A cleare and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my tryall before, and condemnation by, the High Court of Iustice. Whereby it is manifested, that a close prison, a long sword, a High Court, and a bloody scaffold, have not in the least altered my judgment. Whereas also the cruelty of the sentence, the insufficiency of the proofs, and my own innocency, are demonstrated. As also my grounds and reasons of giving in a narrative, and the lawfulness of the matter and titles of my petitions (though to usurpers) manifested and maintained. Together with a declaration of my judgement concerning Cromwells unlawfull invasion of the kingdom of Scotland. Written by me Christopher Love, Master of Arts, minister of Lawrence Iury, London; penned by me the eighth of August, fourteen days before my death. Love, Christopher, 1618-1651. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A88579 of text R202748 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E790_5). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 178 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A88579 Wing L3148 Thomason E790_5 ESTC R202748 99862934 99862934 115114 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A88579) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115114) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 120:E790[5]) A cleare and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my tryall before, and condemnation by, the High Court of Iustice. Whereby it is manifested, that a close prison, a long sword, a High Court, and a bloody scaffold, have not in the least altered my judgment. Whereas also the cruelty of the sentence, the insufficiency of the proofs, and my own innocency, are demonstrated. As also my grounds and reasons of giving in a narrative, and the lawfulness of the matter and titles of my petitions (though to usurpers) manifested and maintained. Together with a declaration of my judgement concerning Cromwells unlawfull invasion of the kingdom of Scotland. Written by me Christopher Love, Master of Arts, minister of Lawrence Iury, London; penned by me the eighth of August, fourteen days before my death. Love, Christopher, 1618-1651. [4], 23 [i.e. 43], [1] p. [s.n.], London : Printed in the y[ear 1651] P. 43 misnumbered 23. Annotation on Thomason copy: "December". Imperfect: imprint cropped; date of publication suggested by Thomason. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Love, Christopher, 1618-1651 -- Early works to 1800. Trials (Treason) -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A88579 R202748 (Thomason E790_5). civilwar no A cleare and necessary vindication of the principles and practices of me Christopher Love, since my tryall before, and condemnation by, the Love, Christopher 1651 33284 130 0 0 0 0 0 39 D The rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2008-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Cleare and Necessary VINDICATION OF THE PRINCIPLES and PRACTICES OF ME CHRISTOPHER LOVE , Since my Tryall before , and Condemnation by , the High Court of Iustice , WHEREBY It is manifested , That a close Prison , a long Sword , a High Court , and a bloody Scaffold , have not in the least altered my judgment . WHEREAS ALSO The Cruelty of the Sentence , the Insufficiency of the Proofs , and My own Innocency , are demonstrated . AS ALSO My Grounds and Reasons of giving in a Narrative , and the Lawfulness of the Matter and Titles of My Petitions ( though to Usurpers ) manifested and maintained . TOGETHER WITH A Declaration of My judgement concerning Cromwells unlawfull Invasion of the Kingdom of SCOTLAND . Written by Me CHRISTOPHER LOVE , Master of Arts , Minister of Lawrence Iury , London ; Penned by Me the eighth of August , fourteen days before My death . Jeremiah 26. 14 , 15. As for Me , behold I am in your hands , do with Me as seemeth good and meet unto you , but know ye for certain , that if ye put Me to death , ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves , and upon this City , and upon the Inhabitants thereof , &c. LONDON Printed in the 〈…〉 To the Reverend Fathers and Brethren , the Ministers in and about the City of London , Subscribers of the Petitions for my Reprieve and ●ardon . Reverend Sirs , IT is no little comfort to me , that when Men cast me out of the world , that God doth not cast me out of your hearts , ( which would have been more bitter than death unto me ) How much am I bound to blesse God , and thank you , that you should intercede should not dye , when so many Sonnes of Violence think me not worthy to live ? Though your mediation for my life should not succeed , yet herein I should rejoyce , if your meeting together lay a foundation of love and union among your selves , though not of advantage unto me . It hath been no little grief of heart to me to consider , that whiles the Prelates contend●d for Vniformity , thinking to have the Coat of Christ without rent , and the Separatists for Purity , thinking to have it without spot , by their contentions they have left the Church this Coat of Christ full of both . I know it is your work and wisedome to labour for the things that make for Peace in the Churches of the Saints . As for a State-peace , or State-union , that 's more proper for Statesmen ; I should not desire to live to that day , to see the Ministers of London unite upon a State interest to maintain the present Power ; this were to say a confederacy with them that say a confederacy ; this were rather a Combination , than a Vnion . All that I shall say touching the men in present Power , They have gotten Power into their hands by policy , exercise it by cruelty , and they will lose it with ignominy . As it was said of Boniface , he entred the Popedome like a Fox , reigned like a Lyon , but dyed like a Dog : Reverend Fathers and Brethren , as you have not bin ashamed of my chain , so , I beseech you , wax more confident by my bonds , and be much more bold to Preach the Word without fear . God hath not promised to preserve this or that kinde of Government in the States and Kingdomes of this World , but he hath promised to preserve a Ministry in his Church , and loe he will be with you to the end of the World . I have no more to say , but to take my last farewell of you all , for I am ready to be offered up , and the time of my departure is at hand ; I see men thirst after my blood , though you long after my life , oh ! that my blood could soder the differences , and my dead body fill up the breaches that are among the Godly , that they might walk together in Truth and Love , in the Fellowship of the Gospell ; This is the prayer of Your dying , yet comforted Servant , who is not worthy to have a name among you , therefore is cut off from the land of the living , CHRISTOPHER LOVE . From the Tower of London , Aug. 11. 1651. I May say as Austin did , though a good Conscience be sufficient for my self , yet a good name is necessary for others ; a good name is as precious oyntment , yet there will not be wanting many flying reports to corrupt it ; many are the obloquies and reproaches which by the Sonnes of slander are cast upon me , they would faine have my name to be buried and rot above ground , before my friends can bury my body under it , yet herein is my comfort , there will be a resurrection of names as well as of bodies at the last day ; I am assured that God will not only wipe off all tears from mine eyes , but all reproaches from my name also ; I am , as saith the Apostle , counted a Deceiver , yet True ; as an Apostate , yet firm to my first principles . There are two things at which offence is taken , first my Petitioning for my life to the Parliament ( so called ; ) secondly , my giving in a Narrative of the whole matter ; to both which I shall give full satisfaction . About my Petitioning , a double offence is taken , first at the titles of my Petitions ; secondly at the matter of them . I shall speak briefly to both , to take away any stumbling block out of the way of any . Touching the Titles of my four Petitions they run in this forme . To the Supreme Authority , the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England . Although I am far from going about to justifie their right to this Title to whom I give it , yet I shall justifie the lawfulnesse of my practice in giving them this Title which they assume to themselves , especially in a case of life as mine is : for in triviall matters I had rather lose my own right which belongs to me , than give them this Title which belongs not to them . The reasons which sway with me why I gave them this Title ( though I am not satisfied they have a right to it ) are these . 1. They would not receive my Petitions without giving them their assumed Titles ; yea to my knowledge they have rejected Petitions which have not had these Titles . 2. I am upon sure and clear grounds perswaded , that giving to men Titles they assume to themselves , is not a reall owning that they have a right to those Titles . Titular and reall are usually distinguished ; by giving them the Title of Supreme Authority , and Parliament , I do acknowledge them a Titular Authority , and a Titular Parliament , but by ingaging to them ( which I have never done , and I hope shall never do ) I do acknowledge them a reall Authority , and a reall Parliament : that I may further evince the truth of this second reason , viz. that giving of Titles to men they assume to themselves , is not a reall owning that they have a reall right to those Titles , I shall give sundry instances in Scripture to make it good ; Hushai did call Absalom , that notorious Usurper , King , saying , God save the King , God save the Ki●g , ( an expression the People gave him ) yet Hushai knew that David only was ( even then ) the Lawfull King of Israel set over him by God , and Absalom only an intruder , and made King by the tumults of the People , yea David himself did bid Hushai call Absalom ( that Usurper ) King. 2 Sam. 15. 34. Say to Absalom , I will be thy servant O King . Yea further David himself did call Absalom King , 2 Sam. 15. 19. David said to Hushai , returne to thy place , and abide with the King ( that is with Absalom ) yet he knew himselfe to be the lawfull King , and did not acknowledge that his Sonne Absalom had any right to the Kingdom , though he did give him the Title of a King . So Athaliahs Usurping is called by the Spirit of God reigning , yet the spirit of God ownes not her right to reigne , but approved of the killing of her , and the setting up Ieh●ash the true and lawfull heire in her room . Yea Christ himself called the Devill the Prince of this World , Iohn 12. 13. and 16. and 11. yet is it imaginable that Christ thought this Title of right belonged to the Divell ? certainely no , Musculus on Iohn 12. 31. well observes , non est i●le ( viz. Satan ) Princeps mundi legitimus , sed per rapinam . Paul called the Devills Principalities and power , Eph. 6. 12. yet none will be so shamelesse as to say , that Paul thought this their Rule , Dominion , and power , of right belonged to them , but is meerly usurped and intruded into . See Annot. on the Bible on Ephes. 6. 12. 3. Titles are not alwaies approbative , but distinctive ; my meaning is , that giving of Titles to persons or things argues not ones approving of a just right to those Titles , but seems meerly to distinguish those persons or things from others that are called by other names or Titles ; as I call them at Whitehall a Councell of State , to distinguish them from a Councell of Warre , I call those at Westminster the Parliament of the Common-wealth , to distinguish them from the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . 4. Titles are giving to things or persons sometimes meerly by allusion , not approbation , as in Scripture phrase sin is said to reigne , and the Devils are said to rule , not that either the one or the other hath an approved right to rule over man , as a lawfull Prince hath to rule over his Subjects , but they are said to reign or rule by way of allusion to the reign of Princes in their Dominions . 5. Titles may be given without sin to persons or things , though of right they belong not to them , where they are generally received or mentioned by such titles by the people where I live . About names and titles much indulgence is to be given to the common usages and customes of the people ; I may call things or persons by such names or titles as I know belongs not of right unto them , because they are ordinarily knowne , and generally received by such names and titles . I could give manifold instances out of Scripture to prove this ; David called Abs●lom King , not that he thought him so of right , but because he was commonly known and generally received by that title among the people . So Herod was called by the Evangelist King of the Jews , so did the Jews generally call him by that title , yet none but that sect or sort of people called the Herodians did owne it as Herods right to be the King of the Iews , who were so called because they pleaded for Herod to be the lawfull King of the Iews , which the Pharises and others withstood , because he was not one of the Iewish Nation , as he ought to be . Deut 17. 15. Yet all the Iews called Herod King , though they did not acknowledge him to be their lawfull King ; t is manifest giving of titles are but titular acknowledgments and no more . 6. If names may without sin be given to places and things ( which belong not to them ) I see no reason why they may not be given to persons . There are names and titles given to many places both upon superstitious and idolatrous grounds , yet may without sin be used ( I speak not of the first imposers ) when those places are so called and commonly knowne by such names . Luke that writ the Acts of the Apostles , calls a place in Athens , Mars-hill ( as it was commonly called ) and this he might do without sin , though this name was originally imposed on that place in honour of Mars , yet he calls the place as it was commonly called , though called so upon an Idolatrous ground . Acts 17. 22. So for T●ings also we may without sin call them by those names which others give them , though they may deal superstitiously or sinfully in the first imposition of such names . Thus Paul mentions a ship of Alexandria whose signe was Cast●r and Pollux , names originally imposed by the Gentiles , upon an idolatrous ground , yet being generally received , Paul calls the ship after this name . 7. It was a matter of absolute necessity ( as to my life ) for me to Petition them , I being condemned to dye ; t is true for a trivial , or ordinary occasion I should never Petition them , but in an extraordinary case I might lawfully do it ; David in a case of extreme necessity did eat the Shew-bread , which in an ordinary case he might not do . T is true indeed , Cato would not Petition Caesar for his life , he had rather dye than Petition , but that I conceive was rather out of some animosity or height of Spirit , or petty discontent , than out of a rectified judgment ; for my part I am fully satisfied that I have not sinned in giving them their assumed Titles ; Names and Titles do not determine rights , conveniunt rebus nemina saepe suis , it is true sometimes , but not alwayes : 8. Titles men assume to themselves , or are generally given by others , may be given them by me without sin , or without owning a right to those titles ; this I may make appear by sundry late instances ; Henry the eighth had this title given him , Defender of the faith , yet he had no right to this title ; for he defended only the Popish Religion ; he opposed the Faith rather than defended the Faith , and the true reason why the Pope gave him this title Defender of the Faith , was because he opposed the Doctrine of Luther , and wrote against him ; yet none scrupled to call him and the succeeding Kings of England the Defenders of the Faith . So the King of Spaine is called the Catholick King , yet he hath no true right to this title , for he is not a Catholick or universall Monarch , yet our new State have lately sent to the King of Spaine under this title , The Catholick King ; so the King of France is call'd the most Christian King ; so the Duke of Bavaria having by arms ejected the Palsgrave writes himselfe Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine , so the King of Poland takes this title to himselfe King of Sweden , yet hath no right to that Kingdom ; yet none that ever I heard of scrupled to give these titles to them , considering that titles do not determine rights , and considering also , that no addresses to them will be received by them , unlesse the titles they assume to themselves be given them by those who make applications to them . Having thus spoken to justifie the lawfulnesse of the titles of my Petitions , I come now to justifie the matter of my Petitions . Before I speak to the matter of my Petitions positively , I shall in a word declare negatively what was not the matter of my Petitions , as , 1. I did not promise to act any thing for the promoting and maintaining this present Government , that had been equivalent to taking the engagement . 2. I did not promise to joyne with the present power to oppose the Scotish Army though I was often sollicited to it . 3. I did not declare that for which I was condemned was a sin against God , I am of the sam● mind I was when at the High Court after I had my sentence , I said , Though they Condemned me , yet God and my owne Conscience did not Condemne me , they Condemned me for Treason , yet my Conscience did not tell me that it was a sinne against God which they counted Treason . I confessed it was a transgression of their Lawes , but no transgression of any command of God . In my first Petition I have these words , That I lay my mouth in the dust , that there may be hope that the Lord will pardon his manifold iniquities , and that your Honours will passe by his offences contrary to your Lawes . In my second Petition I have these words , through unadvisednesse and weaknesse he is fallen under your sad and heavy displeasure , and hath offended against the Lawes of this Common-wealth . In my third there is no mention of sinne at all . In my fourth Petition there is this passage , The consideration whereof melteth the heart of your Petitioner , and makes him ( after a more narrow search of his heart and wayes ) more deeply sensible than ever of his sinne against God , and more sorrowfull for his crimes and offences against the Parliament in his late and great miscarriages . In all which passages I have not renounced the righteousnesse of the cause for which I suffer , nor acknowledged the thing it selfe to be sinfull , which I still maintaine as justifiable , and can say with the Apostle , Happy is he that condemneth not himselfe in the thing which he alloweth . 4. I did not in my Petition justifie the acts upon which I was condemned to be righteous ; nor the Court to be legall : I do publickly protest against the former to be most unrighteous , unmercifull , and severe Lawes , as Draco's written in blood ; and have before the High Court protested against the latter , that they were not a leagall Court of judicature to judge me for my life , therefore I did earnestly plead it was my birthright to have a jury , my duty to demand it , though their pleasure to deny it . 