The state and interest of the nation, with respect to His Royal Highness the Duke of York discours'd at large, in a letter to a member of the Honourable House of Commons. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1680 Approx. 72 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47921 Wing L1309 ESTC R7627 13102053 ocm 13102053 97418 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47921) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97418) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 744:15) The state and interest of the nation, with respect to His Royal Highness the Duke of York discours'd at large, in a letter to a member of the Honourable House of Commons. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. [2], 32 p. [s.n.], London : 1680. Attributed to Roger L'Estrange. Cf. NUC pre-1956. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng James -- II, -- King of England, 1633-1701. Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Succession. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE State and Interest OF THE NATION , With respect to His Royal Highness THE Duke of York , Discours'd at large ; in a LETTER to a Member of the Honourable House of Commons . LONDON , Printed in the Year , 1680. THE State & Interest OF THE NATION , &c. SIR , § 1. WELL were it for this poor distracted Nation , were there less ground , than there is , for your Opinion , that it is not the particular Case of your Friend only , but of a great many ( otherwise ) Worthy and Eminent Persons , to be mis-led , and intoxicated , by the plausible pretence of a Free Estate , into a passionate Fondness , and Admiration of a Popular Government : never distinguishing betwixt the Form and Essence of a Commonwealth ; the mistake whereof ( each for the other ) has prov'd so fatal in this Age ; nor calling to mind that it was the misfortune of those that surfeited of our Kingly Regiment , and gap'd as impatiently after Novelty as any now adayes can do ; to lose the substance of Liberty and Happiness , in persute of the Shadow . Nay , too too many , I fear me , there are , that sacrificing all considerations of Conscience and Religion to their Mammon , Interest , do labour with all the Vigour and Artifice imaginable to create in the Multitude a loathing of their present Manna , and a fresh longing for their late AEgyptian Leeks and Garlick . So that you are not to look upon my Endeavours to set things aright , as to this Point , to be the pure effects of my Compliance with your Desires for the satisfaction of your Friend , but rather of a pressing and indispensable Duty . NEITHER your Friend , nor any other Republican will , I presume , maintain that a Free Estate ( as they call it ) is subject to no Violations ; because woful Experience will confute , and force them to confess either that a Commonwealth may Degenerate ; or , at least , that the so much cry'd up Model of the Late Times was no Commonwealth : And they must not only renounce their Senses , but even the Faith of Story also ; which sufficiently proves that Republiques have been sometimes invaded with Usurpations ; sometimes debauch'd and embas'd with Oligarchy ; mostly ( by reason of their Weakness and Divisions ) subdu'd or compell'd to truckle under their Neighbouring Princes ; but alwayes tormented with Faction and Convulsions . Nor , in truth , has that Party as yet been able to produce any Arguments but such as , in effect , beg the Question ; by presupposing great Unity in the Coalition , great Probity in the Intention , and great Purity in the Exercise ; which being admitted , doubtless we should so little need to differ about Forms , that perhaps we should scarce need any Government at all . Now for my Own part ( on the other side ) I abhor Bloodshed , and deem one Party in all Wars guilty of Murther ; a Crime which as it cryes High for Vengeance , so ought it to cry Lowd for Unity and Moderation ; into which blessed Path may This ballance us , that we be not again Balotted into a Field of Blood : I plead for Liberty ; not the Name , but the Thing ; and design not to assert Tyranny , but Kingship ; ( as it relates to the Laws of the Land ) to whose protection I am entitled by my Birth , for the preservation of my Freedom in Person and Estate ; and That with more assurance , then possibly can be secur'd under the Government of Many ; who scruple not commonly to term that Justice ( and without Remedy too ) which is down right Faction . So that with these