An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse of application to be made to the King. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75409 of text R204748 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E438_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 25 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A75409 Wing A3323A Thomason E438_3 ESTC R204748 99864211 99864211 116434 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75409) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116434) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 69:E438[3]) An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse of application to be made to the King. Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674, attributed name. [2], 13, [1] p. s.n.], [S.l. : Printed in the yeare, 1648. Sometimes attributed to Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon. The words: 'A declaration .. made to the King.' are enclosed in square brackets. Annotation on Thomason copy: "May 3d". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse or application to be made to the King -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A75409 R204748 (Thomason E438_3). civilwar no An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled,: expressing their reasons and grounds [Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of] 1648 4651 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 B The rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO A PAMPHLET , ENTIT'LED , A Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled , expressing their Reasons and Grounds of passing the late Resolutions touching no further Addresse or Application to be made to the KING . CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT royal blazon or coat of arms Printed in the yeare , 1648. An ANSWER to a Pamphlet , entit'led , [ A DECLARATION of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled , expressing their Reasons and Grounds of passing the late Resolutions touching no farther Addresse or Application to be made to the KING . ] I Believe that it was never heard of until now , that heavy Imputations were laid on any Man ( I speak not , now , of KINGS , which I confesse makes the Case , yet , more strange and unjust ) and He not permitted to see , much lesse to Answer them : but so it is now with the KING : which does ( though silently ) yet subject Him to as great an Imputation , as there is any in the said Declaration ; for those who know no better , may think that He cannot , because He does not , Answer it : Wherefore I hold it my Duty ( knowing these things better then every ordinary Man ) to do my best , that the KING should not be injured , by the ignorance of His People ; and albeit , I ( lying under Persecution , for my Conscience , and Love to Regall Authority ) have not the means , in every thing , to make full Probations ; yet , I am confident , in all the most materiall Points , so to make the Truth , of the KINGS Innocency , appear ; that I shall satisfie any Impartiall judicious Reader . What the Issue of former Addresses to the KING hath been , is most certainly known to all the World ; but , where the Fault rests , whereby Peace hath not ensued , bare Asseverations , without Proofes , cannot , I am sure , satisfie any Judicious Reader . And indeed , it seems to me , that the Penner of this , seeks more to take the Eares of the Ignorant Multitude , with big Words , and bold Assertions , then to satisfie Rationall Men with reall Proofs or true Arguments . For , at the very first , he begs the Question ; tak●ng it for granted , that the KING could ease the Sighes and Groanes , dry the Teares , and stanch the Blood of His distressed Subjects : Alas ! Is it He , that keeps Armies on foot , when there is none to oppose ? Is it He , that will not lay down Excise , Taxation , and free-Quarterings ? But , it is He indeed , who was so far from Power , even at that time , ( being far worse since ) that , in most things , He wanted the Liberty of any free-born Man : It is He , who never refused to ease His People of their Grievances ; witnesse more Acts of Grace passed in His Reigne , then ( to speak within my compasse ) in any five Kings or Queens Times , that ever were before Him : Moreover , It is He , who , to settle the present unhappy Distractions , and ( as the best means to it ) to obtain a Personall Treaty , hath offered so much ; that ( to say Truth ) during His own Time , He hath left Himself little more then the Title of a KING ; as it plainly appears by His Message from the Isle of Wight , concerning the Militia , and choosing the Officers of State , and Privy-Counsellours ; besides other points of Complyance , which is needlesse here to mention . Good God! are these Offers , unfit for them to receive ? have they tendred such Propositions , that