5. I did not absolutely justifie the sentence of the High Court , I had rather patiently undergoe the sentence than absolutely to justifie it ; I must confesse through advice of Lawyers , and earnest solicitatious of friends , I did in my last Petition , after a sort , and in some sence say the Sentence was just ( in what sence I shall by and by shew ) My words are these , He humbly acknowledgeth he hath so highly violated the Lawes of the Commonwealth , as that thereby he hath rendred himselfe guilty of the sentence of death , justly past upon him by the high Court of Iustice . In which words , first , I do not justifie their Lawes , nor , secondly , the Legality of the Court , thirdly , nor the sufficiency of the testimony of the Witnesses ; There did not any two Witnesses evidence any one fact against me that was treason by their new Acts , and that some Members of the High Court have confest unto me . Having spoken Negatively what was not the matter of my Petitions , I now come to speake positively what was the matter of my Petitions , wherein I have said or done nothing contrary to Conscience , or my former principles . The matter of my Petitions containes three parts , first , the Narratory part , secondly , the Promissory part , thirdly the Petitionary part ; At the last none can be offended , ( unlesse such as thirsted after my blood ) in that I did but begge a grant of my life , that I might bee rescued from going downe into the Grave . None can justly blame mee for begging my life from any who have my life in the power of their hands ; I neede not speak to that . But the two former parts of my Petitions ( viz. the narratory and promissory parts ) require more to be spoken concerning them . As touching the Narratory part , I shall begin with the first Petition , the narratory part runs thus . Most humbly sheweth , Your Petitioner having received the sentence of Death by the High Court of Justice , is preparing himself in all humility , and serious submission to drink that bitter cup , the terrour whereof , though much abated through the pardoning mercies of God , in the blood of sprinkling , yet your Petitioner , being brought down to the dust of Death , desires to see the righteous Lord in this Sentence ; acknowledging it to be just with the the most High to cut him off , both in the midst of his dayes , and the midst of his Ministry ; but desires to be deeply humbled under the mighty hand of God , lying low before the Lord and you , putting his mouth in the dust , that there may be hope that the Lord will pardon his manifold Iniquities , and that your Honours would passe by his offences , done contrary to your Laws , which as he formerly did , so still doth confesse renders him faulty , for which he is unfeignedly sorry ; your Petitioner goeth not about to plead excuse , but with an humble submission prostrates himself at your feet , acknowledging he hath offended against the acts of this Commonwealth , and thereby is fallen under your sore displeasure , of which he is very deeply sensible and sorrowfull also . This is all the narratory part , which I hope offends no sober minde , nor Christian ear , it offends some I have said no more , it offends none ( I hope ) that I have said so much . I desire to give you a few things to observe out of these words in my first Petition . 1. I said , I desire to see the righteous Lord in this Sentence . I doe acknowledge God to be righteous ( what ever men are ) in all that is brought upon me , he is righteous should a worse Sentence than Death passe upon me . 2. I do acknowledge it to be just with the most High to cut me off , both in the midst of my dayes , and in the midst of my Ministery . I doe not say it is just with men , they shall answer for what they have done ; but it is just with God , he is just in mens injustice , and righteous in mens unrighteousnesse . 3. I say in my Petition , That I desire to be deeply humbled under the mighty hand of God , lying low before the Lord and you , putting his mouth in the dust , if there may be hope that God will pardon his manifold Iniquities , and your Honours passe by his offence done contrary to your Laws , which as formerly did , so I doe still confesse renders me faulty , for which I am unfeignedly sorry . In which words I desire the Reader to observe I doe onely in the generall beg pardon for my manifold Iniquities , without restraining it to this particular fact for which I am condemned . I am assured that what they count Sin is Duty , and what they judge Treason is Loyalty . Secondly , when I beg their Honours to passe by my offences done contrary to their Laws , I do not intend it as if my offending against their Laws made me a transgressor against Gods Lawes ; no they are transgressors against Gods Law for making such Laws , not I for breaking them . Thirdly , I used this passage [ against your Lawes ] on purpose to distinguish their new Lawes from the Ancient and Fundamentall Lawes of this Nation . Fourthly , when I say I am by their Laws rendered faulty , I doe not , nor never did intend it as to God , but if I respect their laws singly I am faulty by them , for I confesse I have broken them ; yet as to God they are faulty in making them , not I in breaking them . Fifthly , when I say I am unfeignedly sorry that I have done it contrary to their Laws , My meaning is , because of the penalty their Lawes inflict , viz. Imprisonment and Death , for this I am sorry ; As for Gods Law I desire to grieve more for the offence than the Punishment , but as for their Laws I am not bound to doe so . Fourthly , when I say I prostrate my selfe at your feet , acknowledging I have offended against the Acts of this Commonwealth , and thereby am fallen under your sore displeasure , of which I am very deeply sensible and sorrowfull also , I desire the Reader to observe , 1. I call their Laws the Acts of this Common-wealth , to distinguish them from Acts of Parliament . 2. By these words you may understand my intent in the foregoing Clause , where I said I was sorry for my offences done contrary to their Laws , these words explain those , that my sorrow is that I have fallen under their sore displeasure ( which I feel by Imprisonment and sentence of death ) rather than transgressing their Acts ; I have more cause of grief that their Laws are not abolished , than that they are broken . This is all I have to say about the narratory part of the first Petition , the narratory of my second Petition is as followeth : Most humbly sheweth , That your Petitioner doth with all thankefulnesse acknowledge it a singular Providence of God , and speciall favour of the Parliament , that a dore of hope is yet open , and opportunity once more offered to prostrate himself at your feet for a grant of his life , which if you vouchsafe , he shall accept as an Act of great grace and mercy . It is no little grief of heart to your Petitioner , that through unadvisednesse and weaknesse he is fallen under your sad and heavy displeasure , and hath offended against the Lawes of this Commonwealth , for which he is unfeignedly sorrowfull ; And now by the sentence of the High Court ( to which he submits with all Christian meeknesse and humble acknowledgement of Gods ●and therein ) is in inevitable and suddon danger to lose his life , without your mercifull interposition . And whereas there is surmise of a plot continued against the peace and welfare of this Common-wealth , he doth protest in the presence of GOD , the searcher of all hearts , that he knoweth of no plot or designe against the present Government , nor it privy in the least to any preparations or intendments towards any intestine Insurrections , or forreign Invasions , or to any Correspondency now held with any in , or of the Scotish Nation , or any other whatsoever . He is not ignorant how much Malignants will triumph at his death , nor is he without naturall affections to his dear Wife and Children , nor without real● desires of life to doe GOD and his Countrey service , which are powerfull perswasives to him to doe what ever he can , without wounding his Conscience . In which words I desire the Reader to take notice , 1. That by using the word Parliament , I doe not own them as a reall , but as a titular Parliament . 2. When I mention unadvisednesse and weaknesse , I understand it in the manner of management of such a businesse , that is , was without that caution and care that became a businesse of such a nature . It was my unadvisednesse and weaknesse , I confesse , that I ever met with such persons who were some of them so false , others so fearfull , most of them so undiscreeet , yea it was my unadvisednesse to meet with so many of them . 3. When I say I am unfeignedly sorrowfull , it is not singly for offending against their Laws , but conjunctly , because I am fallen under their sad and heavy displeasure , and offended against their Lawes . This explains a like clause in my first Petition , it implies I am sorrowfull for the penalty their Lawes inflict ( viz. Imprisonment and Death ) for therein I finde the sad effect of their heavy displeasure , so that my sorrow is rather that I am a sufferer by their cruell Laws , than that I am a breaker of them ; indeed as to the Laws of God , and the unquestionable Lawes of this Nation , a man ought to be more sensible that he is a transgressor , than that he is a sufferer : But a man is not bound to be so for transgressing their treasonable Lawes . 4. Take notice , I call their new Lawes the Lawes of this Commonwealth , to distinguish them from the old Lawes of this Kingdome , which I will keep , not only for Fear , but for Conscience sake , but as for their Laws a man may forbear to break them , out of Fear , or in Prudence , but not for Conscience sake . 5. When I speak to the sentence of the Court , take notice I onely say , That I submit to the Sentence of the high Court with all Christian meeknesse , and humble acknowledgment of Gods hand therein . Take notice I doe here submit to the sentence , not justifie it ; and I doe acknowledge therein God to be righteous ; for he is righteous in the unrighteousness of men . I doe acknowledge Gods hand in this Sentence to be just , though mans hand to be cruell . As for other passages in the narratory part there is nothing questionable , therefore I shall speak no more to it . The narratory part of my third Petition is as followeth . Most humbly sheweth , That whereas there are but a few hours between your Petitioner and Death , he is humbly bold , before he breath out his Soul to God , to breath out his request to the Parliament , by making his last addresse to you , humbly acknowledging he hath incurred your high displeasure , of which he is deeply sensible , and violated the Lawes of this Commonwealth , for which he is unfeignedly sorrowfull , and now also submits to the sentence of the High-Court . I desire the Reader to observe , that this third Petition for the narratory part of it , is but a repetition of what was in the two former Petitions , therefore what I have said to the former , will suffice for this also . The naratory part of my fourth Petition is as followeth . Sheweth , That your Petitioner doth humbly adore the wonderfull goodnesse of God , & most thankfully acknowledge the great mercy of the Parliament , for so seasonable and acceptable an Act of Grace , to such an offending Suppliant , that when there was but a step between him and death , the number of his dayes being accomplished , and he almost cut off from the Land of the living , then you mercifully interposed , and gave him his life for a moneth longer , which was to him as a Resurrection from the dead ; the Consideration whereof , melteth the heart of your Petitioner , and makes him , after a more narrow search into his heart and wayes , more deeply sensible than ever of his sinne against God , and more sorrowfull for his high crimes and offences against the Parliament , in his late and great miscarriages . He humbly acknowledgeth he hath so highly violated the Laws of this Commonwealth , as that thereby he hath rendred himself guilty of the sentence of death , justly past upon him by the High Court of Justice . He doth also herewith humbly offer to your Honours a free and full Narrative under his hand of the whole designe to the best of his remembrance , which he leaveth to your grave wisdomes and favourable interpretations . This would require a more large vindication than the former . Wherefore I shall desire the Reader to take notice of these following particulars . 1. I doe in the same sence call them a Parliament in this Petition as I did in the former ; I know that the giving them the name Parliament ( without engaging to them ) is but a titular , not a reall acknowledgement , yea in the titles of my Petitions I call them the Parliament of the Commonwealth , I do not call them ( nor doe I beleeve them to be ) the Kingdomes Parliament . I have observed the name Parliament hath bin three different wayes applied : The Juncto of Oxford was called a Parliament , but that was only the Kings Parliament : The Members now sitting at Westminster are called a Parliament also , but they are the Parliament of that Faction , who stand for the Government of a Commonwealth , in opposition to the Kingdomes Government : The Lords and Commons assembled at Westminster were called a Parliament , and they only were and are the Kingdomes Parliament , to preserve whose Privileges the people of this Nation are under so many Oaths and Covenants . I call them the Parliament of the Commonwealth , to distinguish them from the Kingdomes Parliament . 2. In saying I am an offending Suppliant , my meaning is only that I have offended them whose new Laws I confesse I have broken . 3. In saying , the Consideration whereof ( that is , that my life is given me for a moneth longer , which is as a Resurrection from the dead ) melteth my heart I doe confesse , sence of their kindnesse doth more gaine upon me than the feare of death ; what I writ to Mr. Scot , I still affirm , Their displeasure might have broken my bo●es , but their mercy hath broken my heart . I confesse it hath done so : This favour hath much won my heart towards them in love and thankfulness , as they are Gentlemen ( who had my life in their hands ) but not so as to comply with them in a State-interest , to promote and maintain their present Government . 4. In saying I am more deeply sensible , than ever , of my sin against God , I blesse God I am so , my Imprisonment , and the sentence of Death past upon me , hath made me to search more narrowly into my heart and wayes , and caused me to see my sinfulnesse , unserviceablenesse , and unprofitablenesse in the Lords vineyard , for which he may justly cut me off as a withered branch , and lay me aside as a uselesse vessell , wherein he will take no pleasure . It would be a sottish stupidity in me , should not all these sharp and bitter afflictions make me more sensible of my sin against God ; nor dare I excuse my self to be withont sin in my late actings , that is , in the manner of management thereof , being too open and indiscreet , and too credulous of men ; these , and other infirmities did cleave to these actings , as there doth failings cleave to the works of my calling , and to all my duties , yet I have never thought the facts I have done in their own nature to be sinfull , but lawfull . I cannot conceive it to be a sin against God , to desire in my prayers to God as a private man , that there might be an Agreement between the King and the Scots , upon the interest of Religion , and terms of the Covenant , or to be present when Letters were read , which were either sent from or to the honest Covenanting party in Scotland ; nor can I believe it to be a sin to move for money for the relief of Major Generall Massey , ( who had been so usefull for , and instrumentall in the good of this Nation ) and that not for a military use ( that was disclaimed by me ) but namely for a supply of his personall necessities . I know no sin in this , yet this is all that was proved against me , for which I am condemned to dye . 5. When I say I am sorrowfull for my high crimes and offences against the Parliament in my late and great miscarriages . I desire three things may be taken notice of , 1. The reason why I call my late actings high Crimes and offences against the Parliament , because they were the very words of my Charge . I was charged with High Treason , and other high Crimes and offences . To the first I still pleaded Not Guilty , the second I confest before the High-Court , that I was guilty of those things which their Laws counted high Crimes and offences , in concealing what my accusers had done . Secondly , I doe in these words mention the object of these high Crimes and offences , not against God , but against the Parliament ( so called for distinctions sake ) Thirdly , I call my late actings great miscarriages ( not sins ) because I did miscarry as to the manner of managemement , and as to the desired issue and event , that there might be a healing of breaches , and composing of differences among the godly in both the Nations . 6. In saying I have highly violated the Lawes of this Common-wealth , I call them thus to distinguish them from the old and fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom● , which I have not broken in any thing that I have done . 7. In saying I have by the high violation of their Lawes rendred my selfe guilty of the sentence of Death justly past upon me by the high Court of Iustice , I would be rightly understood in these words , that they might not be wrested beyond , or contrary , to my intendment ; that you may fully apprehend what I ayme at in this expression , I desire you would take notice of a few particulars . 1. I do not say I am proved to be guilty of the sentence of death , but I have rendred my selfe guilty , &c. that is , though they have not proved , yet I confesse it , I have done those things ( contrary to their late Acts ) which are punishable with death by their cruell Lawes ; so that if the Reader marke my words , I do not place my guiltinesse of the sentence of death upon the things proved against me , but upon the things done by me . And when I say The sentence of death is justly past upon me by the High Court of Iustice , I do not place the justice of the sentence on the clearnesse or sufficiency of the proof , ( for there was no treasonable fact ( as they call it ) proved against me by two Witnesses ) but upon my violation of their Lawes ; that is , I had done those things which are punishable ( by their bloody Lawes ) with death ; I did violate their Lawes , and upon my violation of their Lawes , not upon the clearnesse of the evidence , do I acknowledge the sentence of death to be justly past upon , by their bloody and tyrannicall Lawe ; : for although eight Witnesses came in against me , yet they were very deficient in their evidence , sometimes they contradicted one another , they did not agree among themselves ; sometimes a Witnesse contradicted himselfe ; none of the Witnesses proved , that ever I received Letter , that ever I writ Letter , that ever I collected , gave or lent one peny of money , yet I am condemned to dye ; I confesse I did write two Letters , and did give a small summe of money , ( not upon any Military accompt ) both which facts are adjudged Treason by their new Acts , in which regard I do acknowledge the sentence of death is justly past upon me , that this was the sence that I intended , many friends who were with me in the Tower can beare Witnesse . Thirdly , In a sence ( though a rigid and forced sence ) I must confesse , the sentence may be said to be just , for although there was no single personall fact proved against me which made me guilty of Treason ; yet my facts being ( they say ) of a continued time , and complicated nature , I cannot deny , but upon the whole matter , they have by rigid collections , and strained consequences , hookt me within the generall clause of the Act of August the second 1650. To abett , countenance , or incourage the Scotish Nation , or the Forces adhering to them , which is declared to be Treason . There was no Act but this could reach me , and no particular clause in this Act but these generall words of abetting , countenancing , or incouraging the Scotish Nation , or the Forces adhering to them , for which I was condemned . I do not deny but I might in a sort be brought under some of these generall words , if the Members of the High Court would put a harsh and rigid interpretation ( as they have done ) upon what was proved against me ; they might have put a more candid and faire interpretation upon what was proved against me ; if they had not been led more by Interest than by Conscience , they might have saved their Oathes and my life too ; I believe some of them said in their Consciences at least , we find no cause of death in this man , but others mighty say , as the Iewes to Pilate , you are no friends to Caesar , you are no friends to the State , if you condemne not this man to dye . Others of them haply may through blindnesse and partiality be so bound up in their Consciences , as Herod was , that he must cut off Iohn Baptist's head for his Oath sake ; so , forsooth , because they had sworne to execute justice upon all that came before them , according to those Acts , they by forced inferences , and tortured collections , bringing me under one clause of the Act of August 2. 