Warrs with forregin [sic] princes dangerous to our common-wealth: or, Reasons for forreign wars answered With a list of all the confederates from Henry the firsts reign to the end of Queen Elizabeth. Proving, that the kings of England alwayes preferred unjust peace, before the justest warre. Answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain military-men to Prince Henry Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. 1657 Approx. 222 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A34727 Wing C6505 ESTC R221452 99832758 99832758 37232 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A34727) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 37232) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2167:06) Warrs with forregin [sic] princes dangerous to our common-wealth: or, Reasons for forreign wars answered With a list of all the confederates from Henry the firsts reign to the end of Queen Elizabeth. Proving, that the kings of England alwayes preferred unjust peace, before the justest warre. Answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain military-men to Prince Henry Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. F. S. J. E. French charity. [2], 96, [2], 10 p., [1] leaf of plates : port. printed for William Shears in Westminster-hall, London : 1657. "Warres with forreign princes" signed at end: Robert Cotton Bruceus. Originally written in 1604 as: "An answer to such motives as were offered by certain military men to Prince Henry to incite him to affect arms more than peace". Frontispiece portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh may not be part of the original publication. "The French charity: written in French by an English gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into England; and translated into English by F.S.J.E.", has separated title page dated 1655 and separate pagination; the register is continuous. "An English gentleman" = Robert Cotton. French title not traced. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Henry, -- King of England, 1207-1272 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Henry III, 1216-1272 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- 1154-1399 -- Early works to 1800. France -- Foreign relations -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2005-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VERA EFFIGIES CEARISSMI VIRI DOMNI GUALTHERI RALEGH EQV AUR. etc WARRS WITH Forregin PRINCES Dangerous to our Common-Wealth : OR , Reasons for Forreign Wars ANSWERED . WITH A List of all the Confederates from Henry the firsts Reign to the end of Queen ELIZABETH . PROVING , That the Kings of England alwayes preferred Vnjust PEACE , before the Justest WARRE . LONDON , Printed for William Shears in Westminster-hall , 1657. PROPOSITIONS OF WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his Highness PRINCE HENRY by some of his Military servants . Arguments for Warre . FRames of Policy , as well as works of Nature , a are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on . By Armes was layd the foundation of this State , whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman . It was Warre that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy , that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatnesse , and crowned thereby this State with an eternall peace . Times nor our owne vertues are not changed : Necessity , Benefit , and Facility of Warre being the same that they were before to our forefathers . Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1. Necessity , for 1 Preservation of our own peace . 2 Venting of factious spirits . 3 Instructing in arms our people : 2 Benefits . 1 Wealth , by 1 Spoil of the Enemy . 2 Addition of Revenue by subjected territories . 2 Honour , by addition of 1 Title . 2 Dominion . 3 A more facility to effect then heretofore , by 1 Addition of new strength . 2 Substraction of diversions . We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad , as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth . For France by the awfull hand of his father reduced , it fared with us as with the mistress of the world , a Remoto Carthaginis metu , et Imperii aemula , when the fear of Carthage her competitour for the Empire was removed , that fell not by degrees , but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voluptates , à negotio ad otiū , rushed headlong from arms to pleasures , from employment to idleness . And from hence as greatest Nations , cū ab externis causis tutae videntur , ipsae suis viribus onerantur , when there is no longer fear of forreign enemies , their own strength becomes a burthen to them : so after many conquests abroad , we were at home prest down w th the unnatural weight of civil armes : For cum foris non habent hostem , domi inveniunt , when people have no enemies abroad , they 'l find some at home ; as all warlike & fruitful Nations will , not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people . To add to this necessity , the sending away of our fatious spirits , it wil remove the seat of bloud from our own doors , and prove the cheapest school to train up in armes the better dispositions , whose military skil may after serve to defend the State ; and by the late accession of another Nation wil be now more needful , a Ne novus populus otio et nimia pecunia lasciviret , lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idlenesse , and we in the end be enforced with the Satyrist b to confesse Nunc patimur longae pacis mala , savior armis Luxuria incubuit . — We suffer now the harm of a long peace , Whilst Riot , worse then war , doth thus increase . The benefis arise from Profit and Honour . The Spoils we have brought away in our French & Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting ; and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories , as Normandy , Aquitain , &c. supporting with much advantage the expence in keeping : Our Honour , as the Stile of our Kings , by confluence of so many Titles increased ; and by accession of so many territories as we held in France , our dominions and liberties so far unlarged , The facility to effect this being now more then ever by the addition of strength , and substraction of diversions , in this happy union of the Britain Empire . AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESSE . AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body naturall , that by observing the divers humours , accidents and dispositions thereof , findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected , and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet : so is it in a Kingdome or Commonwealth . If then out of the Registers of Record and Story , the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State , it shall appear that those times which have been Answers to the former Arguments . 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace . 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home . 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage . 3 Danger to the State. 3 Confederacy & alliance the means of former victories , no waies to be restored as heretofore . glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councells , would ever acknowledge that a Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior ; one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs ; That Combustions at home were like Meteors , ever kindled in another Region , but spent themselves there ; That our men instead of Lawrell and Olive garlands to adorn with victory & peace our gates and Temples , have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities ; That forreign spoyls have been summed up with Taxes and Penury ; That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetuall issue of our own Treasure ; That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery , and by extenture of Territories , Danger ; And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forreign enterprise now is much more then in any age before ; I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much , or his Country so little , as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security . IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples , that the kings of England , ( except in some heat of Youth , which is not the best directour of Counsell ) preferred unjust Peace before the justest War : none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories , or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty ; every one willing to passe his time with content of his private fortunes . Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000. marks a Expensarum nomine , under the notion of expences , to the French king , ut firmior Pax haberetur , that he might have a firm and setled Peace . His succeeding sonne pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda , for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister , which was like to make a fraction , gave to the French King b decem millia librarum , ten thousand pounds . Three hundred thousand marks Iohn gave to the French king , to match his calme entrance to secure peace . Until the confederacy with c Scotland , and invading of the land by Charls de Valoys the French king provoked Edward the first , he never disquieted France with noyse of war , as after he did by the d Earls of Richmond and Lancaster , although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto . His Sonne , the second Edward , anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him , and the people of this Stae ; the words are , c ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus , that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world ; for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace , ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret , that he might avoid the dangers of war , he reaped nothing but bitternesse , and detention of his Messengers , Son , and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne , his Rebels injoying all Protection , and his Merchants all Inhospitality , whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit , et Mercatores interfecit , took in a hostile sort , and slew the Merchants . The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. a was especially called to a consult how Pace might be procured . In his 17 year b the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France , and to sollicite the Pope for mediation . The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate , but in the 20 th . year moveth peace by all the offers he c can , as Contracts , Intermarriage , and to take up the Crosse with France , in succursum Terrae Sanctae , for succour of the Holy Land. But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury , d who invaded by themselves Aquitain , England by the Scots , surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain , whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit , he put to shamefull deaths ; there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects , and rasing his Castles , nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace . War then was left his last refuge ; e Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est , War is to that man just and lawfull , who hath no hope of help but by war. And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in sermons , that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed . In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people f gravia onera et multa mala , heavy burthens and many mischiefs , as the Record saith , and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur , when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking ; he passed over into France to seek peace divers times ; and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes , he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer a devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum , humble and devout prayers to God , to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country , nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum , and the advantage of the whole Christian world ; which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours . This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five & twentieth year b in Parliament , declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope , but could not effect it : And in the third year after c calleth again the body of the State , to devise with him the means to obtain it ; for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted . But d when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken , and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani , quantum potuit , vel decuit , pacem quaesivit , the shedding of Christian bloud , he sought peace as much as in him lay , and as far as was fitting , sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession , but all in vain ; he stood upon his own strength . By which his confident adversary ( the year following captive ) that was afore obdurate , justly found , that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora , at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for . And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe , as Livy e of the Romane fortune , Propterea bella felicia gessisse , quia justa , that therefore his wars were prosperous , because they were just . To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet , he was contented to disclaim f the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him . And after , though often again incited , yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war ; for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit , he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time : until the French King a contra juramentum & formam pacis , contrary to his oath and the form of peace , had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed , invaded his dominions in France , and with a Fleet intended to attempt England , ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum , utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second , whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome , entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune , and after many years of war and much losse , had in the end an expectation of peace ; which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament , b their longing affection was so much inclined thereto , that they advised the King , though it were in doing homage for Guien , Callis and the rest , he should not let slip that opportunity . Untill Charles of France had received c that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr , by the name of Metu●ndissimi Principis Walliae , the most dread Prince of Wales , into a strict confederacy against his Master ( whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria ) by contract , and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul , entred into Gascoign himself , and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land , Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace ; and after many prorogued Truces , would not break out again , untill Burgundy d ( that had wrested into his hand the Government of France ) meant with all his force to besiege Callis , and annoy this Realm . The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in a Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace , and how the French King had refused all reason , denying to render his prisoners , or ransome those 〈…〉 Agin-Court battell : so that the King was driven to his last hope , which was by dint of sword to seek his peace , concluding thus his speech ; Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus , quia finis Belli Pax est : Let us fight , that we may obtain peace ; for the end of war is peace . Henry the sixth , to save the expence of his people and treasure , offered b many large and liberall conditions , but received in exchange nothing but scoffes : he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne , to make up a peace with his uncle of France . Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected c by the Duke of York , that he ( contrary to the Oath and Councell , by breaking the Amity between the two Princes ) was the only ground of the losse of Normandy . There is extant in the Treasury d a petition of 9. of Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men , pro pace habenda , that they might have peace . Neither interest of right , not jealousie of increasing power , could draw Henry the 8. unto the quarrell of France ; until the Church complained against Lewis the 12. ( e who neither esteeming of God , good fame , nor conscience , deteined the revenues of the Clergy , supported the Cardinall William to aspire to the Papacy , aided in the siege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara , and the Bentivogli , both Traytours to the Papall Sea , where he intended to lay the foundation of his Empire to usurp all Italy , ) & besought him for the pitty of our Saviour , and by the virtue of his famous Ancestours ( for I use the words of the Popes Briefe ) a that never forsook the Church of God in distresse , and by his filiall obedience , ( the strongest bond ) to enter into that holy League , they having elected him against Lewis , Caput foederis Italici , Head of the Italian League . Edward the sixth , b until urged with the touch of his honour , being by his neighbours neglected in the marriage of their Mistresse , never attempted any war against them . The quarrells of France in the time of his succeeding sister , after the marriage with Spaine , were neither properly ours , nor begun by us , although in the end we onely went away with the losse . Her Sister of holy memory , to effect the peace with France , forbore c the demand of Callis for 8. years , & neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown . d And the labours she spent to confirm amity with Spaine , by many friendly offices of mediation , are apparent to the whole world ; though in the end of her desires she failed : whether happily in prevention of the Spanish Monarchy eternizing her memory , or that this work of peace was by divine providence reserved for him that could and hath best effected it , I know not . Onely I conclude , that as the first Monarch in Rome , so the first in Britain might justly write , Pace Populo Britanno terra marique parta , Ianum clausi , having setled Britain in peace by land and sea , I have shut up the doors of Ianus Temple . Forreign armes the ground of trouble at home , by the Enemy , who to divert will attempt . Subjects wearied with Toyl . Taxation . Feared with the effect of tyranny . Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life . It is evident by our own examples , that for the most part , the Civil or Forreign Armies that have oppressed this State , have been either bred out of our first attempting of others , or out of the grievance of the Nobility & people , either wearied with the toil and charge , or feared with the effect of Tyranny , which might corrupt the good fortune of their King , or else ( a plague no lesse of war ) that the better sort inured to command abroad , have forgotten to obey at home , and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase , unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry . There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in waking an adversary , as that of Edward the third . Out of many examples I will select some few , beginning with the tenth of his reign ; at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France , but diverted by Philip , who , mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae , in the parts of Britany to invade the Kingdome of England , a puissant Army , enforced Edward the third to fall from his first purpose , and insist upon his own guard : for which cause , to the infinite charge of himself and people , he levied 80000. men out of the Shires of this Kingdome . To withdraw his forces from France , in the thirteenth of his reigne , they invaded the Realm , and burned the Towns of Plymouth and Southampton , places that suffered from the same motive the like calamity . In the first of Richard the second , after the Battell of Cressy , when they feared our too much footing , and we too much believed our own fortune , for she cito reposcit quod dedit , quickly calls for back what she gave us ; the a Duke of a Normandy , to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes , and forty thousand foot , sharing by idle contracts before-hand with his confederates not the spoils only , but the Kingdome it self : the Honour and some other portion of benefits he reserved as his own meed ; the possessions of many English Subjects in pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy , and to the French King an yearly tributary Fee of twenty thousand pound . In these termes this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third . The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation , as in the thirteenth year the king commanded the Earle of Richmond b and other Peers to reside at their border houses ; and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance , that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari , six leagues of the sea . It was no whit altered under his successour Richard the second ; for in is entrance the French burnt the Town of Rye , and in the third year after Gravesend . And in the tenth year of his reigne , to change his intended journey for France in person , the French King prepareth an Army to invade this land . This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at sea , and in the Northern limits , they and our neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid : by whose desperate and perpetual incursion ( for nescit Plebs jejuna timere , an half-starved rabble feare nothing , ) the fattest parts of our borders were left wast , the men and cattel of England ( as 16. Edw. 2. ) impetus Scotorum fugientes , being fled for safety to the Forrests and desert places . The like I find in the first of Edward the third : they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France ; as in 20. Ed. 3. in the first and second of Richard the second , in the fifth of Henry the fifth , and in the fourth of Henry the eighth , when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth . And either being no lesse ready to nourish the least spark of rebellion in this State , as that of the French King to counterpoize King Iohn ; or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy , as France did ; or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain , the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crowne of Richard the second , and when he had got the garland , suborning Owen Glendowr ( with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales ) to busie the same King at home , that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland . WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the kingdome of Sicily , the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure , and fearing the exposing of their own persons , grew so unwilling , that by the bent and course of the record it apappeareth a appeareth not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the King and his Son to so foul conditions . A judgment there must be between powers and undertakings , that though affections may carry a man to great things , they make him not attempt impossible : for where great minds are not accompanied with great judgements , they overthrow themselves . As in this Prince , who by the Popes incitement simplicitatem Regis circumveniens , circumventing the King in his honest meaning , ( they are the words of the Authour b ) intending to rifle the fortunes of others , was in the end inforced to play at dice for his own stake . The Earls of Hartford , Bohun and Bigot , made the grounds of their commotions the distast they took at Edward the first for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gascoign , a forrein Country . And they might seem to have some colour to refuse , but in a more mannerly fashion , either attendance or charge in recovery or defence of Provinces in France , since so many consents in Parliament , as c 20. of Rich. 2. 