thoughts about me I shall readily acknowledge ( you may imagine ) that even Monarchy it self is but as Earthen Ware , ( tho' of the Finest and Strongest Sort ) and liable to sundry Contingences ; nothing under the Heavens being compleatly Perfect . And in the Constitution of Governments , 't is childish to think upon erecting Babels against the Deluge ; but the Design must be , to embank against Floods , and enclose the best that may be against Trespassors . This being premised , I shall proceed to handle the Matter in debate , not Metaphysically , in Notions abstracted from their Subjects ( a Pastime which our Platoniques much delight in ) but Morally , and Reasonably ; and enforce such Arguments only as are plain , sensible , and appropriate to our own Countrey ; leaving the Notional to our Book-men , whose Volumes , calculated for all Climates , swell big against the Evils of the Rule of MANY , or Democracy . § 2. I SHALL not here presume to insist upon such other Insuperable Difficulties , ( of a quality too High for a private person to meddle with ) as must necessarily obviate the establishing of a popular Platform amongst us ; But lay before you in the First place the present State of the Nation , so far forth only as may carry any immediate Relation to the Subject ; and then apply the Premises to the Point in hand . This Island , now , is a large Continent , abundantly populous ; and govern'd ( I may say ) by the Subordinate Influence of the Nobility and Gentry ; who live plentifully , and at ease upon their Rents , extracted from the Toyle of their Tenants and Servants ; and every one of them Acts the Prince within the Bounds of his own Estate , where he is purely Absolute ; his Servants and Labourers are in the Nature of his Vassals , his Tenants indeed are Free , but yet in the Nature of Subjects ; whom he orders in his Courts , draws Supplyes from by his Fines , and Awes by his Power and Oaths of Fealty , to infinite Submissions . The more his Mannors are , and the more indulgently he behaves himself ( like a good Prince ) the larger is his Territory , and the more awful are his Commands . A Neighbour more Rich and Potent gives Cheque to his Inferiour Neighbour ; and brings his Petty-Princeship into awe ; He again being overaw'd by one that is greater and more powerful than himself in Estate and Friends . But none of these , with respect to his Quality and Estate , will admit a Parity with his Inferiour Neighbours , much less with his Tenant or Dependent . INTO the Rank of Gentry do our Officers , Citizens , and Burghers aspire to be enroll'd : So that no sooner by Arms , Office , or Trade do they acquire a competent Stock , but forthwith for Land it is dispos'd ; and then , disowning the Title of Souldiers , Citizens , or Burghers , they take to themselves the Degree and Name of Gentlemen , with Arms not improper ; for England within it self , has been so often shuffled from High to Low , that there is scarce any Artificer but may find his Name in the Heralds-Book , tho' not his Pedegree , which Ingenuity yet and Good Will may easily supply : And thus being Equipt with a Title and Estate , they set up suitably the Dominion within their Territories ; which none can dispute , because they have no right to intermeddle with what any man has or does within himself : For by Gentry I intend not only such as are so in Blood , but so in Quality also ; such as live easily , and like Princes , upon the Labours of their Dependents . OUT of This Order are constituted our Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , and all that execute the Authority of a Judge ; by the influence of which Powers , they so order all Elections to Parliament , or otherwise , that the whole Countreys Commonly follow their respective Factions , and the Commonalty in their Votes are menag'd by Them , as a Horse by his Rider . So that as the Agrarian or Interest of Land , is principally in these Two Ranks ; So is the Consequence thereof , Dominion and Command ; which emboldens them to such a Height of Spirit ( natural to our Nobility and Gentry ) that they are too apt to undervalue Persons of Inferiour Quality , [ Burgesses and Mechaniques , ] with whom to Inter-marry by our Old Law it was a Disparagement for a Ward ; and this Spirit of Generosity cannot be supprest , so riveted is it in their Natures , but by the Eradication of their Persons , or at least their Qualities ; to which strange effect I have heard some Grandees vent a Sense . AND indeed the