1650. thought they were bound by their Oathes to condemn me , so to avoid the appearance of perjury they commit murther , as Herod did in cutting off Iohn Baptist's head , pretending that he should break his Oath if Iohn Baptist did not lose his head . Fourthly , Though I should grant the sentence to be just according to their rigid inferences , and strained and forced collections , yet I do not by such ( no nor yet by any ) acknowledgment of mine , absolutely justifie the sentence . To clear this in a few words , take notice , a sentence may be said to be just in a two-fold sence , or consideration . First , In an absolute sence . Secondly , In a respective or relative sence and Consideration . F●rst , A sentence is then said to be just in an absolute sence in the generall , when for the substance of it , it is such that no injustice can be charged upon , that is , when it hath all those requisites , and ingredients , that are required to , and are necessary for , the making up such a sentence , and they are chiefly these three . First , That the Law or Lawes which are proceeded by , be for the matter and substance of them consonant and agreeable , at least unto generall rules of Scripture . Secondly , That the Ministers of those Lawes be such who are Lawfully designed and deputed to the management and exercise of them . And thirdly , That in their sentence they walke by , and proceed according to the substantiall rules and directions given them in those lawes ; and where these three things concurre to a sentence , it may be said to be just in an absolute consideration , and when it misseth it in any of these , it cannot truly and rightly bear the domination of such a sentence ; now that the sentence past upon me , was a just sentence in this absolute consideration , I have not , and I hope never shall , acknowledge . But then secondly , A Sentence may be said to be just in a respective or relative consideration ; that is , as it hath reference to , and respects those Lawes which are the rise and foundation of it : Now , though a Sentence should misse it in the two first respects of a Sentence absolutely just , that is , though the Lawes proceeded by should be vitious for the matter of them , and the Ministers of them Vsurpers , that have no right nor title to the exercise , either of those , or any other Laws , yet if their proceedings be such , as that the Sentence being laid to the line , and weighed in the ballance of those Lawes , shall be found in any sence ( yea , though a strained and forced sence ) to be a sentence according to , and that holds proportion with those Laws , or any other Clause or Clauses of them , in this sence , and so far , the Sentence may be said to be just , just not simply and absolutely , but only in reference and relation to those Lawes . And when I acknowledge the Sentence to be just , I understand it in this sence , viz. according to their rigid and forced inferences from their unjust and cruell Lawes . Object . If it be demanded , what was the reason that I refused formerly to mention a word about the justice of the Sentence in any sence , yet afterwards do it ? Sol. I shall give you a brief and ( I hope ) satisfactory account to both parts of this Question ; I shall first give you the reasons why I formerly refused to speake a word about the justice of the sentence , then give you reasons why I did speak something to it in my last Petition . The reasons why I formerly refused to mention a word ( in my three first Petitions ) about the justice of the Sentence , are these . 1. Lest I should harden the hearts of my unjust Judges ; they themselves confest mine was as intricate and dubitable , a Case as ever came before them , to finde by what Act , and by what Clause in that Act I was found guilty , therefore they spent more time about my tryall , than about any Mans since their High-Court was established . I refused therefore to say that was Justice , which God will say is Murder in the great day of their account , and which themselves could hardly say was just , untill by the subtill insinuations , and rigid inferences and Collections of the Lawyers ( of that Court ) they hook't me within the compasse of those generall words , To abett , countenance , or encourage . 2. Lest I should injure my Godly Brethren who should be afterwards tryed . The most they proved against me by two Witnesses , was prefence at the hearing of Letters read : Now I thought with my selfe , should I confesse the Sentence just , I should pre-judge my Brethren , and in effect , say the Sentence would be just against them , as well as against me ; upon this ground I refused to say the Sentence was just ; but this reason is of no force now , for all my Brethren in the Tower , who were engaged in the same businesse , they have either confest , or intend to confesse against themselves . 3. I could not be informed ( upon discourse with divers of the Members of the High-Court ) what personall fact of mine ( proved against me ) made me guilty of Treason by any publique Act of theirs , nor could I understand by any of them , if they did proceed Secundum allegata , & probata , how they found me guilty of Treason ; all the refuge they had to run to , was this , That I was an abetter , countenancer or encourager of the Scotish Nation , and forces adhering to them ; and upon that Clause they sentenced me . Now , when I saw some of my Judges could give me no more satisfactory reasons of their Sentence , it made me the more to doubt of the justice of the Sentence , even according to their own Lawes ; upon these grounds I forbore to speak of the justice of the Sentence : in mentioning the justice of the Sentence , I did not use lightnesse , or shew ficklenesse , but what I did it was upon solemn and serious advice and consideration . The reasons why I did say the Sentence of Death was justly past upon me , are these . 1. Because I knew I had done those things which their cruell Lawes punish with Death , as I did write a Letter to Massey , and gave a small sum of money to him , both which are punished with death ; yet they proved neither of these ; so that I place the justice of the Sentence , not upon the sufficiency of the proof , but upon my violation of their bloody Lawes . 2. I had not so much hopes , that saying in any sence the Sentence was just would formerly so much advantage me as now I have , therefore would not give so likely an offence for so unlikely and uncertain an advantage . 3. I considered with my self , that the Sentence of the Court ( whether just or unjust as to my acknowledgment ) was but a nice controversie in Law , not a clear Case of Conscience in Divinity . I did not refuse to say the Sentence was in any sence just , as if I thought it were a sin in its own Nature to say that by their Laws the Sentence was just , I never loaded my Conscience with that , but I forbore it out of Christian prudence ; I would not harden my Judges , nor insnare my Brethren . 4. The last reason why I did say the Sentence was just , is this , because my Judges did upon the evidence bring me under these generall and comprehensive words , To abett , countenance , and encourage the Scotish Nation . These words are of such a latitude , that they might bring me under them by forced inferences , strained consequences , and rigid interpretations ; so that in this sence ( this rigid sence ) the Sentence may be said to be just . Yet for all this that hath been said , my Judges have great cause to be troubled , as 1. For sitting in so arbitrary , illegall , and tyrannicall a Court . 2. That they judged me upon such incompetent , insufficient , and uncertain evidence . 3. That they judged me to dye by such an Act , they indeed are to be judged as Traytors who made the Act , not I who broke it . 4. For being such vassalls to those who Commissionate them , most of them having offices , or places of profit from the State , are in fee with the State , and for that very reason are not competent persons to be judges of matters of Fact against any mans life ; indeed the Iudges of the Land are onely Judges of matters of Law , and may be in fee with the State , may receive a yearly revenue , but the Jury who judge of matters of Fact , ought not to be in fee with the State ; therefore by Law the Prisoner at the Bar , may lawfully except against 35 if he see just cause , either in that , or any other regard . 5. They have great cause to be troubled , that when they could not prove one Treasonable fact against me by their new Laws , either that I ever writ Letter , or received or sent Letter , or gave one penny of money , when , I say , they could prove neither of these against me , that they judge me to dye upon such a quirk in the Act , and by such harsh interpretations force my actings to come under those generall words , abetting , countenancing and encouraging , I am bold to say , that Treason was never made by such generall words , as abetting , countenancing and encouraging , in any State or Kingdom in the world , but in ours by our Commonwealth-men ; and some of my Iudges have confest , there was never such generall words found in any Law to make a man guilty of Treason : Ignorant men talk of the Norman slavery , but there is no such slavery in the world as this is , for a man to dye upon such words as these ; for ought I know speaking well of a Scotch man may be judged abetting , and looking lovingly on a Scotch man may be judged conntenancing , and speaking comfortably to a Scotch man may be judged encouraging ; so that if a man speak well of , or look lovingly on , or speak comfortably to any of the Scotish Nation , he may , for ought I know , be brought under this unmercifull and cruell Act as well as I . Though I am not the first sentenced to death by the flew Acts , yet I am the first Man in England sentenced to dye by those generall words of abetting , countenancing and encouraging , which are not found in any ancient Laws or Statutes , and which no Iury in England would have Condemned me upon , as Lawyers have informed me . What will after-ages say of these proceedings , but that this kind of justice is extremity of rigor , and that there is a talent of unrighteousnesse to one dram of justice found in this sentence ? I am very confident , that after my head is off my shoulders , some of my Iudges will have terrif●ed & troubled Consciences , as Herod had after he had cut off John Baptist's head , he thought he had seen Johns Ghost , which was nothing else but meerly the reflections of his naturall Conscience for his cruell murder of that innocent man : And I hope and beleeve I shall have more peace of Conscience in undergoing the sentence on a Block , than they will have for inflicting the sentence when they come to lye upon their death-beds . I pray God lay not my blood to their charge . This is all I have to say touching the Narratory part of my 4 Petitions . I proceed now to justifie the second part of my Petitions , which is the Promissory part ; as I have declared nothing that is sinfull in the former , so I have not promised any thing that is sinfull in the latter . Before I shall undretake to justifie what I have promised , I shall premise a few particulars . 1. Had I been free , I should have promised them nothing , because I owe them nothing . 2. I promise them onely Negatives , which I may lawfully make to a company of High-way robbers , if they will spare me life , when some of their society would spill my blood . Now , that I might satisfie the world in what promises I have made , I shall lay them down in order , as they are in my Petitions . In my first Petition I did onely promise , That for the remainder of my dayes I would lead a peac●able and quiet life in all godlinesse and honesty , and that in my place and calling I would endeavour the peace and welfare of this Common-wealth . The first part of this promise is my duty , as I am a Christian , it was the Apostles prayer in 1 Tim. ● . 2. therefore ought to be my practice . The second part of this promise is my duty as I am an Englishman , to endeavour the peace and welfare of this Common-wealth . where by Common-wealth I understand not this form of Government in opposition to a Kingdome , but by Common-wealth , I understand the whole Body or Community of the people of this Nation , I shall endeavour their peace and welfare as I am a native of this Nation . In my second Petition I promised only this , To endeavour in my place and Calling the composing of differences among the godly , and preserving spirituall peace and love throughout the Churches of the Saints , as well as the civill peace and welfare of this Common-wealth . And I further promised , neither to plot , contrive , or designe any thing to the hurt of the present Government , and , if it be required , to put in further security for performance thereof . In which words I promise four things . 1. In my place and calling to compose differences among the Godly . It would be my sin to widen differences , it is my duty to compose them . I would have Christ's Coat without rent , as well as without spot . I can truly say for the breaches among the Godly I have had sad thoughts of heart , the grief of my heart hath been for the Division , and the desire of my soule , for an Vnion , and closure of the differences that are amongst us . Oh that my body could make up that breach , I would cast it in , or my blood soder the differences , I would let it out with gladnesse , for the attainment of so desired an end . 2. To preserve spirituall peace and love throughout the Churches of the Saints . It is my duty not only to endeavour to restore peace and love where it is not , but to preserve it where it is . 3. To preserve the civill peace and welfare of this Common-wealth , which is the same with that promise in the first Petition ; by Common-wealth I understand , not a form of Government , but the whole body , or Community of the people of this Nation . I promise to seek their civill peace and Vnion . I am bound to the two first as I am a Christian , and to the latter as I am an Englishman . 4. Neither to plot , contrive , or designe any thing to the hurt of the present Government , and if it be required , to put in further security for the performance of the same . In which promise I doe not absolutely binde my self to doe nothing against this present Government , so as not to pray , or not to preach against their Vsurpations and Oppressions , but I doe confine my promise to Not plotting , contriving or designing the hurt of the present Government , that is , that I shall not engage in any plot , contrivement or designe against them who are in present power , and this promise I had resolved to keep , had they given me my life , though I might have opportunity and secrecy to carry on such plot , contrivement , or designe against them . Such a Negative promise as this , in such a case of extremity as I am now in , I might lawfully make to a company of Theeves , when they have their knife at my throat , or their swords at my heart , I may lawfully promise to them , that I will neither plot , contrive , nor design to hurt them , to way-lay them , and take them ; I promise no more to the present power , and this I should make good , and if I might not be believed , I did offer security for the performance hereof ; Yet were I at liberty , at my free choice , I should not promise so much unto them , nor would I advise others to engage themselves in the least unto them , yet it would not offend me , if any man in the condition I am in did promise so much , if he would promise no more . In my third Petition I promised and offered further security , neither to plot , contrive or designe the subversion of this present Government , accounting it as a brand of the highest ingratitude to imploy my life against you , if I shall by an act of grace and favour receive a new life from you . In which words , I beseech the Reader to observe , my promise is only Negative , I make no positive promise to them of a concurrence with , or acting for this present Government ; this is the same promise in terminis with that in the second Petition , only there is an additionall clause here , viz. That I account it as a brand of the highest ingratitude , to imploy my life against them , if I should by an Act of grace and favour receive a new life from them . I do not say I shall imploy my life for them if I should receive my life from them , that I dare not do , yet I will say I will not imploy my life against them , and this promise I would have kept , had they given me my life , as long as I had lived under their present Government . In my fourth petition I promised that I would neither plot , contrive or designe , any thing prejudiciall to the present Government , but in my place and calling oppose any Malignant designs whatsoever , ( whether in this or the neighbour Nations ▪ ) that may tend to the ruine of this Common-wealth . And a while after I promised , never to imploy that life against you , I shall receive from you , but bold it my duty to lay out my life for the glory of God , the good of his people , the peace and safety of this Commonwealth . I have promised four things in this Petition , the lawfullnesse whereof ( as the case stands ) I shall sufficiently evince . First , I promised neither to plot , contrive , or designe any thing prejudjciall to the present Government . This is the same , in terminis , with what is promised in my second and third Petitions . To vindicate which , I refer my Reader to what I said there . Secondly , I promised In my place and calling to oppose any Malignant designes whatsoever ( whether in this or the neighbour Nations ) that may tend to the ruine of this Common-wealth . In which words I desire the Reader to take notice . First , That I hold my self still bound to oppose malignant designs as much as ever I did , I still retaine as great a dislike of a Malignant interest as ever . Secondly , When I mention Malignant designs , I do not understand the honest Scots undertakings , in preserving their King , Country , Religion and all against the invaders , to be a Malignant designe ; farre be it from me I should once imagine it ; but by Malignant designs , I mean such which the Covenant expresseth , the Covenant brandeth them for Malignants , Incendiaries , and evill instruments , who divide the King from his people , or one of the Kingdoms from another ; they are the Malignants which I did oppose , and should oppose , who did labour by Arms to force the two Houses of Parliament , this the Cavaleers would have done but could not , but this the Army hath done . Thirdly , I do not say I shall oppose all designs that may tend to the ruine of the Government of the Common-wealth , but that may tend to the ruine of the Common-wealth , that is , to the ruine of the body of the people of this Nation . Thirdly , I promised Never to implo● that life against you I should receive from you . This is the same , in termin●s , with that in my third Petition ; could they give me a thousand lives , I would not imploy one for them , yet if they had given me my life , I would not imploy that life against them . Fourthly , I promised To lay out my selfe for the glory of God , the good of his people , the peace and safety of this Common-wealth . That is not the Government of this Common-wealth , but of the Community or whole Body of the people ; I thinke there is none that will question the lawfullnesse of this promise . Thus you have seen to a tittle both the Narratory and Promissory part of all my Petitions , wherein I have declared , and promised , nothing that will strengthen this Government , that doth contradict my Principles , wound my Conscience , or justly offend my Godly Brethren . I promise nothing in a way of active concurrence or complyance with their State Government , neither to preach or pray for them , fight or act for them in the least . Thus I have justified the lawfullnesse of the titles of my Petitions , &c. Also of the matter of them , both of the Narratory , Promissory , and Petitionary part of them . I now begin to justifie my practice , in giving in a Narrative of the whole transaction . This I did not out of constraint , but voluntarily . In my Narrative offence is taken at two things . First , That I accuse my selfe . Secondly , That I accuse others , yet at first I did refuse to doe either . To this I shall give a clear and satisfactory answer , to justifie what I have done . It is true , before I was condemned to dye I deemed it against the Law of Nature to accuse my selfe , and against the law of love to accuse my Brother , therefore then would do neither . And I am still of