6. and 9. of Henry the fourth , the first and seventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour supporter ses Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie , to support his wars either in France or Normandy ; declaring no less by publick protestation , then they did by undutifull denial . For the burden of Charge , it was no lesse distastfull then the former of Service , this kingdome being ( as it is sayd d of the Roman Provinces occasioned by war ) made desert , and the people desperate by Exactions . In the Conquerours time the Bishop of Durham was killed by the tumultuous people , opposing an imposition levied by him . There was a murmuratio et imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem Ioannem , mutterings and curses from the Prelates against King Iohn , for demanding in the eighth of his reigne a relief of them and the Layety for his wars . In the 16 th . year Cives Londinenses Ioannem odio habuerunt pro injustis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fatigaverat , the Londoners detested King Iohn for his timing out the Kingdome with unjust taxations . b The sink of his expence in war was so bottomlesse , that ( as the story saith ) he was constrained desaevire quotidie cum incremento , to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage towards the Church and Commonwealth , eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando , by despoiling them severall wayes of their goods . c Hinc secutum est Bellum inter Regem et Barones quod cum morte Ioannis solum finem habuit : This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons , which nothing could quench but the death of Iohn himself . In the 26 th . of Henry the third , ob exactionum frequentiam est Regi cum Baronibus contentio , by reason of the continuall exactions there arose a contention betwixt the King and his Barons d At the Parlee of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action , they answer that since he came to the Crown , being not twelve yeares , multoties ei auxilium dederunt , they had many times supplyed him ; and expressing the particulars besides in the same place , he had received tot Escaetas , so many Escheats , by the vacancy of rich Bishopricks , death of so many Barons and others that held of him , that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed . That the Itinerant Justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near , that per illa Amerciamenta et alia Auxilia prius dataomnes de Regno ita gravarentur & depauperarentur , ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis , by those Amercements & the Subsidies they had formerly given him , all the Kingdom was so crushed & impoverished , that they had little or nothing left them . And that was the ground of their resistance . a Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis et alii Praelati resistunt Regi , the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Prelates resist the King , when in his fifteenth yeare he demanded Scutage . And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis , occasioned by his foreign expeditions , was answered by Ranulph Earle of Chester , the mouth of the Layety , That in the former Aides Pecuniam suam effuderunt , quod inde paupers omnes recesserunt , unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant , they had powred out their mony so liberally , as that being all impoverished by it , they were not obliged to assist him any farther . And thus b dissolved the Parliament . The Clergy of the Realm in the 24. of Edward the first denyed the demand of Contribution c in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos et ad reprimendos Scotos , towards the Kings expedition against the French , and the repressing of the Scots . And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter Regem et Barones , by reason of these frequent extorsions , there arose a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons . One of the Articles of treason objected against Mortimer a in Parliament 4. of Edward 3. was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth , by causing a Subsidie to be exacted . This humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the Inhabitants of Trevers , b who stoned to death Proclerus for perswading Theodoret the Goth to crave a Subsidy . The Clergie in the 12. of Edw. 3. c deny such a grant of their Wools as the Laiety had yielded to , for supplying the King in his affairs of France . The like answer they make 44. of the same King , when he d demanded in Parliament a Subsidy of them & the Commons of 100000l . And the same King grown doubtfull of his people prest down with Impositions , requireth the Archbishop , e Quod cum Populus Regni sui variis Oneribus , Tallagiis & Imposittionibus praegravetur , ut idem Archiepisc . Indulgentiarum muneribus , piis Exhortationibus , & aliis modis , eundem Populum placare studeat , & ipsum Regem excuset , that since the Subjects of his Kingdom were over-charged with many Burthens , Tallages , and other Impositions , the said Archbishop would by grant of Indulgences , seasonable Exhortations , & otherwaies endeavour to pacify the people , and excuse the King. By reason of the Census per Capita , Pol-mony imposed by Parliament 3. of Richard the second to defray the warres in France , there were f dirae imprecationes in Regem , & magnae post perturbationes in Regno ex Plebis insurrectione , heavy and bitter imprecations against the King , which were followed with great troubles in the nation by the insurrection of the Commons . And as well in the reign of this King , as some other of his Predecessours and Successours , the Parliament was so tender in grant of Subsidy & other Taxes , that they added into their Act , a quod non trahatur in consequentiā , that it should be no example for the future , appointing peculiar Treasurers of their own to give account upon Oath the next Parliament : and such Grants , which they professed to proceed b ex libera & spontanea voluntate Dominorum & Comitatuum , from the free & voluntary grant of the Lords and respective Counties , to be void if Conditions on the Kings part were not performed . And this unfortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern , the exacting of so great Subsidies , and extorting so much money from the Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his mercy . And when Henry the 6. in anno 20. would have had a Relief from his Subjects c de aliqua summa notabili , of some considerable summe ; he had in answer , Propter inopiam , &c. populi illud non posse obtineri , that in regard of the poverty , &c. of the people it could not be granted . The like 24. of the same King. Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes , either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and awe , ( for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use ; ) or to force Necessity to extend Praerogative so far , untill by putting all into Combustion , some may attain unto the end of their Ambition , others the redresse of supposed Injuries . d Thus did the Faction of Hen. the fourth in the one , and the Nobility under Hen. the third in the other ; who hereby quitted the State oppressed ( as they thought ) with the Kings Half-brothers , the Poictovins and other Strangers . Subjects feare to have the enemies of their Soveragins too much weakned , least themselves become Tyrants . And it is in the farthest respect in the a Baronage under John , Henry his son , and b Edward the second , to feare asmuch the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign , as they did the Diminution of their own estates . And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary , then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune ; least by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness , he might forget and become a Tyrant ; as one saith of Henry the first , c Assumpserat cornua audacia tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem , Roberto fratre & aliis inimicis edomitis , having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies , with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church , as the rest of the Kingdome , breaking his Seal , his Charter , and his Oath . The memory of this caused the Nobility d to call in the French Kings Son , when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority ( as they thought ) too much . And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Mr. when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey . This ( as the Stories report ) being a practice usuall in those dayes . THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the mindes of many ; For it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace , but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature . It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken , but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused . King Iohn had been after a sine Regno without a Kingdome , as he was at first sans terre without land , if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyall designs of Fitzwalter and Marshall , ( whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services ) then either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could . b If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the government of Gasco●gn , he had never so much dared against Duty , as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master , and pursue him with that fury of Ambition , untilt he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperiall Crown : and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty , as to capitulate with them upon even conditions , which not performed ( I use his own words ) c Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere , it shall be lawfull for all persons in our Kingdome to rise up against us , and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant , ac si Nobis in nullo tenerentur , so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them , as if they were by no ty obliged to us . If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State , he had never disquieted the calm of his Times , or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say , That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regencie in France , he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England . Our own times can afford some , whose spirit improved by Military imployment , and made wanton with popular applause , might have given instance of these dangers , if good successe had been a relative to bad intentions . And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits , who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions , seeking rather a great then a good Fame ; and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times : which if they attain to , it is but the condition of Monsters , that are generally much admired , but more abhorred . But warre some may say mouldeth not all men thus : for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends , against Enemies for defence . And to those men their own goodness is not safe , nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt , for Kings suspect good men sooner then bad . Kings must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their businesse , and not supra above it , or too able for it . For another mans too-much sufficiency ( as they take it ) is a diminution of their respectiveness , and therefore dangerous . THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of Warre , which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness , and the means of getting to their own justice , can never again endure either order or labour ; and so return but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawlesse manners . For living more riotously then the rapine of forrein victory could warrant , ( as for the most they doe ) in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune , they desire a change of the publick Quiet . In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings , howere the world goes they can be no loosers : for like Silla's Army , making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies , ( for the vitors Sword seldome teacheth either mean or modesty ) they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their Country-men at home . For who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their armes with moderation ? Against the fury of such seditious Outrages many Parliaments , as a in the 22. of Hen. the 6. have been sollicited for redresse . And that example in b Champaign after the Peace at Callis 1360 , where this licentious Rout at the close of those warres slue the Duke of Bourbon , and besieged the Pope at Avignon , may suffice to expresse this mischief . It hath no lesse weakened the bond of mutual Trade ; since our Marchants , whom the necessity of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended , do now teach , as a Maxime of their Mysterie and our State , That the directest way either to wealth or security is by Rapine and Spoile : and to cloake their own ends pretend the common good ; as if the State stood by their affections , when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters ; & therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonefire of their Country , if it be but to keep warm & a wake their own humours . THe last motive from Necessity is , the ease Warre bringeth to a surcharged State. Intending it seemeth Warre but as the Sinck , and Souldiers but as the Corruptions of Commonweals ; whereas besides the inevitable use of the one , and the noble condition of the other , ( an Errour in the argument ) Nature doth never oppresse further by increase , them she again dischargeth . The brest of the Mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the Womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth ; proportioning to the number of the children the condition of their Strength and Appetites . It is then accession of our own that may surcharge ; for Parents by such indulgent admission may soon famish whom in Motherly affection they intend to cherish . But admitting the former ground , whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at pleasure to gage the Issue ( when such elective power is left to him onely qui suis stat viribus , non alieno pendet arbitrio , who stands by his own strength , and not at the pleasure of another ) is considerable ; since to begin cuivis licet , deponere cum victores volunt , is easy for any man , but the laying down will be at the conquerous pleasure . For the wasting of our people in ambitious Enterprizes ( as that for an Empire by Constsantine in France ) left this land as a prey to the barbarous Frontiers , a omni milite & floridae Iuventuts alacritatespoliata , being left naked of Souldiery , and robbed of the choicest flower of youth . And when we were tied to make good our undertaking in France , the waste of our people was so great , that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium , the dreggs of townes , ( as Curtius saith of Alexander ; ) a Need hiring the Bankrupts by protection , as in 22. of Edward the first ; and enforcing , against the rule of justice , the Judges to put Placita eorum in respectu qui in obsequium Regis profecturi sunt , Pleas in the behalf of such as were to go in the Kings service . And as Tacitus of a declined Majesty saith , emunt militem , non legunt , they buy their Souldiers rather then make choice of them ; we made purchase of generall Pardons of all that were Utlegati , Banniti , aut de Feloniis indictati , si cum Rege transitare voluerint , out-lawed , excommunicated , or indicted of Fellony , in case they would go over with the King. As in the same year of the former King and in the year after were discharged out of all Prisons in the Realm to the number of 97 notorious Malefactours . b And in the 18. of Edward the second , and 8. of Edw. the third , and 12. of Edw. fourth we did the like . An army better apted by Necessity then Election to live upon the Enemy , Quibus ob Egestatem & Flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est , whose indigency and former ill way of life must needs make them ready for any mischief . In the end of this King last remembred , and entrance of his Heir Richard the second , the State began to be sensible of consuming Issue ; which not lying in the Kings power ( now as the strength of France , set on Revenge , stood ) to stay at pleasure , ( for — arma tenenti Omnia dat qui justa negat — Deny the Souldiers due , You give him all you have ) it was urged to him in Parliament a 7. of his reign , as an errour in his Government : whereto he answered , that they ought not to lay the cause upon him , for that together with the Crown the Warres descended unto him . And the Chauncellor 4. of Henry the 4. declared publickly in the Higher House , that by the mischance of Warre and want of reasonable Peace , ( for I use the words of the Roll ) occasioned by dissension and private desire , the flower of Chivalry and Rock of Nobless within the Realm was in a manner consumed . Nobilitas cum Plebe perit , lateque vagatur Ensis , & à multo revocatū est pectore ferrum . The Peer and Peasant falls , and hating rest Bloudy the Sword returns from many a breast . And the whole State by warre had been thus subverted , had not God as a mean raised that King. But since the end of mans creation is not for the Slaughter , nor education of Armes to make men Castawayes ; the course most answerable either to Charity , or Example , ( for Rome did by Colonies inlarge and confirm her Empire ) is to transplant that we may best spare . In Ireland we may increase the King many Subjects , and in the Indies God many servants : a world from our Forefathers lookt up by divine Providence , as onely best to glorify and purify these Times . And as in warre conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus , Souldiers are rather to be listed then disbanded ; so post bellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae , after warre forces are rather to be cherished then wasted . And thus much in answer of Necessity . Answer to the Arguments of Profit . THe profits gained by Forrain Expeditions cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed , as by setting down the expence of Mony , Men , and Munition , by which we have made purchase of them . I will therefore deliver as they fall in sequence all the Impositions , Taxes and Lones , whether by general Grant , or Praerogative power levied of the People ; summing after up , as I go along the times of our Princes , the number of Men , Ships , and vast provisions of Victualls raised to supply the necessity & expence of War. VVIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of his government took of every Hide-land 12d , a due of the Subjects to the Soveraign both before and since the Conquest . to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoile , or the Sea from Piracy , should expose the Prince to . It is called Dane-geld , Gelda Regis , or Hidage , and was sessed by the Hide or Plough-land , like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome , yet by no rate definite with this as with another Exaction , taken , as the Monk of S. Albans a saith , sive per fas sive per nefas , by fair means or by foule . He passed over into France , into the list of charge he ranked the Bishops and Abbots , sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his service , exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome . William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil . a man , and so discharged them . In an . 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels , and levied 4 Hidages of every Plough-land , a Tributis Angliam non modo abradens , sed excorians , not only shaving , but even flaying England with his impositions ; so that wearied with warre and expence , ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffoc●ta , England was quite stifled by him , and could not so much as breath . — b Quid jam non Regibus ausum ? Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus ? — What durst not Kings then do ? What mischief could the Nation suffer more ? in this Kings time . c Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam , exacted a great summe of his Kingdome , with which the passed into France : and by this means d gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis , England was born down with many oppressions . e He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld . f And in the 17. Quod inter eum & Regem Francorū magnū fuit dissidium , Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus , & Bonis sine peccato spoliata , by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France , England was oppressed with divers exactions , & men spoild of their goods for no offence at all . Of King Stephen there need no more then the words of the Monk of Gisborn , g Post annum sextum Pax nulla , omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio , after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet , but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men . Henry the second , alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire , as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations , continued the Policy of his Progenitours , who allotted the land into such and so many equall protions , as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Armes ; from whom ( as occasion required ) they received either service or contribution . This Tenure , now esteemed a Thraldome , began upon a voluntary and desired submission ; for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept land upon the like conditions , so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject , but as in right his own ? And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown , which is a great part of the Kings Honour , their duties and Escheats a great benefit , and their attendance by Tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least , ( for the Knights Fees in England are no lesse ) a great ease , strength , and security to his State ; for they are totidem Hostagia , so many Hostages , as Bracton saith ; it were a thing perillous now to alter , after such a current of time & custome . This King to understand the better his own strength , publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet Praelatus & Baro , quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent , he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite . By this rule of Scutage , constant in the number , he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief , though divers in the rate . Of the first , which was neare the beginning of his Reign , there is no record . The second Scutage , a which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti , thousand pounds of silver ; which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil . the ounce , whereas that was not five groats , will amount to near 400000l . An. 7. a Scutagiū fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae , a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse ; w ch if summed up by the received number of Knights Fees , being 60216 in the hands of the Layety onely , of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l . The like in the next year . In an . 11 b there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu , to find men to serve in the wars , of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound . And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis , in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men , the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths . In the 14. yeare a Scutage was assessed c ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis , one Mark on every Fee. And anno 18. d Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo , a Scutage for every Fee. A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign . In which year dying , 900 e millia librarum in auro & argento , praeter utensilia & jocalia reliquit , he left in mony 900000 pounds , besides Plate and Jewels . f Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum , a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil . levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidie out of all the Moveables in the Realm to his own use ; g Et eleemosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit , cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes . A contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 h millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium , 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome : as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil . In the i 7. he imposed for his warrs a contribution called Tenementale . Extremity ( for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State ) invented nova & varia praedandi vocabula , new and sundry words to expresse his exactions , as Tacitus a saith , of Centesima & Quinguage fima , an hundredth part and a fiftieth part , ( names that since have found reception and use with us . ) This was 2. shillings of every Plough-land from the Husbandman , and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service . He inforced the Cistertian Monks b to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine Pecuniaria , at a Fine . For his Army into Normandy c he took a Scutage assessed at 20 shillings . d And 4. years after of every Plough-land 5. shillings , and of every Borough and e City duos palfridos & totidem summarios , 2. horses and as many summaryes ; and of every Abbot half asmuch . Then loosing of purpose his great Seale , proclaimed that f Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur , all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal . Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties . This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours ; as g of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui suis volebant libertatibus gaudere , as many as would enjoy their Liberties , ut innovarent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigiilo , to renew their Charters from the Kings new Seal . Some reason h Richard had in the end to becoma a gatherer , that had not long before by accompt of Chancellour Hubert then Archbishop , spent infra blennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de Regno Angliae , within less then 2 yeares eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver current English money . His brother Iohn succeeding a took in the first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks . b For the two next years 3 shil . of every Plough : c and the year following , besides a Scutage as before , the 40. part of the Revenues of the Clergie and Layety . d In the 4. year hee took the like Scutage , and the e seventh part of the moveable goods of the Baronage & Clergie . A Scutage assessed at 2 Marks f in an . 5. g The like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil . Scutage ; and the 13 part of Moveables aswell of the Church as Layety in the year following . In h an . 9. he exacted by redemption of the Concubines of the Clergie a great summe : In the 11. i extor sit tributum grave , scil . 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasticis , he extorted a great tribute , viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men . And to furnish his Army , k Clericorum Horrea invadit , he came upon the Barns of the Clergy . In l the 12. a Scutage assessed at two marks , besides an exaction m of 22000l . from the Cistertians . He took n in the 13. year a Scutage assessed at 20 sh . pro excrcitu Walliae , for his Welsh Army ; exacting o from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 40000 marks . p And in the 16. year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictaviae ad 3 Marcas , a Scutage was assessed at 3 Marks so the Army in Poictou . Thus in the space of 17 years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions . In the time of Henry the third , q upon the Clergie , Nobility and Gentry there was assessed 15 Scutages ; one at 10 shillings , two at 20 , eight at two Marks , and 4. at 40 shillings the Knights Fee. a The land of the inferiour sort twice taxed ; first at 2 shillings , after at half a Mark the Plough . b And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown . c From out of the Lay Subjects moveable goods hath been taken 5 times : as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts , d and once the 16. of the Clergie for this King. e A Tenth he 9. times imposed upon the Church : six times for a yeare onely , and by it self ; once accompanied with the First-Fruits ; once for 3. yeares ; and once for 5. f Besides 2. Aides , the one moderate , the other called g gravis exactio , a heavy exaction , and worthily , if to the 800. Marks imposed upon h S. Edmunds Bury all the other Abberes were rated accordingly . i And by the accompt of Willihelmus de Midleton k he received in the time of his government de exitu Iudaismi 4020000l . And as in all the 56. yeares of his reign ( excepting five ) either the Church or Common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war ; so were they grieved with other Exactures , either for Cariages , or Victualls , or personall attendance . In the 16. yeare the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoyned l ut providerent decem bonus naves & magnas ad transfertandum in Pictaviam in servitium Regis , to provide ten good and stout ships for the Kings service in Poictou . m And at another time 20. Dunwich and Ipswich 5. a piece , and the Ports proportionable , all at their own charge . In the same yeare n and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart . of wheat , 5000 of oates , and many Bacons . The Church not forborn in those charges : For from Winchester a 2000 quarters of Wheat and Oates , and 1000 of Bacons was taken . b The other Bishops and Clergie bearing their parts of victualls in the like Exactions , coming — ut unda supervenit undae : ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus , as wave follows wave , as if England were a pit never to be drawn dry . c In the 12. and 14. the King levieth Souldiers for his wars beyond Sea , collecting pro Exercitu suo de singulis duabus Hidis cur . upon every two Hides so much for his Army , and to bring secum victualia victualls with them : and those for whose service the King dispenced , et quos Rex vult remanere in partibus suis , and such as he pleased should continue at home , to contribute victuals to those that went for 40. dayes : commanding the Sheriffs d to sweare all ad Arma qui post eum remanebant in Anglia , in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Ioannis Patris sui , to Armes , who stayed behind him in England , after the manner they were sworn in the time of King Iohn his father ; by which Ordinance of King Iohn all able Subjects from Youth to decrepite Age were bound to arme themselves , and be in continuall readiness e à sero usque ad mane from night to morning , ( for so the Record is ) to attend the Kings pleasure . And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. f mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum Regis homines juratos ad ferrum , commanded the Sheriffs to send all those to his Army who had been so sworn , bringing with them Loricas , Habergiones , &c. Coats of Maile , Habergeons , &c. And to such as neglected this service he sent his Writs , reprehending them at first , a Jurgatorie e quòd , &c. tartly for that , &c. and after fining them according to their abilities and Tenures . Taking b an . 26. of Willihelm . de Umfrevile pro quietatione passagii , for the securing of his passage into Gascoign 100 Marks ; and so in proportion of many others . Edward the first exacted from the land of his Subjects 4. times Scutage , assessed every time at 40. shillings the Knights Fee. And once an Aide called Auxilium novum , a new Aide , which he farmed out for ready money . Of the Rents of the Clergie he took a Tenth part twice for one yeare , and once for six ; and the 20. part twice from both the Provinces , and once for two yeares from Canterbury only . The possessions of the Priors Aliens he seized once into his own hands , putting the Monks to a bare Pension of 18. pence a week . Of the goods of the Clergie he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once , the Moietie three times , and the Tenth seven times ; whereof the Grant was first for two yeares , and then for three yeares , and once for six yeares . c Of the goods of the Commons the 8. the 9. and the 12. part he took once , twice severally the 10. and 11. the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly . Three times he had the 15. part , and once the moiety of a 15. From the Clergie and Laietie together the King had granted of their Moveables a 10. a 15. and a 30 , part . Of the Cities and Boroughs , besides a great Loan , once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part . From the Merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their Commodities ; imposing a new Custome of a Noble upon every Sack of Wooll which he let out to Farm. And under pretence of some breach of Amity with those parts whether his Merchants traded , he seized anno 22. a all the Woolls into his hands , and made of them instant Sale to the best value , leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment . He took b the same yeare , to the distaste of the Pope and murmure of the Clergie , all the money gathered in sub sidium Terrae Sanctae , for the succour of the Holy Land , to furnish his Journeyes . Upon the persons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage , c sessed either in communi in generall , or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Iews : whereof the one amounted to 50000 Marks . Neither were his people by continuall payment ( for there was but one yeare of intermission all his Reign ) freed from attendance in their Persons . For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffes : as d an . 31. de poditibus eligendis de tota Anglia , for the chusing of foot-Souldiers throughout all England ; and to be found and furnished by their severall Countryes : calling e his Earls , Barons and Knights to personall service according to their Tenures . His Son the second Edward assessed upon the lands of his Subjects twice Scutage ; once at two Marks , & once at 40. sh . the Knights Fee. From the Revenues of the Clergie rated by the book of Tenths , he at distinct times took 4d. 5d. and 12d. in the Mark ; and once the 15. part of the whole . From the goods of the Clergie a Tenth for three yeares . And twice f a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops . From the Layetie ( besides a Tallage of their Moveables ) in Cities and Boroughs once a Tenth , twice a 15. and twice a 20. part of their goods . Besides a Loan from the Commons , and 10. shillings borrowed upon every Sack of Wooll from Merchant Strangers , and a Noble from others . a From the Clergy and Layetie together of their goods a Tenth , a 15. and twice an 18. part , besides a Loane . He augmented his fathers new Custome with an Imposition of a Noble more upon every Sack of Wool. And anno 10. b quia exitus Regni sui & terrarum , because the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere , together with all the money granted by the Church and Layetie , ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit , was not enough to defray the charges of his wars , and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere , spend a vast deal of mony ; he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commodities inward and outward to an extreme Rate ; and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Souldiers ; and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars ; and seized c omnes Lanas & Coria Mercatorum , data securitate Possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solvendo , All the Woolls and Hides of the Merchants , giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards . He charged the Ports and Sea-Townes 12. severall yeares ad costos suos & sumptibus villarum , at their own costs , and the charge of the Villages about them , ( as the Record saith ) to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis & victualibus , with Armes and Victualls ; sometimes for one month , as anno 11. d sometimes for 4. as e 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno f 4. the number of Ships more or lesse as occasion required . In an . 17. a Southampton was charged with six , and 118. Sea-Towns more with rateable proportions for the Kings service . Sometimes , as anno 18. b embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tunnes or upwards , or of 50. Tunnes and upward , as an . 20. c contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum , against the hostile attempts of the French. Causing the town of Southampton anno 6. d to build a Galley for himself of 120. Oares . Commanding all the Sheriffes for provision of Victuall , as anno e 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 9. to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum pretium , at the charge of the County a certain Rate , to the proportion sometimes of 30500 Quarters of Corn and many Bacons , as anno 16. f and to send them to the Kings Army . As also g Carrecta & Carra cum Equis & Bobus , Carts and Waggons with Oxen and Horses out of the Countyes severally for the use of war. Sometimes he made the Ports to send provision themselves , as anno 7. h and not to suffer any Ships with victualls i ibidem discariari , to be there unladed , but to order them by security for those parts where the Kings Army was lodged . And not sparing the Church , exacted k his three first yeares Frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu suo , Corn and other Victualls for his Army from them . Besides the former Charges , the Persons of Men , aswell of the Nobility as meaner rank , were at their own Charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars . l As in 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. and 16. m of this King , when they were called singulatim man by man , aswell Widowes as Knights n and Noblemen , and such as held 40. l. land according to their Tenures , a sub forisfactura terrarum & Catallorum Equis & Armis , sumptibus propriis , to appear with Horse and Armes , at their own charge , under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels ; & to provide de hominibus ad Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos , men for the service besides their ordinary Servants : according to Augustus b rule , Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem , both men and women were forced to find their Souldiers . And of this the Clergie was not exempted c anno 16. of this King. And out of every town one sumptibus propriis , at their own charges , for 40. dayes , as anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9. 1. or pro 7. Septimanis for 7. weeks , as anno 4. d Sometimes 1000. in one Countrey , as anno 3. e Sometimes an entire Army of 18300. an . 11. and f 48800. at the charge of all the Countyes anno 15. g London sumptibus Civitatis at the Cities charge , found 500. men for 40. dayes anno 12. h and the like anno 18. contra insultus Regis Franciae , against the invasions of the King of France . i The King commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil . land & upwards should rateably send to his service men ; k And annis 9. 10 , 15 , and 16. that all jurati adarma , sworn to Armes , or from 16. to 60. secundum Statutum Wincestriae , according to the Statute of Winchester , should attend their Services . l And anno 13. injoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge . m And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of England so furnished , that Parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint , they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the King when he should call them , their weapons to be provided ad sumptus Incolarum , at the charge of their neighbour dwellers ; and themselves enjoyned to muster and train every six weeks . If any neglected his appointed service , there was sent ot the Sheriff a a writ de habendo illos coram concilio , qui praemoniti non venerunt in expeditione Regis , to bring them before the Councel , who knowing of it before , refused the expedition , as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned , and their goods seized into the Kings hands , as b anno 9. et 16. or else redemption by fine , as the c Sheriffes of Buckingham and Bedford did their men for 600. Marks anno 15. The owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default d cum tertia parte Bonorum , with the 3. part of his Goods ; the second , cum tota residua , with the remaining parts ; at the third , sint Corpora eorum ad voluntatem Regis , their Bodies to be at the Kings disposall ; and of Knights , qui non fuerunt in exercitu Regis , 20. l. de qualibet Hida , which were not in the Kings Army , 20. l. for every Hide , as c anno 13. I have the longer insisted upon this King , that tanquam in speculo , as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of war. Edward the third charged f the lands of his Subjects twice 40. shillings of every Knights Fee ; and 5. l. 16. shillings of every Parish in the 48. yeare of his Reign . Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the 9. part , and 15 th . of Forest and Wast ; twice the tenth , thirteen times a fifteenth for one yeare , and twice for three yeares : and once the 20. part of all moveables , and 30000. Sacks of Wooll upon conditions . Of the Boroughs and Cities , 4. Tenths , and one for three yeares . From the Lords the tenth Sheaf , Lambe , and Fliece : who with the Bishops and Knights grant 20000. Sacks of Wooll for payment of the Kings debts , giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earle of Brittain , to whom their Soveraign stood ingaged . Of the Clergy alone one Tenth for 4. yeares , three for three yeares , and one for one yeare . Besides a Contribution in the 12. of his Reign , seizing in the same yeare all the Goods of the Cluny and Cistertian Monks . Of the Church and Laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their Moveables . From the Merchants and State a Subsidy of Wool for 3. yeares . Imposing anno 33. 26. shil . 8d. upon every Sack transported : which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather . Advancing it after for 6. yeares to 40. shillings ; and in an . 