establishing of a Free Estate ( so call'd ) were otherwise Desperate and Impracticable ; and therefore it was the Course that the prevailing Mechaniques , among the Swisses , were forc'd to take : How else shall we be levell'd to a Parity , which is of the very Essence of a Commonwealth ? For as Titles and Honours are incident to Kingship ; so also are Equality in Place , Degree , and Birth , to Democracy ; unless where , in case of Office , for the Time only they are entitled to a Precedency . Reduced you must be , Sir , to the Condition of the Vulgar ; Commoners already are you in Title , which yet is but a Fallacy of the Name , and deludes our Statists ; for indeed you are so only Representatively , being rather the Tribunes and Leaders of the Peoples strength , and the Governours of their purse , then purely Commons . Neither yet will the bare obtaining of such a Parity be sufficient to do your Friends Business ; unless there be a Supreme Power establish'd in some Body Corporate , Compacted and Permanent ; such as is That of London , where the Grandure of That City ( but that it is never to be debauch'd into such a Degree of Disloyalty and Fanaticism ) might possibly erect it Self into a Free-State , ( could it once overcome all opposite Interests ) and by that great Magazine of Treasure and Men , there embody'd , give Law to the whole People scatter'd as they are in a large Continent : Having , First , reduc'd some meet Cities , Forts , and Castles , which being Garrison'd from the Head-Colony would aw the Countreys , and mould them into a Vassalage competent to make up a Free-Estate . But then our Nobility and Gentry would neither have the Honour of the Name , nor Benefit of the Thing : 'T will be instiled the Commonwealth of London , not of England ; And our Pay must be as They Impose , and our Liberty as They vouchsafe it ; only in This it will be the less agreeable , that we must be Subject to our Inferiours . NOR is This Discourse to be look't upon as meer Drollery ; for from This Embrio have issued those Commonwealths which are so fam'd in Notions ; as those of Rome , Carthage , Athens , Lacedaemon , Corinth , Thebes , &c. Great Cities of That Name , which having subdu'd their adjacent Territories , denominated the Dominion ; wherein only those of the Freedom ( Citizens and Denizens ) had Vote or Power ; the Nobles and Gentlemen being purely Tributary to the Chief City ; unless they transplanted themselves , renounc'd their Cities , and so , by degrees advanc'd into the Honour of a Burgess , as we now do exercise our Junior Issue . And little different are at this day the celebrated Commonwealths of Venice , the United Provinces , the Swisses ; not to instance in those Petty States of Genoua , Ragusa , Geneva , &c. all of them mostly denominated from those Principal Cities , which give the Law to the adjacent Provinces . Those indeed of the Hollanders and Switzers , tho' they derive not , so directly , their Title from One City , yet are they ( in Substance ) of the same Composure , being only an United Body of Corporated Cities , combin'd in One , for Mutual Defence against Invaders , but of an equal Power to impose upon the Adjacent Territories , scituate under the aw of each respective City , or Town-Garrison . It falls not within my Memory , that there ever was , or at This Day is , a Free-Estate in the whole World that 's manag'd by the Gentry Inhabiting at large , or by any People not combin'd within the Jurisdiction of their Walls ; except the Grisons ; who are a scatter'd People of a mean Quality , having long since disown'd their Gentry ; and are without Walled Towns or Garrison . 'T is a small Territory , possibly of extent to an Inland Country ; upon Emergences , the whole People at a set day , meet in the Open Ayre , where the Major Vote ( as with you Knights of the Shire ) cryes up the Magistrates , and Determines Warre . Their Confusions makes them easie for Conquest , were their Country worth it , and not secur'd by the United Cantons . NOW to apply the Premisses ; can your Friend , or any other Man of the same Stamp imagine , that our Nobility and Gentry ( as now in Power ) will ever be induc'd to admit a Parity ; will level their Degree and Domination to a Proportion with their Copy-holders ? Nay , will renounce the wearing of a Sword , and learn to make one ? Will submit to become Tributary to the Neighbour-Colony ? If this can be brought about ; then perhaps ( and not till then ) may we again hope to aspire from