners offered unto them ? I am so charitable in conceiving these men may have some Flesh in their Foreheads , that I hope the Scotsh Commissioners ( who must be a little excus'd for not being Acquainted with our Lawes , unlesse they had rather be accus'd for their Acquaintance ) had the penning of this Paper , that was the Stopple of the Treaty ; because , although the words be English , yet the sence , is Scotsh ; But out of all doubt , there is not greater evidence of Light , then of this Truth ; That of all those nine or ten Concessions which our Commissioners offered , upon the point of Religion , in the way of Reconciliation , and Advancement of a blessed Peace ; There were none of them , but were the Spawnes of so many New Lawes : There was not one of them , to which the Church , and Church-men were heretofore oblig'd , by any known established Law of the Kingdome , whatsoever . And now let all men Iudge of their Faith in other Testimonies , which cannot easily be reduc't to a convenient Teste : who dare thus abuse the World with Falshhood in This , which lyes so open and obnoxious to a plaine and ordinary Tryall . Secondly , For the Militia , they say , We made no good Progresse therein , and therefore were resolv'd , it seemes , the Treaty should break up ; Because We thought it not fit to consent to any one of their Demandes , but made some new Propositions of our owne , which were not in any degree sufficient for the setling and securing of the Peace of both the Kingdomes . I did ever thinke , till now , that it was one thing to make a Progresse , and another thing , to make an End : Doe they say , We made no good Progresse in the Militia , because We consented not unto their whole Demands ? They might altogether as properly say , that a Country-man travailing towards London , hath made no good Progresse in his Iourney ; because , He is not come as yet , to Charing-Crosse . Questionlesse a Progresse is made on their Demandes , when We Consent , but unto any part thereof ; and the better that part is , that is consented to , the better is the Progresse . Now , if halfe of any Thing be a good part , then is our Progresse upon their Demands , a good Progresse ; for We consented to the one halfe of every thing that was required . They demanded the Nomination of all the Commissioners : and We granted them the Nomination of halfe ; They demanded the Militia for Seaven yeares : and We would have given them it , for Three . But I perceive , He grants them nothing , that does not grant them all ; and it fares with the Parliaments Demands , as some report it does , in the fortunate Ilands of Arabia , with the People Dayes ; They know not what belongs to dawning : They never see Day , till the whole Sunne appears unto them . Besides , if Our Commissioners had made no better Progresse , then They pretend : if We had exhausted all those Twenty Dayes assigned for the Treating upon Their Propositions , in meere Tergiversation and Cavill : if We had denyed Our Assent to all their Demands , and then had been never able to make good any colourable Reason for that Our Denyall ; yet certainly , Their Originall Commission having a kind of Counter part , and they being authorized to Treat upon those Three Propositions offered by Vs to Them : as well , as upon these other Three , offered by Them to Vs : Reason and equity would , that an equall number of Propositions , should have been allow'd an equall number of Dayes : and then , if the Successes and Issues of both , had happily falne out equally unprofitable , yet , no one side could have had just cause for to complaine , of the partiall and uneven proceedings of the other . And although We doe not urge it , as an Argument of Insolence and Pride , that Their Propositions must be Treated on , in the first place , before the Kings ; yet , when the pretence of Our ill Progresse upon Theirs , is made a Reason of their no Progresse at all on Ours : We cannot but look upon this Order and Disposall of the partes , as an Argument of great Inconvenience , against a Peace : and which hath somewhat of the visage of an Affected and Studyed Obstruction , cast in the wayes thereof . For those Three Propositions of Theirs , if They had been denyed at Vxbridge ; yet , they might have been granted at Westminster , in a Full and Free Convention of Parliament ; out of which I know not well , indeed , how They could be granted . But these Three Propositions of Ours , They , cannot be granted at Westminster , if They be denyed at Vxbridge : unlesse you thinke it fit to perswade one man to lay downe the Bucklers , whilest another beats him . The Kings Proposition for a present Cessation in England , could not be setled , but in a Treatie ; The Parliaments Proposition against the Cessation which was already past , in Ireland , might be setled , out of it ; and yet , so inraged & incensed are these men against that Cessation there ; that they will not endure the mention of any thing that sounds like it , here ; as that impetuous Emperour , who , by witchcraft having learnt three letters of His name , that was afterwards to Succeed him ; put every man to death whom he could lay hands on , that had those three letters , for the beginning of his Name . His Majesties Returne to Westminster ( which Our Commissioners desired in the second place ) could not be Safe , but as both Sides agree , before He commes : But Episcopacy ( which their Commissioners desired to have abolisht ) could not be , but unsafe , even after his comming : for if there be just Reason to take it away , now ; there will be reason , then . And yet , so transported are they , with a passionate and eager pursuit of a thing , in the perswasion whereof both Parties professe they differ : that they will not admit Discourse , or Treat of another thing , wherein both Sides professe before hand , that They doe agree . Both Armies cannot be Disbanded ( according to that Demand of Ours ) but before the King and Parliament doe meet : but the Power of the Militia , may be setled ( according to that Demand of Theirs ) after that Meeting ; and indeed , there is but little reason , that this Power of the Militia should now come in projection in these Times of Warre : which must lye Dormant , as Themselves confesse , and not be put in Execution , till the Time of Peace . And yet , so violent are these Men in setling of a Power , which must not be exercis'd , but in the Time of Peace ; That they will heare of no course , that may be taken in the meane time , for dissolving of the Warre : like ordinary People in a Croude ; that will make such hast , every man to get first out of dores , that no man stirres . So that , upon viewing of the whole matter , We can cast all these obstacles and Impediments in the wayes of Peace , that arose out of this perverse Method of handling the Propositions , into no other Mould , but this ; That They , never intending to conclude a Peace , resolved in the first place to Treat of Their Propositions , which they knew , no man with Honesty or Conscience could Grant ; That , in the second place , they might with better colour avoyd the Treating upon Our Propositions , which they knew , no man with Conscience or Honesty , could offer to Deny . And , if all this which hath bin said , be not enough to perswade with men of common understanding , that these Rebels never did intend a Peace , but that they purpose to make this Warre , which at first was their Necessity , now , become their Trade ( for too many of them know not how to live without it ) yet this One Consideration is sufficient to enforce them to beleife , if they will but weigh it well , and that is this : That , They never would allow the Tender and Offer of all those things , for Overtures of Peace ; the Stoppe and Obstruction whereof , they themselves , ever professed , till now , was the greatest Incentive and Occasion of the Warre . They took up Armes , for the Liberty of the Subject ; to vindicate and to recover that ; and yet , in all this Treaty , they never let fall so much as any one word or sillable , tending or bending thereunto . They did well to set those words , [ The Liberty of the Subject ] in their Banners , so as they did ; For all the World cannot but see , that they meant it for a Flourish ; For , when the Kings Commissioners urged and pressed this point , of the Liberty of the Subject in many severall particulars , and desired , that all illegall Power used over the Subject , as imprisoning , or putting him to death without Lawe ; stopping of his Habeas Corpus , and imposing upon his Estate , without Act of Parliament ( the very grievance , which these men heretofore possest the World they labour'd under ; and therefore urg'd them to take up Armes , that so they might redresse them ) should from henceforth be utterly disclaimed ; They would never so much as admit of any Treaty thereof , or returne any colourable Answer concerning it . They took up Armes for Defence of their Religion ; And yet , in all the Twenty daies of this whole Treaty , were never able to produce any one Article of Doctrine , avowed and establisht in the Church of England , wherein that Church had receded either from the Truth , or from Her selfe : And for points of Discipline ; when the King offer'd in His Propositions , all ease to tender Consciences , in such particulars as should be agreed on by a Nationall Synod legall called ; They would never heare thereof ; but , put off the Treating of that Proposition , as they did the rest , with this uncivill Answer ; That , when the Houses of Parliament shall be satisfied in the good progresse of the Treaty upon their Propositions , concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , they will give time for the Treaty upon these Propositions sent by His Majesty ; In the point of which Satisfaction , they were resolved before hand , both to be Parties and Iudges , as already hath appeared . They have raised severall Armies , upon this very reason and ground , To bring the King ( whom they pretended to be seduced by Evill Councell ) up unto the Parliament ( His great , and His good Councell , as the World must needs imagine ) By meanes whereof , too much of Christian Bloud hath been already shed , and , as yet , shed in vaine ; ( for by Force , They never yet were able to obtaine it ) And They doe now Refuse His Majesties willing Offer of Returne ; or to Treat of any Faire meanes of Accommodation , in pursuit thereof , the onely visible way left under Heaven , by which They may effect it . And if They shall goe about , after all this , to Farce and fill the World with Noyse and Clamour , that They would have had a Peace , but the King would not . ( as it is like they will ) For my part , I sh●ll leave off further Perswasion , and fall to Prayer ; humbly beseeching God , who is the Searcher of Hearts , and knowes the Spirits of all Men ; To prosper on both Sides , those Issues and Successes , which They hope now to have , by Warre ; according unto those upright Intentions , and unfeigned Purposes , which They then had , of Peace . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34353e-90 Full Narration . Pag. 50. No. LX . Full Narration . No. CXLIV . CXLV . Full Narration p. 56. no LXIX . Their Reply 21. Feb. p. 57. no LXX . Full Narration , Pag. 92. No. CXXXVI . Full Narration , p. 62. no . LXXV . Full Narration , p. 88. no , CXXXI . 21. Feb. Full Narration , p. 95. no . CXXXVI . 7. Feb. Full Narration , p. 99. no . CXLV . Full Narration , p. 120. no . CLXXIV . Full Narration , p. 92 no . CXXXVI . 22 ▪ Feb. Full Narration , p. 148. no . CXCV. Full Narration , p. 154. no . CXCVII . 22. Feb. Full Narration , p. 18. no . VIII . Full Narration , p. 155. no . CXCVII . Full Narration , p. 18. no . VIII . Prop. 3. Full Narration , p. 141. no . CLXXXIV .