A serious epistle to Mr. William Prynne wherein is interwoven an answer to a late book of his, the title whereof is inserted in the next leafe. By J. Hall, of Grays-Inne. Hall, John, 1627-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45081 of text R216816 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H359A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 71 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45081 Wing H359A ESTC R216816 99828534 99828534 32963 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45081) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32963) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1965:05) A serious epistle to Mr. William Prynne wherein is interwoven an answer to a late book of his, the title whereof is inserted in the next leafe. By J. Hall, of Grays-Inne. Hall, John, 1627-1656. [4], 32 p. printed for John Place, and are to sold at his shop at Furnifolds-Inne gate, London : 1649. A reply to Prynne's: A legall vindication of the liberties of England, against illegall taxes and pretended Acts of Parliament lately enforced on the people. Reproduction of the original in the Gonville and Caius College Library, Cambridge. eng Prynne, William, 1600-1669. -- Legall vindication of the liberties of England, against illegall taxes and pretended Acts of Parliament lately enforced on the people -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Civil rights -- England -- Early works to 1800. Taxation -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A45081 R216816 (Wing H359A). civilwar no A serious epistle to Mr. William Prynne, wherein is interwoven an answer to a late book of his, the title whereof is inserted in the next le Hall, John 1649 12768 218 0 0 0 0 0 171 F The rate of 171 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERIOUS EPISTLE TO Mr. WILLIAM PRYNNE , Wherein Is interwoven an Answer to a late Book of his , the Title whereof is inserted in the next leafe . By J. HALL , of Grays-Inne . PROV. 6. 2 and 3. Thou art snared with the words of thy mouth , thou art taken with the words of thy mouth . Do this now my sonne , and deliver thy self ; when thou art come into the hand of thy friend : go , humble thy selfe , and make sure thy friend . LONDON , Printed for John Place , and are to be sold at his Shop at Furnifolds-Inne gate , 1649. To him that will Read . THat this Book hath come later from the presse , then either stands with the Celerity of the Adversary , or duty and obligation of the Author , it will be hoped you will be enclin'd to Forgive , when yov once are assur'd that a Treatise of almost ten-times the bignesse of this , might have come abroad in the time this was a making ready ; Notwithstanding all clamours and expostulations ; and therefore the Author may promise himself so much Justice , as to be Rescued from the savagenesse of their opinions , who dam all things not immediatly falling under their concern , or complying with the pettishnesse of their own Humour . A LEGALL VINDICATION Of the Liberties of ENGLAND , AGAINST ILLEGALL TAXES And pretended Acts of Parliament , Lately enforced on the People : OR , Reasons assigned by WILLIAM PRYNN of Swainswick in the County of Somerset , Esquire , why he can neither in Conscience , Law , nor Prudence submit to the New Illegall Tax or Contribution of Ninety Thousand pounds the MONTH ; Lately ●mposed on the Kingdome , by a pretended Act of some Commons in ( or rather out of ) Parliament . To Mr. WILLIAM PRYNNE of Swainswick Greeting . Mr. PRYNNE . YOu will scarcely believe , what an high obligation , you have lately put upon all men , that can but the lest discover between good and evill in Books , and how much you were likely ▪ to have further indeered your self to them , By the continuance of your patience and silence . For whereas you were Accustom'd usually once a week to great them , with a small Trifle of some twenty or thirty sheets ; and thereby either incurre their indignation or laughter ; you have been of late graciously pleased to withdraw your benevolences of that nature , and ●o put them in hopes that you would no more lend an hand to the Multiplication of evill Things : Nor any more beare a part in the variety of those hideous Noyses , which doe now distract and deafen Europe . But indeed ( this is but a friendly Congresse , and we must be free and open ) your silence to me was very Omnious and full o● bad signification ; nay , I must confesse to you ; far more dreadfull then the opening of the mouth and speaking . For having found and Experimented that your Nature was such that it could no more forbeare scribling then a Paralytick his shaking , or one bit with a Tar●●tula his dauncing , I began to feare and tremble lest either you were in l●bour with some great voluminous work , which like a Leviathan ▪ would swallow up all the Paper , and be a means to raise Ballads and Pamphlets , from three farthings to a penny a Sheer , or else that you were intended shortly to depart this world ( as the volentary slipping of Fistula's and Issues betoken Death to the party ) and so not live a while to survive your Progeny , and see the Memory of them lost among Men . But indeed I was of late doubly undeceived , for I both found ( to my amazement ) that you were alive , as also that your late Book was but eight sheets , which indeed for that very cause I should have bastardiz'd and disclaimd for being yours ; But that I therein found that a many profuse and impertinent dashes did absolutely Characterize it yours , and besides I saw abundance of Quotations , which I suppose no other Man would upon that occasion have plac't there . Now finding your Book ( as I said ) so short and withall so little to the question ; a kindly Itch and lechery presently Tickled me to answer it , & the rather because I suppose I might gratifie you in giving you an occasion to write again , as also make your opposition to the present Government , more known and famous ( a thing I know you cove● ) as also be a procatartic cause of some further sufferings , which I knew could not but be very acceptable because I have observd your Genius more especially delighted in persecution and opposition to the present power , and therefore I could never blame you for precipitating your self into a heady action ; as being willing to permit every man to follow his own Inclination , and I knew you were led very strongly this way . Nor indeed was I insensible of some advantage on my side . No man lying , so open , so unguarded , so easy to be beaten by his own Weapons as you . Besides you most times take i●● ayms , & strike cleare besides your enemy . So that besides these small encouragements , I saw I needed not be halfe so long as you , ( and this is somewhat with the judicious ) and I needed but once state the questition , and all your Arguments would fall in pieces , and for quotations I knew it was either transcribing of yours into my Margent ( which is as much concern'd in them as yours ) or else to follow Cervantes his advice , and take t●e first Catalogue of Authors I met and own them . But then againe upon second thoughts I began to demurre , as considering you a person very dreadfull and terrible ; as well by your Roman constancy in writing , ( for you never yet permitted any Adversary to have the last word , nor any power so long as you had pen and inke to put you to silence as by the Reputation you have of a various learning & multiplicity of Reading : Not to mention your numerous Prints , whereby you have not like Tostat three sheets for every day in your life , but almost three volumes , so that it is pitty that you were not either borne of German parents , to haue written in high-dutch that you might have outdon the reputation of the greatest of their Authors , who are commonly valued at the rate of their boldnesse and prolixity . Notwithstanding upon a third dispute with my selfe I found all these were chimera's , and could cause no Real affrights ▪ as for your pertinacy in Answering , Responding Rejoyaing Anti qu●rying , Reviewing &c. However it ●ad wrought upon some other men I resolv'd it should not doe on me ▪ untill you forsook your custome of un-weaving the web at the wrong end , & never approaching to the heart of a dispute ( as I shall presently instance ) and this was a favour which as being a stranger to you