our present Glorious State of King-ship , to a Free-state in Clown-ship ; or at least , from the Free-giving of Subsidies , to the Majesty of a Scepter ; to the Forced-payment of Excise to the High and Mighty Burgher ; such as was that High and Mighty Butcher , who , not many years ago was commissioned by the Swisses , as one of the Chiefs to be God-Father to the French Kings Son. As Plato phansi'd his Community , and Sir Thomas Moor his Utopia ; so are these people bigg with hopes of a Relation ; thereby to reassume their Idoliz'd Model of a Commonwealth , out of the scatter'd Gentry , in the nature of a House of Commons . But if nothing but New Experiments will serve their Turn , I could wish they would find other Subjects to try Conclusions upon , than the Estates , Lives , nay , the very Souls of Christians . You well remember I 'me sure , Sir , that we once ran the Loss of Those , and the Hazzard of These , upon the hopes of a Chimaera in the Brains of some : The word Liberty deluded us into Patience , and Patience from 1648. to 1660. brought forth not less Payments , but more Servitude . And let them not hope to bring Countenance to their Cause , by alledging ( as they did before ) that they could never be permitted to foster up their Babe to full perfection ; for that they will ever be opposed by all Wise and Loyal men , who having once experimented the Evils of such a State , will be as vigilant and industrious to keep it from getting footing among us again , as those that are otherwise , can be to bring it on . Beside that , you cannot have forgot , Sir , that from 1648 to 1653. they had it from the Nurse , and ( had they stuck to their Pretences ) might probably in five years time have set it upon its Feet ; but they found the sweet ( poor Wretches ) of ingrossing Power to themselves : But then it could never have been of any long Continuance , as manifestly appear'd from the great scorn and bitterness that the Supporters of it were reproach'd with , when it was dissolv'd ; there was not so much as one Bloudy Nose in the defence of that High and Mighty State ; but all the persons were held in the utmost degree of detestation , as they most justly deserved . And though these Rumpers , 't is true , came twice into play , yet were they only made use of to serve a Turn , as being fit to be made a Property ; for it was presently seen that it was not the desire of their Rule , but of a further change , that inspirited the People against the Army ; and the Rump ( as being next at hand ) had no sooner mounted the empty Saddle , but ( before they were warm in their Seat ) they were again Unhors'd with a Publick Leave , as appear'd by the Bonefires ( upon That Occasion ) that might have lighted them to the Lands-end , if they had dar'd to be seen among them . So that it is plain from what has been said , that it is not the sense or Interest of a Few , that can long sway a Nation ; for if the publick Spirit be averse , at the long run it will prevail ; the more Dispute there is with that spirit , the more embitter'd it will be found : For , whatever such Enthusiasts may dream , even when the Multitude have the Power , the Command yet rests in a Few : The most active Spirits lead the Herd , and ingross the Place , the Profit , and the Sway : This , in generous minds , begets Disdain , and that , Faction ; for when all are equal , thousands think themselves as deserving of Rule , as those that carry it ; to satisfie all it is impossible , to please few displeases the Most ; the Transactions of that Party from 1648. to 1660. have made this as sensible , as they made themselves contemptible . In a word , the Nobility and Gentry of England have Spirits pure , naturally just and generous , like Fire aspiring , as a Pyramide , from low to high ; and never resting till it contracts it self into an Unity at top : So God is One , or he were not God , nor could he Rule the World ; and if your Friend likes not this President , but still continues to delight in the Rule of Many , let him begin a Pattern in his own Family , and he may there , possibly , have enough to do . § . 