this judgment , before a man sees his accusers face to face , and is convicted , I would not have a man confesse a word in a case of that nature as mine is ; but as the case stands with me , being a condemned man , I conceive it is not against the Law of Nature to confesse against my selfe , nor against the Law of Love to confesse against my Brethren , who are partakers with me in this businesse ; I shall begin with the first , viz. To prove the lawfulnesse of my practice in giving in a Narrative of what I had done ; This is not forced from me , I offered this from the begining ( I mean since I was condemned , I would not do it before ) to let them know what I had done in this whole businesse , but it would not be accepted unlesse I would name other men , which I was then loath to do , but , upon further consideration , I afterwards inclined to it . The Reasons which induced me to give in a Narrative of what I my self had done ( I being now a condemned man ) are these . First , As self justification can do me no good , so self accusation can do me no hurt ; before I was convicted I would not confesse a word , that were to make me guilty of mine owne blood , if out of my owne mouth they should condemn● me ; then confession might have been a prejudice to me , but now it can be none . Secondly , My acknowledgment may soften , and sweeten , the spirits of those toward me , in whose hands my life is , remove many prejudices out of their minds , that I am not obstinate or perverse , when they shall see me deale with them with an ingenuous freedom , and opennesse of heart to them . Thirdly , I do it to take off jealousies . out of the minds of them who are in power , who surmise plots and designes carrying on against them , who suspect there is not a full discovery of this businesse ; upon this ground therefore I shall discover what I well remember , and distinctly know in this businesse . Fourthly , I am willing the world should know the worst I have done , therefore I shall acknowledge , not only what is proved against me , but those things none in the World could accuse me of , they are such things as I need not , I ought not be ashamed of , viz. That I desired , as a private man , there might be an agreement between the King and the Scots , upon the interest of Religion , and tearms of the Covenant ; or that I relieved Massey with money , not upon any Military accompt ▪ but meerly as a supply for his personall necessities , &c. these are things I am not , I need not , be ashamed of . Fifthly , If I should now conceale what I had do●● , the World would thinke w●rse of it than it is , and worse of me than I am . Sixthly , I intend upon the Scaffold to make an acknowledgment of what I have done , and why may I not do it before ? I need not , ought not , be ashamed to justifie what I have done , upon the Scaffold , I have done nothing either by the Lawes of God or of this Nation for which I ought to dve , although by their bloody Lawes , they have condemned me to dye . These are the reasons why I have confest against my selfe . I am now to give reasons why I have in my Narrative confest against other men , when before I did refuse to doe it . To this also I shall give a brief yet satisfactory account ; it is true , before I was condemned I would not accuse any man , because then my testimony haply would be looked upon as valid in Law against them ▪ so that in that case , I had rather lay downe my owne life than be instrumentall in taking away the life of another man . I might have had my owne life given me for a prey , would I have but informed against other men , and so devoted their lives for a sacrifice to the bloody rage of men , but ● still withstood it . I then was , and still am of this principle , to judge it better to be a sufferer with the Brethren ▪ than an accuser of the Brethren , especially when my accusation may turne in the least to their prejudice . The reasons which swayed with me to name other men in my Narrative , are these . 1. Because my Testimony ( being a condemned man ) is not valid in Law , and so can do them no harm , as to Estate or Life . 2. I do name those persons only , who are already discovered , and certainly known to those in power ; should I goe about to vindicate them , I should do them no good , and now I do nominate them . I can do them no hurt . 3. Most of the persons I have named , have given me their Consent that I should name them ; so that themselves being Judges , they thought I could do them no injury . 4. Most of the persons I have named in my narrative , have of their own accords confessed as much ( if not more ) than I have spoken concerning them ; yea before I have sent in my narrative ( for I am one of the last , though my danger is the greatest ) they have sent in theirs , and confessed against themselves more than I have mentioned in my narrative . Thus I have spoken as briefly as the matter would permit , to justifie the Title and Matter of my Petitions , and the giving in of my Narrative ; This I doe , because I would give no offence either to Jew , or Gentile , or the Church of God . There are other scandalous aspersions and slanderous reports cast upon me , which I must endeavour to satisfie the world about . I have publikely made 3. solemne and true Protestations , both on the first and last day of my appearing before the High Court of Justice , the truth wherof I still stand to maintaine ; it is bruited abroad , that both by the Testimony of the Witnesses , and by my owne Confession I have contradicted my own Protestations , which is most notoriously false , I did therefore in the end of my Tryall declare , that it was my rejoycing , that though 8. Witnesses came in against me , yet none of them did contradict or falsifie my 3. Protestations ; I had rather dye , than any should make my glorying voyd , yea , I had much rather be made a Sufferer than a Lyar . In going about to vindicate my self in these particulars , I shall give you the reason why I made these Protestations , because the Charge was so black and foule against me , of corresponding with the King , Queen , Iermin , and Piercy , of raising great sums of Money for the Scots to maintaine a War against this Nation , &c. To remove prejudices from the minds of my Judges , and of the hearers then present , I did make these three Protestations , the truth whereof I stand now to justifie and seal with my blood . 1. The first Protestation I made before the High-Court was this ; viz. That I never writ any Letters either to the King of Scots , or the Queen his Mother , or to the Church or State of Scotland , or to any particular person of the Scotish Nation , since the beginning of the Warres between ENGLAND and SCOTLAND , to this day . This first Petition hath not been falsified , either by the Testimony of my accusers , or my own Confession . None of the 8. Witnesses did prove that I ever writ a Letter , yet , I confesse , I did write one to Massey in Scotland , and another to Bamfield in Holland , yet my Protestation is not falsified , for they are both of the English , not of the Scotish Nation ; though I did write to Massey who was in the Scotish Nation , yet is he not of the Scotish Nation ; so my Protestation holds true . 2. My second Protestation was this , That I never received any Letters writ to me , either from the King of Scotland , on the Queen his Mother , or the Church or State of Scotland , in the generall , or from any other particular person of the Scotish Nation , from the beginning of the Warres between the two Nations to this day . This Protestation is true also , and hath not been contradicted by my own Confession , or any of the Witnesses , only Capt. Potter did swear , That he received a Letter from Colonell Bamfield with a great L. on it , and that there were enclosed Letters from 4 Scotish Lords and from Mr. Bayly a Scotish Minister . He said in his Examinations : before the Committee of the Councell of State , That he conceived the Letter from Bamfield was writ to me ; but before the High-Court , being on his Oath , he could not say so ; nay , he said he thought it was not writ to me ; nor can I imagine why Colonell Bamfield should write to me , for I had never heard from him , or writ to him before ; nor did I ever see his face . But if Bomfields Letter with a great L. written on it , had been writ to me , yet my Protestation is not contradicted , for Bamfield is an English man , not a Scotch man : Now my Proteftation was , That I received no Letters writ to me from any of the Scotish Nation , since the Wars began . Moreover , the Letters from the 4 Scotch Lords , and Mr. Bayly the Scotch Minister ( which were enclosed in Bamfields Letter ) had not a great L. written on them , as Bamfields Letter had , and were not writ to me ; and had those Letters from the Scotch Lords , and the Scotch Minister been written to me ( which they were not ) yet my Protestation is not falsified , for Captain Potter received them , opened them , read them , before he shewed them to me , he kept them and carried them away , as was confest in open Court , but I did neither , nor did I write an Answer to those Letters from the Scotch Lords , or the Scotch Minister ; indeed I did write to Bamfield in Holland , but he is of the English , not of the Scotish Nation : so my Protestation not contradicted . My third Protestation was this , That I never collected , gave , or lent ●ne penny of money to send into Scotland , or any foreign parts , either to the King , Queen , Church ▪ or State of Scotland , or to any particular persons of the Scotish Nation , since the beginning of the Wars unto this day . As to these three particulars I have said it , and doe say it againe , I am as innocent as my harmlesse Child that is not 3 years old . This third Protestation is true also , though I did send 5 l. to one Bamfi●ld in Holland , and 10 l. to Massey in Scotland , for they are of the English , not of the Scotish Nation ; Yea , though I did give money to relieve poor Scotch men , prisoners , and others here in London , yet this contradicts not my Protestation , for therein I said , I did not give money to send into Scotland , or any other fo●eign parts , to any persons of the Scotish Nation ; but I did not say I did not give here in London to any person of the Scotish Nation , I did relieve many of the poor Scotch prisoners who were taken at Dunbar fight , and brought to Black-wall : Yet this doth not falsifie my Protestation ; though I did give money to poor Scotch men in London , yet I sent none into Scotland to any Scotch person since the Wars began , to this day . When I first put pen to paper , I did not intend to look fo far back as the Tryall , but because the Tryall is so mis-represented , and mis-reported in some Bookes in Print , especially in that lying Book , called , The Plea for the Common-wealth , and because many black and hideous things are laid to my Charge , of which I am not guilty . Wherefore I shall doe two things , 1. Lay down what none of the 8. Witnesses did prove against me . 2. Give a brief Extract of what they did prove against me , that so the World may be satisfied upon what I was Condemned to dye . None of the 8. Witnesses did prove in Court . 1. That I writ Letter to the King of Scots , or Queen , or Jermin , or Piercy , or to any other persons in foreign parts , either in or of the Scotish Nation , since the Wars began , to this day . 2. Or , that ever Letter was writ in my House , or in any place else where I was present . 3. Or , that ever I directed , ordered or perswaded any others to write . 4. Or , that I did know of any person that did write Letters into Scotland , or any foreign parts . 5. Or , that ever I sent , or gave my consent to the sending away of any Letters into Scotland , or any forein parts . 6. Or , that ever I received any Letter from Scotland , or any foreign parts . 7. Or , that I ordered any other person to receive Letters for me . 8. Or , that ever I did so much as read any Letter in my House , or anywhere else , that did come from Scotland , or from foreign parts . 9. Or , that ever I collected , gave , or lent any money , either for the King of Sc●ts , the Queen his Mother , the Church and State of Scotland in the generall , or for any particular persons , either in , or of the Scotish Nation , since the beginning of the Wars to this day . 10. Or , that ever I invited any foreign Forces to invade either England or Ireland . 11. Or , that I was , in the least , privy to , or accquainted with any preparations or endeavours tending to the raising of intestine insurrections at home , or joyning with any foreign Invasions from abroad . None of these particulars were proved against me , yet I was condemned to dye ; which doth manifest to the world , that I I am put to death rather upon an interest of State , than Principles of Conscience ; rather to put a terror upon others , than for the merits of the Facts I have don my self , yet my Oppressors slay me , and hold themselves not guilty . The most that was proved against me , was this , That I was present at meetings in severall Fasts , to begge a blessing on the Treaty between the King and the Scots , that there might be an Agreement between them , upon the interest of Religion , and termes of the Covenant ; That I was severall times present at my House when Letters were read , that either were sent to , or received from Scotland ; That I moved for money for Massey and Titus ( yet one of the Witnesses swore that it was not upon a Military account ) to maintain the War in Scotland , but meerly to relieve the personall necessities of Massey and Titus ; That two of the Witnesses brought Fifteen pound for Massey and Titus to my House , viz. Potter brought Ten pound , and Far brought Five pound , but neither charged me that I received it . Here I desire the Reader to take notice , that though 8. Witnesses came in against me , yet no two of them did concurre in their Testimony to prove any one thing against me , unlesse that I was present at the bearing of Letters read , which other men brought to my House . As for all other things , though two Witnesses might sometimes speake ad idem , yet not to the same thing , eodem tempore . 'T is true , two swore that I moved for money , yet one swore I did it in a meeting , the other swore I did it to him alone at another time , But lest it should be thought I am too favourable in my own Cause , I have here made an Extract , out of the Depositions of the Witnesses , that so you may see the worst that is proved against me . A brief Extract or Collection out of the Depositions of the Witnesses against Master LOVE . The first Witnesse was Captain Potter . POtter sware , he brought ten pounds to my house , which he intended for Masey and Titus , he laid it downe in my Parlour , 5. or 6. being present , but proved not that I saw him , or bid him lay the money down , or that I received it , I can truly say I did neither . Potter sware he did receive Letters , one from Bamfield , another from four Lords in Scotland , viz. Argile , Loudon , Lothian , and Bellcarris , and another from Mr. Bayly , on the superscription was a great L. but said it was not to me , but he said he shewed them me , and some others at my house , and when he came in he said , Mr. Love , I have nues to shew you ; in one of the Letters there was a motion for ten thousand pound , but , said he , we all disliked that motion , dissented from it , and resolved to send a Nagative Answer , yea he might have said , that I was the man that disswaded them from doing any thing in that businesse . Potter said , An Answer to those Letters was brought and left at his shop he said he thought it came from me and Dr. Drake , but , God is my Witnesse , I neither sent , carried , nor left , Letter at his shop in all my life . Alford said , William Drake held a Correspondence with Scotland , but he knew no Ministers that knew this . He said , That after he came from Callis he brought to William Drake a Narrative from Captaine Titus of all his proceedings at Iersey , and how the Cavaleers abused him , and also brought a Copy of a Letter from the King , he said , this was read at my house . He said , There was a Commission and instructions read at my house , a little before the Treaty at Bredah , to Authorise the Lord Willoughby , Bunce , Massey , Titus , Graves , to use their interest in the King , and in the Scots , Commissioners to agree in their Treaty upon the terms of the Covenant . I desire you to take notice , that this was the only meeting I was at about an agree agreement between the King and the Scots , and at this meeting I did declare against the sending this Commission and instructions , as being an act of high presumption , for private men to Commissionate , and an act of notorious falshood to say this was in the names of the Presbyterian party , when none knew of it but those present , but it seems it was sent away by Alford without my knowledge or consent ; indeed Alford sware , that I was present , but could not say that 4 directed in it , yea he contradicted himself , in saying at one time the Commission and Instructions were agreed upon , and at another time , that they were read at my house but not agreed upon . Alford said , After Dunbar fight , that there was a Letter which was said to come from Massey , relating how many were lost , writ for Arms by the way of Holland , he spake also of his owne and Titus necessities , being strangers in Scotland , he said all waved the businesse for Arms , but a proposition was made for supplying those Gentlemens necessities , without reference to armes , or any such thing , the summe was either 200 , or 300. l. He said , that I did move for the contribution of money , but mentioned no summe , nor could he say the money was raised , I doe verily beleeve the summe promised to Massey and Titus was never gathered , nor sent unto them from England . Huntington said , That in the heginning of March , 1649. he was at my House , where he heard a Commission read by William Drake , written in Characters , to be sent to the Lord Willoughby , Bunce , Massey , &c. and said that I should say , upon the hearing of it read , Come , come , let it goe , which in the presence of God I declare , is notoriously false ; yea another of the Witnesses said , that all the Company was against sending it . Bains could not testifie a word concerning me . Adams said , he could not say Mr. Love had a hand in Letters sent to Scotland , or in Letters of sending moderate Propositions to the King . He said , that when Alford returned from Callis , he brought with him a Narrative from Titus , and a Copy of a Letter from the King , but he could not swear the Letter was read at Mr. Love's house . The Narrative from Titus , was to give account how he was ill used by the Cavalier party . He said there was a motion about a Commission and Instructions to be drawn up , and sent , but by whom he could not say , he could not say it was agreed to be sent , it was read in Mr. Love's study , and Mr. Love was there some part of the time . He said , the substance of the Instructions , was to use all Arguments they could to move the King to give the Scots satisfaction , to take the Covenant , but he could not say , that he heard Mr. Love say , Come , come , let it goe . Adams being ask'd , whether was there not a Letter , sent from Piercy for money to be sent to the King , read at Mr. Love's house ? he said , no certainly ; he said he saw such a Letter in Masons hand . He being asked , whether about August 1650. a Letter was not sent from Massey to some here , that he had back friends in Scotland ; complaining , he could not be promoted there , and whether was not this communicated at Mr Love's house ? he answered , no certainly . And being demanded , whether Mr. Love was not named to draw up a Letter to be sent to Scotland ? he said , I was not named , but himselfe was , and some others . He said , one Sterkes , whom be took to be a Scots Agent , met sometimes at Mr. Love's house . I desire you to take notice , that this Sterkes was no Scots Agent , he was not in Scotland for 12 years before , and he told me himself , that he was no Agent . He said , there were eight or ten meetings in Master Love's house , within two years . He said , when Massey's Letter was read Mr. Love was there , it did declare the poverty of his Condition . Being asked , whether Mr. Love did not write down the summes that each would give to Massey , he