I suppos'd you would hardly conferre on me , although you had ability and possibility , either given you by nature or belieu'd of you by men . For the fame of your Learning I found that it had rather invaded the minds of the multitude , and possessed the weak inconsiderate swallowers of all Books , and interested it selfe in those people , who had before interested themselves in those opinions , which you either oppugn'd or maintain'd , then any wayes recommended you to those judgements , who calling all things to a sharpe Test , are not wont to favour without Eminency of merit . And therefore I call'd to mind that I had heard many of them say , that ( though your industry were not at all discommendable , yet it did not infer any such vaffnesse or Immensity of nature in you , as the Titles or Margents of your Books seeme to promise , for ( say they ) Nature makes ever the dullest Beasts most laborious , and the greatest feeders . Therefore they observed that ▪ though you had read and swallowed much , yet you had concocted little ; and so ( wanting Rumination ) it was no vvonder if you vomited up abundance of things crude and ravv and I could prove it to you out of Authors , that to cast up things un-alter'd is a symptome of a feeble and infirme stomack ; and as an error in the first concoction derives it selfe to the others , and nourishing up a prevalescent humour begets at last a disease ; even so your judgement being once deprav'd turnes all your Reading , ( be it never so choyse ) into bilious or putrid humours , vvhich being perpetually encreased by your insatiate gluttony of Books doe miserably foment and heighten your malady of writing . Nor truly was I much amaz'd with your Books themselves , which though they appear'd big and tall were extreame feeble and ill complexion'd , and though they caried menacing aspects , yet vvere things purely childish and unactive , they put me in mind : ( I beseech you pardon so homely a comparison ) of the two Gyants that stand to guard Guild-hall , and look downe as furiously upon the contentious Rabble , as if themselves intended to bee Peace-makers , and to powder them all with one blow , when alas one uncourteous greeting with a hasell stick would presently discompose all their gallantry ▪ and reduce them to their first matter of sticks and past-board . For ( Sir ) 'T is the generall opinion of all Learned men ( as I could bring quotations to that purpose ) that books large and empty are the greatest enemies to that perpetuit● and largenesse of fame , that every diligent Writer ought to aime at , that can be possible . For Posterity that passes a severe and impartiall sentence upon all things formerly done , cannot but hate and brand those men that deale ●o unreverently with her , as to put things upon the file of Memory as would even be tedious in table talke where no drollery for the most part comes amisse , and therfore wee see all Ages willing to op off such excrescencies , and destroy if possible their very Remembrance . Saepius in libro memoratur Persius uno . Quam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide . Now you having so unpardonably offended this way , I would not at all start back at you● volumnous and Gigantous Nothings , but resolutely encounter and grapple with them . For though you have a Faculty ( to your great renowne ) to put that into ten sheets , which another man might comprize in ten lines ; and therefore have filled as much paper as if you were to burn for a Martyr would serve instead of fagots ; yet must I say , there is very little in all this to the purpose . For though you are not yet a Didimus ▪ and transcribe whole Tragedies , yet I may say you insert many things not condusing to the present purpose , though I must acknowledg the great praise of your humanity and goodnesse ▪ that you commonly either write the most materiall things ( as you conceive ) in Capitals , or else very courteously with an hand or a Note on the Margent , direct the Reader to them . Vt si maluerit lemmata sola legat. And therefore were it for no other cau●e ▪ Master Noy de●lt very uncourteously with you , that offered to make you and the water-poet , Bed-fellowes in Lincolns-Inne Library , as being tvvo of the same altitude , and crisis of writing . For the multitude of them I was of Virgils mind , Non Numer●m lupus , the smallest insecta's come in greatest shoals out o● the wombe of their dam putri action . A Python , a Hydra , or any such Royall Monster come alone , and that but rarely , if at all , petit creatures can be delivered of many at a birth ; Lyons , Elephants ▪ and those more noble carry but one , and that after long impregnation : by the same Analogy men of poore , strait , low and slender thoughts , have ever the greatest exuberance and vent most ; whereas Regular and Castigated souls , who know how dear and hard it is to think aright , and how difficult the pursuit of Truth is , and under how many censures any thing of publick concern must necessarily fall ; vent their notions nicely and scrupulously , as thinking they must be writ in marble , whilst the inconsiderate put every running thought upon the sand ; is for example , most of your sustian puff-past Treash , which within a few years is as quite effact , as if your I●k had been made of nothing but ●oprisse : and no more Regarded then the Inventory of some sick mans dreams ; and therefore to me you have writ a very few things , they being such as no man will enquire after , but such as delight in things obsolete and antique , or supposing the things are many , 't is a lumpe made up like Democrit●● worlds of atoms which raise up a great mass yet are imperceptible in themselves . I suppose by what I have said , you may have a shrewd guesse , at what I conceive of the pertinency of them , never was there any thing truer said in all sences then in Multi loquio non deest peccatum , Certainly so your literary sins in this kind ( not to Accompt your morrall or Theologicall ) are horrid and Innumerable and ( without the interposition of somewhat above Mercy ) Impardonable , How pittifully did you once afflict the House of Commons in that fatall Night of Voting the Kings answer the grounds of a firm Peace , yet when that most Insuls Harang came to see the Press the substance ( so you Title it ) do's but amount to some seventeen sheets close Printed : It Joy'd your New-liguers , and Co-Martyrs , the Cavaliers , that they had sprung such a Champion , and therefore the Book ( and as I think the first of yours that was so ) came to be twice Printed , and possibly is yet extant for all men , that have a mind to survey the art of Amplication , to peruse , with much about such di●cretion as this ▪ Do you indeavour to blow up liberty of Conscience , for in your Book superscribed , The sword of Christian Magistrates supported you first lay down the whole question ( in effect ) as a postulate or undeniable axion , and upon that ground make a shift to Rear up a Paper , trifle of 20. large sheets , and this with that Celerity ( the infallible sign of a good writer ) that between the Date of the Book you answer , and your own , there interceeds but ( as I Remember ) twenty days : Notwithstanding you say they are the lucubrations of a few cold Winter Nights , and you tell the Lords you have not lost one minute from their service . I could tell also that while you should explode the vanity of love locks , you only fall foul upon long hayre , and so run clear out of distance from your question , with a Man of much lesse Reading might have embost with curious Philo●ogy , and instructed the age into an affright off : Thus in your unhealthfulnesse of health drinking , you only quarrell at much drinking , and so make a forementioned escape . But I am sorry such dust and cobwebs stick in my memorie , I have repeated too much already , and for particular passages I could put you in Remembrance , Vsque ad nauseam & Ravim , but that I would no● slip into an humour which so much disgusts me in you . Only that Posteritie may acknowledge how strongly you have oblig'd them by your Poetrie ▪ I cannot but with pleasure put you in mind what a deare sonne you have been to the Muses . Never did any man tune such round delaies as you have . Never did any man so powerfully drag and hale poore s●●lables into verse . Never durst any Tirant exercise these cruelties upon the bodies men , that you have upon Meeter . 