might occasion the World to judge that they have yeilded up , not only their Wills and Affections , but their Reasons also , and Judgements , for obtaining a true Peace or good Accommodation ? It is true , that if they can shew , what , Reasonably , they could have asked more ; or , wherein the KING'S Offers were deficient ( either in Point of Security , or , by with-holding , from any of His Subjects , a jot of their just Priviledges ) then , they said somewhat , to challenge Belief : But , bare Asseverations , even against what a Man sees , will not get credit with any , but such who abandon their Judgments to an Implicit Faith : Nor can the Determinations of all the Parlaments in the World , make a thing Just or Necessary , if it be not so of it self : And can it be imagined , that any , who were ever acquainted with the Passages at the Treaties , of Oxford and Uxbridge , will believe ( though it be said ) That the Propositions tendred at Newcastle , were the same in effect , which had been presented to the King before , in the midst of all His Strength and Forces ? Indeed methinks such grosse slips as these , should , at least , make a Man be wary , how to believe such things , for which he sees no Proofs ; And yet it should seem , that a Man must either take their Words , for good Payment , or remain unsatisfied ; for a little after , it is said , That the Kings strange , unexpected , and conditionall Answers or Denials might justly have made them consider some other course for Setling the Kingdome in Peace and Safety , without any farther Application ; but never showes , wherein the strangenesse of His Answers or Denials consists : And I should think , that those Reasons , upon which the laying by of a Kings Authority is grounded ( for it is no lesse ) ought to be particularly mentioned , for the Worlds satisfaction , and not involved in generall big Words : for it thereby seems , that it is their Force of Armes , more then that of Reason , which they trust to , for procuring of Obedience to their Determinations , or Belief to what they say : Otherwayes , can it be imagined , that their saying , That their last Propositions were to be qualified , that ( where it might stand with the Publick safety ) the wonted Scruples and Objections were prevented or removed , can give satisfaction to any Rationall Man , who hath seen all their former Propositions ? for , it is most evident , that their Demands have alwaies encreased with their good Fortune . And for their great Condescention to a Personal Treaty ( which , under favour , can scarcely be called so ; for the KING , though He had granted what was desired , was not to come , neither to nor near London , but to stay in the Isle of Wight , and there to Treat with Commissioners ) upon Signing the Four Bils ; Surely , they incurred therein , but little danger ; for it is most evident , that they containe the very substance of the most essentiall parts of their Demands ; which being once granted , the KING would neither have had Power to Deny , nor any thing left worth the refusing ; for after He had confessed , that He had taken up Armes , to invade the liberty of his People , ( whereas it was only for the Defence of His own Rights ) and had likewise Condemned all those , who had faithfully served Him , of Rebellion ; and that He had totally devested Himself , his Heires , and Successours for ever , of the Power of the Sword ; whereby the Protection of His Subjects ( which is one of the most essentiall and necessary Rights belonging to Regall Authority ) is totally torne away from the Crown : and that by a silent Confession , He had done Himself and Successours , an irrepairable prejudice concerning the Great Seal ( I speak not of the other two Bills , neither of which are of little importance ) what was there more for Him to grant ( worth the insisting upon ) after such Concessions ? or , indeed , what Power was left Him to deny any thing ? So that the KING'S necessity of giving the Answer He did ( for it was no absolute Refusall ) is most evident ; unlesse , He had resolved to have lived in quiet , without Honour ; and to have given His People Peace , without Safety ; by Abandoning them to an Arbitrary and unlimited Power of the Two Houses , for ever , concerning the Levying of Land or Sea Forces , without stinting of Numbers , or distinction of Persons ; and for Payments , to levy such summes of Monies , in such sort , and by such waies and means , as they shall think fit and appoint . And now , I cannot but ask ; Is this the Militia , that the KING contends for ? or , did ever any King of England pretend to , or seek for , such a Power ? surely no : But , this is a new Militia , and take heed , lest this should prove like the Roman Praetorian Cohorts , that what they did in choosing and changing Emperours , these do not to this Government ; by moulding and altering it according to their Fancies . Now , my eagernesse to clear this Point concerning the four Bills , had almost made me forget , a most materiall Question : I wonder much wherein the Danger consists of a Personall Treaty with the KING , ever since He was last at Newcastle ? Surely He cannot bring Forces along with Him , to awe His Two Houses of Parlament : and it is as well known that He hath not Mony to raise an Army : and truly , there is as little fear , that the Eloquence of His Tongue should work Miracles ; but on the Contrary , if He were so ill a Man , as you describe Him to be , whatsoever He shal say or write , must more prejudice Him then You : for let Him never flatter Himself ; it must be clear , not doubtfull , Reason , that can prevaile against that great visible prevailing Power , which now opposes Him : nor do I say , it will ; but certainly , lesse cannot doe it : Where is then , the Danger ? Believe it , Reason will hardly maintain those who are affraid of her . After this , it is said , That they had Cause enough to remember , that the KING sometimes denied to receive their humble Petitions : but , they neither tell , where , nor when ; which , I am most confident , they cannot : but I am certain , that the KING hath sent divers Messages of Peace to them , unto which , He hath yet , had no Answer ; namely , His last from Oxford of the 15. Jan. 1645. and all the rest since : As for the Fight at Brainceford , whosoever will read the Collection of the Declarations in Print , upon that subject , will clearly find , that the KING hath more Reason to complain , that they under colour of Treaty , sought to environ Him with their Forces ; then they , for what He then did ; and His Retreat was neither for Feare , nor with Shame ; for the appearing of the Enemy made Him retard , not hasten His Orders for retiring , which divers howers ( before their appearing ) He had given : which He did without any losse at all , but ( on the contrary ) Retreated with more Armes , Eleven Colours , and fifteen pieces of Ordnance ( beside good store of Ammunition ) then He had before : and for Cruelty ; there was not a drop of Bloud shed , but in the heat of the Fight , for I saw above five hundred Prisoners , who ( only promising , never after , to beare Armes against the KING ) were freely Released . Again , they seem to have good Memories , saying , That the King once sent them a specious Message of renewing a Treaty , when at the same time , His Messenger was instructed how to manage that bloody Massacre in London , which was then Design'd by vertue of the Kings Commission , since published : And hath the KING sent but one Message , for the renewing of a Treaty ? Then what was that from Tavestock in Aug. 1644. and * five others from Oxford the next Yeare ? But indeed this , that is here mentioned , they knew not how to Answer ( for at that time , they knew not the way of Silence ) but by this forged Accusation against the Messenger ; who , I dare say , knew nothing of that , which might have been ( at that time ) intended for the KING'S service , by some who had more Zeale then Judgment : But , that there was a Massacre intended , or , that any Commission from the KING , should countenance such a Designe , is a most notorious Slaunder . As for the KING' 's mentioned Letter to the QUEENE ; I am confident that any judicious Reader , will find the Glosse made upon it , very much wrested : And certainly , after-Ages will think these Times very Barbarous , wherein private Letters betwixt Man and Wife are published to open view : and in other Countries , there is such Respect carried to private Letters of Princes , that ( to my knowledge ) the last Emperour in the greatest heat of the Bohemian Warre , having intercepted a Packet , wherein were private Letters to King JAMES of blessed Memory ( who was then known , no great Friend to the Emperour ) from His onely Daughter , then , avowedly the Emperours greatest Enemy ; yet He sent them to the KING , without the least offer of violence to the Scales . And now I come to their Determination upon the whole Matter , what Course they have resolved to take with the KING : their words are ; But notwithstanding this and other former Tenders , we have now received such a Denyall that we are in Despaire of any good by Addresses to the KING ; neither must we be so injurious to the People in further delaying their Setlement , as any more to presse His Consent to these , or any other Propositions : Besides , it is Resolved upon the Question : That they will receive no more any Message from the King ; and do enjoyne , That no Persons do presume , to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either Houses of Parlament or to any other Person . Thus you see , that the KING is laid by ; but , that is not all ; for , He must , neither