said , that I had a Pen in my hand , did write something , but he knew not what I did write , but particular men did write their summes , but he could not say , that I writ either names or sums . He said , at a meeting at my house , I being sometimes present , there was a Letter read penned by Mr. Love and Dr. Drake , but being askt why he thought Mr. Love penned it , he said , meerly because of the language of it . This Letter was declared to be sent to the Assembly of the Church of Scotland , and this was after Dunbar fight . This Letter was read in my house , it is true , but never written by me . He mentions a Letter in the nature of a Declaration to be sent to Scotland , penned either by Mr. Love or Dr. Drake , but I know nothing of this , I remember no such thing , but afterwards he said he had no ground to say Master Love penned it . He said , he conceived me to be a correspondent , but could not say that I was so . Iaquell said , that the Narrative Alford brought from Titus at Callis was read in my House , but could not say that the Copy of the Kings Letter was read there . He saith , that I was not in the room when he came in , and that I went out oftentimes . He said , Potter received Letters from Bamfield , and the Marquesse of Argyle , and brought them to my house , and that Potter read the Letters , in one of the Letters there was a motion for five thousand pounds , but it was refused by all , none liking of that businesse . He said , it was thought convenient the Messenger should have money , but could not say that I agreed to give him any . Colonell Barton sware nothing against me , but only that I was at a Fast at his house , but could not tell whether I exercised there or no . Captaine Far sware , that at the ending of the Treaty at Iersey , a Letter was sent from Titus , to desire sombody to be sent to Callis , to take an account of his Negotiations ; said , this Letter was read in my Study , and that I was present ; and said , it was agreed Alford should go , being his Sonne was gone from him . I desire the Reader to observe how Captaine Far forswears himselfe , and contradicts another mans testimony , for Alford sware , he was never at my house till after he came from Callis , yet Far saith , he was there before ; that he was desired at my house to go to Callis , yet Alford swears he was never at my house till he returned from Callis . Captaine Far said , when Alford gave an account , at his returne from Callis , i● was at my house , but he could not say that I was present , but , he said , I was absent sometimes . He said , at a meeting at my house , William Drake read papers under the name of Commission and Instructions , they were read in the company , but they were not agreed upon , because private persons could not do such a thing as give Commission , &c. He conceived the Commission was in the name of the Presbyterian party , but could not say so ; he said William Drake undertook to draw up the Instructions , but he could not say they were drawn up , or sent . He said , that those that were named Commissioners , they were to advise but not to treat in the behalf of the Presbyterian party . After the fight at Dunbar , a Letter from Massey , to assist both with money and arms , was read , but he said he came in late and did not hear it read ; he could not say positively such a Letter was read , but that I told him so , and that I told him we could not do it . He said , that I told him we had agreed to raise a summe of money for Massey and Titus , either 250 livre. or 300 livre. He said that I asked him what he would do , so he brought five pound and laid it upon my Table when severall persons were in the room ; and being askt whether I was in the room , he said , yes , my Lord , but he could not say any els was , so he contradicted himself ; before he said severall persons were present , now , he said , he could not tell that any els but my self was in the room ; yea , he could not say that I received it , or see him lay it downe , or bid him lay it downe ; and further he saith , he doth but conceive that the money was for Massey or Titus . He could not say that I was privy to the Negotiation with Titus , nor that I was present at the reading of the Copy of the Kings Letter , which Alford brought from Callis , nor that I was present whil'st that the Narrative was read . He being askt , whether I did send Alford to Callis , or agree to the sending of him ? he answered that he thinks I did not . He being askt , whether I gave my consent to the sending away of the Commission ? he answered , that he could not say that I was there when it was sent away . And being askt , whether I did not protest against it ? he answered , that it was agreed by all that the Commission should not be sent . He being askt , whether he thought that I received the five pound he laid on my table ? he answered no , but he thought another did receive it , and named who . Thus you have an extract of all the eight Witnesses have deposed without extension or omission of any materiall passage in any mans Testimony . I wish from my heart that all the Depositions , together with my Defence made in Court , were truly published by an impartiall hand , then I should be confident the Reader would justifie me , though the High Court have condemned me . Being now upon the Testimony of the Witnesses I crave leave to insist a little larger upon it than I at first intended , that I may manifest the more clearly , the insufficiency , falsnesse , and contradictorinesse thereof ; what the Evangelist observes touching the accusers of Christ , I may without vanity say of mine , that they did not agree among themselves , one Witnesse sware one thing , and another sware the quite contrary , yea they did not only contradict ●ne another , but sometimes contradict themselves , as I have made appear more fully in my defence before the high Court . I did never see Witnesses more confounded than they were ▪ so that though their Testimony did condemne my person , yet I ( nay themselves ) have condemned their owne Testimony ; So that may I say , without vanity , that promise is made good , Isa. 54. 17. Every tongue that shall rise up in judgement against thee thou shalt condemn , this is the heritage of the servants of the Lord . To evidence this to the world , I shall give you a brief , and true relation , of sundry remarkable passages concerning the Witnesses , either before , or in , or after , the Tryall , which will , If not nullifie , yet invalidate and disparage their , Testimony , in the thoughts of judicious and impartiall men . I shall begin with the first Witnesse , which was Captaine Potter . I beseech you take notice , concerning him , of these particulars . First , If ever his testimony be published , he doth rather justifie than accuse me , he fastens nothing capitall upon me ; yea , secondly he swears , he met at my house sometimes on a friendly , sometimes on a Christian account , or to hear news , that was the worst he did swear about the meeting at my house . Thirdly , He swore in Court , that till Master Prideaux remembered him of some things out of the examinations of other men he could not remember them , or speak to them , yet things done so long agoe , and forgotten by a man are counted to be sufficient proof against me . Fourthly , he was threatned with death if he would not , and promised his life by Mr. Prideaux and Mr. Scot if he would confesse what he knew , and Witnesse against me . And because he did not swear to every addition and agravation against me , put into his examination ( by Capt. Bishop Clerke of the Committee ) which he discovered in Court , and said , all was not his , therefore he is condemned to dye , and in great danger to lose his life . The second Witnesse was Major Alford , he was in much trouble before he came in against me , he told his Sister , and other Friends , they would put him to death , if he did not testifie against me ; but now he sees me condemned , he is filled with shame , that he cannot walk the streets , and with sorrow , that he can neither sleep , nor eat his bread with comfort . Yea , Mr. Cranford coming once to visit him , did finde him lying on his bed in a dark room , in much disquiet of minde ; he told Mr. Cranford , that nothing did trouble him so much in all his life , as his witnessing against me , and were it to do again , he would never doe it , if he had ten lives to lose . Mr. Cranford told me this , that he heard it from Alfords own mouth . I hear that he is not well , but I believe I may say agrotat animo magis quam corpore , and that he hath great cause to be . The third Witnesse was Major Huntington , a man whose face I never saw but once at my house , nor since , but at my Tryall : He is not only a dissembling fellow , but a most perjured wretch ; he did hardly swear one true word , as relating to things done at my house , yea , as to me , he sware most falsly that I said of the Commission , Come , come , let it goe , which is a most notorious lye ; yea , Captain Far , another of the Witnesses who was then present , sware the quite contrary , that all the Company was against the sending the Commission , and did allege the reason that I gave against it , That private men had not power to Commissionate , &c. The fourth Witnesse was Lieutenant Colonell Baines , that Arch-Apostate from his first Principles , he told the Court a long story , but did not , could not say one word concerning me , so he went as wise as he came . The fifth Witnesse was Major Adams , who is a Monster among men , and will be , I am perswaded , a monument of Misery to all that know him ; I have many things to say concerning him . First , He was a hired Witnesse against me ; one Major Cobbet ( a pragmaticall fellow ) was imployed by Mr. Scot to subborne this Major Adams , and did so , and to that end did give him 10 l. to that purpose , I seeing him stand by me in the Court , did charge this Cobbet with it ; all the eva●ion he had was this , that he lent the 10. l. to Major Adams his Wife , because he thought he was poor , yet I could have produced Witnesses in Court ( but the High-Court would not permit it ) to prove , that Adams had received a vast summe of money from Mr. Scot , and from others by Mr. Scots appointment , to betray me , and the rest of the Ministers and Citizens now in the Tower ; so that we may say of this Adams , as Nehemiah did of Shemaiah , that suborned Prophet , Neh. 6. 12 , 13. And so I perceived God had not sent him , for Tobiah and Sanballat had hired him . And therefore was he hired , that they might have matter for an evill report , that they might repr●ach me Peradventure , God may fill him with such horror of Conscience , and consternation of minde before he dies , that he may bring back the money , the price of my blood , to those Tabiahs and Sanballets who hired him , as Judas did in trouble of Conscience bring back the 30 pieces of Silver to the Priests and Pharises , who did hire him to betray Jesus Christ . Secondly , This Adams , would ordinarily come once or twice a week to my house un-invited , on purpose , I now perceive , to insnare me ; he would be very inquisitive after Newes from Scotland , and would be very free to offer me money , and asking , whether I knew of no publique use that required money ? but , as the Lord ordered it , I never received a penny from him . Thirdly , This wretched Adams hath been in pay with Mr. Scot above these 12 moneths , yet he was not to discover himself , but to cary himselfe as formerly , that so he might insnare honest men with the lesse suspicion . This , this is the onely man who hath accused 13. Godly Ministers , many worthy Citizens ; all who are now in trouble , were brought to Prison upon his single Information . I speak this upon knowledge ; for by a speciall providence I have gotten a copy of his Informations he hath given in to Mr. Scot : Yea , he hath informed of every private Fast that he himself was at , signified what persons were present , who preacht and prayd , and what they prayed about the State ; he hath accused many of the secluded Members also . There hath been such a continuance in , and contexture of studied wickednesse , and all under a high pretence of Profession , that I think there is not such a Parallel in the whole world . Oh! I do wonder how this wretch can sleep by night , or eat his bread by day , with any comfort , who hath bin the cause of 1● Godly Ministers Imprisonment , and of the withdrawing of others from their Families and Pulpits . Oh! I durst not lye under this mans guilt for 10000 Worlds . Fourthl● , to cover all this wickednesse , they must accuse him of High-Treason , clap him close Prisoner , yet underhand they did maintaine him there ; yea , he did shed tears , and pretend trouble , that he was forced to come in against me . He told Mistris Jackson in the Poultrey , that he did not know whether he had not better chuse to be hanged , than to swear against me ; yea , he took a cup of Wine or Beer ( in the presence of Mr. Spencer a Minister , and his Son , who lives in the Poultrey ) wishing it might be his poyson , if either he had accused me , or would accuse me . This Mr. Cranford told me he had from Mr. Spencer himselfe . All this was to cover his wickednesse , that he might not be suspected to be a hired or suborned witnesse . And herein you may see the falsenesse and wretchednesse of this man , he that pretended trouble and sorrow before he did come in a Witnesse against me , now discovers impudency , impenitency , and hardnesse of heart , after he hath maliciously sworn against me , to take away my life ; the Lord open his eyes , and touch his heart , that he may at length see , and bewaile his great wickednesse . The sixth Witnesse was Mr. Jaquell . I dare not say he accused me out of studied knavery , as Adams did , but onely out of base feare and Cowardize , to save his own life he would cast away mine . Concerning Mr. Iaquell I shall mention but a few particulars First . He did fully resolve , before he was taken into Custody , neither to accuse himself , or any other ; yet , through fear , did both . Secondly , when he was brought in open Court to be a Witnesse against me , he did , for at least half an hour , refuse to swear , or to be a Witnesse against me , yea , when he came first in the Court , be said he was a close prisoner , accused of the same crim● that I was accused of , that he was not a competent Witnesse against me , yea , he said oftentimes that he could not in Conscience be a Witnesse against me ; the Counsell for the Common-wealth , and the Court did still presse him to take his Oath against me , yet he did still refuse ; he was fined 500 l. and sent out of the Court ; and immediately he was called into the Court again , and urged to take his Oath , and threatned if he would not ; they told him they had fined him 500 l. for refusing to swear against me ; upon this he was more yielding to take his Oath , yet he did not take his Oath as any of the rest did , but did only put up his hand by his buttons , and when I asked him , whether he was under an Oath ? he answered , that he was as good as under an Oath ; at length he did mutter out that he was under an Oath , but yet since I was condemned his owne wife came to me , told me how much her husband was troubled for what he had done , and did assure me , that her husband told her , that he did not looke upon himself as under an Oath . Thirdly , when this poor man heard that I was condemned to dye , then in the anguish of his Soule he did write me a Letter , wherein , among other things , he did confesse he had done me wrong , and desired me to forgive him the wrong he had done me , and had this passage among the rest in his Letter , which I have transcribed to a word . Surely ( said he ) in that day that I shall hear of your life being violextly taken away , mine will be but a little comfort to me , being an instrument in takin● away of yours . The seventh Witnesse was Colonell Barton . Hee had nothing to say against me , but that I was once at his house at a Fast , of which I am not ashamed . The eighth Witnesse was Captain Far . He was so astonished and confounded , that he could not speak an entire sentence of himself ; but only what he was prompt by Mr. Prideaux . He was so struck with fear , that sometimes he spake Non-sence , otherwhile falshoo●● , and otherwhiles spake manifest Contradictions to himselfe : The poor man was so amazed , that he knew not what he said , or what he d●d , but Mr. Atturney had his Examinations , which were taken in private , and patcht together by Mr. Scot , and Captain ●ishop , and by the help of those papers , Mr. Prideaux made a ●hift to rubbe up his slippery memory , and to helpe his slow tongue ; And Mr. Prideaux perceiving that Captain Far was likely to marre his own evidence , had he been let alone to himselfe , therefore Mr. Prideaux helps him at a dead lift , and puts to Captain Far no lesse than fourscore and eighteene Questions , or leading Interrogatories a thing which I think was never heard of before practised , in any Court since William the Conquerours dayes , untill then ▪ yet by the poor misled Members of the Court this was well accepted of , though I did protest against it as a most illegall practice . Now I am Condemned , I am informed , that this Captain Far is much troubled to thinke of my death . Touching these 8 Accusers I will say but this , they did prosecute my life , to preserve their own ; I have done with them , I pray God begin with them , to humble their hearts , and shew them their sinne● , that they may see , and fear , and do no more so wickedly ; for my part I would not change Conditions with them they are in a sinning , but I onely in a suffering Condition . I had rather be a Sufferer with the Brethren , than an Accuser of the Brethren . I have more peace and quietnesse who am to dye , than they will have who have bought their lives at so dear a rate , as with the price of my blood . Having spoken largely about my Witnesses , I shall mention but a word about the partiality of my Iudges . I think there was never such violent , indirect procee●ings to take away the life of a Minister , since the Reign of Queen Mary , to this day . They suffered the Examinations of the Witnesses , composed by Mr. Scot and Captain Bishop , to be read in Court , which is contrary to Law and Justice , and the Customes of all Courts . They commanded the Scaffolds to be put up the first day , when my black and bloody Charge was read , and the Witnesses produced in Court , but pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my Defence● , not caring how many heard my Charge , nor how few heard me to clear my selfe . And they gave me but from Saturday till Wednesday to make my Defence , although the Depositions were to write out , which were 28 sheets of paper , which I was to peruse and answer . Though they pulled down the Scaffolds when I made my defence , yet they put them up again , when the Counsell for the Common-wealth were to make their Reply to my Defence ; All this was that I might lye under more disadvantage in the judgement of the Spectators . Yea , such was the partiality of the Court , that they refused to hear my Witnesses , when produced them in Court . And after they had assigned me Counsell , they rejected two of them , one of them could not be there , and the fourth , viz. Mr. Hales , was not acquainted with my case , I never spake with him untill halfe an hour before the Court sate , he never saw nor read the Depositions , yet they would not allow my Counsell a days time to study my case , but he must plead then , ●x tem●ore , or not at all . Oh extremity of Rigour ! yea further , though I had a Notary to write for me , yet have they taken away all the Books from him ▪ so that nothing shall come to the publique view , but with what additions or alterations they please , to my greater disadvantage ; but my hope is , that some faithfull Pen or other hath writ my Defence , and the Witnesses Depositions , and according to them let my Innocency be judged by indifferent and unprejudicated men . But enough of this . I have but one thing more to doe in this vindication of my person and ministry , and that is to answer a grand objection which is brought against me , Object . viz. That all the blood of ●co●lana is charged upon me , and the rest of my Brethren whom they call my Confederates . Answer . To take off this false and most notorious slander , I shall dispatch these 3. particulars , viz. 1. Give you something to observe in the generall . 