'T is the greatest praise of the Architect of this Vniverse , that he did all things in Number , Weight and Measure , and the just contrary must fall upon all your Works , especially o● this nature . Alas , what ups and downs have you ! what noyses , what calmes ! what tractures , what unnaturall closures ! hovv doe you one time Rumble like a Brewers empty Cart , another while d●il you meters miserably on a sled : Certainely ( Sir ) i● you had been that Poet that presented the Poem to Alexander ▪ and was to receive as Recompense a buffet for every bad line , you had beene buste●ed to death , thou you had had as many lives as nine Cats : Verily had you had Orpheus place in the Fable , you ●ad put all your birds and trees into a fright , instead of a Letalto , and your Thracian women out of meer Revenge of your noise had done t●●t out of justice to you , which they did out of cruelty to him : Verily had you been Amphion , and gone about to build the walls of Thebes with Your Harpe , the stones out of meer rage vv●uld have mu●ined and pelted You to death . O Master Prynne , Master William Prynne , Master William Prynne an utter Barrester of Lincolns-Inne ▪ late a Member of the House of Commons and now of Swainswicke in the County of Somerset Esquire . 'T is impossible that all the Rage of a drunken Imagination could have imagined , or prophesid such a Bard as you are . Certainely , after you ; we may say all Monsters will be naturall and quotidian ▪ and that al● men may doe vvhatsoever they desire or dream of . For I professe to you 't is a Miracle to mee , hovvever it could enter into your thoughts to make Verses : subjects I am sure you could not want ; you might have beene throwing the dust of Records in the faces of the Bishops , you might have put on a fools Coat , call'd your sel●e Tom-Tel-Troth , and barkt against the Armie , you might have busied your selfe about Excommunication , or conquering Independencie , and propping up the House of Lords ; but so dismally to mi●carrie : to improve Rocks , ( which certainly are so●ter then your Meditatiō● ) to ma● new Sea Compasse , and quack Cordials , I am lost , I am lost ( great Sir ) I am lost , this is too deepe for me , and exceeds my understanding . For the quotations which are as delight●ull to you , as they are distastfull to all Mankind else ; but V●etins who loves you for it , and I could wish you to consider whether the Ghosts of a many brave Authors ought not in all Iustice to hant and torment you ? some of them you make stand on the Pillorie of your Margents for no cause , some of them you make to beare fal●e witnesse , other some you make tell halfe Tales , some of them you familiarly quote which you never conferr'd vvith nor possibly saw , so that vvhat with these courses , and mistel●ing of Pages and Chapters , which are but Pec●adillo's with you , you make them pure Knights of the Post , and sweare what you will . Certainly , a man that hath this Faculty may prov what he vvill , and write Libraries , and i● any man ever had the Knack so dexterously as you , my Acquaintance , with Bookes is either none or false . How doe you fit them , as proving the Soveraigne Power of Parliaments ( which Booke I thinke you h●ve forgot you ever wrote ) exactly quote Morall sentences out of S●neca &c. What an Immense Annotation have you in your Booke against Cosens concerning Nile . How common i●st vvith you to prove out of How Hollinshead ▪ Fabian , Speed , Taylor , that R. 2. was murthered at Pontefract . How naturally in your Arminianisme doth bring men to disclaime opinions that were not thought on while themselves lived ? What rare Mosaick Worke doe you make with sentences of Scriptures , and how cong●uously doe you grave them on the stones of the Mount ▪ Orgneil . How aptly doe you q●ote Poets by the page ▪ and sometimes bring in a peece of Tully by the Section ▪ vvith all vvhich acc●utrements I can count you no better th●n an Indian with Feathers about you ; or if you will have it so I can compare you ▪ to a Pedlars Pack-Horse , that carries a●undance of Trinkets about him , which he can never either enjoy or use . Iam dic Posthume de tribus capellis . Having with these considerations disburthened my self of all feare , I know no Reason why I may not now descend to a more particular consideration of your last Book , and the rather because it vainly threatens so much , and according to your usuall fate produces nothing . Nay indeed declares you a person Incapable of medling with the question , as having too scant a knowledge & too Purblind an insight to discusse it . For I suppose , No Rationall man will deny me , but that he would exactly examine the justness of al changes of States and Commonwealths , Must have another Touch-stone ▪ then the bare Municipall Laws of a Country , which commonly carry the stampe of their invaders , or else being made out of the necessity of times , are commonly declind by those men that desire to Innovate ; No they are those Generall and Royall Laws of Reason Nature , Nations and Necessity that must be appeald to , by these all must examine and Judge , and as being fixt veritable and universall , whereas particular Ordinances of any place are not so ; but being either Impos'd by a power or become valid by contract , are no longer to be obey'd , when that power is broken or contract dissolv'd . But you ( Master Prinne ) doe not goe thus Rationally to work , nor Revitting your discourse on some steddy maxims arise up to a full and perfect view of the Generall Laws , and then bring them home to the particular of our Nation , which had been your only true and Regular method , and likelyest to make good what you design'd to your self , but insteed thereof you decline all examinations of Governments and their ends ( a thing perhaps not to be treated of by one that writes scans ped● in vno ) and most cruelly tormented with a many Presidents and Statutes , which being either such as depended upon the will of them that usurped rule over us , or at best such as best suited the wisdome of the times that enacted them , I see not why they should preserve any more force then reason , especially seeing that daily contingencies and notations of humane things , call ever a fresh for new Laws , and fresh provisions : not to adde that the necessity of a time and occasion , the continuall groans of the oppressed , the concurrent and visible hand of providence may many times Warrant that which to the strict formall Letter of the Law might seeme otherwise . For certainly every Law must be conceiv'd so far sacred and inviolable , as it conduces to the great designe of the essentiall happinesse of those for whom it was deviz'd ▪ and if so then suppose it , in it selfe and in the si good and profitable ▪ yet if it dash and enterpher with the maine end of Government , and that great Arcannum of preservation , I suppose he cannot be called a Bad Citizen that out of a just piety to his Country endeavours to break through it ; or else rectify it to its right intentions . Thus much ( out of a great deal else which I reserve as due and proper to another place ) I have set down ; to the end you may perceive how unfortunate you have been in grounding the question , as also that ( if you please to take the pains ) you may by it examine over all your reasons , and find them all either vain , sophisticall or false . But lest you may be a wrighting some other Book and therefore want leisure , or if you had le●sure might possibly be desirous to save the pains , I shall to doe you a curtesy , and merit of some of your Proselits whom I may reduce , examine them one by one , though I cannot promise ●ither your Copiousnesse or Rancor . Your discourse is founded upon a Sillogisme which taking up a page in you , I am given to transcribe , but shall thus ●ully and faithfully a br●viate . That by the fundamentall Laws and known Statutes ▪ No Tax ought to be Imposed but by the will and Common assent of the Earls Barons Knights ▪ Burgesses , Commons , and whole Realme in a free and full Parliament ▪ By Act of Parliament , all other are unjust and oppressive , &c. But this present Tax of 90000. l. per mensem was not thus Imposed . Ergo , It ought not to be demanded nor levied , and you might in conscience and prudence withstand it . Your Proposition which you take as indubitable would in the first place be stated and Rectified , because so many of your Reasons , and indeed your most pressing , nay the very strength of the Assumption leane upon it , But you must consider that though I agree with you , that no Tax ought to be layd but in Parliament , yet I utterly dissent from you in the Acception of the word Parliament , and though I grant you the whole Realme yet I doe not extend it to your Latitude ; which I thus explaine and confirme . First , I take the Realme of England to be no other , But that People which God and nature hath planted in this Island , free from all humane power and positive Law , save what they electe and constitute over themselves , or their Representive ( by their authority ) enact for their good and welfare ; and therefore whatsoever power is not deriv'd from them , ought not to be obey'd by them , Nor the Laws Impos'd by and under that power to be held any other then Tirannicall and not binding . That they are not under the Right of any forreigne domination , I suppose you leave me as granted , and therefore to consider them in themselves , we must look whither they be a people naturally endewed with a free disposition of themselves , ( as was just now layd down ) or else by the Laws of God , or their own stipulation they ought to obey some superiour power ( whither in one hand or many ) which should Inviolably or unalterably rule over them . If you can affirme this of Monarchie , you must ravell this consideration to its first principles ( as there is no better way to understand the making of a watch then to take her in pieces ) and consider what Right Kings have to Rule over us ; if they say from God , this is but ● bare assertion ; let them prove by some signs and wonders that it is Gods declared will and we shall obey ; if they say all Kings are of God . They must prove how they come to be Kings ; if they say that in the Scripture God do's favour and delight in Monarchy , let them tell us what kind of Monarchy it is , and what limits God hath appoi●ted both of power and Law , for certainly if they Trespasse never so little upon either of these they are usurpers : If they say from nature ( I study brevity here ) let them prove that nature makes one man to governe an other , nay such an other number of people , and that themselves are they . If they say by compact and choice of the people , let them produce it and its conditions , and then stand a tryall , whither the people could passe away the liberty of their successors , or themselves upon breach of Trust or other considerations , Recall & annull : if none of these will hold , they must necessarily be intruders and deposable upon the first occasion . All this I conceive remain'd to be prov'd before our Kings can affect their Jus Regnands in so clear and safe a manner as the late CHARLES pretended to it . But if they were only elected ( as the supreme expositor the Parliament have declared ) then it evidently declares that in the height of their intrusion they either could not stifle a remembrance of the peoples Right ▪ or else by an odde Arcanum Imperii practized by the Primitive Roman Emperors ) they were willing by a specious shew of liberty , to banish all offence and Recollection of their Intrusion . And of election ▪ questionlesse those that have power to choose have power also not to choose . Then secondly if Kings be not Integrall parts of our Parliaments , Representatives or Nationall meetings ( 't is things I mind not words for the people cannot all at once meet in Councell ) it will Porismatically follow that the Lords being his vassalls , constitutes or at least but Councellours , are not , as being not entrusted nor called thither by the people , who have the only power to make their Deputies , and gives voyces in their Nationall meetings . Thus much being gaind there will flow a Third , That will immediatly invest a supream authority in those meetings , and this authority must needs make them Judges of cases of necessity , and necessity oftentimes warranting , nay bidding violent courses , some actions and carriages may be justifiable , nay laudable and glorious in them that Immedi●tly concerne the publique weal , although they vary from & throughout the Common Regular proceedings : Thus could no honest Roman have blamed Cicero , though he had suspended the major part of the Senate had they adhered to Cataline . Thus were the Tribins of the people never accounted Traytors to their trust of preserving liberty , Notwithstanding they often brought Laws to make a Dictator who had an unlimited power . Nor have you Reason to storme with this Parliament , for voting the exclusion of part of their Members ( whereof your selfe were one ) that had concurred in dangerous and destructive pernicious Votes . And now you may see how unsound your Proposition was , and how utterly the State of the whole Syllogi●me is altered , for if you will but take along with you what hath been said , you will find their was an huge deal of Equivocation and Fallacy in the words of Parliament and whole Realme , and therefore the whole ought thus to be conceived . That by the Fundamentall Laws of the Nation what Tax is Imposed by the C●mmons of the Realme in a free and f●ll Parliament , by Act of Parliament , and none other , is lawfull . But this Tax of 90000. l. per mensem was thus Imposed , Ergo it ought , &c. The Proposition is manifest out of what hath bee● said to the Assumption for the present , I shall say thus much ; That since King and Lords are no essentiall parts of it , and that they make up the customary number , we have no Reason to disavow them on that Tophick , some other Reason then must we search , and see whither they were either lawfully called , or else since their calling some act either done by themselves or others have in Law dissolved them . But for the Legallity of their Assembling your self are so far from denying , that you found some Arguments upon it ; & I further justifie that they immediatly were entrusted by the people , and that the Kings did put them into a course , not give them Authority , ( for if it had , then must all power Immedidately flow from the King which we have deny'd ) and therefore though the Right of the people were at that time c●og'd with that load , there is no Reason but they might when they could shake it off , and restore themselves to those Priviledges nature endowed them with . And therefore they must necessarily remain anauthoritative Body after the decollation of the King as not sitting by him : But it is a question according to the word of the Law , whither they ever can be dissolved or no ▪ the King not being alive to dissolve them . Howsoever you can distinguish a King in the abstract , and concret and know that it is not his Personall presence adds any thing to them : for otherwise your own books must rise up against you , and all their actions since the Kings de●ertion will prove un-Parliamentary . We must see if there be any thing that in Law dissolved them ( since they are in origine a lawfull Assembly ) and that must either be by the King , themselves or some externall power : By the King it must be either by some act of his , and that I think you are not ready to say , or by his remotion , and that we have just now answered : if by themselves why ●it they ? or shew me an Act or Ordinance of theirs why they should not : if from externall ●●rce : externall force I say may violate it but cannot dissolve it ▪ since the Speaker declar'd his opinion two years agoe , that nothing could dissolve this Parliament , But an Act of Parliament , which you cannot produce either in your own sence or mine . And now we see what miracles you have perform'd , & how according to your manner you have es●oygn'd from the question ; for it is not the Recitall of a many Impertin●nt Presidents with any slavish head , that has but the p●tience to collect may muster up to wearinesse . But a right stating and deduction of things , and a Generall view of the question in its whole latitude that must convince and enforce in these cases , For producing authorities though it may be of excellent use in proving matter of fact or that things were so , yet it is not of much concernment when matter of right or reason falls under dispute . For whosoever do's rightly converse with the writings & Records of former times cannot bu● know , that since a many things are spoken out of the sence and interest of the times . A many things through decourse of affaires are altered from their Primitive reason , a many things imperfectly related and circumstances of great light often omitted , they are not at all authoritative to after times , save where a cleer and undeniable analogy of reason do's apply and enforce them . But least you may thinke I fraudulently elude the strength of your arguments by these generall avisos , I care not much if I put them ( I meane the strength and heart of them for you are very fatall in setting down things at length ) into a Catalogue briefly overthrowing those that are not Immediatly , Implicitly , or peremp●orily answered in the former pages , and putting the others to no other trouble , but a bare rehersall , as things that carry their confutations in their bowells . Your First Reason is The Parliament is dissolved by death of the King. 2. Or supposing it in being yet the Lords a●●ented not . 