38. ( being the yeare he resumed his Stile of France , ) to 46. shillings 4d. the Sack of Wooll . Taking Poundage 6d. of all Commodities inward and outward , and enjoyning the Marchants for every Sampler of Wooll transported to return in 40. shillings Bullion to his Minte . a Himself becoming Merchant of all the Tinne in Devonshire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli , to help him bear the burthen of his wars : assessing upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4d. severally anno 51. Besides in b anno 20. he took a Loane of the Bishops , Abbots , Justices , et aliis potentioribus Regni , de diversis pecuniarum Summis inter Summas de 1000. l. & 40. l. and other wealthy men of his Realm , in several summes of mony , betwixt the summes of 1000. l. and 40. l. In the first of his Reign a he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service , sumptibus propriis & duplici Esk●ppamento , at their own proper charge , and with double Skippage , and to provide as many as they can of 60. Tun and upwards . And the yeare following b layeth the like charge upon 76. Port-Townes for all Ships of 40. Tunne and more . And anno 10. c the like at their own charge , besides a contribution of mony , d for payment whereof the Officers are commanded , ut eas per districtiones & alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent , to force it by distraining , and what other punishments they shall find expedient . Injoyning such Merchants of London , qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt , who had traffick in forreign parts , to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge . e And anno the thirteenth the Cinque-Ports set out to sea 30. Ships , and maintain them during the service , half at their own , half at the Councells charge . Fourscore Ships being furnished & defrayed by the Out-Ports , the Admirall directed to embargue all other Ships for the Kings service . f And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance , yet could he ( upon humble complaint in Parliament ) receive no further relief , then that the King would not have it otherwise then before . g For Provision of his Armes , the King took at one time , and at a rate of losse to the Subject , 19000. quarters of Grain , 2200. Oxen salted , & 3000. Bacons ; besides of other Provisions an infinite quantity . a The like very frequent all his Reign , pro guerris necessariis , ubi id magis commode fieri poterat , for the necessities of his wars , where it could be done with more conveniency . The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth b to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum , at 5. dayes warning ; the Decrepite to contribute ad expensa praemissorum , towards the expenses of the rest : and to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient , that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam , they might be dealt withall as enemies . c The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars , and at their own Charge , d sometimes with 7. or 800. men at Armes , and 2. or 3000 Archers , as anno 13. with other proportions at divers yeares following . And the Bishops ordered e to furnish Armis & Equis competentibus , serviceable Armes and Horses , so many as occasion required : and their Persons ( together with the Laye Nobility ) commanded f quod sint parati Equis & Armis & toto servitio debito , with Horse and Armes and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars . These wars ( which as Edward the third professeth himself in Parliament , g could not without his great danger and losse of Honour be maintained , unlesse by perpetuall Aide from the Subjects ) were so grievous to them , that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby : As of their Aides advanced to 40. shillings Fine , that by law should be but 20. shil . Their setting forth of men , and the Kings taking of their Victualls without payment ; The Sea left to the charge of their keeping , and from their woolls by way of Subsidy 60000. l. yearly exacted without Law ; besides the lending of 2000. Sacks , and themselves restrained from transporting any . But such was the Necessity of these times , that neither they had redresse of their Complaint , nor the State one yeare discharged of Contribution all his Reign . Richard succeeding his Grandfather declareth both a anno 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in , and the Territories he inherited beyond Sea could not be maintained , except the Subject of this Realm gave supply of means thereto . He therefore of the Clergie and Laiety took once the tenth of all their lands , and thrice of the goods of the Commons the like entirely , and six times the half , twelve times a fifteenth , and six times the Moiety : And had anno 21. granted one Tenth to him , and a 15. and a half of either of them yearly for term of life . From out the Boroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth , and once a Moiety . Out of the Merchandises he received three years 6d. In the pound , and once twelve pence . And for every Tunne of Wine , and such Commodities , for 2. yeares 6d. doubling it for as many , and trebling it for three yeares after . The Custome of Woolls , &c. by Edward the first rated at a Noble the Sack , and under his son increased as much more , was to this King advanced to 22. shil . 8d. which singly for 8 yeares he had granted unto him , besides once for 3. yeares , and once for 4. having it after improved to 34. shil . 4d. and again to 43. shil . 4d. the Sack. The summe of one of these Subsidies in anno 14. amounted to 160000. l. From out of the goods of the Clergie he had 8. Tenths and a half ; and one out of those and the Laiety together ; besides a Loan anno 5. of 60000. l. By the poll or heads of all his people from above 15. yeares , he collected twice a Contribution , assessed proportionall from the Begger to the Duke : Besides in strength of Praerogative only , of every Ship and Fisherman 6d. the Tun : the like of Newcastle Coals , and of every Last of Corn inwards or outwards the like Summe . To furnish his journey for Ireland he took their Horses , Armour , Cattell . a Hinc factus est suis Subditis invisus , Hereupon he came to be hated by his People , saith the Bishop of London . And so it seemed : For at his deposing , it was one of the objected Articles against him . He the first yeare of his Reign imposed upon his Subjects , as formerly his Ancestours had done , a personall service ab anno primo , That all the Clergy should array Armis & Equis competentibus , with serviceable Horses and Armes , from the age of 16. to 60. et eos in Millenis & Centenis poni faciant , and cause them to be entred into Regiments and Companyes . And two yeares after commanded all according to their Tenures by service to fit themselves Equis & Armis , with Horse and Armes to attend the wars . But these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered , and the King for the most part ever supplied in his wars by contract with the Nobility and Gentry , to serve him with so many men , and so long , and at such a rate as he and they by Indenture accorded ; of which there are in the Pell plenty yet remaining . Thus under grievous burdens did the State labour continually all his time ; for his Treasury being wastfully emptied , was , as Tacitus saith of Tiberius , a Scelere replendum , to be filled some ill way ; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people . Hence was it that often in this Kings time b the Subjects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable Tallages . But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartlesse People , answered them as an . 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not consist together . c They again plead extreme poverty , in barre of further relief ; complaining that good mony was transported , and the State enforced to use base ; and that the price of Wooll by warrs ( to their utter impoverishing ) was fallen , and that the Kings want was onely the ill government of his Revenues ; and therefore crave to have his present Officers removed : and very hardly would be drawn any more to taxe themselves , but conditionally , and with this Limitation , That their mony should be received , expended , and accompted for to themselves , and by Treasurers of their own election ; and are content to lend in the end ; loading this poor Kings dejected Fortune with the reproachfull weight of these their many Burthens . Henry the fourth in 13. yeares out of the land of his people received twice relief ; once auxilia de medietate Feodorum , an Aide of the Moiety of the Fees , and again a Noble out of every 20. l. throughout all the Realm . Out of the Goods of the Commons 4 times a Tenth , besides one for 3. yeares , and the like one and a half for 2. By severall grants and yeares five Fifteens , besides one for 2. and one for 3. yeares . Out of Staple Commodities of Wooll , Fells , &c. one Subsidy for one yeare , foure for two apiece , and one for 3. yeares . A Poundage at 8d. once , four times 12d. whereof the last was for 2. yeares . The like number and yeares of the Tunnage , the first onely rated at 2. shil . the rest at 3. shil . the Tun. Out of the Moveables of the Clergie thrice a Tenth , and twice a Moiety ; as also of every stipendary Minister , Frier , and such manner persons 6. shil . 8d. apiece . Besides all these of all he took an . 8. a a Contribution ita gravis , so heavy , that it was granted ea conditione , ne trahatur in Exemplum , & ut Evidentiae post datum Computum cremarentur , upon this condition , that it should not be made an Example to following times , and that after the Account the Evidences should be burnt . Next his succeeded his Son the 5. Henry ; in whose 9. yeares Reign I find no charge imposed upon the Land of the Subjects . Out of the Goods of the Commons he received 6. times the 10. and the 15. entirely , and once two thirds onely of Staple wares ; a Subsidy once for 4. yeares , and after for life : three shillings Tunnage , and 12d. Poundage for the like terms as the former Subsidies . Thrice he had the Tenth of his Clergie . And in the eighth of his Reign , when the Chancellour bewailed to him in Parliament the Feeblenesse and Poverty of the People by reason of wars and scarcity of mony , he ( who of as many attempts as he undertook , totidem fecit Monumenta victoriae , raised himself so many Monuments of Victory , ) yet for redresse and ease of those miseries ( as Livy saith of an excellent Souldier ) Pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit , he preferred Peace because he knew he could overcome . And left in the 9. yeare of his Reign a peaceable succession and Heire , nimium felix malo suo , too happy to his own undoing , as the event proved . For retaining nothing ex paterna Majestate praeter speciem nominis , of his Father's Greatness more then the specious Name of a Great King , by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious kindred , to work themselves into popular Favour , and himself into Contempt : which was soon done by leading the easy King by Expence into Extremity . For besides the Resumptions he took of his own and Fathers Grants , ( which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of Duty and Affection towards him ) he out of the old inheritance of his Subjects exacted 6d. in the pound anno 14. and doubled twice that valuation , not onely on all lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first , but of all Free-hold and Coppy-hold under 200. l. and two in twenty of all above . He further imposed first 6. shil . 8d. and then 20. shil . upon every Knights Fee. Out of the goods of the Commons he had 6. Tenths , whereof one for 3. yeares , besides 3. Moieties , and one third ; of fifteens 3. halfs , one third , and eight entire , of which there was of two a 3 yeares grant . Besides these former , out of the woolls he had 37107 l. raised by a Moiety of a 10 th . and 15 th . and again of all goods 6. shil . 8d. in the pound . Of the Merchant of Subsidies rated as in former times , he had then by grant once but for a yeare ; trebled for three and a half . This Subsidy advanced to 33. shil . 4d. of Denisons , and 53. shil . 4d. of Aliens . The Sack of Wooll was twice granted for 4. years at a time , and an . 31. for term of the Kings life . Besides a Subsidy alone of Aliens goods , Tonnage and Poundage improved to six shillings 8d. he took in his 18. yeares . And after the Rates of his Fathers time he had it first thrice by his severall grants and yeares , then as often for two yeares , and again by a new grant for 5. yeares , and in the end for term of his life . Of the Clergy he had besides one half of Dismes , 4. entire Tenths . And by the State in generall anno 31. 2000. Archers maintained for half a yeare at the common Charge . By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a householder 16. shillings a piece , if none 6d. And anno 27. 6. shillings 8d. every such stranger , and 20d. of their Clerks . An. 13. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants mere Aliens , and a third lesse of Denizons , and 20 shil . of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land ▪ The first Monopolies I find were grounded upon the extremities of these times ; for in anno 29. the Spinellos , Merchants of Genua , had by grant for 8000. l. the sole Trade of many Staple-Commodities . As the Merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the like summe . Yet for all the Contributions , Taxes and Shifts , ( whereby the impoverished People were enforced to petition redresse ; for which a Parliament was anno 10. summoned onely , ) the Kings Coffers were so empty , and the yearly Revenues so short , as the Lord Treasurer was constrained a an . 11. to complain in Parliament of the one , and declared there the other to want 35000. l. of the needfull expence , as the best motive to work a Relief from the Common-wealth : which was by the people in part effected . a But by an . 18. the debts were swoln again so great , that the Parliament was reinforced not onely to see them , but to support and victuall his houshold . Thus was this unhappy Princes Reign all war and waste : and in the end , as one saith of b Lepidus , à Militibus & à fortuna deserebatur , being forsaken both of Souldiers and Fortune , he was left a while to a disgraced life , spoliata quam tueri non poterat dignitate , and despoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain . Edward the fourth , c besides two resumptions not only of the Grants of such Kings as he accounted de facto , and not de jure to Reign , but also of those made by d himself , and that Sea of profit that by infinite Attaintures flowed daily into his Treasury , took notwithstanding of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall onely a Tenth of their yearly possessions , and of the Commons six Tenths , three quarters ; and the like proportion of Fifteens : A Benevolence in an . 14. which e Fabian calleth a new Contribution : And charged them f anno 12. with wages of his Archers to a Summe of 51117. l. Of the Merchant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life . Besides of Strangers , as well Denizons as others , a Subsidie the g 22. yeare of his Reign . Leaving his Kingdome in the next to the few dayes of his son Edward the fifth . For Ostendunt terris hunc tantum Fata , nec ultra Esse sinunt . — The Fates only shewed him to the world , and took him away again . Richard his Uncle succeeded , homo ingeniosissime nequam , & facundus malo publico , a man mosting eniously mischievous , and full of Art to beguile the people . He to make a just semblance of his unjust entry , besides his Act of Parliament full of dangerous Untruths , dissembled the part of an excellent Prince , making the Commons believe by a Statute , to which he gave first form , as life , discharging them for ever from all exactions called Benevolences , that his opinion was , Ditare majus esse Regium quam ditescere , that it was more Kinglike to enrich his Subjects then to grow rich himself . Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero , that took away the law Manlia de vectigalibus , only ut gratiosior esset populis , to ingratiate himself the more with the people . And so all his short Reign I find recorded but once any Tax upon the people , and that was Tenths granted by the Clergy of both Provinces . Henry the seventh succeeding , resumed in the 3. of his Reign most of the grants of Office made by the Usurper his brother , & assessed upon the land onely of his Subjects but one Aide in an . 19. out of their Goods and Lands a tenth peny , and of their Goods onely 3. times the tenth , five Fifteens , besides a Tenth and Fifteenth arising to 120000. l. He took three Subsidies , whereof the last was not above 36000. l. a and one Benevolence , the proportion of every Alderman being 300. l. and the entire Summe of the City of London 9688. l. 17. shillings 4d. Of the Clergie he had twice the Tenth , & 25000. l. by way of Subsidie . b And of them and the Commons 2. Loans ; the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion , but so assessed as Commissioners and the Lenders could agree . And aswell to ease the expence of wars , as issue of the good money going over to Bullen , a he stamped an allayed Coyn then usually termed Dandeprats : A course that necessity after enforced his Son and Successors to practice , and is an apparent Symptome of a consumed State. But that whereby he heaped up his masse of Treasure , ( b for he left in Bullion 4. millions and a half , besides his Plate , Jewells , and rich attire of house ) was by sale of Offices , redemption of Penalties , dispencing with Laws , and such like , to a yearly value of 120000. pounds . His Successour , reaping the fruit of his Fathers labour , gave ease of burthen to the Subjects his first two years ; taking within the compasse of his other 34. three Tenths of the Commons , four Fifteens , 6. Subsidies , whereof that an . 4. amounted to 16000. l. and that an . 7. 110000. l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year , and after for term of Life . Of the Clergy 4. Tenths by one grant , and 3. by severall , every of them not lesse then 25084. l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury , another of both ; the Stipendary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages . In an . 22. they granted a Moiety of all their Goods and Lands , payable by equal portion in 5. years , every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown , by an inhumane spoil of sacred Monuments , and impious ruine of holy Churches , if Gods blessing could have accompanyed so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law , so did he many upon Praerogative : As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergy and Commons . Of the first there were two remarkable , that in an . 17. acted by Commissioners , who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy , so were they to swear all those with whom they conferre or contract . The Rates directed by instructions , as the thirds of all Goods , Offices , Land above 20. l. and the 4 th . under . And although the Recusants ( whether from Disobedience or Inability ) are threatned with Convention before the Councell , Imprisonment , and Confiscation of Goods ; yet in the a Designe Originall under the Kings hand , it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant. The other about b an . 36. exacteth out of all Goods , Offices , land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8d. in the pound , and of all above , 12d. And amongst the many Loans , there is none more notorious then that of an . 14. c which was 10. l. in the hundred of all Goods , Jewels , Utensils , and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above , as far as the Subjects Fortune , revealed by the extremity of his own Oath , would extend . And to stop as well intentions if any had been , as expectations of repayment of such Loans , d the Parliament in an . 21. acquitteth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Missive . Edward the sixth his Son , besides Tonnage and Poundage for life , an . 1. received of his Law-Subjects six Fifteens , and of both three Subsidies , leaving one of the Temporalty ungathered : which his Sister Mary remitted in an . 1. of her reign ; yet after ( incited by the French King succouring her Rebells , and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions , purposely to be hither transported , as also to side the quarrell of Philip her husband against him ) being drawn into wars , she was inforced to presse upon her people , and ( besides the Loan in an . 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament ) took five Fifteens of the Commons , and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies . Her Sister of happy memory succeeding , besides divers Loans of her people and others in forraign parts , ( as anno 5. when William Horle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for 6. years great Summes of money , the like an . 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London , and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security , strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors , ) had by grant of her Subjects 38. Fifteens , 20. Subsidies of the Commons , and 18. of the Clergy . All which together rose to a summe of two Millions and 800000. l. HAving thus far ( with as light a hand as I could ) drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth , if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught , it will with much more life and lustre expresse the Figure of wars Misery . a The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebbe , that when by force of necessity they borrowed money , they could not take it up but by collaterall security , and extreme Interest . As Edward the 3. in the Patent to b William de la Poole confesseth , that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata , for want of money his affaires were dangerously delayed , ( they are the words of the record ) and the honour of him and his Royall Army magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus , & progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus , he was brought to a manifest low condition , and his proceedings to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered ; if De la Poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his Security , as with the best ability of his own Purse . For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets , and 500. l. land of inheritance . The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras adscenderat , ita ut imminenet tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Deso latio & Ruina , came to more then a hundred pound a day , so that present ruine & desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergy as the People . Q. Mary a borrowed in Flanders at 14. in the hundred , besides Brocage upon collaterall security . The late Queene was inforced b to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance , as before , and with her c own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land. A course more moderate then either that of the first William , that took out of Churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security : d or that of Charles the fifth , that to repaire the waste of his Italian wars , went in person to Barcilona , to seize into his hands a Masse of money called Depositum Tabulae , which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary . But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times onely : for in the lives of Caligula , Nero , and Vespasian , Suetonius of them severally writeth , Exhaustus & egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum , being drawn dry and grown poor , they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines . For Perni●los●●res est in imperante tenuitas , Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing ; and as Theodoricus said , Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper , a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living . It hath abated the Regalties of Houses ; an . 