2. Manifest that I have no hand in the War with our dear Brethren of Scotland . 3. Lay down Arguments drawn from instances of Scripture , clearnesse of reason , & interest of State to prove the unlawfulnes of the E●glish Arm●'s invading of Scotland ; then conclude with some Demonstrative suggestions , what may be the intollerable mischiefes , sad corsequence , and unexpressible calamities that may befall the Godly party in both Nations , if the English Army prevaile over our brethen of Scotland , to subdue and conquer them . 1. Touching this Objection , I shall give you something to observe in generall , that is this , That these men do as N●ro did , set Rome on fire , and then charge the Christians with it ; so do these new Common-wealths men put two Kingdomes on fire , blow the sparks of dissention into a flame , so causing a mighty Combustion and Conflagration , yet charge it upon us , who pour out tears to quench the burning which their lusts and ambition ( who affect only earthly domination & rule over their brethren ) hath kindled in the Neighbour Nation . As the Gunpowder Traytors charged that plot of blowing up the Parliament ( which themselves onely contrived ) upon the Puritans , who were ever Friends , never Enemies to Parliaments , till this Apostate Generation of men stood up ; so doe these Trayterous Hereticks lay lasting Seeds of Division between the two Nations , invade Scotland , imbrue their hands in their Brethrens blood , slay them with a rage reaching up to Heaven , spill their blood like water on the ground , yet we must be charged with all this blood , who have had no hand in , but a detestation of the Invasion of the Neighbour Nation ; the Lord judge bttween them and us . What act have I done ( my Enemies themselves being Judges ) to make me guil●y of the blood spilt in Scotland ? Did I ever encourage Cromwell to invade Scotland ? or ever invite the Scotish Nation to invade England ? let Cromwell and his Confederates look to it , the bloud of Scotland will cry in the eares of him who is the avenger of blood , who hath said , The Earth shall not cover the blood of her slain ; I may say as Elijah said to Ahab , It is thou , and thy Fathers house , that hath trouble Israel ; so it is not I , but Cromwell , Vane , Bradshaw , and the rest of that Crew , who have troubled Scotland . When God comes to make Inquisition for blood , they will be charged with all the blood of Scotland . If they will say , The King had not agreed with the Scots , had it not been for me and my Confederates , and so by consequence I am guilty of all the blood shed in Scotland . To this I say , 1. If I , by any strained consequence , should be found guilty of the blood of Scotland , then Cromwell and his Army , who did actually and cruelly shed their blood , are directly guilty of all the blood shed in Scotland . 2. By no kind of consequence can the guilt of Scotland's blood be charged on me : I would fain know what act I have done , that hath a remote tendency to the sheding of blood in Scotland ; Can I be said by Consequence to be guilty of the blood of Scotland , only for praying the King may agree with the Scots upon the interest of Religion , and terms of the Covenant ? there is no more consequence in this , than to say Tenterden Steeple is the cause of Goodwin Sands ; nor no more consequence , than in the Iesuits Argument , that because CHRIST did feed the multitude with five Loaves and two Fishes ; therefore there must be seven Sacraments . Thirdly , For my part I am a man of such an obscure station , that it was not within my sphere to be able to doe any thing to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots , otherwise than by my poor prayers . I was at no meeting ( as I remember ) to promote that end ( Fast onely excepted ) but one at my house , at which time William Drake propounded this question , What we should do to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots at the Treaty at Bred●h ? he drew out some papers written in Characters , which he called , A Commission and Instructions to severall persons in Holland to use their I●terest to fu●ther the Agreement between the King and the Scots . When I heard it , I declared my self against it , as being an act of high presumption for private persons to send Commi●●ion and Instructions , and an act of notorious falshood to say it was in the name of the Presbyterian party , when none knew thereof but those present , that I know of ; yea one of the Witnesses , viz. Captain Far , swore that all the Company were against sending them . I know no more that I have done to promote the Agreement , yet the blood of Scotland is charged upon me . But suppose I had done a hundred times more than I did , to promote the Agreement between the King and the Scots , upon the interest of Religion , and terms of the Covenant , yet how can I be justly charged with all the blood of Scotland , for desiring the King should agree with that Kingdom who had proclaimed him King ? What law of God , or of the Land , have I broken , if I had done so ? the Covenant counts them Malig●ants , Incendiaries , and evill Instruments , that desire or endeavour the contrary , videlicet , Divide the King from his people , or one of the Kingdoms from another . 3. I say no more concerning this , I shall be more large in the 3d. viz. Lay down some Arguments to prove the unlawfulnesse of the English Army's invading Scotland . Yet I intend not to handle the case of Invasion , to shew in what cases only an Invasion of another Nation in a Hostile manner is lawfull : I am from all my books , that I cannot consult with Casuists in that point ; all that I shall doe at present , is to give some Scripture instances , that may hint unto us the unwarrantablenesse of the War with that Nation of the same Religion , and in Covenant with us ; and then give reasons and considerations , drawn from interest of State , against the unlawfull Invasion of Scotland . Had God given me life , I intended a large Treatise concerning the Usurpation of the Government of England , and the unlawfulnesse of the Invasion of Scotland ; but my collections being lost and taken away , they must dye with me ; I hope more able hands will write against the Invasion , though they cannot fight against the Invaders . I will offer but a few Scripture instances that may suggest something against this bloody War with our Brethren in Covenant with us . Read Amos 1. 9. 10. 11. 12. I will not turn away the puni●●ment of Tyrus because they have delivered the whole cap●ivity to Edom , and remembred not the brotherly Covenant . So that Scotland may say as in Obadiah , ver. 7. The men of my confederacy that were at peace with me have deceived me , and prevailed against me . Yea the English did to Scotland , as Edom did to Israel , Amos 1. 11. Edom did pursue his brother with the sword , and did cast off all pitie , and his anger did teare continually ; did not Cromwell do so to Scotland , worse than Edom to Israe● ? let Dunbar fight testifie , and the worse than butcherly usage afterwards of the prisoners there taken ; I may say to Cromwell as God said to Edom , for thy violence against thy Brother Jacob [ thy Brother Scotland ] shame shall cover thee , and thou shalt be cut off for ever , Obad. v. 10. then in Obad. v. 13 , 14 , 15 , it is said , Thou should'st not have entred into the ga●e of my people , in the day of their calamity , yea thou should'st not have laid hands on their substance in the day of their calamity , neither should'st thou have stood in the cross way to cut off those of his that did escape , neither shouldst thou deliver those of his that did remaine in the day of distresse . Then it followes , As thou hast done , it shall be done to thee , thy reward shall returne upon thine owne head . I shall mention one Scripture History that is pertinently applyed and published in Print , entituled , The History of Pek●h , it is worth your perusall ; Pekah King of Israel did sinfully invade Jud●h , had the worser Cause , and the lesser number , yet prevailed over Iudah , then said Oded the Prophet , because the Lord was wrath with Iudah he hath delivered them into your hand , and yee have flaine them in a rage reaching up to Heaven , and now ye purpose to keep under the Children for Bond-men , and Bond-women unto you , but are there not with you , even with you , sins against the Lord your God , & c ? And doth not C●o●●ell do this to Scotland , as Pekah did to Iudah ? Nay he is not so mercifull , for Pekah returned the Captives , restored the spoyle , arrayed them , and shoo'd them , gave them to eat and to drinke , and carried all the feeble of them upon Asses , &c. 2 Chron. 28. 15. Cromwell is so accustomed to works of cruelty , that he is far from shewing such acts of mercy to his Brethren of Scotland , as Pekah did to his Brethren of Iudah . There is one Chapter in Ezekiel , that I have often thought of , which cannot be more aptly applyed to any in the World than to Cromwell , and the rest of the invaders of the Scot●ish Nation it is the 35 of Ez●kiel v. 5. to the end , Because thou hast had a perpetuall h●tred , and hast shed the blood of the Children of Israel by the force of the sword in the time of their calamity , in the time that their iniquity had an end , therefore as I live saith the Lord , I will prepare thee unto bloud , and bloud shall pursue thee , and v. 10. Because thou hast said , These two Nations , and these two Countries shall be mine , and we will possesse it , whereas the Lord was there , therefore as I live saith the Lord , I wil do according to thine anger and according to thine envy which thou hast used out of thy hatred against them , and I will make my self knowne amongst them when I have judged thee , &c. It is in Scripture record accounted a more deplorable judgment to have Nations of the same Religion , and under the same Government to wage War one with another , than to have a War with any other Nations whatsoever , read 2 Chron. 15. 5 , 6. Nation shall rise against Nation , that is the Kingdome of Israel against the Kingdom of Iudah , who were of the same Religion , and also under the same Government , during the Reignes of Saul , David , Solomon , and part of Rehoboams , so in 2. Chron. 28. 9 , 10. per totum , many instances out of Scripture might have been produced to suggest to you how unwarrantable a thing it is for Cromwell with his English Army to invade , spoyle , and lay wast , their poor Brethren of Scotland . We are commanded Zech. 7. 9. 10. ●o shew mercy and compassion every man to his neighhour , oppr●sse not the Widdow nor the Fatherl●ss , nor the stranger , nor the poor , and I t●none imagine ev●ll against his Brother in your heart ; and the reason may be drawn from Mal●chy 2. 10. Have we not all one Father ? hath not one God created us ? Why doe we deal treacherously every man against his brother , by prophaxing the Covenant of our Fathers ? I have no more to say in this matter , but will say of Cromwell , though he may prosper for a while against the people of God , yet I may say of him as God did of J●hojakim , Tkine eyes and thi●e heart are not but for thy covetousnesse , and for to shed innocent bloud , and for oppression , and for violence to do it ; therefore , thus saith the Lord , They shall not lament for him , saying , ah my brother , or , ah my sister , they shall not lament for him , saying , ah Lord , or ah his glory , he shall be buried with the buriall of an ●sse , &c. Ier. 22. 17 , 18 ▪ 19. I am in the next place to give some reasons to prove the unlawfullnesse of the invasion of our Brethren of SCOTLAND , I shall lay down a few considerations whereby you may see the evill nature , and dangerous consequence of this War . First ; This Warre with Scotland is worse than the former war intended against Scotland in the year 1640. it is worse in many regards : 1. The First war was called Bellum Episcopale , this may be called Bellum Haereticale , ( if I may so say ) the first War would have brought in Popish ceremonies , this War brings in damnable Heresies , and hellish blasphemies ; by the first they would have scrued up Monarchy into Tyranny , by this they will pull down Monarchy , and turne all to Anarchy . 2. This War in the year 1650. is worse than that intended about the yeare 1640. , because then we were not under so many Covenants , and Engagements one towards another as now we are , Cromwell invaded them after a Covenant and Articles of Agreement for assistance made with them , after help and Brotherly assistance received from them , yet he hath forgotten the Brotherly Covenant , with them , and all the kindnesses we have had from them in the day of out deep distresse . Thirdly , This war hath not such an Authority as the former had , the first was raised by the King and his Councell , this by Cromwell and a Faction . Fourthly , the Souldiers , many of them , doe behave themselves worser than the Souldiers the King and Bishops did raise against the Scots at first ; the Kings Soldiers were but ignorant and prophane , these many of them Hereticks and Blasphemers ; those did pull down Crosses and Pictures , these pull downe Ordinances ; those drunk with Wine or Strong Drink , but these drunk with Error , having a spirit of gyddinesse and contradiction against the Truth , which is the worst sort of drunkennesse . Fifthly , far worse in the event also ; in the Kings and Bishops war not above 14 slain one both sides , but in this war Cromwell with a more cruel and bloody minde hath most barbarously slaine at least 10000 of the Scotish Nation , since he entered Scotland , oh the bloody cruelty of this man ! 2. A second reason may be taken from the time when Cromwell invaded them ; it was not when Scotland was over-run with malignity , during the time of Hambletons prevalency , but it was when the power of that Kingdome was in the hands of the most Religious and Covenanting Party in Scotland , after Hamblitons Army was destroyed , and Montrosse defeated ; and the godly party who managed the cause of God for these 14 years faithfully , had all the power of that Kingdome in their hands , then Cromwell invaded them , which to me is an evident Demonstration , that the invasion of Scotland was by the instigation of Jesuites , and the Papists Party to root out the Protestant Party in ●cotland , and to bring their persons in vassalage and thraldome as to their civill Liberties . 3. A third Reason may be drawn from the slight grounds Cromwell had to invade Scotland , because they would not be a Common-wealth , therefore they shall not be a People ; because they will not break their Covenants , therefore Cromwell will break them ; because the● will not lay their Consciences waste , he will lay their land waste and make it desolate ; because the Scots are for a Scripturall Presbytery , and a well-regulated Monarchy , for found doctrine and the power of godlynesse , therefore it is that Cromwell is so much their Enemy . Whatever els may be pretended , ●et these were the true grounds why Cromwell and the rest of the Iesuited Spanish Faction did invade the neighbour Nation . 4. A fourth reason may be taken from the wicked ends Cromwell aims at in his invading Scotland , viz. merely to satisfie his ambitious and covetous desires to be absolute Lord of the Estates , Liberties and Lives of all the people in these 3. Nation ; it doth not content him to have one Kingdome , viz. Ireland for Ireton his Son , nor another Kingdome , viz. England for himself , but he must have Scotland also . His end is as was that of the Children of Ammon invading Israel , in Amos 1. 13. That they might inlarge their borders ; his end , and the end his Souldiers aim is like that of the Chaldaeans , that bitter and hasly Nation to march thr●ugh the bredih ●f the Land , to possess the dwelling places that are not theirs ; his end is like that of M●unt Seir , who said , ●hese two Nations , and these two Countreys shall be mine , and wee will passesse them . So saith Cromwell , these two Nations , and these two Countrves , viz. England and Scotland shall be mine , and I will possesse them ; nor will all this content him , he seeks to be an universall Monarch , like that Ch●ldaean Monarch in Hab. 2. 56. He is a proud man , neither keepeth at home , who exlargeth his desire as hell , and cannot be satisfied , but gathereth unto him all Nations , and heapeth unto him all people , but shall not all these take up a taunting proverbe against him , Woe to him that encreaseth that which is not his , &c. We punish him with death who breakes open a house and robs but one Family , but what a thousand deaths doth he deserve , who breaks into a Kingdome , and robbes many thousand Families , even a whole Nation . The Prophet Hab akkuk pronounceth A woe to him that builds a Town with blood , and establisheth a City by iniquity . Hab. 2. 12. What a woe then shall befall Cromwell , that doth not build Townes with blood , but destroys many Townes by blood , but builds up none ? that doth not stablish a City , but destroyes many Cities in ENGLAND and SCOTLAND by Iniquity ? 5. A fifth reason may be drawn from the Covenant and Treaties between the two Nations . I begin with the Covenant so far as it concerns Scotland . In the first Article we promise to endeavour the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland , in Doctrine , Worship , Discipline , and Government : But Cromwells invading Scotland tends directly to the destruction of the reformed Religion in Scotland , both in Doctrine , by the many Heresies the Army spreads amongst them , and in Worship , by those who are above Ordinances , and in Discipline and Government by those that are inveterate enemies to the Presbyteriall Government , and are most of them for Independency , or Anabaptisme , Brownisme , or Scepticisme , &c. In the third Article we promise to preserve the liberties of the Kingdoms : But Cromwells invading Scotland , brings England under guilt , and Scotland under beggery and slavery . In the fourth Article we promise , That we shall endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries , Malignants , or ev●ll Instruments , by hindring the Reformation of Religion , dividing the King from his people , or one of the Kingdomes from another . If these things be the brands that the Covenant puts upon Incendiaries , Malignants , or evill Instruments , then is not Cromwell and his Faction the great Incendiaries , Malignauts , and evill Instruments , who have hindred the Reformation of Religion , nay blemished the very name , and destroyed the very face of Religion ? and have they not divided the King from his people , not only by interrupting his agreement with the Parliament , and dividing him from them , but by dividing his head from his body ? and have not they divided one of the Kingdoms from another , and by this unjust invasion laid such seeds to dissentions , and irreconcileable differences , as are likely never to be healed , yea so divided as never likely to be united together any more ? In the fifth Article it is said , Where as the happinesse of a blessed peace between these Kingdomes , denyed in former times to our pr●genitors , is by the good provide●ce of God granted unto us , and hath been lately concluded and setled by both Parliaments , we shal each one of us indeavour that they may remaine conjoyned in a firme Peace and Union to all posterity . Let the world judge whether Cromwell and his invaders have endeavoured that the Kingdoms may remain in a firme peace and union to all posterity ; he was so far from endeavouring to have this Union kept to all posterity , that he dissolved this Union within seven years after he promised to preserve this Union , for he took the Covenant in the yeare 1643. and entred Scotland , in a bloody Hostile manner , in the yeare 1650. Thus you see Cromwells invasion of Scotland is repugnant to the whole scope and tenour of the Covenant ; it is contrary to the Articles of the Treaty between both Kingdoms ; for this is one among the rest , That one Nation shall not wage war with each other , but give three moneths warning before hand ; but Cremwell did not not give three dayes warning to Scotland before he invaded their Land . 