3. Suppose the Commons alone co●ld Impose a Tax yet now the House is neither full n●r free if you will give every man leave to be Judge of his own liberty , they can the best tell what they think of theirs , an● they have declar'd themselves free from any feare or Restraint ; and certainly it is one shrewd signe of it ▪ in that they have performed that under that which you call aw ; which none of their Predecessors in all their pretended l●●erty and fullnesse could ever atchieve ; and if you say they are not full and free because all their Members doe not actually sit . For my part I hold them freer , as being eas'd of so oppressive an humour , that so long Rendred their Counsells abortive or unprosperous , yet in poi●t of reason I see not why he should be entrusted with the liberty of a Country that is an enemy to it . Or admitted into a Counsell whose ruine he is both by his i●terest and opinion obliged to endeavour . Though the tendernesse of the Parliament is such that they Re●dmit all such as they can either with surety or safety , and the obstinacy of the absent Gentlemen is such that they refuse to comply with the ways of providence , and come into action , rather suspending ▪ themselves then being suspended . 4. Though it should oblige those places whose Knights Citi●ens ▪ Burgesses sit , yet , it cannot those whose &c. sit not . Now ou● of all your Presidents find me one that shall warrant this distinction for that of the writ of wast will not doe : for upon the same reason , the County o●Dur●am , or such Burroughs as have no Members to sit for them are not tyed by any act of Parliament , as not consenting to it , and for any thing I see the same reason should hold in those Counties or places whose Representatives should be for some unquestionable crime thrust out of the House ; Nay , why may not this extend to absent Members ? But I pray Sir consider that the House of Commons must be considered as a collected body ▪ and not as made of particular persons , and that must be taken for its Ordinance which is the agreement of all , or the m●jor pa●t , without any other consideration of Individualls , save sometimes the entring of a dissent , which may declare a private dislike , but cannot disauthorize any thing . For those two objections though you keep an hacking and slashing of them , yet you do not at all infirme or destroy them , For I would gladly know of you what radi●●ll distinction you can perceive , between businesses of greater and lesser moment in the House as you seeme to infer , I meane what difference you can make between the House when it handles lesser businesses and the greatest , For questionlesse 't is an House still and hath the same Priviledges and authority . Nor do's your objection of the frequent summons make any thing for you , saving that it proves it hath been a custome to summon in absent Members , either when their abillities were particularly a●anting or else the number of absent Members took from the Majesty and Splendor , Not the necessity and being of the House . 2. Though you suppose . They might make an House in cases of abso●ute Necessity , yet you say their was never such a case as till now , that 40 might expell 400 &c. To this I say that , Never was their so great a necessity ▪ as that of their suspension , as may ea●ily be demonstrated . 3. 'T was the Army suspended some Members indeed , but injur'd not the collective body , and abundance absented either through disaffection , guilt , or suspition ; and whereas you challenge them to shew such a Law or custome , I cannot but laugh at you . For if it be lawfu●l ▪ it may well stand on its one legs , without such an infirme and unproper stay If unlawfull you will not expect any example should make it so ▪ For by the same reason every vice that can but parallel it self in Zwinger or Lycosthenes , will soon be gilded into a vertue , and you your self in every action you doe and garment you weare , unlesse you can prove your Grandfather did and wore the like , sin extremely ▪ and herein at one dash confu●e your whole Histrio-Mastix wh●n by so many Presidents Records ▪ Iournalls , Historyes , Diarys , Ledgeer Books , An●alls Poems , Orati●ns , &c. it can be prov'd that playes have been in former times acted and entertained into the delig●ts of Princes , as your self write , confesse , declare , acknowledge , manifest , and prove by Authors in your Retractation to that purpose . 4. Then Fourthly , since you stand so stifly upon it , I challenge you to shew me by any Journall , Year-Book , Records , the time when fourty was not accounted a Parliament ( though this far exceeds that number . ) For 5. you say . Neither Commons nor whole House ought to do it without K. or LL. Still Crambe ●is co●●au ; sed you not that Topic largely before , and do you now vomit it up againe ? I doe not now wonder at the facultie of squirting Books , when you have this art of Repetition . Truly ( voluminous Sir ) methinks you are like Flaminius his host who entertaine his Noble gu●st with a great many various dishes , which yet in the conclusion proved nothing but Swines-flesh , or rather to Erisichthon's daughter who though she were sometimes sold under the shape of a Cow , sometimes of an asse , sometimes of a Sheep , was but still Erisichthon's daughter , and therefore who knows one of your Book knows all ▪ and who confutes one confutes them all . Only I advise all that shall hereafter have to deale with you ▪ to medle with you no otherwise then the great Grotius did with a learned man that spoyles and looses abundance of brave learning amidst his volumes insteed of answering the Book to confute the contents . So would I interdict any man further Commerce with you then the Title ( which is ever the best of your Bookes ) and having confuted that ▪ to sit downe in quiet . For your answer to the second objection ▪ ( which sneaks in at the Back dore ▪ and stands like Ela in the Gamuth , and no wonder , for a man of your h●ste may easily forget Importancies . ) viz. That the present Parliament shall not be dissolved unless by Act of Parliament , by t●e Statute of 17. Car. ' swas con●uted ●ut of what hath been already spoken ▪ and hath been already touched upon you . But to come closer to you , that if the Kings Person were so necessary a businesse , with what face did you justify their proceedings without when he was at O●ford ? or if the forme o● writ calling them together to con●u●t with him Render them a meer Juncti●●o of his , and no lo●ger a body then he lends them a soule , what miserable , and slavish people were we , whose Nationall Counsells were to depend upon the will and pleasure of one man , as though we had been created for no other end , and cast hither by providence only to make so many vassalls for a Tyrant . But I hope ▪ Master Prinne you know better what the safety of a people is , then to adhere to so miserable Rules , which being commonly struck from the present occasion , cannot prevent all inconveniences , and therefore must be Subject to change , and alteration ; and with what prudence can you ●rge that your Act was only intended as to your l●t● King not to his Heirs and Succ●ssors ( your reasons are so tr●fling I passe them ) when you know the King of England never dyes ? and 't is an horrid thing