3. NOW my hand 's in , I shall venture to set one step further , and refresh your memory with a View of our Condition whilst this Free-State kept above-Water , the Past being the most certain Line to direct us in our Conjectures upon Futurities . We were never free ( you may remember ) from the Apprehensions of an Insurrection at Home , or an Invasion from Abroad , and liv'd in continual jelousie , even of our very next Neighbours . These Fears obliged us to maintain a considerable Force at Land and Sea , which , lying idle , corrupted , as standing-Water in a Pool , and every moment threaten'd fresh Combustions , as they were blown up this way or that way by their new Masters ; but at the best ( like our old Lord-Danes ) they were most insupportably burthensome and odious to the Country , by their Quartering ; and to keep them as much in action as possibly we could , we were fain either to be perpetually amusing them with pretended Discoveries of some new-feigned Plot or other , or else to engage them in Forreign Wars . For the support of this Army ( now ) we were compelled to daily Contributions , besides great and innumerable Customs that were exacted , together with the Excise , ( a Brat begotten in the Low-Countries , with their State , which makes them free indeed , but then it is in Purse , not in Priviledge ) a Tribute which no King of England durst demand , before they enforced us to pay it ; which being ever before look'd upon as Poyson ; we then took as Physick ; though in that Age , it was generally believ'd that no English-man would ever swallow it ; and for the bare but necessary Mention whereof , in the House of Commons , that Grand Patriote ( as they call'd him ) Mr. Pym was by a young Spirit ( not without great Applause ) call'd to the Bar ; add hereunto the Benevolences , Sequestrations , five and twentyth parts , a Tax of fifty Subsidies at once , ( though the late King suffer'd so much by the demand of twelve only ) Fines and Compositions , sale of Kings , Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and Delinquents Lands , the two parts of Papists Estates , nay a share of our very Charities to the distressed ; over and above the constant Contributions that were levy'd . How was all this devour'd by the Army , whose Belly indeed was bottomless ? and yet what Arrears did we owe them just before the King's Return ? three Millions at least ! Reform the Army we durst not , and our constant charge could not be less than two Millions yearly , to supply it ; In a word , we never used to be in a worse condition , than when none would Rebel , because when the People were quiet we had no Lands either to sequester or to sell. Our Trade fell to nothing , our Traffique was interrupted , our Gold walk'd beyond Sea more freely than in our own Country ; and we lost no less than 2000 Sail of Ships in two or three years time : There was no settlement , but we were every day dancing after a new Whistle ; ten Models we had in Proposal at one time , and every Faction ready with Blood to aver his own way to be the best . By our known Laws we could not be imprison'd , but by a Regular proceeding in a Course of Justice ; but under our free Estate ( on the other side ) upon the most slight suggestions of a spiteful Neighbour in Authority , we were presently seiz'd by the Serjeant at Arms , with his exorbitant Fees ! no Bail , no Habeas Corpus , no regular way of Justice to do us right ! but , after a Twelvemonths stay in Goal , if we could make good Friends , and humble our selves to our potent Adversary , we might possibly be discharg'd ; but without amends , or knowing of our Crime . Loe thus , while we cajol'd our selves with the Name of Freedom , we lost the thing , and became free , only to be made the most despicable of Slaves . BY this , Sir , you see that the Question might be decided in a few words , only by alledging the Inclination of the People to Monarchy , as it is now established : For as no man can well be wrong'd with his consent , so neither is any man to be oblig'd against his will. And indeed how should a Government , founded upon inequality and force , ever subsist without it ? Or a State that must necessarily be the meer Adjective of an Army , become a Substantive ? With as much Reason might I also object matter of Title , because the same Estate , with a flaw in the conveyance , or clogg'd with Statutes and Judgments , is not surely of like value , as if it had been descended clearly from the great Grandfather , and were free from Claims and Incumbrances . But it shall be the next part of my Business to shew that the present establish'd Government ( as it excellently complies with the Laws , Genius , and Interest of this Nation , so it ) comprehends all the Benefits of a Common-wealth in great perfection ; and this I shall do as briefly as I can . TO demonstrate how it complies with our