16. of Richard the second , and 18. a of Henry 6. when as well from want of means , as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament , ( for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus , the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses , ) they have much lessened their Hospitality ; their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects , as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity b ita consueta Regaiis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit , ut ( posposita solita verecundia ) cum Abbatibus , Clericis , & viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit & prandia ; the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low , that ( without farther shame ) he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots , Clerks , and very mean Persons . It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown : as Henry the c 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vascon●ae , leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign ; And caused himself not long after by the like occasions , to sell for 300000. l. ( except some pittances reserved ) the d entire Signiorie of Normandie . What our late Mistris and her Father did , is yet fresh in memory . But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects , when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues , have often resumed the possessions of their people ; as a Edward the second anno 5 , 8 , & 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum & diminutionem Regis & Coronae suae , all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown . b Richard the second an . 1 ▪ did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather , and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry c the 5. an . 1. and d Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign , Edward the 4. in an . 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother . Neither is this in it self unjust , since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government , the Revenues and Profits e quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent , which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince , should remain firme and unbroken . But when neither Credit , Frugality , or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want , our Princes have been so neer beset , as with N●rva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells . The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an . 26. f ( in wars beyond Sea ) impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda , to pawn the Kings Jewells any where in England to raise money . g Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda , to pawn his Jewells . h Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war. The Black i Princes was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers . a Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea & diversa Iocalia , vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles . b Henry the 4. an . 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam & Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania , ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain . c Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an . 10 th . 12 th . and 29. d many parcells of his rich Jewells . And the late Queen in the end of her dayes ( to ease her Subjects ) did the like with many in the Tower. And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift , that Edward the third e invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae , pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times ; an . 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts , and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant , first in the f 24. and after g an . 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares . To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream , gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign . And when Henry the third had laid to gage h omnia Insignia Regalia , all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments , and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum & Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris , the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour , ( A course more moderate then by force to have taken , as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches , or as i Glement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels ) was in the end , when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others , constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain , a Pauper sum , omni destitutus Thesauro ; necesse habeo ut me juvetis : nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam ; I am poor , and have no Treasure left ; ye must needs relieve me : neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy : And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey , to say , Amice , obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo , My friend , I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound : adding withall majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve , quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti , that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants , then to give to one that begged from door to door . So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say , Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis . Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow . IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned home , loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies ; since no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain , which will easily enforce them b Ire super gladios , superque Cadavera patr●● , Et caesos calcare Duces , — Tread upon Swords , and on their Fathers Graves , And spurn their slaughter'd Captains . — In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great , that the a Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back , then for the expence of their own moneyes : For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas , When Toil brings Loss , Begg'ry must needs increase . The same King , although called in by the Nobility of France b in Faction against their Master , returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita , & Nobilibus & Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati , vel fame attenuatis , vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem , with the having spent an infinite deal of money , his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain , or sickly , or maimed , or half-starved , or else reduced to extreme poverty . Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages then this Scoffe , That England was c Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare , a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry . What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament , 22. Edward 3. 4 , and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home , and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief . The Treasue d Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alin● factu●● nisi damnum & dedecus peperit , brought him nothing else but Loss , and Dishonour . For the Emperour having his turn served , delivered , contrary to Contract , that City to the French , threatning to confederate with them , ni Rex ei continuo per solveret , unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money ; believing ( as the words are ) Minis & terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi , that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words . For the great Army of this King sent over into France , and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan , his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home , and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad , he was himself at the last of all , ( their ends effected ) having spent the Treasure of his Father , and the Bounty of his Subjects , forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him , inter Moysem , Christum & Mahumitem , betwixt Moses , Christ and Mahomet , with this word , Quo me vertam nescio , Which way to turn me I know not . For 2. Millions of a Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay , not without suite of his own , he delivered it with little or no recompence : & rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity b of 100000. Crowns . What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for c 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars , this State received of inrichment , it seemeth so mean , as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts . Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars , she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled , it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge : For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries , from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for a Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time . Thus by reason of warre , besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions , and 800000. l. by Subsidies , Tenths & Fifteens , she hath spent of her Lands , Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion . As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain , it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes . The Journey of Cales b defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between c anno 30. and 34. of the Queen , wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy , arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse , expence of Christian Blood , it may well suffice to be moan with * Horace , Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis ? Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam , nisi in dispar feris . Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds ? Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind . THe last motive from Utility is , increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions . Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction , as to instance the particular Summes , exhausted in every Age to retain them . Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy : For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence , ( as the a Author saith ) laden Thesauris innumeris , with uncountable Treasure , exacted sive per fas sive per nefas , in Normanniam transfretavit , gathethered together by hook or by crook , wafted over into Normandy . His Son b ad retinendam Normanniam , Angliam excoriavit , to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin . The same end by c Henry the first , Anglia fuit bonis spoliata , England was despoiled of its Goods . His d Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae , a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate ; and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man e 13 Castles de novo & integro , intirely new . Richard the first f exacted heavily upon his people , ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret , ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur , therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France , so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy . King Iohn g as wearied with the Charge neglected it : And his Son h feeling a burden more then benefit , resigned his interest there for a little Money . When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth , i the judgement in Councel was , That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France . In the quiet possession of his Son Henry a ( Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent ) this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly . In an . 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England , b that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed , the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary . c When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent , the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an . 27. d the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament , that Normandy was not able to maintain it self . But thus it continued not much longer ; for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly . Of the Principality of Aquitain , the Duchie of Gascoign , Guien and the Members , I find the state thus in record . In the 26. of Henry 3. e there was issued from the Treasurer & Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign ; besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent . To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession , f this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells , being aere alieno graviter obligatus , Thesauris , Donativis , Tallagiis , & extersionibus in Anglia consumptis ; very much indebted , and having spent all his Treasures , Grants , Tallages , and other Sweepings in England . Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum , forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks . And a Story of that time saith of ann . 38. g Ille per multos labores & expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae , with a great deal of toyle and expense , he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign : a of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be . And thus it appeareth to have continued ; for an . 17. of Edward the second , the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d. besides 29660. Q●arters of Gram , and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion . In the first of Edward the 3. b the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues . The Signiories in Aquitain c cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King , 192599. l. 4. shill . 5d. de receptis forinsicis onely . It was delivered in Parliament , an . 1. Rich. 2. d that Gascoign , and some few other places that were then held in France , cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17 th . of this King e a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall , then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts . The charge of Bordeaux f but one Town , surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquita●n 5787. l. for double that time ; when the intire Dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues . The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. g was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England . By accompt Aquitain ( besides Guien 6606. l. ) was the h first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. & the Town of i Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of k Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis , &c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill . the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts . The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny , may in a few Examples appeare . a Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri , quod jam per triennium compr●bavit , that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny , which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall : and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari , to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses . The Town of Brest b cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year , and it stood him in an . 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings . For Callis , I will deliver with as much shortness as may be , from the first acquisition untill the losse , in every age the Expense ( for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England , ) disbursed . c From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken , the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil . 4d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings . In an . 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years compleat . d In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasu●er of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England , 17847. l. e And in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings . f In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis , which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster , 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat . g Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending a anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann . 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings . And b for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil . And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign , 85643. l. From the end of c Richard 2. untill the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. yeares d 62655. l. 17. shillings . And for one succeeding , 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign e 46519 l. 15. shillings . In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England f 86938. l. 10. shil . for this place . And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the g 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an . 11. The Subsidies in England were an . 27. h levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis . And the i 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil . of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end . k And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis : and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth , l that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England . The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. m And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London , Hull , Sancti Botolphi , Poole , & Sandwico , by the Ports of London , Hull , Boston , Pool , & Sandwich , 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis . n And in an . 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings . o And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. a Henry 8.8834 . l. And about 30 th . when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy , 8117. l. And from the 30 th . of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil . From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary , it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land , which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us , then any Fort of Security . For from the waste of money , which is Nervus Reipublicae , the Sinew of a Common-wealth , as Ulpian saith , we may conclude with Tacitus , Dissolutionem Imperii docet , si fructus quibus Respub . sustinetur diminuantur , it foreshews the ruine of an Empire , if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth . And therefore it was not the worst opinion ( at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited b Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome , although in the close major pars vicit meliorem , the greater party out-voted the better , ) that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable , and the keeping more then the enjoying . The issue was in Tournay , Bullen , and this Town manifest . Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty . For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit , Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody ; so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into , and convenient place to trouble the Country , a Fetter to intangle them , they neither has assurance of their own quiet , nor we of their Amity . And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis ( after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery ) used by the Chancellour of France , a That we should gain much more in assured peace , which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town , then by any benefit it did or could yield us . It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms : For upon every light displeasure , either Princes would take by and by to Callis , and make war there . God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations , a sure wall and defence , Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos ; That is , the English were divided from all the world . But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges , it is not amisse to touch ( by way of comfort ) that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered ; and also that other of burthen still , ( though much lightened ) untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie . The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. b Edward . 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares . In the end of Richard 2. & entrance of Henry the 4. c 10153. l. And d 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. e And in an . 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an . 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland , beyond the Revenues , was 29. E. 3. f 2285. l. An. 30. g 2880. l. and h an . 