that the welbeing of a people should depend u●on the truth of one who is but a Bubble and must dye like ● man . For suppose in that heavy conjunctu●e of time ( which produced the act ) King Charles had put off his Mortality , either the best Parliament that ever was , shou●d have broke up and left us both in the present hazard of affaires , and danger of never any more Parliaments ; or else the Supreme Right of the People and necessity would have confuted what you assert . Besides the Parliam●nt was called for such and such ends , and if the King had dyed before the fulfilling , had it not been m●erly an illusion and a frustration o● the very act , which even ob●●g● them to the accomplishment of such and such things . But methinks that clause which you so Ingenuously quote cleers the Busines , and that every thing ●r things whatever done or to be done for the adjour●ment or proroging or dissolving of the present Parliament ▪ contrary to the present Act , shall he utte●ly void and of none effect , upon this score the Anti-Parliament●t Oxford was counted unlawfull , and the Kings disclaiming them ( ●or a while ) of none effect . But ( say you ) the Kings death cannot properly be said a thing done or to be done by him , for the adjournment of the Parliament contrary to this present Act , cannot make the Kings death voyd and of none effect , by restoring him to life againe . Spectatum admi●●i Risum T●neatis Amici ! But pray Sir , is not death a privation ? what talk you then of it as an Act and of a privation you will not say it hath any thing positive , the King hath done nothing by it whereby to dissolve and raise the Parliament . I shall adde , only you stand so strictly upon poore Formalities ▪ why you may not as well say that the Parliament is not at al because their are no Bishops in it , as wel as you say about Loros : For you cannot be ignorant how far in these darke times of superstition the Bishops have incro●cht , ( and why should Presidents for the Temporall Lords be more inviolable then for them ) insomuch that they once came to a contest of Precedency , which certainly they would never have done without some assurance of themselves and interest , and therefore it was no more Injury to the Lords Temporall to be dispossessed then for the Spirituall , they being both derived from one power ; and though you 'l say the latter were ejected in a free and full Parliament , and so not the former , yet I think I prov'd other whilst I had in hand your Syllogisme , and must now tell you , I conceive not what more Right or title the one have then the other , and why they may not as well be disrobed of these Priviledges , which are both unnec●ssary and burdensome and to speak freely , Superior to any other in Europe , and Incon●istent with the liberty of our Nation . I shall not much trouble my self with your disingenuitie in quo●ing the Parliaments former Declarations against them , since that They have been as good as their words in procuring the libertie of the Nation , and what they do● at this present is meerly out of publique necessity and safety ; But I must tell you , that of all men living you ought the least to encounter your adversaries out of the●r own writings , since your own doe abo●●d with such strong monstrous Contradiction and forget●ulnesse , that a man may suppose you change ●ou●es as often as you doe shirts , or else there is an unanimous conspiration in mankind to adopt all absurdities whatsoever under your Name . And now have I ( thank the curtesie of my fates ) fully survey'd your first Reason , and truly if your other Nine take me up as much time , I sha●l with difficulty wade through the rest of this inglorious taske , and I am affraid , obtain your faculty of Multiplication of lines , and in stead of your adversary turn your Schollar : like Julian the Emperour , that essayed at first what he could say against Christianism , but at last exercised himselfe into a losse of it . And now for your second Reason , which tells us that there are some sit in the House who ought not to sit , some whose Elections have been Voted voyd , some chosen by a new great Seale since the Kings death , some that are Noblemen , and therefore uncapable of sitting there &c. But stay ; bring me but one example or president where the illegality of Election deprived the Parliament ( which must ever be considered in the Aggregat not dis-junctively ) of its authority , and Right , sure we have proved them a Parliament and supreme , why may not they make a Seal and use it , and for the Lords ( since their House is broke up ) why should the people be denyed their liberty of choosing , or the Lords ( without any demerit ) their capacity of sitting . For your scruple at the Oath of Alleageance , I see not how it oblig'd further then civil obedience in lieu of civill protection , or why it should oblige longer then the power that imposed it had existence , or why it should oblige a man to a perpetuall pertinacy contrary to his judgement and conscience : Till I be satisfied in this , I must put away all your Arguments of this hea● , and in the mean time Recruit you to that judicious and learned piece of Mr. Asch●m concerning this subject and truly if you want emp●o●ment you would doe well to gnaw a little upon that file . The Third you learnedly draw from the ends of your Tax , which being two , you accordingly branch your Argument into two heads ; The first whereof the Maintenance of my Lord Fairfax his A●my , and to this you answer That their notorious defections & Rebellions have made them unworthy of pay . To this I say , you in your confused Catalogue of their misdemeanours , you lay many things to their charge , which are not properly theirs , a many things you mistake , and many things you falsly suggest : so that he that pares off your exaggerations , and considers them nakedly , will find them an illustrious brave sort of people , particul●rly favour'd by Providence , and worthy all the encouragement and care of this State . Then secondly you say No ●ax ought to be imposed but in case of Necessitie ( let any judge , whether there bee not a Necessity for this Tax ! ) But you say there is no necessity of keeping up this Army for these strong Reasons . The Kingdome is exhausted with seven years Taxes , and therefore for saving a little , mony now must be utterly ruin'd , and as though you in all your reading could want examples how often such a base parsimony hath bin fatall to people and Cities . 2. The decay of Trade , as though a petty payment hinder'd either Importation or exportation , or slackned mens endeavours , or as though that money were not spent among the people that pay it , and so there can be no decrease in the main stock . But a decay of Trade must ever be expected in or immediatly after a civil● w●rre , and so you lodge this cause amisse . 3 ▪ It destroyes trade , why did you not tumble this with the former , for they both came to one head ; Still you ●urn to your vo● it of impertinency and largenes●e . 4. There is no visible enemy in the field , and therefore not in Houses or abroad ; Do not you know Ma●ter Pri●ue that an enemy is not quite vanquish'd when he is forc'd to give the field , but so long as he has animosities , grudges , opportunities , encouragements , hopes , is to be fear'd , and therefore for any people to gull themselves in such a mad security can be no other then to fall a sleep , that their enemies might with the better conveniency , cut their throats . Besides you cannot be ignorant that that Thing which you call a King hovers and flutters over , and if he could but engage any forreigne Prince on his desperate lost fortunes , would come over , and see if he cou●d set up the Dagon of Monarchy once more amongst us , and you would have us tamely cast away our swords , that he might with more liberty exercise those cruelties upon us , and that either his indignation , revenge , flatterers , or possibly Inclination might suggest unto him . 