justifie His Innocency against Calumny , nor is there any way left Him to mend any Errour , that He may have committed : Is this a Just way of proceeding ? when Truth , though offered , must not be heard ; and that no way must be left to recant an Error ? And why all this Severity ? Because ( as I have already shown you ) the KING will not injure His Conscience or Honour , nor suffer His People to be oppressed ; to which they give the Terme of such a Denyall , though really it was none . But since they thus seek to hoodwink the People ; it is no great Wonder , that they forbid the KING to repent Him of those Faults , which He never committed : and I believe all Indifferent Men , will easily judge of the KING'S Innocency , even by their way of Accusation : for , those who wil lay such High Crimes to His charge , as the breach of Oaths , Vows , Protestations , and Imprecations ; would not spare to bring their Proofs if they had any : But on the Contrary it is known to all the World , that He had not suffer'd , as He ha's done , if He would have dispensed with that part of His Coronation Oath , which He made to the Clergy ; which is no great signe that He makes slight of His Engagements : of which it is so universally knowne , that He ha's been so Religiously Carefull , as I hold it a wrong to His Innocency , to seek to clear Him of such Slaunders , for which there are no Proofs alledged ; for , Malice being once detected , is best Answered , with Neglect and Silence : And was there ever greater , or more apparent , Malice , then to offer to put the horrid slaunder of Paricide upon Him , who was eminently known to be as obedient and loving a Son to His blessed Father , as any History can make mention of ? But indeed the losse of Rochell doth fitly follow ; to show , how Malice , when it is at the height , is ordinarily accompanied ; for there are none , but ignorant or forgetfull Men , who know not that it was meerly the want of Assistance , from the Two Houses of Parlament ( contrary to their Publick Generall Engagement ) that lost Rochell : and there is nothing more clear ( to any who hath known French Occurrences ) then , that reall Assistance , which the KING , to the uttermost of His Power , gave to those of the Religion , at that time , made the Cardinall of Richelieu an irreconcileable enemy to the KING ; wherefore I cannot but say , that it is a strange forgetfull Boldnesse to charge the KING with that which was evidently other mens faults . There are also other things , that , to any knowing Man , will rather seem Jeers , then Acusations ; as the German Horse , and Spanish Fleet in the yeare 1639. But my Affection shall not so blind me , as to say , that the KING never erred ; yet , as when a just Debt is paid , Bonds ought to be cancell'd ; so Grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as Errours . And it is no Paradox , to affirme ; that Truths , this way told , are no better then Slaunders ; and such are the Catalogue of Grievances here enumerated ; which , when they are well examin'd , every one of them , will not be found such as here they are described to be . Now as concerning those Discourses which mention the Beginnings of these Troubles , ( which are in Two severall places of this Declaration ) I will onely say this ; that what the KING did , upon those Occasions , was meerly to defend the Rights of His Crown , which were and are evidently sought to be torne from Him ; nor can I acknowledge all those Relations to be true , such as Private Levies , of Men ; by Popish Agents ; Arming of Papists in the North , Calling in of Danish Forces , and the like : And as for the stale Slaunder of calling up the Northerne Army , now renewed ; it is well known , that the Two Houses ( even at that time ) were not so partiall to the KING , as to have conceal'd a Practise of that kind , if they could have got it sufficiently proved . But , if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged upon the KING , then I shall not blame any for beleeving all the rest of the Allegations against Him ; onely I protest against all Rebells Testimonie , as good Proofe ; it being most certaine by experience ; that they , who make no Conscience of Rebelling , will make lesse of Lying , when it is for their Advantage . And , it is no little wonder , that , so grave an Assembly as the House of Commons , should so slightly examine a Businesse of that Great Weight , as to alleage , that the Scots Great Seale , did countenance the Irish Rebellion , when I know it can be proved , by Witnesses without exception , that , for many Moneths before , untill the now Lord Chancellour had the Keeping of it , there was nothing at all Sealed by it : Nor concerning this Great Point will I onely say , that the KING is Innocent , and bid them prove ( which , to most Accusations , is a sufficient Answer ) but , I can prove , that if the KING had been obeyed in the Irish Affaires before He went last into Scotland , there had been no Irish Rebellion ; and , after it was begun , it had , in few Months , been subpressed , if His Directions had been observed ; For if the KING had been suffered to have performed His Engagements to the Irish Agents ; and , had disposed of the discontented Irish Army , beyond Sea ( according to His Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadours ) there is nothing more cleare , then that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland ; because , they had wanted both Pretence and Meanes , to have made one : Then , when it was broken forth , if those vigorous courses had been pursued , which the KING proposed , ( first to the Scots , then , to the English Parlament ) doubtlesse that Rebellion had been soon suppressed . But what He proposed took so little effect , that in many months after , there was nothing sent into Ireland , but what the KING Himselfe sent ( assisted by the Duke of Richmond ) before He came from Scotland , unto Sir Rob : Steward ; which , though it were little , will be found to have done much service , as may be seen by the said Sir Roberts voluntary Testimony , given in writing to the Parlament Commissioners then attending the KING at Stoak . And certainly , a greater Evidence for Constancy in Religion there cannot be , then the KING shewed in His Irish Treaty ; for , in the time that He most needed Assistance , it was in His Power to have made that Kingdome Declare unanimously for Him , and have had the whole Forces thereof employed in His Service , if He would have granted their Demand in Points of Religion , they not insisting in any thing of Civill Government , which His Majesty might not have granted , without prejudice to Regal Authority ; and this can be clearly proved , by the Marques of Ormonds Treaties with the Irish , not without very good Evidence by some of the KING's Letters to the QUEENE , which were taken at Naseby that are purposely concealed , lest they should too plainly discover the KING'S detestation of that Rebellion , and His rigid firmnesse to the Protestant Profession : Nor can I end this Point , without remarking with Wonder , that Men should have so ill Memories , as again to renew that old Slander , of the King's giving Passes , to divers Papists , and Persons of Quality , who headed the Rebels ; of which He so cleared Himselfe , that He demanded Reparation for it , but could not have it , albeit no shew of Proof could be produced , for that Allegation : as is most plainly to be seen in the first book of the Collection of all Remonstrances , Declarations , &c. fol. 69. & 70. Thus having given a particular Answer to the most materiall Points in this Declaration , the rest are such frivolous , malicious , and many of them groundlesse Calumnies , that Contempt is the Best Answer for them . Yet , one thing more , I must observe , that they not onely endeavour to make Fables passe for currant Coyne , but likewise seek to blind Mens Judgements , with false Inferences upon some Truths : for Example ; It is true , that the KING hath said in some of His Speeches or Declarations ; That He oweth an Accompt of His Actions to none but God alone ; and That the Houses of Parlament joynt or seperate have no Power , either to make or Declare any Law ; But , that this is a fit foundation for all Tyrannie , I must utterly Deny ; indeed if it had been said , that the King , without the Two Houses of Parlament , could make or Declare Lawes , then there might be some strength in the Argument ; but , before this Parlament , it was never , so much as Pretended , that either or both Houses , without the KING , could make or Declare any Law , and certainly HIS MAJESTY is not the first ( and I hope will not be the last ) King of England , that hath not held Himself Accomptable to any Earthly Power ; besides it will be found , that this HIS MAJESTY'S Position is most agreeable to all Divine and Humane Lawes ; so far it is , from being Destructive to a Kingdome , or a Foundation for Tyrannie . To conclude , I appeale to GOD , and the World , whether it can be parallel'd by example , or warranted by Justice , that any Man should be Slander'd , yet denyed the sight thereof ; and so far from being permitted to Answer , that if He have erred , there is no way left Him to acknowledge or mend it : and yet this is the KING' 's present Condition ; who is , at this time , laid aside ; Because He will not consent that the old Fundamentall Lawes of this Land be changed , Regall Power destroyed , nor , His People submitted , to a new Arbitrary Tyrannicall Government . In page 4. line 4. for to be qualified , read so qualified . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A75409e-140 * 5. 15. 26. 29. of Decemb. and 15. of Jan. 1645.