6. I may draw the sixth reason from the judgement of the Parliament , when free and full , they were still averse to any breach with , and war against , their Brethren of Scotland , as knowing it would endanger the Protestant Religion , and godly party in both the Nations . I well remember the King called a Parliament here in England in April 1640. on purpose to raise money to carry on the Warre against the Scots , but the Parliament utterly refused to grant any money to so ill a purpose , and did all they could to disswade the King from the Warre with Scotland , publiquely protesting against the War as dishonourable , and dangerous to Religion , and both Kingdomes ; whereupon , through the designes of the Prelates and Popish party that Parliament was dissolved , within 10 dayes after it was called . Although the dissolving that Parliament was a great grief of heart to all the godly in this Nation , yet it was a rejoycing , that the Parliament refused to engage in the War of Scotland . After this , there were publique Thanksgivings throughout all England , enjoyned by King and Parliament , for the Pacification between England and Scotland . If the wisdome of the Parliament in the year 1640. judged it unlawfull to wage War against Scotland upon the sollicitations of the King and Bishops , because they would obtrude Popish Ceremonies upon that Nation , may not we judge it much more unlawfull to wage War with Scotland , to bring Blasphemies , Heresies , and Slavery upon them , and that after we have had a Brotherly assistance from them , and have entered into Covenant with them ? There are l●●●e pretences to justifie the War with Scotland in the year 1650 , by Cromwell , than in the year 1640. when the King intended to wage war with them . 7. A seventh Reason may be drawn from the intollerable mischiefs , sad consequences , and unexpressible calamities likely to befall the Protestant and Covenanting party in the 3. Kingdoms , the mischiefs and sad consequences of Cromwells invading Scotland , I shall reduce to 8. heads . 1. The War with the Irish Rebels is by this means neglected , and lengthened out ; had Cromwell staid in Ireland , and had but one half of the Souldiers he hath now in Scotland , in all likelyhood the Irish Wars had been ended long before now , the Rebels destroyed , and the English had had a quiet and peaceable possession of that Land . But Cromwell ( through the counsell of the Pope , King of Spaine , and the Iesuites ) had rather fight with the Protestant covenanting party in Scotland , than with the Rebels of Ireland . 2. By this means most grievous and burdensome Taxes are continued and increased . I shall mention one thing , which to the vulgar may seem incredible , viz. That the Iuncto at Westminster have ( by the Excise , Customes , Sequestrations and Taxes ) received more money in one year , than all the Kings of England , put them all together , since the Conquest , did raise upon their Subjects for such a space of time , yet the Kings called Oppressors , and these called Saints , &c. 3. A totall eradication of the Presbyteriall Government in both the Kingdoms . Presbytery is the But , at which the Prelates of old , and the Sectaries of late , have shot their invenomed Arrows . 4. A great indangering of all the Protestant Churches and States in Europe . The Kingdomes of England and Scotland make up the greatest Body of the Protestant Religion in Christendome , being best able to defend themselves , and succour other Reformed Churches , when indangered and designed to ruine by Popish Enemies , therefore the discountenancing of the Covenanting party in England , and the ruining of them in Scotland , is the readiest way to indanger , conquer , ruine all other Reformed Churches in the World ; and how will this imbolden and encourage Popish Adveraries to invade and ruine the Protestants whiles they see England and Scotland ( who make up the greatest Body of the Protestant Religion in Christendome ) engaged in an un-Brotherly and un-Christian War between themselves , and weakning , impoverishing , and destroying each other ? 5. Cromwells invasion of Scotland , is an extraordinary ground of joy to the Pope , and all his Confederates . Had the Conclave of Rome plotted together , they could not wish a more happy and hopefull designe to advance the interest of Rome , and Catholick Religion ; that doth more glad and gratifie the Popish party , than to see the Protestant party in England and Scotland ruining one another . I have read a very remarkeable story of a great Politician in France , that is , Cardinal Richelieu , That a little before his death be left Instructions and advice with the late French King , that he would use his utmost endeavour to foment the late differences between the King of England and the Parliament , and , if it were possible , by the sollicitations of his Instruments , to draw the House of Commons in England to change their Government , from a Kingdome into a Common-wealth ; by which means England and Scotland would be imbroyled in warres one against another , which is the onely and best policy of all to weaken and destroy the Protestant Religion , and advance the interest of France , and Catholique Religion . The truth of this story is asserted by an Italian of good note and credit , and published by him , and Printed in Italy , anno 1645. I shall say no more touching this particular , but only this ; that I doe verily beleeve Cromwels invading Scotland in the year 1650. makes it a year of Iubilee in Rome ; but a year of slavery to England and Scotland , and a year of sorrow to all the Protestant Churches round about us ; which puts me upon the next sad consequence of this war , viz. 6. It will be , and is a great grief and sadning to all Protestant States and Churches round about us ; when they consider how we who have lived under one King , united in one Covenant , ingaged in one and the same Quarrell , that we should ruine and destroy one another , and that with such bloody rage , and cruell hatred as we doe ; what a grief is it to them to consider , that we who might have been their he●pers , are our own destroyers , neither able to assist them abroad , nor defend our selves at home ? 7. It will lay lasting foundations of irreconcileable discord between the two Nations , That we who were the dearest Friends , will be to each other the greatest Enemies . 8. There will be a toleration of all Heresies and Blasphemies in the Church , and an increasing of all oppression and violence in the State . These two usually goe together . Iudges 5. 8. They chose new Gods , then was there War in their Gates . These , with manifold more inconceivable mischiefes are likely to arise , by reason of Cromwels groundlesse and unwarrantable invasion of our neighbour Nation . The last work I have now to doe about this vindication of my self , is to take off some aspersions and slanders unjustly laid upon me . 1. Some report that I am under great fears of death , that much terror and trembling laies hold upon me . To which I say , That through the sence of the pardoning mercies of God , through the blood of sprinkling , the bitternesse , fear , and sting of death is much abated ; that I am delivered from the fear of death , to which all the former part part of my life I was subject unto bondage ; I speak it without vanity to the praise of Gods glorious grace , I formerly have had more feare at the pulling out of a Tooth , than now I have at the thoughts of the cutting off my head . I mention it to the praise of God , who supported me , the hearing of the Sentence of Death pronounced against me in the Court , did no whit dismay me , I had as much calmnesse and quietnesse in my minde , at that very ho●●e , as ever I had in all my life yea since I have been condemned , I blesse God , I have not had one troubled thought , nor broke one hours rest , nor forborne one meals meat , yea the very night before I was to suffer , I supt as heartily , and slept as sweetly , as ever I did in all my life ; the hopes I have of an eternall life , doth swallow up the fears of a temporall death . 2. Objection , But you confesse you have sinned , therefore you are put to death for your sinne . Sol. I have indeed , and I ought to confesse my sinns against God , so condemne my self , and justifie God , acknowledging that I have sinned , and he is righteous in all that is come upon me , so that it is just with the most high to cut me off in the midst of my dayes , and in the midst of my Ministry ; but yet I never said that I had sinned against God in the particular facts for which that cruell sentence was past upon me ; I say still as I did at the Bar , when I received the sentence of death , that God did not condemne me , when I was judged , that neither God nor my own Conscience did condemne me of sin ; I have transgressed their bloody Lawes , it is true , yet not broken any command of God in so doing , they have sinned in making such Lawes , not I in breaking them . I am far from thinking that I have sinned in what I have done , to desire the King might agree with the Scots upon the interest of Religion , and the terms of the Covenant , to relieve that gallant Gentleman Major Generall Massey , to pray for and endeavour after the good of the Godly in the neighbour nation of Scotland , who are Brethren in Covenant with us ; I count all this my duty , not my sinne ; yet I deny not , but as infirmities doe cleave to my duties , so in the way of mannagement of this businesse , inadvertency , indiscretion , and too much opennesse might cleave to these actings of mine , but that the thing it self was evill that I never have , never shall confesse . 3. Object . Some are not ashamed to say , that I am a debaucht person , that I have been guilty of uncleannesse . Sol. This I declare in the sight of God is most abominably false ; as Luther said of himself , That he was not tempted to covetousnesse : so through the grace of God , I can say it without vanity or falshood , I have not been tempted to uncleannesse . I know no ground of this report but this , that on Easter-day night last was six yeare , one of my name , Master Edward Love , a Chaplain in the Army , was questioned before Justice Rich , dwelling about Chancery Lane , for being found in bed whith a Whore , now because he was one of my name , some Malignants did charge it upon me , but that grosse lye was soon quelled , but is now revived , and suggested to some in present power , on purpose to exasperate them against me : But why should I be troubled at these slanders ? my betters have been falsly accused as well as I ; two Harlots accused Athanasius that he was uncleane with them , when he was the Chastest man of that age ; Beza was accused of drunkennesse and uncleannesse also , who was free from both ; the Jesuits accused Calvin that he had the foule disease , that he was eaten up of V●●min ; yea the Lord Jesus was accused to have a Devill , though the fulnesse of the God-head dwelt in him : 4. Object . It is reported that I was unnaturall to my Parents , that I would not relieve them in their necessities . Sol. I am loth to commend my selfe , yet when another mans mouth doth accuse me , it is lawfull for my owne to praise me . My duty and Naturall affections to my parents hath abounded , as I had great cause , for their tendernesse and care in my education , they have been dead above seven years since ; it is true , they had a competent livelyhood in the World , but fell to decay , and when they were necessitated , I speak it truly , when I was not worth 20 li. in all the world , my parents had ten of it . 5 Object . It is reported that I neglected Mr. Erbury , who was the means of my conversion and education , that when he was plundred in WALES , and came to ENGLAND in a necessitous condition , that I would not relieve him . Sol. As for Master Erbury , though he is fallen into dangerous opinions , yet , he being my spirituall Father , I do naturally care for him , as Timothy did for Paul , my heart cleaves to him in love , more than to any one man in the World ; I speake to the praise of God , he was the instrument to my conversion , near twenty years agoe , and the means of my education also in the Vniversity , for which kindnesse , the half I have in the World , I could readily part with for his reliefe . It is true , about eight or nine years since , he was plundered in Wales , and did come to see me at Windsor Castle , but a Sonne could not make more of a Father , than I made of him , according to my ability ; when I had not twelve pounds in all the World , I let Master Erbury have six of it , indeed he afterward gave me a horse , for which I received not much above forty shillings ; yea I procured him a place in the Army , to be Chaplaine to Major Generall Skippons Regiment , where he had eight shillings a day . 6 Object . Others say that what I denyed in Court , was afterward proved against me , and then I did confesse it . Sol. This is a manifest untruth ; those Protestations I made the first day of my Tryall , I made them also the last day , rejoycing that they were not falsified nor contradicted by any of the 8 Witnesses ; but I have spoken to this more largely before . If other slanders shall be cast upon me , I hope you will have so much charity , not to believe reports raised upon me , when I shall be silent in the Grave , not able to speake in my owne vindication . This I say without vanity of falshood , I have been kept for these twenty years , from the time I first knew God , from falling into any scandalous evill , but only into those infirmities of unavoydable and dayly incursion , unto which all the Godly are subject in the course of their pilgrimage . I love not to speak in my own praise , yet I judge it lawfull when other mens mouthes falsly accuse me , my owne mouth may modestly commend me . As an Appendix to what I have already written , I have but a few things to desire the Reader to take notice of . 1. I am informed that there is something blotted out of my last Petition , after it went from me , without my knowledge or consent . To assure all the World that I was no Malignant , I did put this clause in my fourth Petition , That in my place and calling , I should oppose all Malignant designs , whether in this or the Neighbour Nation , that may tend to the ruin● of this Common-wealth . Somebody blotted out the word [ Malignant ] and would thereby hold the world in hand , as if I should engage to oppose the King and Scots which are now entred England , which was far from my Heart ; I judge it no Malignant designe for the Scots to defend their Nation , and the Title of their King , upon the interest of Religion , and terms of the Covenant , this is an honest and justifiable designe . Indeed Mr. Owen and Mr. Bond were with me in the Tower , and desired me to put it out , but I told them I could not doe it , because I said , though I would be lookt upon as one that would oppose Malignant designes , yet I would not be lookt upon as one that would oppose the honest Scots , or as if I thought their actings were Malignant designes . I sent the Petition to Sheriffe Titchburn , if he observed it , he will justifie me that the word Malignant was in the Petition . Whether they have blotted out any thing more , or put any thing in , God knows ; I am not ashamed to own the Petitions . I have given you the Substance of them in my vindication . I desire you to take notice also , that by [ Common-wealth ] I do not understand the present Government , ( I wish that were ruined ) but by Common-wealth I understand the Body or Community of the People of this Nation , I shall in my place and calling oppose any Malignant designes that may tend to their ruine . 2. I desire you to take notice , that it is very likely they will not publish the Depositions of the Witnesses in Court , but the private Examinations taken from them in private , and patcht together by Mr. Scet , and Captain Bishop ; they were not ashamed to produce them and read them in open Court , and some of the Witnesses had so much honesty left , as to dissavow them in open Court . Believe nothing ( beloved ) but what was sworn in open Court , nor all that neither , for some of the Witnesses swore falsly , as I made appear in my Defence . 3 I desire the Reader to take notice , that there is a lying Pamphlet put forth , entituled , A short Plea for the Common-wealth . In which there are many grosse lies , especially in things which relate to me . It is not fit for me to enter the Lists with him ; It becomes not a dying man to write of Controversies , which will beget dispute ; therefore I shall not answer the Book , though I could easily do it , but only sum up the many Lies he relates concerning me ; As In Page 3 second Edition . He insinuates , he is loath to say it out for shame , or to name me , yet he would deceive the Reader , by saying , The meetings of these Traytors here , produced the first Treaty at the Hague . And elsewhere he saith , That I am chief of these Traytors ; so that in the lump , he is willing to have the Reader believe as if I were at those meetings , when I was at none , neither about the Treaty at the Hague , nor the Treaty at Iersey neither , till both were dissolved . Indeed Alford , Adams , Far , &c. who were my accusers , were at those meetings from first to last , as they themselves confest ; yet such was the wisedome of Mr. Scots Councell of State , they must be acquitted , and I executed , that know nothing of all those meetings . In Page 7. second Edition . He saith , For what Mr. Love is concerned to say nothing of what preceded Titus his going to Iersey . Here he would insinuate also , as if he could say something of me before Titus his going to Iersey , which he cannot doe , if he could , he would not have spared me . In Page 7. second Edition . That one was sent to Titus from my house , and that he returned , and gave an account at my study . The latter part is true , he that was sent to Titus did give an account of his journey at my House , but the first part is a Lye ; if it were a Truth , why would he not name the man , as he doth others ? bu● for fear that every one who heard the Tryall at the High Court would have bin able to cry shame upon him . Major Alford was the man was sent to Titus to Callis , but not in my house ; for Potter swore Alford was sent when they met at a Tavern , yea Alford himself swore , that it was William Drake that desired him to meet Titus at ●allis ; and swore also , that he was never within my house , nor ever spake with me , till after he returned from Callis ; yet this impudent fellow , the Author of the ●●ea , doth charge me with it . In Page 7. second Edition . He saith , That upon the debate of sending a Commission , that I should say , Come , come , let it goe , which is a grosse lye ; indeed Huntington did swear thus in Court , but was forsworn ; I was against sending the Commission , and gave reasons against sending it , yea Capt. Far said upon Oath , and that 3 times together that the Company were against sending it , because private persons had not power to Commissionate , &c. In Page 8. second Edition . He saith , That a Letter wrote with B. on it , brought to Capt. Potter from Bamfield , and said by the Party that left it at Potters , that it came from Mr. Love . Captain Potter did not affirm this in Court , indeed he said he thought it came from me , or Doctor Drake , but for my part I never brought , nor sent Letter to his shop in all my life . In Page 9. second Edition . He saith , That I made 3 dreadfull Protestations , that I never wrote Letter to the King , Queen , Iermin , Piercy , Titus , Massey , &c. That I never received Letter from any of them , That I never contributed any money ●or gathered any for the King , &c. or Massey and Titus , &c. This is a loud Lye , it is well there are many Witnesses to contradict him ; and surely , if the Author of this Book had not east off all fear of God , and regard to the good name of his Brother , he could not be so impudent , as to affirm that these were my Protestations . I never named Massey or Titus in my Protestations , for then I had protested a falshood , ( which I durst not doe ) I did write a Letter to Massey , and did contribute money to Massey and Titus , yet my Protestations are not contradicted ; for I Protested , I writ no Letter to the King , Queen , Church , or State of Scotland , in the generall , or to any particular person of the Scotish Nation . The truth of this I shall stand to . For though I did write and give money to Massey , yet my Protestation is not falsified , for he is of the English not of the Scotish Nation . In page 9. second Edition . He saith , That at my Examination I made such a deep and generall profession of my Innocency , though the proof , and his Confession at the Court contradicted it , &c. The first part of this Speech is true , the latter notoriously false . As to the Questions propounded to me , about Correspondence with the King , Queen , &c. writing a Letter to the Church of Scotland , or sending Titus to Iersey ; as to these things I said I was innocent , and so I say still . But as for the latter part of his words , That the proof , and my Confession at the Court contradicted my Answer at my Examination , that 's abominably false ; though he was not ashamed to say so in the generall , yet he durst not instance in any particular , nor will any other in my life time , whilst I can answer for my selfe . I do affirm this to all the World , That at my Examinations I did deny nothing that was true , nor would I confesse any thing that was Criminall . And because I am belyed , about my examination before the Committee , and may be more abused after I am dead , therefore I am necessitated to discover that jugling and basenesse of Mr. Scot , and Captain Bishop , about my Examination , which I thought never to have made publique . Whiles I was examined before the Committee , that pragmaticall fellow Captain Bishop ( who , I suppose wrote this lying Book ) did put in 6 or 8 lines into my Examinations , which I never said ; he supposing I would be so mease-mouthed as not to read it , or to put my hand to his for●eries with out any more adoe : But I did , to his shame make him blot out at least 6 lines in my Examination , which was but very short ; Some of the Committee did ingenuously say sometimes , that I did not speak such words as Captain Bishop did put in . By his abuse of me , who would not be abused by him , I cannot but think how he injured other men . I did refuse to put my hand to it , seeing I was abused by Captain Bishop , but told them , if they would give me a Copy of it , I would subscribe my hand ; but they denyed me a Copy , which made me susspect they did not intend to deale fairly with me ; as I found true soone after . About 3 weeks after I was examined , Mr. Prideaux , and Mr. Scot came to examine me in the Tower ; I still refused to accuse my selfe ; Mr. Scot shewed me a Paper , told me it was the Examination taken from my mouth ; he read it to me , when I saw and heard it , I renounced it , told him plainly it was a forged paper , that it was not mine . He replyed , it was that very individuall paper that was written and taken from my mouth ; and that he himself did endorse it with his own hand . To this I reply , whether he endorsed it , or no , I could not say , but I can say , and do affirm , the paper was not mine , and I gave him two evident and undenyable Demonstrations that it was not the paper written at my Examinations . For , 1. In that paper there were many lines blotted out , but in this there were none . 