5. This was but at first established 40000 l. per mensem and after 60000. But why 90000 l. now since those for Ireland of that establishment , Thou knowest not it seems Wil , Prynne , Nor thy Neighbours at Swanswick that there are a great many new forces rais'd , and their are a great many there already to be maintained . The Country Militia's might serve , the forme of them in secure time is good enough , But not in the midst of such contingencies as we daily see , and if we be at present so surrounded with enemys , as who knows we are girt with both extremes which now begin to close and unite into one , why should we dissolve any Armie of choice and brave Veterans , for a sort of Raw countrie fellows , that neither have the courage nor the art of fighting ; not to mention the just causes of distrust of them , which though you indeavour to remove , yet you doe nothing , for you say , 1. These men may enforce an Army till Doomesday ; as though their politick capacity took away their naturall of Dying , or that things would be ever in their present insecurity . 2. If they dare not trust the People , why should the people trust them ? ( this I thinke is your sence for you are long and cloudy and want an expositor ) The strong Retort ! they will not follow the humour of the R●bble , and therefore the Rabble ought to get up on the Saddle ; and act the bold Beauchamps upon the Common-wealth . 3. The Gentlemen of England have little reason to trust this Army that have violated their Laws , and say all is theirs by conquest . Reader ! understand this in the contrary sence , and Master Prinne is in the Right . But he should have told where ever the Army aver'd all was theirs by conquest , or if ever any private man said so , and if some had said it , why the integrity and actions of all shal be blasted through the vapor or Surquedry of a private Souldier . Now to the second part of the same tune ▪ the second End of this Tax is for Ireland , which was but at first 20000. l. now 30000 l. To this you say , 1. That by Statutes , &c. No Freemen ought to be compelld to goe in person , &c. Or to pay Taxes , &c. without their consents in a free Parliament , such an one you deny this present to be , and I contrariwise affirme it , and have demonstrated it , and so farwell this Argument . 2. Most of those Ancient forces are revolted and declared Rebells , and therefore this Parliament shall not avail themselves of others in their Roomes . 3. Many now pretending for Ireland hath been obstructers of its reliefe . This is a strong Argument against the Legalitie of the Tax . 4. The reliefe of Ireland is not now upon the first just and pious grounds . ( 'T is false they are now just the same . ) But to joyne with Owen Roe ; the Parliament have disclaim'd the actions of two brave men in that affaire . Notwithstanding the prudence advantage and necessitie of it ; which certainly cannot but declare that they are not over affected with him and his Interest . Your Fourth Reason is the coercive power and manner of Levying this Tax , as though upon cases of necessitie and Imminent danger a State must want necessary reliefe , because such and such a skittish person is not satisfied , and if we see that many actions of private men ( otherwise illegall ) are justified by their subordination to the publike . How much more must we thinke of Common-wealths themselves in whom the chiefe care and trust of preservation is reposed ; which how they could be endowed with , know not I , unlesse they had also a power to enforce those reliefs , which necessity and reason of Sta●e so usually require , and therefore your First reason that they ought not to distraine is nothing , since it determines not in what cases it is unlawfull to distraine , and you withall take it as granted that this is an unlawfull Tax . 2. For Imprisonment ; It hangs upon the same false supposition as the former , and all you can instance who hath been imprison'd upon this Act invalid ; since a many Laws come accompanyed with a terror , which they also intend shall seldome or never be put in execution . 3. Levying of Taxes by Souldiers was judged high ▪ Treason in Strafords case , as though there were not difference between a Supreame authority and a Subject , a time of peace and War . 4. If any person bring his Action at Law we shall be stopt by the Committee of Indemnity , as though the Parliament ( who are so much above all ordinary proceedings of Law ) ought not in Justice to protect those who execute their just Commands . Your Fifth Reason is ; The tune sticks much with you , for if we have such a Tax in the first yeare of Englands declared freedome , what shall we have in the second , &c. To this I answer Evax ! vah ! there wants a Comma , to expresse Irrision and Indignation . Your Sixth , Is the order or newnesse of Tax is is the first you find Jmpos'd by the Commons House after the Parliament dissolved . Lingua ! thou strikst too much upon one string Thy tedious plain-song grates my tender ears . I thought this Argument had been thred bare enough to be used againe , But no matter 't is your custome , but certainly , A man of your Imployment and speed is to be forgiven if he forget what he wrote three pages before ; and yet this you confirme with a not able reason ( as you think ) out of Ovids Remedio Amoris : Principiis obsta , &c. a bu kin that may fit any fool , and clog any objection whatever . Your Seventh is the excessivenesse of the Tax . A main objection indeed , when you were to treat about its Legality , but I must tell you occasions are also excessive , as I told you when I answered your third Reason in which this your seventh Reason ( according to the usuall Caball of your writing ) was also involved , I shall onely adde now that I wonder by what Arithmetick you Calculate 90000 pounds per mens ▪ to be half the Revenue of the Nation , and by what Analogy of Reason ; you instance the Imposition of the Popes Legate on the English Clergy , to affront an Act of Parliament concerning the whole Nation . Your Eighth ( for I would gladly once be rid of you ) is , the Principall Judgement of this Tax is to free us from Free quarter , and you say ▪ 1. Free-quarter is illegall ( and you make an ample citation for it ) and so ought to be taken off without any compensation . 'T is true ! but when there is a Necessity of keeping up a Souldiery whether of the two evills is to be chosen : and secondly , you say , That they have often promis'd to take off Free quarter , but still as soon as Contributions were paid , there was as much free quartering as formerly , and therefore because some under-Officers are negligent , and some Common-souldiers rude ; An Act of Parliament must become invalid , although it may be affirmed that the discipline of this Army is as regular and strict as can be possible , and therefore it is not strange , if they be not subject to such disorders as might commonly make such Companies of men both detestable or hated , and yet certainly there are some among them very rare Myrmidons , if that strange Tragae-Comedy of May 22. ( a day it seems fatall to your strong-beer and provisions ) be true , for certainly ( according to your Lamentations ) it is as dreadfull and hideous as the breaking up of an Inchanted Castle , or some new Commotion in the dolorous Cav● , or St. Patricks Purgatory . To your Ninth ( which in my understanding is the same with your third ) the end of this taxe is not for defence of the Kingdome , but abolishing of Monarchy &c. We affirme this for the defence of the Nation , and all the rest we confesse . To the Last , which you suppose chain-shot , but indeed is a squirt , whereas you say , that in your poor judgement it will be offensive to God and good men . Certainly God hath stampt too many visible Characters of his favour upon these proceedings , to withdraw his assistance from this Parliament , for prosecuting that work which he is pleased with : and for good men ; there are thousands think it both necessary and fit to pay it . Scandalous to the Protestant Relegion . As how ? dishonourable to the English Nation , for bravely asserting their liberties , and giving so faire an example of Magnanimity and bravery to Europe and posterity , hindring the speedy settlement of our peace . Me thinks we are at peace already , if you mean a peace with C. Stewart , cursed be the Peace-makers : Ingage Scotland and Forreigners to avenge the Kings death , ( as though that Arme that hath hitherto held us up were shortned ) and dis-inheritance of his Posterity , who you say will be setled . Quid si coelum ruat ? and therefore you would have us accept of C. Stewart , and jumble up a Peace . Certainly , Mr. Prynne ) if you had but the least