Laws and Constitutions , let it suffice , That ( Monarchy , in these Nations , being more ancient than Story or Records more venerable than Tradition it self ) our Laws were born ( as it were ) under this Climate , habituated to this Diet and Air , grafted into this Stock ; and though we have ( thanks be to God ) forgotten our Norman , yet will it be very hard for us to learn Greek , much less Utopian ; that in the late Usurper's time , our Lawyers , with one Voice , importun'd him rather to assume the Style and Power of a King , to which they found all our Laws were shaped , than retain that of a Protector , unknown to the Law : That nothing render'd the late Architects of a Common-wealth more obnoxious , than that ( notwithstanding their infinite Discords , in other things ) they generally agreed in the necessity of subverting all our Fandamental Laws , in order to their Design ; which Consideration ( we are in Charity to believe ) obliged the sober men of all Parties , the true Patriotes , ( nay and even the chiefest Pillars of the Parliaments-Cause too ) to unite themselves with the Royal Interest ; as not enduring to hear of those violent and dangerous Alterations which they plainly saw a Republick must necessarily introduce . FOR its complyance with our Genius , examine we ( in the first place ) the various Revolutions that have happened to this Island ; Brittains , Romans , Saxons , Danes and Normans ; or ( more nearly ) the changes in their Descents from the direct Line to the Collateral ; or ( yet nearer ) the times of Insurrection and deposing Kings , Edward and Richard , ( both the Seconds of the name ) and we shall find King-ship still in fashion . Nay , that of King John is more notorious , for when the People had in a sort dethron'd him , and sworn Allegiance to Lewis of France , yet when John dy'd , the same People not only Expelled the Foreigner , but having got the Power into their own hands , they Crowned King John's Son , being then an Infant without Interest or Adherents : Nor will all our Chronicles afford us one single Instance of any Design or Endeavour to erect a Free Estate , ( before the late unnatural times furnish'd the President ) no not when Wat Tyler , or Jack Straw revell'd it with their Clowns . Nor yet is this Genius ever to be chang'd , for Reflect we ( in the second place ) that as our English Nature is not like the French , supple to Oppression , and apt to delight in that Pomp and Magnificence of their Lords , which ( they know ) is supported with their Slavery and Hunger ; Nor like the Highland Scots , where the Honour and Interest of the Chief is the Glory of the whole Clan : So doth it as little ( or less ) agree with the Dutch humour , addicted only to Traffick , Navigation , Handicrafts , and sordid Thrift , and ( in defiance of Heraldry ) every man phansying his own Scutcheon . For does not every one amongst us , that has the name of a Gentleman , labour his utmost to uphold it ? Every one that has not , to raise one ? To this end , do not our very Yeomen commonly leave their Lands to the Eldest Son , and to the other nothing but a Flail , or a Plow ? Did not every one ( in the days of our late blessed Martyr ) pinch himself in his Condition , to purchase a Knight-hood or small Patent ? What need further proof ? You cannot but remember , Sir , how that bare glimpse and shadow of Monarchy under Cromwel , and his Son Dick , ( though persons even at that very time hated and scorn'd , and that too upon a most impious and scandalous account ) was for meer resemblance-sake admitted astolerable and ( in respect of a Common-wealth ) courted ; which clearly evinces , how grateful the substance must needs be to all true English Spirits . AS to our Interest , briefly , ( to wave tedious and Politick Discourses ) there is no man , but with half an Eye may foresee that a Republick ( were there any possibility of setling one ) would destroy all our present Peace , and Felicity , ruinate our Trade and Traffick , involve us in a Field of Blood , alarm all our Neighbours , make our best Allies our bitterest Enemies ; and probably draw upon us the united force of Christendom , to crush the Embryo ; which would be the utter destruction and enslaving of this most free and prosperous Nation , ( could it but once be capable of a due sense of its own Felicity ) to the Tyrannical Damnation of a Foreigner . Beside , ( at best ) by what Title can we pretend to hold Scotland and Ireland , should that of Descent be avoided ; for Consent there is none , nor can any be expected . § . 