2. In the paper shewed me at the Tower was written to this effect , That I should say , I was not present at the reading or hearing of any Letters read from Scotland , which I never said ; and I did put him in minde , that I refused to Answer that Question , Whether I was present when Letters were read ? Because ( said I ) then your next Question will be , Who else was present ? So I must accuse others , which I shall not doe : And then , further , if I should say I was not present , and you could prove that I was present at the hearing of any Letters of News from Foreign parts , you would taxe me of a falshood , which none shall be able to fasten upon . This did somewhat silence , and satisfie Mr. Scot , that it was not the paper that was taken at my Examination ; wherefore , I beseech the Reader not to beleeve any thing that shall come forth , either pretended to be my Examination , or the Examinations of other men against me , they are but the Forgeries and Contrivements of Mr. Scot and Capt. Bishop . Mr. Love would have denyed the jurisdiction of the Court , had he not remembred what it cost his Master Charls . He behaved himself exceeding haughtily , prevar●cating uncivilly , &c. Elswhere the man speaks more than I did , but here he speaks lesse than I did , in the former part of his speech ; here he saith , I would have denyed the jurisdiction of the Court ; if I had not remembred , &c. I confesse I did deny the jurisdiction of the Court , and did declare before the Court , that they were not a legall Court of Judicature , to judge me for my life ; that it was my birth-right to be tryed according to the Lawes of this Land , which was to be by a Iury of my neighbourhood , and when they told me they were as a Iury , then I replyed , I have liberty by the Lawes of this Land , to except against 35 of them . Though they did deny me a legall Tryall , yet a necessity was put upon me to plead to cleare my owne innocency . But the latter part of his speech is notoriously false , I leave my self to be judged by the spectators , whether I did behave my self exceeding haughtily , prevaricating , untivilly , as this man doth accuse me . In Page 11. second Edition . He saith , That I did not acknowledge the Lawes or Authority , by which I was judged , to be the Lawes of the Land , but that I said in my Petition , by [ your Lawes ] I am justly condemned , which said he , my Brother● Master Calamy instructed me in , to put me out of all hopes of mercy , that his good tricks , and the rest of his close Brethren , might not come to light . This common lyer stumbles upon a truth now and then ; the first part of the words are true , viz. That I did not acknowledge the Authority , or Lawes , by which I was judged , to be the Lawes of the Land ; and that I called them [ your Lawes , ] this is most true , and for this very reason I called them [ your Lawes ] to distinguish them from the Lawes of this Nation : But the following words are notoriously false ; As first , That I should say in my Petition , ( the first he must mean , for the clause [ your Lawes ] is not in the other ) by Your Lawes I am justly condemned , I never said so in that Petition . He that will be so shamelesse to falsifie my Petitions , which are made so visible , will not be ashamed to belie my words . Secondly , To say that Master Calamy instructed me to call them Your Lawes , that is false also . Thirdly , to say it was that Master Calamies good tricks might not come to light ; he hath done nothing that he may be ashamed to owne before the Sunne . In Page 18 second Edition . He saith , That when Master Peters , and Col●nel Okey spake to me , I railed on them , and called them a company of Hereticks , and Schismaticks , that the curse of God is on you and will destroy you , I will not have to do with you : This is false also . If this man hath belied others in his booke whom he names , as he hath done me , there is not one true page in all his book ; yet this lying book must be Printed by Du-Gard , Printer to the Councell of State , forsooth . I see all is not to be taken for truth that comes from that Councell . In Page 20 second Edition . He saith , That Mr. Love and my confederates ( as hath been proved by the Court ) have assumed to themselves a supreme power in Authorising by Commission , &c. I wonder the man is not ashamed to fasten this on me , who did declare it was an Act of high presumption , for private men to take upon them to Commissionate ; yea one of the Witnesses did positively sweare , that those that met when that Commission was read , were against sending the Commission , because private men could not give Commission ; yea none of the Witnesses did sweare , that I assented to this Commission , but only Huntington , who sware falsly in it self , and contradictorily to the Testimony of another Witnesse . In Page 20 second Edition . He hath these words , They have kept Massey and Titus their agents in Scotland , received and gave advice concerning raising parties in England , likewise concerning many Arms , and bringing over foraigne Souldiers , Generalls , Shipping , &c. all which Mr. Love hath held forth to be according to his judgment , Conscience , and Covenant . If this man were not an Atheist , or an Antiscripturist , the example of Ananias and Saphira might make him tremble , lest he should be stricken downe dead , with a lye in his mouth ; did any Witnesse , say of me , that ever I gave advice to raise parties in England ? or to bring over foraigne Souldiers , Generalls , Shipping ? yet this false and deceitfull man , will make the world believe , as if this were proved against me ; indeed I declared before the High Court , that it was according to my Iudgement , Conscience , Covenant , to desire as as private man , that the King might agree with the Scots upon the interest of Religion , and tearms of the Covenant , rather than joyne in with Papists and Irish Rebells . And this I still stand to as my judgment . These and many other Falshoods might be found in this book , if I should make a thorough search into it . He calls it A short Plea , but I may call it a long lye ; and it is not for the honour of the present Government , to have a common lyer to be a pleader for their Common-wealth . Having thus finished the third particular , which I desired the Reader to take notice of , I now come to a fourth . I desire the Reader to take notice of the justice of the men in present power , those men who did send Letters to the King , Queen , Iermin , Piercy , who did send Titus an Agent to Iersey , these men must be acquitted , but I , who did not thus , must be condemned and executed . I may aptly apply that latine Proverbe , Dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas ; or else that English Proverbe , Some men may better steal a horse , than another look over the Hedge . 5. I desire the Reader to take notice of the bloody policy of the men in present power , as also of the simplicity and folly of the Members of the High Court , the Politicians that sate at sterne , did make some of the silly Members of the High Court believe , that to preserve the honour of the State I must be condemned , for two of the High Court told me , they must condemne me for the honour of the Parlinment ; and if they did condemne me , yet the Parliament would pardon me , if I would but Petition them for mercy ; by this means they inveagled the High Court to passe the bloody sentence of death upon me with the lesse regret of Conscience . 6. I desire all men to take notice , that there hath not been such an eager , furious and unjust prosecution of a Ministers blood , since the dayes of Queen Mary , as there hath been of mine . For , first , Although no two Witnesse did prove any particular fact that was treasonable by their new acts , yet I must dye . Yea , Secondly , Though the Reverend Ministers of London , the Ministers of Kent , and of Worcestershire , did Petition in my behalf , yet they will have my blood . Thirdly , Though divers Citizens of London , and many of them of their owne party , did Petition for me , and so did my owne Congregation , and divers other wayes and means used for the preservation of my life , yet so thirsty are they after my blood , that nothing will satisfie them but my death . Fourthly , Yea , although divers of those who are Members of the High Court of Justice did use their utmost interest to preserve my life , yet all these applications , together with mine and my Wifes , are ineffectuall , they rather hearken to the bloody solicitations of a Malignant , Hereticall , and Iesuiticall party , who thirst after my blood , than to the desires of many Godly and peaceable minded men . 7. I desire the Reader to take notice , that although the Independent Ministers did Petition for my reprieve ( for which I thank them ) yet they refused to joyn with the Presbyterian Ministers to Petition for my life , unlesse they would do those things which they could not do to save their owne lives ; I say they refused to joyn with them to Petition for a Pardon , unlesse they would owne the present Power , declare against the Scots , and such like hard tearms would the Independent Brethren , tye the Presbyterian Ministers too , els they would not joyn with them to beg for my life , so that it seems their aime was more at the bringing over the Ministers to joyn with the State faction , than out of any ayme to save my life . 8. I desire the Reader to observe , that since the days of Queen Mary , there hath been no Protestant Minister so unchristianly dealt withall , as I have been , and received such hard measure , and that from those , who professe Religion , as I have done , which I shall plainly evince by undenyable demonstrations . First , They hired one Witnesse with vast summes of money , promises of preferment , to betray and insnare me , and bring in evidence against me . Secondly , They threatned other of the Witnesses with death , if they would not testifie against me . Thirdly , They sent severall persons to me to the Tower , to discouese and dispute with me , on purpose to intrap and insnare me Fourthly , They put up large Scaffolds on the first day of my Tryall , when the bloody charge was read against me , that the greater number might hear it , and be prejudiced against me , but pulled them down againe , when I was to make my defence in my own justification , that so my defence might be smothered ; then put the Scaffolds up againe , when the Councell for the Common-wealth pleaded against me . Yea , Thirdly , They took away the writings and books which my Notary took in Court , that so nothing might come to light , but what pleaseth themselves ; so that they will put in and put out passages about my tryall as shall make most for their advantage , and my prejudice . Sixthly , they rejected two of the Councellors which themselves had assigned me , that they should not plead for me , because they had not taken the Engagement . Seventhly , They would not alow Mr. Hales , who was one of my Councell to have an hours time to prepare himself to plead in my case , but he must plead presently or not at all ; although , as I told the Court , I never saw Master Hales till that morning , so could not acquaint him with my case , nor did Mr. Hales ever see the Depositions of the Witnesses , yet for all this they would not allow him one dayes time to study my case ; yet it pleased God to assist Mr. Hales , that he did plead ex tempore , to overthrow the Charge , proved it illegall , &c. They were so silenced at , and ashamed of , their illegall proceedings , that after my Notary had written a while , they forbade him to write any more , which they never did before ; they were afraid lest Mr. Hales pleading in my behalfe should come to light . Eighthly , They have raised lying and slanderous reports of me , on purpose to kill my name , as well as murder my Body . Ninthly , Whereas I sent Colonel Fortescue with a Petition to Cromwell , to desire him to mediate to the House for my life , upon his returne to London with severall Letters in my behalfe , they have clapt him close prisoner , would not suffer him to come near me so that I know not what he did in my behalfe ▪ yea , they secured his Letters , would not suffer them to be delivered to those to whom they were directed , th●● so there might be no sollicitations for the preservation of my life ; so that all the cost I am at in sending is in effectuall by this means , although it hath already cost me , for two Messengers , above one hundred and five pounds , yet the great kindnesse and labour of love the two Gentlemen exprest , is never the lesse acceptable to me , although it be not successefull for me . Tenthly , Although I do not envy the safety , or desire the ruine of others , yet I cannot but take notice of the rage of some men towards me , that I must dye , yet others live , who have been correspondents from the beginning , who have sent Letters to the King , Queen , Iermin , Riercy , who sent Titus over as an agent to Jersy , ( which I never did . ) All this Alford , Adams , and Far , who are my accusers , have done , yet they must be acquitted , and I executed ; I mention not this out of envy to them , I have none in my heart towards them ; I wish their Lives , not their deaths ; but the reason why I mention this is , to let the world see why their rage is thus against me , it is not for the merit of my facts , for then they should punish others , who are far more guilty , but it is meerly their rage against my person , and calling , as I am a Minister , and because I will not prostitute my Conscience to their ambition and usurpation . Eleventhly , The High Court would not allow the common privilege , to have Witnesses for me heard , though I earnestly desired ; I had many Witnesses ready in Court ▪ who could have testified many things to invalidate and take off the Testimony of some of the Witnesses , but I could not have that ordinary favour granted me . Twelfthly , Yea , they have done that to me which was never done to any , viz. They have kept me close prisoner from the 10th . of August , till the very day of my execution , that none but my Wife had leave to come to me , others who got to me came but by stealth and connivance , there is no robber nor murderer at Newgate , but after they are condemned , any friends have liberty to come to them , but I must not have the favour which every murderer and robber hath ; will not the righteous Lord judge for this ? I doubt not but he wi●l ; ●hey who have shewed judgement without mercy , may find no mercy another day , yet from my heart ▪ beg mercy for them , who would shew no mercy to me ; I pray God forgive them , who would not forgive me . God is my record I do not dye with a revengefull heart , yet I do believe God will , before this generation passe , avenge my blood , and that by some signall providence . I will minde you but of one passage in Scripture , and shall conclude , in 2. Chron. 24. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. King I●ash remembred not the kindnesse which Iehoidah the Priest had done him , but did slay his Sonne , viz. Zechariah ; and when Zechariah died , he said , The Lord look upon it and require it ; then what followes , it is said , It came to passe , as the end of the year , that the Hosts of Syria came up against Ioash , and they came to Judah and Ierusalem , and destroyed all the Princes of the people , and sent the spoyle of them unto the King of Damascu● ; but I pray observe what a signall providence of God was in this , for in verse 24. it is said , The Army of the Syrians came but with a small company of men , and the Lord delivered a very great Host into their hand , so that they executed judgment against Ioash . For my part , I am no Prophet , nor do I pretend to a prophetick spirit , yet this perswasion I have strongly setled upon my heart , now I am a dying , that Cromwell and his Confederates shall be destroyed , that they shall not dye the common deaths of men ; and my perswasions are , that there are not many years between them and ruine , yea though there were no Scots in Scotland , nor no King and his Army in England , yea I am confident their downfall is at hand ; how it shall be I imagine not , but that it shall be I doubt not . The last part of this Appendix was written the 20 of August , the last day but one before my death . This Vindication , together with the Appendix was made by me , and written with my own hand , so I testifie CHRISTOPHER LOVE . From the Tower of London , August 20. 1651. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A88579e-380 2 Sam. 16. & 16 ▪ 2. Kings 〈◊〉 per to●u● . Potter the first Witnesse that came in against me . Alford the second Witnesse . Huntington the 3d. Witness . Baines the 4th . Witness . Major Adams the 5th . Witness . Mr. Jaquell the 6th . Witnesse . Mr. B●rton the 7th , Witnesse Captain Fa● the 8th . Witnesse . Captain Potter the first Witness ▪ Major Alford the 2d . Witness . Major Huntington he 3d. Witness , Leiutenant Colonell Baines the 4th . Witness . Major Adams the 5th . VVitness , Mr. Jaquell the 6th . Witne●e . Co● . ●arton the 7●● . Witness● Captain F●● the 9th . Wi●ness● . 2 Chron. 28. 9. 10 Jer. 22. 17 , 18 , 19. First rea●on may be by comparing t●is with the first War . Amos 1. 13. Hab. 1. 6. Heb. 2. 14. First lye , Second lye Third lye . Fourth lye . Fifth lye . Sixth lye . Seventh lye . In page ●o second Edition . The eighth lye . The ninth lye . The tenth lye . The eleventh lye .