dram of a considerate person within you , you could not but know that the Re-establishment of the King of Scotland among us , were somewhat worse the an Anarchy , and that a peace with him were more dangerous and destructive then any war , for if we will consider his attaining the Crown of England according to the principles of his own party , we may find it a businesse so horrid and detestable , that none but a Cataline could lend a wish to it : Either certainly he must come in by Forreign Conquest , or under pretence of his old Title , or else by Admission and Constitution of the People : if the first , what English man can conceive it either safe or honourable ? What man would not dread to be scourg'd by Forreigne force ? or whether are such auxi●iaries safe or no to him that employes them ? or by what Law or Justice could Hee bring in people of strange Tongues or habits to subdue those peop●e , whose father he pretends to be ? or who must give accompt for the blood that must necessarily be spilt in such a quarrell ? or where will there be found wealth in an exhausted Nation to satisfie the Avarice of strangers , make up the losses of homesufferings , and reward deservers ? Questionlesse the Outrages of Marius and Scilla , and the Spanish butcheries in America would be but petty Executions to what the Victor ( arm'd with rage and revenge ) would inflict , and we should suffer ; and how many brave lives would be taken away , and made sacrifices to the ghost of our last King , 't is Perfidy and disloyalty ( me thinks ) to the majesty of the People of England to imagine the sadnesse of these consequences ; Nor see I how those of the second head are much milder ; For suppose him like Titus , or our Henry the Fift , better'd by his accesse to Government , and that he dealt with this People as Tender and cautiously as any man under heaven could doe . Yet were not our weaknesse able to endure that alteration . For if it hath cost so much blood and Treasure to come to the point where we are . A Relaps must needs bee considerably worse , seeing it would be impossible to eradic●●e Memories and Revenges ; but the dregs thereof would stirre the prevailing party to some Insolensies which the spirit or condition of this people were unable to endure , and what this would by degrees come to ; It is not safe to imagine : or if you would have it the third ( as me thinks an Elective King suits but ilfavouredly with your politicks ) methinks it were not hard for the People to find out some hand to which ( in case there were either Necessitie or Reason for such a change ) they might entrust their liberties , better then with one who comming from an unfortunate Family , scourg'd for many Generations with Tragicall and untimely ends , and now a long time groaning under the Anger of Divine Justice , must in all reason and probability export the consumma●ion and accomplishment of the same Fa●e . Not to say that a filiall alleagiance may oblige him to some savagenesses , which could not at all fall under the interest of another person , and that education and continuall infusion of the same Machivilian Councels , must necessary make him bend his Government that way , which hath been so detestably oppressive to three Nations , that they preferr'd a long , sharp and unnaturall war , before durance under it . For your Transcriptions out of John Lilburn's Book of June 8. I shall not say much , because 't is indeed his work ( excepting a few idle glosses of your own ) and 't is you that I onely have at Task and Time , and besides that book hath been fully answer'd in another place , onely give me leave to fix a Remark upon your violent and furious malice that so blinds you , that you seize upon any thing ( though never so unjustly or indiscreetly ) that may the least contribute to the dishonour of that Senate from whence your demerits have so worthily ejected you : that Lilburn whom not many moneths since , you call'd lyar , detestable lyar , notorious lyar , whom you writ against in severall of your Treatises , and loaded with all those Calumnies and Reproaches which an ●xulcerated malice , or a debausht Pen could cast upon him ; now , when he begins the least to close with you ( though God knows upon different ends and principalls ) is no more an Abaddon , a Fury , a disturber , but a grave veritable authentick Classic author , and one whose excellent writings ( for never in all this world were two pens so like ) must contribute above ten pages to the latter end of your book . And besides , consider what Reputation it is to you , that seem to carry the face of a grave civill writer , to stuffe your materiall books ( and this indeed I think you conceive one of your Master-pieces ) with such large Contributions of the most unworthiest pamphlets , which the disease and intemperance of a deprav'd time can vomit up amongst us . Consider it I pray you , and flatter not your self with any hope that the world will continue to expect any thing else from you then dirt and Ribaldry , and that your books will carry any other desteny with them ( as being all born under such bad ascendents , and untoward aspects ) ▪ then had the Cardinall Compegio's Sumpters , which though they march'd in a magnificent and sightly array , were ( upon a little bolder examination ) found to be stuft with old boots and raggs , and such like Trumpery . And now before a close give one ( who though he bee much inferiour to you both in years , and acquir'd Knowledges , yet hath spent the small time he hath liv'd in the best observation of men and things that he could ) to be a little serious and Remonstrat unto you somewhat , which being spoke by them that have the most charity , and best wishes for you ; cannot but if you follw it , bring repose unto your self , some content to the world , ease to the Stationer , and possibly make the Catalogue of indiscreet busie men lesse by one : You are of an honourable profession , doe not dishonour it by a Continuation of your lybelling . In that orb you may Arrive to some estimation , but when you stray out of it , you are a Traytor to your own credit , and doe your selfe that same disrepute which your enemies could wish unto you ; if you stay where Providence hath plac'd you : your presidents , and bulkish quotations may be of use and service , but when you break your ●edder , you run wild , and like Ajax in the Trajedy , fight with sheep in stead of men ; for it seems that All-seeing wisdome hath not design'd you a master of those knowledges which direct and enable the mind of man to judge and examine the changes of humane things , and therefore it were no more but your duty rather to sit still with a sober Acquiesce and acknowledgement of that knowledge you now enjoy ; then vainly and wildly to run in such pathes whither neither your starrs nor Genius seem to lead or prosper you . Another thing is , that this continuall kicking at the present power , shews you to have somewhat of the Salamander in your nature , and that like the Camell you list to drinke of no waters which your feet have not troubled , and therefore you would doe your selfe much more right with all that are to judge you , if you discreetly and patientl● complyed with all the out-goings of Providence , and would not murmur at some dispensations , which it seems God would have to be no otherwise : and therefore give me leave to conjure you to manage your leisure better then in producing such filthy ill-natur'd pamphlets as you almost every day belch out against the State , which protects you ; Or that if you must needs write , you would be pleas'd to inhibit or suppresse them , and by that means save the charge of brown paper for Roast-meat and pye-bottoms : or else according to Horace his advice , let them serve a nine years apprenticeship at the druggists , which if they serve , you might try whether you your selfe had the patience to read them , and so learn to forgive others that could not : But if none of this will do ▪ and you are deafe and inexorable to your own purposes ; we must give you up as incurable , and say , the spirit of sedition and Jenkins hath enterd this man , and the Blatant-Beast ( in Spencer ) is never like to be bound again so long as she survives in you . Fare ye well . The End . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45081e-320 Pref. to Don quixot ▪