5. BUT I come now directly to assert , That the Present Government eminently includes all the Perfections of a Free-Estate , and is the Kernel ( as it were ) of a Common-wealth in the Shell of Monarchy . And , first I shall begin with the Essential Parts of a Common-wealth , which are three , viz. the Senate proposing , the People resolving , the Magistrate executing . For the Senate ( or Parliament ) if ever there were a Free and Honourable one under the Cope of Heaven it is here ; where the Deputies of the whole Nation most freely chosen , do with like freedom meet , propound , debate , and vote all matters of Common Interest : no Danger escapes their representing , no Grievance their complaint , no Publick Right their claim , or Good their demand : In all which , the least breach of Priviledge is branded with Sacriledge ; and though there lyes no Appeal to the dispersed Body of the people , ( a Decision manifestly impracticable in Government , and fitter indeed for Tribunes to move , then Nations to admit ) yet ( Elections being so popular and conventions frequent ) the same end is attained with much more safety and convenience . The Prince may likewise ( in some sense ) be said to have only an Executive Power , which he exercises by Ministers and Officers , not only sworn , but severely accomptable ; and though both He and the Lords have their Negatives in passing of Bills , and though it be the King only , that , by his Royal Fiat makes our Laws ; yet ( no Tax being imposable but by the consent of the Commons , nor any Law ( without it ) of such validity , that the Ministers of Justice dare enforce it ) there is a wise and sweet necessity for the King , and likewise for the Lords to pass all such Bills as are convenient for the People , and not greatly hurtful to the Prince ; and those that duly weigh the Reason of things , do find a Negative in the King to be a most safe Preservative of Peace to the People , who have as much comfort under the protection of his Prerogative , as they have Benefit by their own Priviledges : For in truth , this Bug-bear Negative ( as our Republicans labour to represent it ) is an impenetrable Target , to shelter and secure the Government from being alter'd at the Will of the Commons , if at any time they shou'd prove Factious . And this ( being in reason manifest ) has also been confirm'd by great Experience ; our Kings having rarely obstructed any Bill which they might safely grant ; but on the otherside , pass'd many High Acts of mere Grace , circumscribing their Prerogative , and clipping its Wings ; nay better had it been for us , if they had not pierc'd its very Bowels . THIS is that Triple-Cord that could never yet be broken , tho' it has been Cut asunder ; This is our Gold seven times Refin'd ; for every Bill being Thrice Read , Debated , and Agreed in Either House , is at last brought to the King for his Royal Assent ; ( which is the Mint of our Laws : ) a Tryal so exact , that surely no Dross can escape it ; since all Interests , must thereto concur : ( as truly it is but fit they should , in the Establishment of That which must Bind all . ) This is that Temperament , which purges our Humours , and ( at once ) indues us with Health , Vigour , and Beauty : no Vote is Precipitated ; no Act Huddled up ; as by sad Events , you saw they formerly us'd to be , when the Power was engross'd by One of the Estates , purg'd and moulded to the Interests of a Faction ; a Consequence but Natural to such Premises ! Nothing was ( There ) weigh'd , but ( as in a Balance consisting of one Scale ) our Laws were Mandrakes of a Nights Growth ; and our Times as Fickle as the Weather of the Multitude . THE King indeed has the Power of making War , but then he has not the Means ; so that it signifies little more , then a Liberty to Fly if he can get Wings ; or to go Beyond Sea , provided he can waft himself over without Shipping : He has a Sword , but Himself alone can never draw it ; and the Train'd-Bands ( in whom he has the sole Right ) are a Weapon which he decently wears , 't is true ; but the Nation only may ( in Effect ) be said to have the Use and Benefit of it . He chuses his Ministers ; ( as who doth not his Servants ? ) but then they pass through such a Test , as none but the soundest Integrity can abide : He can hinder the stroke of Justice with his Pardon , ( tho' still , the Jaws not being muzzled , it will Bite terribly ) but then ( on the