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. i it never defrayed the charges ; And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks a of annuall issues . The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus & proficuis , in all the rents and profits yearly , by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer , not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times ; in the Reign of the late Queen , when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years b ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. c The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. d for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King , 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace , yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure . And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions . As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories ; it may suffice in answer , That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie , the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage ; then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England ( who is e Monarcha in Regno , & tot & tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio , a Monarch his Kingdome , and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire , ) could be more in blemish or opposition . To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae , To our Lord the King of France , as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown , can be called no addition of Honour . And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity , as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown , the kneeling low at the foot of that King , and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France , a liege subject to the Kings of France , &c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject , do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign , is no question of doubt . From these considerations of Reputation and Honour , ( the greatest stayes that support Majestie , and retain Obedience ) our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories , either avoided or refused the services . As King Iohn did Normandy ; and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain , to put off the act of homage from himself , to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour . As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii , a King of England with him , Homagium à Filio noluit ( saith the Record ) quia Rex fuit , sed securitatem accepit ; would not receive Homage of him , because he was a King , but took his Security . In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France , unlesse the King might not do Homage , they held it so base , supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged . And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown . As for the Kingdome of France , the people of England were so little in love with that Title , as any Honour to them , that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France , nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown . And so much we have ever been in fear of that place , lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown , answered , that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there , and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State ; besides the transport of our Money in the mean time , which would inrich that Countrey , and impoverish the Realm at home , whereby we should justly again say , a Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit , quotidie poscit , The Britans are every day begging to be slaves , every day giving money for it . THe last motive is , the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise , by this happy Union of both Kingdoms , then ever any of our Ancestours had . To which is answer nothing can be more full , then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts , weigh how they suite these times , and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation . The first consideration is in Place , the next in Person . In the wars of France ( whether those for the defence of particular Signiories , or competition of the intite Kingdome ) we had ever Ports to land at , & Forts to retire to , which now we have not . The coast of Normandy was our own , by which we might enter the midst of France . And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part , sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys , whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain , that so he might have there an easy footing . Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side , and a sure retreat , when upon any occasion he would come back , as he did to Antwerp . And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent , the greatest difficultie is overcome ; for the rest consisteth in Chance , wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue . But a ibi grave est Bellum gerere , ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus , non ager pacatus , non Civitas Socia , non consistendi aut procedendi locus , quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia ; There 't is a hard task to wage war , where there is no Port open for our Navy , the Countrey our enemy , no City our Confederate , no place to make a stand or to march out from , but whithersoever a man looks , he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us . And this must be now our case , which was never our Ancestours . Advantage personall was either A Party found made . Confederates . For the Persons considerable , they are the Subjects to our enemies , or our own Confederats . Of the first , our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred , or by Pension & Reward either make a fraction in Obedience , or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary . The Duke of Burgundy , Earls of Britain , Dreux and others in France , offended with their Sovereign , a Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico & Regi Angliae , became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England ; and thereupon drew him over into Britain . b The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie . Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France , if c Robert de Artoys ( displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome ) had not incited and complotted for him , as Godfrey of Harecourt did after . Nor Henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the French King , the jealousy of those Princes & Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune . THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs , that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories . As the first the 3d. Edwards , the 5 th . and 8th . Henries . Whereas Henry the sixth , that was of all the rest left most naked to himself , although the greatest otherwise in opportunity , lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end . It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy , to lay down successively , first , with whom we tied that knot of love ; then , what were the motives or assurances ; and lastly , whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first , but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea , a adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae , & Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem , called to his aide the Earle of Britain , and Theobald Earle of Bloys . Henry the second did the like with b Robert Earle of Flanders . And again c cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae , Baronibus , Castellanis , & caeteris hominibus Comitis , with Theodoric Earle of Flanders , the Barons , Governours of Castles , and other the Subjects of the said Earle ; who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua , sicut Domino , pro feodis quae de ipso teneant , upon a summons , as well as their own Lord , for the Fees which they held of him . Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond d mutui subsidii , quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum , of mutuall aide , that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England . And the e Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt , forsaking the King of France , did joyn with King Richard. Between King Iohn a and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum , of mutuall assistance against the French King. b The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland . Henry 3. an . 11. drew c Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French ; and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Ma●ks . d And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes hom●nes in mundo , against all the men in the World. To whom he remained so constant , that an . 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King , but ad preces & instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England . Edward 1. an . 13. e by a pretence of inter-marriage d●ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party : and the yeare following , by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont , the Earle of Flanders , who is g an . ●0 . assisted him in the wars of Gascoign . h In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans , and the Earle of Gueldres ; tying the Nobility of Burgund●e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae , against the French King. i He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King , an . 24 , 25 , and 31. of his Reign ; k retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. l the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare . a And in an . 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi & alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae , Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France . Edward 2. had b auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus , assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses . c And in an . 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders , Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus & peditibus , & Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot , and 10000 other armed men . Edward the 3. d had by the Marriage of Philip , the Earle of Henault & Holland her Father assured to him ; and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers , e qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis , who came to assist the King at his call , with a Salary of 14000. l. yearly . Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdome of France , f he made up to his partie Lodowick the Emperour , ( who the better to countenance his enterprise , elected him Vicarium Imperii , Vicar of the Empire . ) g Reginald Earle of Geldres , Lewis Marquesse of Brandenburg , Conrade Lord of Hard , who served him with 50. men at Armes , the Cardinall of Genoa and his Nephew , who aided him with Galleys , the Magistrates of Colen , Bruxells , Lorrain and Mechlin , and h Iaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction ; who having quitted all duty to the banished Earle , submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward 3. who to free them of two Millions of Crowns , wherein , as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France , a they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation , took upon him the Title of King of France , and imployed Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lorrain , William Marquesse of Iuliers , and the Earle of Henault and Holland , his assured Friends , Procuratores suos ad vend candum Regnum Franciae , his Procurators to claim the Crown of France , b These his Allyes nor long after meeting him at Tournay with 100000. men , as Robert de Artoys did with 50000. at S. Omers against the French King. And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise , weaving into his Faction and support more and more , as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave . By c colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicilie in the 18 th . year , the Duke of Millain , and the King of Castile for mutuall aide ; and d Simon But angre Duke of Genoa , and his Subjects for hire and reward . In the 19. yeare e the questionable Title of the Dutchie of Britain assured him of Iohn de Montford ; against whom the f French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Dutchie . In an . 24. g he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses ; and in 30. made a convention of Peace , & mutul auxilii cum Rege Navarrae , and of mutuall aide , with the King of Navarre . In h the 37. with Peter King of Castile : and in that and 41. i an alliance of Aide and Amity . he entred with the Duke of Britain : and an . 45. K again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earle of Flanders and Duke of Brabant : l and an . 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugall . Richard the second rene weth m in an , I. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain ; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew , as he had done anno 2. with Lewis a Earle of Flanders . In the 6. b yeare he combineth with the Flemings c contra intmicos communes , against the enemies of them both ; with d the Kings of Naples , Sicille , Navarre and Arragon , de mutuis auxiliis , for mutual ai●e ; e & with Wenceslaus the Emperour contra Carclum Regem Franciae & Robertum Regem Scotiae , against Charles King of France , and Robert King of Scotland . In an . 8. f with the Kings of Ierusalem , Sicilie , & Portugall . In the 10. with Portugall , who at his own charges aided this King with 10. Galleys . And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis , for mutual1 aide . And an . 12. g 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of . Bavaria . h And an . 20. with the Earle of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae , against the King of France . And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene an . 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King. Henry 4. entred alliance i of mutuall aid in 2. yeares with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. k In the 12 th . with Sigismond King of Hungaria . l And in the 13. by fiding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans , layed the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown . For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered , strengthened himself anno 4. m by a League perpetuall with Sigismond the Emperour ; renewing that of Richard the 2. n with Iohn King of Portugall , as his Father had done . He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain , and with the Queen of Ierusalem and Lewis her Son for the Dutchie of Anlou and Mayn ; and with the King of Portugall and Duke of Bavaria for supplie of men & Munition by them performed . a And the yeare before the battle of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundie b & his Retinue for Wages in servitio suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae , in his service in the Kingdome of France , or the Dutchy of Aquitain ; esteeming the alliance of that house the rea●iest means the attaine his end . Henry 6. c so long as he held the Amity of Britain ( for which he contracted ) and the confederacy of Burgundy , his friend or eldest assurance and best advantage , which he did to the 16 th . yeare of his government , there was no great decline of his Fortune in France . But when Burgundy d brake the bond of our assurance , & betook him to the Amity of France , and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse , first at the Treaty of e Bruges 1442. then at f Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son , then ever it increased in the rising of the Father . And Edward the fourth who succeeded , sensible of this losse , woed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to winne again the house of Burgundy , g which in an . 7. he did , to joyn for the recovery of his right in France . h And drew in the yeare following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy . In the i 11. yeare he renewed with Charles of Burgundie . the bond of mutuall Aide ; and contracted the next k yeare the like with the King of Portugal . And in an . 14. pro recuperatione Regni Francae , contra Ludovicum Usurpantem , for the recovery of the Kingdome of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper , ( a as the Record is ) entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain ; b And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money , though he could not any portion of land Henry the 7. c an . 5. & 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King. The like in the 8. with the King of Portugall : and in the 10. d with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutuall Aide . Henry the 8. in an . 4. e reneweth the Amity of Portugal ; and the next yeare combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King , who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000. horse and 6000 . foot ; whereupon he winneth Tournay , f Consilo , Auxilio , & favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris , with the advice , assistance , and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian . In anno 7. g to weaken the French King , he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace ; and with h Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide : into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain i were received the yeare following k In an . 12. with the Emperour Charles and l Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King , as the common enemy : & quia Rex Angliae nonpossit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere , the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects , as was mentioned in the contract , the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany . And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories , calleth in aide Brachii Secularis , of the Secular power , a those two Princes ; appointeth the Emperour Protectorem & advocatum Ecclesiae , the Churches Advocate and Protectour ; & stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio , holy expedition . b And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained . Renewing in the years c 21. 35 , and 38. the association , and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes , and against the French King , if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk . And although d Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall ; e yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France , disabled ( as he pretended ) by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him ; f And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection . During the Reign of Queen Mary , there was no other but that g of Marriage , Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor , Spain and Burgundy ; h and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality . Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde i about New-haven , and k with Charles the 9. 1564. & at l Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him , and after Britain , and lastly by the Duke of Bullen a in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. b and 98. divers Treaties of Amity , Confederation and Assistance . By all these passages , ( being all that well either our Story or Records can discover ) it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken , or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate . Amongst which by situation , those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain , Lords of the Netherlands , the City of Genoa , the kings of Portugall and Spain , & the Empire , since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany , the Kings of Denmark , Poland and Sweden , ( so farre removed ) I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy , but of Amity and Entercourse onely . IT remaineth to observe a little , what were the reasons that first induced , and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown . The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here . All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize . But as soon as Vicinum Incendium , the fire began in Millain , they put themselves into the protection of Spain , foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutrall , according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians , c Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus ? What else will become of us , being in firm friendship with neither side , then to be made a prey to the Conquerour ? Since which time Spain by estating Doria , Grimaldi , and the Spinellos , chief Families of that City , with great Patrimonies in Naples , retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary , the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade , and ( no lesse in Policy to ingage that City , then to supply his own Wants ) continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money , as the Interest of late exceeded d 25. Millions ; he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party , then if it were commanded by a Cittadell ; so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown . Navarre and Britain ( while States of themselves ) were so long firm to our Confederacy , as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity , occasioned by that power , which incorporating lately the one by Descent , the other by Contract , is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii , more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet . Burgundie was so long our friend , as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities , or had protection of our Swords against France , who not only claimed Soveraignty over most , but a proprietary interest in part ; and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure , and by particular Immunities inrich that State. But now growing into Spain , they need no such assurance in the one ; and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll , ( which is happily called home , ) not able to return them the benefit of the other , cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore . Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. respects . First , for that he is absolute , and that we be equally devoid of demand , neither having against the other any Titles . Next , for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France , and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood . To this may be made a two-fold answer , from the change of their Dispositions : First , for that they never assist any now , but to make themselves Master of their State. Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugall . And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French , they combined with her Adversary , and divided the Kingdome . And after upon the River of Garillon , under their Leader Gonsalves , taking an advantage , they defeated the whole Army of the French , holding ever since that entire Kingdome themselves . For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship , since upon Union of so many Kingdomes , and famous Discoveries , they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie . The Other ; that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood , as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away : and as Paterculus a saith of Carthage to Rome , so may we of Spain to England , Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat , ut ne in victis quidem deponitur , neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut : The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly , that the very conquered party cannot forget it ; & in such a case the very places must cease to be , before the hatred and envy towards it can cease . BEsides these locall considerations , there will 2. other Dangers now fallout from any Contract of mutuall aide : The one from diversity of Intention , and the other of Religion . In the one , when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End , ( whatsoever he pretended in the entrance , ) he leaveth the other to work out his own designes . Thus was Hen. 3. served , called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March ; they in the mean time having made their Peace with France : a Et expertus jam infidem , imo perfidiam Pictavensium , turpiter recessit , & festinans non pepercit Calcaribus , in so much that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins , he was forced dishonourably to retreat , and for haste to spurre away ; the perill the poore King was left in being so great . He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth , who having drawn him into the warres of Apulia against Manfred , in the end , depauperato Regno Angliae & undique bonis suis spoliato , his Kingdome of England being impoverished , and wholly despoiled of its Goods , left him to his own shift . The King of Navarre calling in the aide of Edward 3. b against France , and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces , revolteth to the French , after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace . Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France , & pro tyrannico Rege repellendo , and to remove the tyrannicall King , ( they are the words of the League ; ) but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem & Imperium Romanum , the Imperiall Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion ; and estateth the Dutchie of Millain after recovery upon his person , & suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum , modo feodorum Imperialium , and his heires male lawfully begotten , to hold in Fee of the Empire : yet in the close left the King to his own fortune , his turn for Millain and Verona , served . Charles the fifth when by the incuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed , in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish , ( as he used himself to say , ) for it supplied his Army with great Levies , and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy ; he then ingaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France , and bound himself ( as Bourbon his Confederate ) that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdome , and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Soveraign . But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King , he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassador refused that assurance of duty , and gave a just suspition , that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself , which the Emperour never meant to the King of England ; least by such footing in France , he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours . And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable , howsoever the bonds of Alliance were . Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help , as either Princes of Spain & France got ground of the other . And the Spaniard now , to keep the States in Italie disunited , compoundeth differences at his pleasure , or taketh part with the weaker , not suffering any , though his own dependant , to grow too strong : which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy , according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy , Non tantum interest Aetolorū opes minui , it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians , ( yet they were enemies , ) quantum , non supra modum Philippum crescere , as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent , who was their friend . The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger . The one with our Confederates , the other with the Subjects of this Crown . For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince , as France , where we have the fairest pretences , for with any other we are like to have no question ; then is all Contract of mutuall aide left to the election of our Danger by difference in Religion , in respect of the Confederates , who Subjects . May break by dispensation , though both Catholicks . ought to break out of the Rom. doctrine , one accounted heretick . Confederate , who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts , although they were by Oath . For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks , as that between Edward 3. and Iohn King of France , & that between Iohn of Caunt and the King of Cast●le ; they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause , That neither side should procure dispensationem , &c. either per Ecctesiam Romanam , vel per aliquam aliam , a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome , or any other way , to do contra formam Tractatus , contrary to the form of Agreement : how much more must their jealousie be to us ? And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s. time , a whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain , it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome , if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds . For it will be held not onely worthy dispensation , but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church , by the Doctrine of that See ; which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved , because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks : which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by b Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia , and Charles then Emperor , ( before the Councill of Constance , ) declaring all Confederations , Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae , illicitae , & ipso jure nullae , etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae , to be by the Law of God invalid , void , and in law null , although confirmed by the plighting of faith , nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolicall , if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae , Ecclesae , separate from the Unity of Holy Church , when the league was made ; or si postea sint effecti , if they become so after . What assurance can there then be , either with France , who is received ? by his Rebenediction , into the Bosome of the Church , and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae , an adopted Son of the Church ; or against him with Spain , who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick , submitteth himself ( as he hath ever done ) to the Popes pleasure and designe , and must not onely forsake ? but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake ? Besides it is considerable , howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide ; whether they will so in a forrain Invasion ; ( especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion . ) For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against Iohn King of England & a Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects , ( as it did after in the same Kingdome against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See ; ) how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience ? For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Iesuites to raise Faction , and divert people from duty ; the Recusants many , and Malecontents not few ; all which with warre will discover themselves , but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance , lock up their riches in security , & their hearts in silence . And therefore by any enterprize , it is not with the rule of Seneca safe , concutere felicem statum . For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papall protection , they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion : & then the sancta Expeditio , the holy expedition against Lewis , will be made Bellū Sacrum , a holy Warre against us . But admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt ; it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain . For first we must more then transgresse Limites quos posuerunt Patres , the Bounds which our Fathers owned ; Et penitus toto divisos or be Britannos , And Britans from the world wholy divided ; and relinquish that defence of Nature , wherewith she hath incirculed , divided , and secured us from the whole world ; ( a Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis , tuta ut semper ab hoste fores . From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas , and set thee safe from Enemy . ) and commit our Frontiers ( had we never so much upon the next Continent ) to the protection of an Army , which besides the continuall Charge , if we give Ambitious and able Commanders , ( as unable for our Interest we will not , ) how ready shall it be in such a Leader , and backt , if he please , to give Law to his own countrey ? For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power ; And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State , he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles . b Alli , sicuti Iura populi defenderent Pars , quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret , bonum publicum simulantes : some declaring to maintain the rights of the People , others to uphold the authority of the Senate , all pretending to act for the publick good . Hence was it that Augustus c refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire , which with great facility he might have done ; d and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging , left in Charge to his Successors that especiall point of advice , a coercendi intra Terminos Imperii , to keep the Empire within due & fitting bounds . The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen , who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands , b so often and earnestly offered to her , fore-seeing well , that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People , and augmentation of Territory ; so Factions and Discontents ( a common accident in worldly affaires ) would arise from superfluity . Besides , the State that may best admit increase is that , unto which addition may be on every part indifferently . Such was the advantage of Rome , by being situate in the middest of Europe : whereas we are thrust out of the world ; to which we have no other contiguity , then an unsure element of fluxible foundation , the Sea , subject to tempest , contrariety of wind , and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept , then our selves to secure . For how large soever any Kingdome is , all great directions move from one place , commonly from one man , as the Heart in the Body . It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed , that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured Speed : And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion , whole extremes are all equally distant from the Centre ; for the more different from the Circle , the more slow and hard . Rome may sufficiently example this : For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her , all things kept on their course with order , and ease ; but after the Seate was by c Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle , it stood a while still , and in the end dissolved . For either through the masse of Business , the limitedness of any mans sufficiency , or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti , there must fall out infinite defects in the directions . Or if none , either by reason of Distance they come too late , or if not , by reason of Remoteness , he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be . How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master , a Alterum pene Imperio nostro & suo quaerenti Orbem , whilest he is seekng to joyn another world , in a manner , to his and our Empire , to alter either the setled order of directions , or walls of our securitie . Besides , as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis , the rationall soul cannot informare , give life , sense , or discourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly ; ( or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified : ) so is there as well a bound of amplitude and structness wherein the soul of Government is comprised ; b Between which extremes there are many degrees of Latitude , some approaching to the greatest ( that nature seldome or never produceth ) some to the least , and some to the mean ; beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine . And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France , which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain ? being gotten by Conquest , and but tacked to by Garrison , contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies . For some Kingdomes ( in which number this may be accounted ) are of the same condition that Demosthenes c maketh the Athenians : Non ea vestra ingenia sunt , ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis ; sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae , ut alium potiri principatu prohibeat is ; aut potitum exturbetis ; It is not your way , violently to oppresse other States and seize the Government ; but in this is your strength manifest , that you can hinder another from possessing the Government , or when he is possessed of it , throw him out again . Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest , either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike Nations of the West , it is the best for Safety , and the most for Honour , to remain as we were , Arbiters of Europe , and so by Neutralitie sway still the Ballance of our mightiest Neighbours : which by holding of our hands , and onely looking on , we shall easily do , since Spain and France hang so indifferently , that a little weight will cast the Beam ; imploying ours , as Claudius did his Forces in a Germanie , ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent , ne forte elati Pacem turbarent , to assist the Conquered party , and to over-awe the Victor , lest he should be puffed up with pride , and disturb our peace . Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes , using as his Motto of Honour and Power this . Cui adhaereo praest , He rules whom I stick to . And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies , then to inlarge her Dominions , multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities ; winking at her own wrongs , rather then willing to revenge . And ( as the great Mistris of the world once ) did what rather became her Greatness , then what severity of Armes required . Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates , and her Land here cleared of Enemies . For according to Micipsae's counsell to Jugurth , Non exercitus , neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt ; Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome : but such Allies as neither Armes constrain , nor monyes purchase , sed officio & fide pariuntur . And since by fortune of the times succeeding , this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed , and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras , that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force ; it is most safe , neither to discover weakness , nor hazzard losse by any attempt . Besides , standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours , they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement & order of their differences to us . As the a Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third : and b Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth . Thus every pare shall woe us , all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us , as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their debates , and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own . For as well in States as in Persons , Suitours are an infallible token of Greatness ; which Demost henes c told the Athenians they had lost , since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium . By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour , Riches , and Safety ; and in all other but endlesse Expence , Trouble and Danger . Robert Cotton Bruceus . FINIS . THE FRENCH CHARITY : WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman , upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND ; And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON , Printed for William Shears , at the Bible in S. Paul's Church-yard , Anno 1655. THE FRENCH CHARITY . ALthough we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects , that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them , that the same Wind both lights and blow's out the taper , that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments , and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison : it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs , wherein that which is once ill , is alwayes accounted such ; from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience , whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past . Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republicks have established the Maxims of their subsistence , And found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid . The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible , so unseasonable that it is suspected , and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood . Philosophers say , we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean ; I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness , nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us . I will passe my censure upon nothing , yet let me have the liberty to judge of all . I find so great a wonder in this change , that I find a conflict in my self to believe it . It is no common marvell , that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame , and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them ; That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us , should now make it their glory to reunite us ; That those who place their rest in our troubles , should now apply their cares for our repose ; and that after they have cast us down headlong , they should reach us a plank for to come ashore . Let the wise Reader here ( whilst I determine nothing ) allow me at least a little distrust ; it is the Mother of Safety . The Trojans , who could not be overcome by Armes , perish't by a pledge of peace . All the French civilityes are faire and good ; but in the bottome Quicquid id est , timeo Gallos , & dona ferentes . Let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement . Is it Religion ? surely no ; for that which they professe is contrary to that of this Kingdome ; and the little Charity they have for their own , ought not to perswade us that they have much for ours . Is it for the inclination they have to peace ? surely no ; for if they esteemed it a benefit , they would seek first for themselves . It is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late warres , and for the assistance we gave to those of Rochel . I , his would be truely Christian indeed , to render us good for evill . They will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage , which bind them to the Queen ; and yet they have let the Mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them ? and having beheld her without pitty and succour in her greatest extremities , they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill . But if this be the reason of their admittance , I conceive them no lawfull nor indifferent Mediators , since they are so much concern'd in one of the parties . They will whisper us in the eare , that the designe is to pacify us , and to ingage us in a league with them against the Spaniard ; although at the same time they designe Ambassadours for Munster to endeavour a peace with him . O , we should wrong them very much to believe it , though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us ; They are too gallant spirited to pretend it , they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their Chesnut out of the fire ; that a body recovering health from a long sicknesse ought not to expose it self to a violent agitation ; that the State will find it self loaden with debts , and the Subject exhausted by Contributions ; that we ought to preferre the evident profit of traffick before the uncertain vanity of a conquest ; that Iealousies being not yet removed , nor aemulations supprest , all kind of arming would be suspected by the State , fearing least some under pretense of a forrain warre might study private revenge , or the oppression of the publick liberty ; & that in the end it will be our gain to see them deal with Spain , and to make our advantage of their troubles , or not to meddle at all with them , unlesse by adding secretly ( according to the revolution of affairs ) a little weight to them that shall be found the lighter . If then it be none of these motives , it remains that it must be either Generosity , or deceit . O Generosity ( that hast so long since withdrawn thy self to heaven , there to keep company with the faire . Astraea , or rather , who wer 't buried in France in the Sepulchre of Monsieur Gonin ) is it possible that thou shouldst be risen again , or that France should have recall'd thee with her exiles since the death of her King ; and that the first labour she should put thee to should be in favour of England , against whom but few dayes since she shewed such violent resentments , for an offence received by a pretended violation of the treaties which had past between us ? Truely if it be she , we must reverence her with extraordinary respects ; but before we give her the Honours due unto her , we must know her , for feare of Idolatry in adoring her masque for her self , or embracing a cloud in stead of a Goddesse . Let us give a thrust with our launce into the Trojan horse , to see if there be no ambush within . In walking lately with some French Gentlemen ( as this nation is free enough of their discourse ) a word escaped from one of the company without making reflexion ( as I think ) of what Countrey I was , That amongst their Prophets there was one which said , That the Conquest of England was promised to their young King. This thought cast into the aire though inconsideratly , seemed to me very considerable ; and having given me an occasion to reflect upon all things both past and present , it served me as a light to guide me in the obscurity of this Labyrinth , upon which before I had reasoned but superficially , From thence being returned to my lodging , I opened accidentally a book of Monsieur de Rohan , intitled The interest of the Princes of Christendome , and I fell presently upon a passage where he said , That one of the surest wayes to make ones self Master of a State , is to interpose and make himself arbiter of its differences . I had no need of any other Oedipus to expound to me the riddle of the Prophesy , these first motives of suspicion having cast me into more profound thoughts , I revolved in my mind how France had managed the whole business , both before & since the beginning of our troubles , and weighed all the circumstances of this Ambassage . Why such a solemne Ambassage in a time when all things seem most exasperated and furthest from accommodation ? Why then not sooner , while differences were not yet irreconcileable between the two parties ? Why such a warlike Prince , who is not experienced in the affaires of this Kingdome , to manage a negotiation of a peace the most nice and intricate that the world at this time affords ? Why at the same time levying of Souldiers in Normandy , when all the other troops are in their quarters ? Why therefore should they supply one of the parties with mony , when they come to act the persons of mediatours ; if not to cast wood and oyle into the flame ? Why at the same time an Agent in Scotland , who propounds to them openly a League with France ? Why begin they onely to turn their cares upon England , when they are upon the point of concluding a peace with Spain ? May not we well judge that it is to prepare themselves for a new employment ? since they themselves confesse that their boiling and unquiet temper hath need of continuall exercise , and that the onely means to prevent troubles at home , is continually to furnish them with matter whereupon to evacuate their choler abroad . Why doth onely France afford us this so suddain and unexpected Charity , after all the fresh wounds which bleed yet among them because of the expulsion of the Capuchins , after the continuall cares she hath taken for so many years to lay the foundation of our troubles by the secret negotiations of the Marquis of Blainville , by the intriques of the Cardinal of Richelieu with Buckingham , by the long plots in Scotland , and , by the open sollicitations of the Marquis de la Fert ? by all which they sometimes incited the Kings ministers to make him independent and absolute , offering to that purpose their assistance , and anone they sollicited the States to shake off the yoak of servitude , finally they transformed themselves into a thousand different shapes , till having plunged us deep enough in the gulf , they then call back their Ambassage , to give in appearance some satisfaction to the King , but in truth because his commission was expired . May not we well conclude from all this , that they will now reape the fruits they have so carefully sown and cultivated amongst us ? From these considerations falling insensibly on those of England ? what need ( said I in my self ) have we of the intermeddling of strangers ? are they more versed in our interests then our selves ? can they afford more expedients ? are they more sensible of our miseries then those that suffer them ? Is it to exhort us , or to constrain us ? the first is superfluous ; the second dangerous . It must needs be that either in the one case they think to go beyond us in wit , or in the other to master us by force . If peace be profitable for us , have we any need either of a Master to make us know our advantage , or of an Oratour to perswade us to it ? If it be hurtfull to us , we ought to give them thanks for their advice , but follow that which is better . If the peace be feasible , why should we leave the glory of it to others ? if impossible , why loose time in making vain propositions ? why should we acquaint strong and ambitious neighbours , and trust the Philistins with the secret of our force ? Must England , that hath in times past compelled France to purchase peace , be now constrained to beg it of her ? that one of the most considerable and flourishing Monarchies of the world should serve for matter of sport to the vanity of the French , and be the first upon whom they exercise the Title they give themselves of being Arbiters of Christendome ? What Counsel then shall we follow in this encounter ? That of good and wise Nature , who having separated us from all other Nations by a vast and deep trench , silently teacheth us , that the principle of our subsistence is in our selves , and that we ought not to submit our government to the arbitrement of others . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A34727-e210 a Pausae et Hirtii consilium Caesari . a Velleius Paterculus . a Taci ▪ An. 10. b Iuvenat . Notes for div A34727-e820 a Sil. Ital. lib. 11. Examples of the affection of our Kings successively to Peace . a Benedictus Monachus in vita H. 2. b Ex Matth : Paris pag. 214 c Rog. Hoveden . d Ex additam . Prosperi Aquitaniae Episc . c Rot. Claus . anno secundo E. 3 m. 11. a Ex Rot. Par. anno 5. E. 3. n. r. b Ex Rotul . Parl. anno 17. E. 3. c Ex Rotul . Franciae an . 19. m. 10. d Ex Rot. Claus . in derso 20. E. 3. m. 16. part . i. a ▪ e Liv. lib. 9. f Rot. Claus . ann . 2. Ed. 3. a Dors . Claus . an . 22. E. 3. m. 11. Siriliter 8. R. 2. Claus . m. 34. b Rot. Parl. anno 25. E. 3. c Rot. Parl. anno 28. E. 3. d Rot. Paul. anno 29. E. 3. e Liv. l. 5. Dec. 5. f Ex Chart. origin . de renunciat . in Thesaur . a Claus . anno 45. E. 3. b Rot. Parl. anno 7. R. 2. n. 17. c Ex contract . origin . inter Owinum Glendowr et Regem Franciae . d Rot. Earl. anno 11. Hen. 4. n. 2. a Rot. Parl. an . ● Hen. 5. b Rot. Parl. anno 14. H. 6. ● . 2. c Ex Artic. in Confilio contra D. Somerset . d Int. Record . Thes . Westm . e Ex Bulla Pap. H. 8. a Ex tractatu origin . in . l. B. 266. b Ex procla : E. 6. de expeditione contrae Scotos . c Ex tract . Cambrens ▪ 1569. d Ex 〈…〉 am . anno . 3. 〈◊〉 . Examples of Invasion drawn from the attempts of others . Ex Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. m. 14. a Rot. Parl. b Rot Franc. in dorso . 22. E. 3. m. 6. Nobilitie in dislike of forreign expeditions have rebelled . a Ex Rot. pat . & claus . de annis 40 , 41 , 42. Hen. 3. b Cominei censura de com . char . cap. 8. Burthen of personall service grievous . c Ex Rot. Parl. de anni ▪ 20. R. 2. 6. et 9. He. 4. 1. et 7. H. 5. Burthen of charge grievous , ground of much trouble and oppression . d Cicero Epist . ad . Att. lib. 5. a Ex Radulpho Cogeshal . de anno 8. 10. annis . b Ex Matth. Weston . c Ex Matth. Paris hist. minori . d Ex Matth. Paris hist . ma. pag. 780. a Ex Joanne Eversden . b Ex hist. Matth. Paris pag. 32. c Ex Matth. Westm . Walt. Gisborn . a Rot. Claus . anno 5. E. 3. b Cassiodori Var. c Rot. Alm. m. 22. d Tho. VValsingham . Rot. Parl. anno 44. E. 3. e Rot. Alm. 12. E. 3. m. 22 f Ex Rot. Par. de an . 2. 3. 5. 7. 8. & 9. R. 2. & Claus . anno 8. E. 2. a Ex chron . S. Albani . b Rot. Parl. anno I. H. 4. c In Bundel Inquisitionum , anno 20. & anno 24. Hen. 6. d Ex lib. Abbat . de Ramsey . a Mat. Paris Hist . min. b Ex Adam Merimouth in vita Ed. 2. c Mat. Paris Hist . min. d Mat. Paris Hist . majori . Military Education cause of trouble in the state . Heads of dangerous Rebellions hae been onely such as by Command in Warre have forgot to obey in Peace . a Mat. Paris anno 5. Joan. b Willielm . de Rishanger in Historia c Ex Charta concess . Baronibus anno 49. Hen. 3. Verba Ducis Somerset . contra Ducem Eborac . coram Rege . Many disorders in the State by return of the common Souldier . a Parl. ann . 22. Hen. 6. b Froisard . Exhausting of the people no Necessity but Danger . a Bed 2 Hist . Eccl. lib. 1. a Ex Rot. Franciae an . 22. E. I. b Ex Rot. Original . in Arch. Thesaur . a Ex Rot. Par. anno 7. R. 2. Lucan . Better to disburden the state by Colony then War. Profit of war. Expence of money , Munition and men . A summary of all the exactions upon this State from the Conquest to the end of the late Queen . a Ex Matth. Paris pag. 8. & 15. William Rufus . a Ex antiq . legibus Anglioe . b Silius Italicus . c Ex Hist . Gualt . Gisborn . d Ex Hist . Mat. Paris . e Ex Hist . Mat. Westm . f Ex Hist . Hen. Hunting . Stephen . g Ex Hist . mon. Gisborn . Henry 2. a Ex Gervas . Dorobernen . anno 1159. a Ex lib. Rub. in Sccrio . b Ex Gervas . Dorobernens . c Rub. lib. in Sccrio . d Ex hist . Rossens . e Ex hist . Mat Paris . f Rub. liber in Sccrio . Richard 1. g Ex hist . min. Math. Paris . Rub. libr. h Ex hist . Walt. Coventr . i Ex. Rog. Hoved . & Walt. Covent . a Tacit. annal . 4. b Ex Joan. Eversden . c Rub. lib. in Sccrio . d Ex Walt. Coventr . e Ex Math. Paris . f Ex charta origin . g Ex hist . Mat. Paris pa. 209. h Exhist . Rog. Hoveden . King John. a Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio . b Ex Rog. Hoveden . c Ex Math. Paris . d Lib. Rub. in Sccrio . e Ex Math. Paris . f Ex Lib. Rub. Sccrii . g Ex Rad. Cogshall . h Ex Math. Paris . i Walt. Coventr . & Rad. Cogshall . k Ex Math. Paris . l Ex Rad. Cogshall . m Rub. lib. in Sccrio . n Ex Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio . o Math. Paris hist . min. p Rub. lib. in Sccrio . Henry 3. q Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio & Joan. Eversden . a Mat. Paris , & ex Rot. Claus . & finium an . 12 , 13 , 15 , & 19. Hen. 3. & ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc . b Rot. Pat. anno 8. H. 3. c Ex Tho. Walsingham , & Mat. Paris . Claus . anno 19. H. 3. d Ex Mat. Westmonast . e Ex statuto anno 4. c. l7 . Dors . claus . anno 16. H. 3 & Eversden . f Ex lib. Cantuar . Episc . g Ex Eversden & Paris . h Ex Mat. Paris & Eversden & Dors . claus . anno 16. H. 3. i Ex Walt. Gisborn . k Rad. Cistrensis , ex Eversden , Paris & lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8. H. 6. l Ex Joan. Eversden Pat. an . 3. E. 1. m. 26. m Rot. claus . an . 26. Henr. 3. n Ex H. Mat. Par. p. 517. a Ex Rot. lib. anno 26. H. 3. b Ex Hist . Mat. Paris . c Dors . claus . anno 14. H. 3. n. 8. & claus . 12. He. 3. m. 2. d Claus . an . 14 H. 3. n. 7. e Claus . an . 16 H. 3. m. 11. f Claus . an . 14. H. 3. m. 9. a Claus . in Dorso , an . 15. Hen. 3. b Rot. finium 26. H. 3. m. 4. Edward 1. c Rot. Pat. anno 25. E. 1. m. 3. sced . a Rot. Vascon . anno 22. E. 1. m. 8. b Ex Rot. Vasco . an . 22. E. 1. m. 17. c Ex Rot. Vas . an . 22. E. 1. d Rot. Pat. anno 31. E. 1. e Ex Hist . Joan. Eversden . Edward 2. f Claus . an 8. E. 2. m. 9. a Claus . 16. E. 2. Claus . anno 12. E. 2. b Ex memor . Sccii . an . 10. E. 2. ex parte Rem . Thesaur . c Rot. Vascon . anno 22. E. 2. m. 13. in sced . d Rot. Scot. anno 11. m. 17 e Rot. Scot. anno 12. m. 8. f Rot. Pat. anno 4. E. 2. a Dors . Claus . anno 17. E. 2 m. 11. b Claus . anno 38. m. 34. c Ex Rot. Vascon . m. 29. d Claus . an . 6. E. 2. e Rot. Scot. anno 1 , 2 , 3. m. 10. & an . 4 m. 5. & an . 9. & Rot. pat . anno 10. m. 12 f Rot. Pat. an . 16. m. 3. g Rot. Scotiae anno 8. m. 9. h Rot. Scot. Dorso , anno 7. m. 8. i Dorso claus . anno 16. m. 3. k Rot. Scotiae anno 1 , 2 , 3. m. 8. l Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors . claus . anno 9. m Claus . an . 16 E. 2. n Ex Dors . claus . 7. E. 2 m. 7. a Claus . an . 16. m. 20. b Ex Paterculo de Aug. c Claus . an . 16. m. 11. & cla . an . 15. m. 19. d Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso . e Rot. Scotiae an . 11. m. 16. f Rot. Pat. an . 15. m. 19. g Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 13 h Claus . an . 18 m. 13. i Rot. Pat. an . 16. m. 27. k Rot. Pat. anno 9. m. 22. Dors . Cla. 10. m. 26. claus . anno 15. m. 13 Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 l Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. m Dors claus . anno . 6. m. 28. Rot. Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus . anno 8. m. 30. claus . an . 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. a Rot. claus . anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium : anno 15. m. 16 b Rot. claus . anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 c Rot. claus . anno 15. m. 19 d Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. c Claus . an . 13 m. 20. f Pat. an . 48. E. 3. m. 10. Edward 3. a Ex Rot. Alman . an . 12. m. 17. b Claus . an . 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso . a Claus . an . 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. b Claus . an . 2. E. 3. c Claus . an . 10 d Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. & Rot. Alman . an . 12. m. 12. e Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. f Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. g Rot. Alman . anno 1. E. 3. m. 2. a Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 b Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. c Rot. Scotiae anno 1. d Parla . an . 13 E. 3. Parla . anno 14. E. 3. e Rot. Franc. anno 46. f Claus . an . 1. E. 3. m. 1. g Parl. an . 22. E. 3. n. 9. a Parl. an . 2. & 14. Rot. 2. n. 8. Richard 2. a Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. ● . m. 3. a Tacit. lib. 2. b Rot. Parl. annis 3 , 4 , & 5. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno . 1. H. 4. n. 32. Henry 4. a Hist . Tho. VValsingham Henry 5. Henry 6. Nota First monopolies . a Rot. Parl. an . 11. H. 6. a Rot. Parl. an . 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. b Ex Paterculo . Edward 4. c Rot. Parl. an . 2 , & 8. E. 4. d Placita Coronae . e Chron. Fabiani . f Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. g Rot. Parl. Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 7. a Fabian . b Ex litera missa Abbatiss . Barking manu Regis H. 7. a Ex litera Ducis Nerfolciae . b Ex lib. Acquit . in t . Regem & Dudly R. C. Henry 8. a Ex originali signat . manu Regis . b Ex originali Instructione . c Ex instruct . originali anno 14. H. 8. d Rot. Parl. an . 21. H. 8. Edward 6. Q. Mary . Q. Elizabeth Princes extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars . Credit of Ks. so much impaired , that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest . a Math. Paris . b Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. Nota. a Ex Instruct. Thomae Gresham , anno 1557. b Ex Instruct . Willielm . Herie 16. August . an . 5. Eliz. Similiter c Thomae Gresham . 1563. & 76. d Ex litera Edw. Lee orat . Regis H. 8. in Hisp . anno 28. Kings enforced to abate their hospitalitie . a Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. b Ex hist . majori Math. Paris . Kings enforced to pawn and sell their Dominions . c Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. d Ex contract . orig . & Hist . Norman . a Rot. Vasc 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an . 8. Rot. cui titulus , ex tract . de donacionib . c. 9. & 10. E. 2. Kings enforced to make Resumption of their Lands . b Rot. Parl. ● . anno 1. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. d Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. & E. 4. e Ex legibus Theodos . & Valentinian . in Codice . Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewells . f Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an . 56. H. 3. in 21. m. g Rot. Pat. Claus . an . 1. E. 1. m. 7. h Claus . an . 1. E. 3. i ●he . Walsingham . a Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. b Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. c Pat. an . 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12. H. 6. m. 13. d Pat. an . 29. H. 6. m. 20. Kings enforlced to pawn their Regal Crown . e Pat. Pars. 1. an . 17. E. 3. f Pat. an . 24. m. 21. g Claus . an . 30 E. 3. Com. de Ter. Hill. 38. E. 3. ex parte Rem . Regis . h Pat. anno 5. H. 3. m. 23. & similiter an . 9. Rot. Pat. an . 51. H. 3. m. 17. & 18. i Ex historia ●uicciardini . a Ex hist . S. Albani . In place of spoile the Souldiers return oppressed with extreme Beggery . b Lucan . de Bello Civili lib. 7. a Math. Paris pag. 580. b Hist . Mat. Paris p. 1358 c Math. Paris pag. 909. d Ex lit . Cardin . Wolsei ad Card. Sodrin . a Ex Instruct . Rich. Wingfield . b Ex lit . Tho. Wolsey Episc . Lincoln . c Ex compute in Archivis Rob. Com. Salisb. a Ex tractat . anno 1598. b Ex computo deliberat . Domino Thesaur . Burleigh . c Ex computo Joannis Hawkins Thesaur . Naviae . * Hor. Epo . 7. Forreign Dominions alwaies charge , no benefit . Example in Normandy . a Math. Par. b Ex Legibus antiquis . c Ex Walt. Gisborn . d Ex lib. Rubro . e Ex lib. Pipnell . f Rad. Coggeshall . g Math. Par. h Ex Archiv . de redit . Norman . tempore H. 3. i Ex origin Instr. Domini Scrope . a Ex libro Domini Carew de anno 1. & 2. H. 6. b Ex Rot. Par. de . an . 11. H. 6 c Ex lib. originali Roberti Cotton . d Rot. Parl. an . 27. H. 6. n. 27. Aquitain , Gascoign , Guien . e Rot. liber . anno 26. H. 3. f Rot. an . 22. H. 6. g Math. Paris Pag. 578. a Ex Comput . Willielm . de Otterhampton , anno 17. E. 2. b Pat. an . 1. E. 3. c Ex Comput . Richardi Longley an . 36. E. 3. in Thesaur . Regis Westmon . in Rot. Aquitaniae . d Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. m. 24. e Rot. Parl. anno 17. R. 2. f Ex Comput . Walt. de Weston . g Ex Comput . Tho. Swinburn anno 10. H. 4. h Ex Comput . Ioannis Tiptoft an . 1. H. 5. i Ex Comput . Will. Clifford & Robert : Holme an . 5. H. 5. k Ex Rot. Par. an . E I. H. 6. Britanny . a Ex Math. Paris . Brest . b Rot. Parl. anno 2. R. 2. Ex Comput . Tho. Parry . Cust . astri de B●●t , a. 9. R. 2. Callis . c Ex comput . Williel . Horwell in Thesaur . Regis . d Ex comput . Richardi Eccleshall de annis 28 , 29 , & 30. E. 3. e Ex Rot. Rar . anno 2. R. 2. f Ex Comput . Rob. Thorley . g Ex Comput . Simonis de Burg. a Ex Comput . Rog. de Wald. anno 13. R. 2. & 15. b Ex Comput . Joannis Bernam , anno 23. R. 2. c Ex Comput . Ro. Thorley . d Ex Comput . Nich. Vske . e Ex Comput . Rob. Thorley . f Ex Comput ▪ Rob. Salvin , de annis 5. H. 5. g Rot. Parl. an . 11. H. 6. h Rot. Parl. anno 27. i Rot. Parl. anno 31. k Rot. Parl. anno 33. l Rot. Parl. 4. E. 4. m Ex comput . Majoris Stapulae anno 1. R. 3. n Ex comput . origin . inter Chartas Roberti Cotton . o Ex comput . Domini Lisle . a Ex lib. de expens . Bellor . H. 8. & E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur . b Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey . a Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret. anno 1567. 3. Maii. b Ex comput . Joannis Tiptoft . c Ex comput . Hen. Percy , anno 1. H. 4. d Parl. an . 11. H. 6. e Ex musaeo Com. Salisbury . f Ex comput . Williel . de Brumleigh . Barwick . g Ex comput . Nicol. Episc . Meth , an . 30. Ed. 3. h Ex comput . Tho. Scurla● anno 50. E. 3. Ireland . i Ex comput . Joan. Spencer , de annis R. 2. a Ex Rot. Par. anno 11. H. 6. b Ex amotat . Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salisbury . c Ex comput . Rad. Lane. d Ex comput . in Musaeo Com. Salisbury Thesaur . Angliae . Addition of any forreign Title no Honour . e Baldus . Stile of Normandy and Aquitain , accounted by our Kings a vassalage . Stile of France restrained by petition in Parliament . France possessed would leave us to the misery of a province a Tacit. in vita Agricolae . To enterprise any war , not so easy . Meanes of successe formerly . Advantage of Place and Party . Advantage of Place . a Livy lib. 28. a Math. Paris in vita H. 3. b Math. Par. vita Hen. 3. c Froisard . d Walsingham . T. Livius Foroliviensis in vita He. 5. Confederates were the onely ground of all the good successe . A list of all the Confederates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen . Henry 2. a Ex Contract . orig . in Arch. Thes . West . b Ex Radulp. de Diceto . c Ex orig . signat . à Comite & Castellanis , in Thes . West . Richard 2. d Ex Radulph . de Diceto . e Math. Paris 184. a In dorso Cla. an . 1. Joannis . K●ng John. b Ex orig . in Thes . Westm . Henry 3. c Dors . Pat. 11. H. 3. m. 11. d Rot. lib. an . 14. H. 3. m. 7. ex originali . Edward 1. e Claus . an . 13. Edw. 1. Ex origin . in Thesaur . g Rot. Vascon . an . 20. m. 19. h Rot. Alman . de annis 22. & 31. m. 13. i Ex origin . sub . sigillo in Thes . Westm. k Rot. Alman . an . 31. m. 14. l Dors . Rot. Alman . 18. a Rot. Pat. an . 34. m. 24. Edward 2. b Rot. Vasco . an . 9. & 11. c Dors . Claus ▪ an . 18. m. 7. d Froisard . Edward 3. e Rot. libera 2. m. 6. f Rot. Alman . anno 11. g Rot. Antwer . anno 12. h Froisard . a Ex Rot. Antwerp . an . 12. b Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. c claus . an . 18. m. 25. d Dors . claus . an . 18. m. 20. e Dors . calus . an . 19. m. 14. f Froisard . g Rot. Pat. an . 24. n. 8. h Ex orininali de anno 37. in lib. Ro. Cotton . i Ex orig . in Thes . West . de annis 37. & 41. K Ex orig . sub sigillo . l Ex Contract . origin , in Archiv . Thes . Westm . m Claus . an . I. R. 2. Richard 2. a Rot. Franc. anno 2. b Ex orig . in Thes . c Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. d Ex Contract . in the lib. Italico Rob. Cotton . e Rot. Franciae anno 6. m. 28. f Rot. Franc. anno 12. m. 16 & anno 18. & 19. g Rot. Franc. an . 12. m. 16. & anno 18. & 19. h Rot. Franc. anno 20. m. 2. i Rot. claus . an . 2. Hen. 4. & Rot. Fran. anno 2. & 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. k Rot. Franc. anno 12. H. 4. m. 21. Henry . 5. l Tho. Walsingham . m Ex Rot. Parl. anno 4. n Ex orig . in Thes , Westm . a Ex chron . Rogeri Wall. in vita H. 5. anno 5. & 8. b Ex Instruct . orig . 31. Aug. 5. H. 5. Henry . 6. c Ex Contract . originali . d Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi . e Ex tractat . Brugens . 1442 f Ex tractat . Callisiae 1445. Ex tractat . Bruxellensi 1446. g Parl. an . 7. E. 4. n. 28. Edward 4. h Rot. Franc. anno 8. m. 22. & ex contract . originali . i Rot. Franc. an . 11. E. 4. m. 7. k Rot. Franc. an . 12. m. 22. & ex orig . in . Thes . Westm . a Rot. Fran. anno 14. m. 18. & 19. b Ex Contr. de anno 1487. pro solutione 50000 scutorum ad 100. annos . Henry 7. c Rot. Fran. anno 5. & 6. Hen. 7. & Contract . origin . an . 8. H. 7. Henry 8. d Ex magno Intercusu de an . 1495. e Ex tract . original . de dat . 1513. f Ex litera Max. Imp. Card. Ebor. dat . 15. g Rot. Fran. anno 7. H. 8. h Ex tract . Bruxellensi 1515. i Ex originali subscript . card . Sedunensi de dat . 1516. k Ex tract . Callis . anno 1521. l Ex tract . orig . subscript . manu Card. Ebor. & Margar. Regent . 24. August . 1521. a Ex tract . Winsor . 1522. b Ex tract . Cambrens . 1529. c Ex tract . ultrajectensi . d Ex tract . de anno 1543. Ex originali dat . ultimo Janu. 1547. e Ex instruct . Rich. Morison Edward 6. f Ex litera Ducis Somers . Magist . Pag. 1549. g Ex contract . Matrimoniali 1554. h Extract . Matr. 1559. Queen Mary , i Ex artic . subscript . à Vidame de Chartres 1562. Elizabeth . k Ex s●●der . Trecensi . 1564 l Ex tract . ●l●sensi . a Ex tract . Londim . 1596. b Ex tract . cum ordin . Belgiae de annis 1585. & 1598. Confederats of most benefit to England . Princes whose Confederation are of least benefit . Bonds of Confederation cannot be the same they were before . As with the State of Genoa . c Livy Dec. 4. l. 2. d In Relatione de Statu Genoae an . 1595. Navarre , Britain . Burgundie . Spain . a Paterculus . Dangers in Confederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples , that ends served , Confederates quit all bonds of Combination a Matth Paris 1242. b Rot. Parl. anno 29. E. 3. n. 6. Suspecting that an Allie may grow too great , dissolveth alliance Liv. lib. 34. a Ex original . in manu Domini Cromwell . Doctrine of the See of Rome touching leagues with Hereticks . b Ex Bulla origin . sub sigillo vrbani 6. an . pont . 4 . Subjects obedient to the Popes Censure a dangerous Party . a Ex Eulogio Hist . a Festus Amoenus . Danger of large Frontiers . b Salust . in Bello Catil . c Suetonius in vita Augusti . d Dion Cassius a Tacitus . b Ex proposit . Statuum de anno 1585. What State may best admit addition . c Zozimus in vita Constantini . a Velleius Paterc . de Expeditione Caesaris . b Bodin . de Repub. lib. 6. c Ex orat . Demosth . ad Athenienses . Safetie in Neutralitie . a Tacitus & Dion Cassius . Honour attained by Neutrality , in being the Arbiter of all differences between the might est Nieighbours . a Froisard . b Ex Regist & libris Tractatuum . c Ex Demost . 4 Philip.