Other side ) the Power of Relieving his Wants rests in the Commons , to Balance his Will , and induce him to a Correspondence with Parliaments . THAT his Person should be Sacred , is most Needful , to avoid Circulation of Accounts ; Reasonable , since it carries with it the Consent of Nations ; Just , that he become not the meer Butt of Faction , and Malice , and be in a worse Condition then the Basest of Vassals ; Honourable , that the Nakedness of Government be not daily Uncover'd ; Wise , in the Constitution , that so we may not ( at once ) both Trust , and Provoke , by forcing him to shift for his Own Indempnity ; no danger to the Publique seeming so Extreme , as the Outlawry of a Prince ; no Task ( by daily Experience ) so difficult , as the Arraigning of any Power , whether Regal or Popular ; and if we make Golden Bridges for Flying Enemies , much more should we afford them to Relenting Sovereigns : ( Upon which account , in our Neighbour Kingdom of France , even Princes of the Bloud are not subjected to Capital Punishments . ) Finally , very Safe it is in the Consequence ; for should a King be never so wicked and Tyrannical , yet being ( by the Danger threatning his Corrupt Ministers ) stript of Agents , his Personal Impunity might signifie something to Himself , perhaps , but nothing to the People . A Revenue he has , for the support of his State and Family , Ample ; for the Ordinary Protection of his People , Sufficient ; but for any considerable Undertaking , Defective ; and for Publique Oppression so Inconsiderable , that when Prerogative was most Rampant , our Greatest Princes ( and some doubtless we have had , the most Renowned Warriours of their Age ) would never , prudently , aspire to make themselves Absolute . The Royal Revenue is proportioned to the Maintenance of Courts , not Camps , and Fleets : In fine , it is very Competent for Ordinary Disbursements , and as for Extraordinary he resorts to Parliaments ; the Wiser He , and the Happier We ! Now there is nothing more Demonstrative , then that upon Examination , we may find the present Government to be ( compared with all the other Models of the Late Times ) a mighty Ease to the Publique Charge ; we allow'd the Tyrant Cromwell no less then a constant Revenue of 1900000 l. to support him in his Usurpation ; and yet That Sum ( beside all his other intolerable Squeezings ) at the years end , clear'd not the Account by far . Under the Rump a great deal more was yearly Collected out of the Bowels of the People , to maintain the Army ; and yet we could never be at quiet neither , but were perpetually embroyl'd in Wars either Abroad or at Home , by our active Spirits , some to feed their Ambition , others their Purses : And such a Spirit we read of , working in all Free-States , Ancient and Modern . What shall we say now of the Expences of the Late King , ( if examin'd by This Standard ) whose Revenue in Lands , Perquisites , and Customs , exceeded not 700000 l. a year ; and yet by the good management of that most Thristy and Temperate Prince , that petite Annuity furnish'd a glorious Court , a Noble Equipage for the Honour of the Nation , and paid off a considerable Fleet ; which never was much improved afterwards by all our vast Payments , when we were so unfortunate as to fall into Other hands . Nay and our present Charge is rather a Sport , then a Burthen , compared with Their Monthly Tax . TRUE it is , that while we live with Men , we shall be subject to That which is the Effect of their Nature , Sin ; nor is it possible to reap the more General Fruit of the best Establish'd Policy , unless we submit to some possible Inconveniences . But yet I defie your Friend , and all other Projectors of Commonwealths , to contrive greater Freedom for their Citizens , then is provided by Magna Charta , and The Petition of Right ; or shew that it is not much easier to Violate , then to Mend them ; for Thereby , our Lives , Liberties , and Estates are , under Monarchy , secur'd and establish'd ( I think ) as well as any thing , on this side Heaven , can be . It is no Soloecism to say , that the Subject has his Prerogative , as well as the King ; and sure I am , he is in as good condition to maintain it ; the Dependance being less on his side . Beside that no Prince ever attempted any Violation thereof , but that , at Long Run , he suffer'd in that point of his Prerogative that let in the Opportunity . Hence it is that the Rights of the People have grown stronger and stronger against the Prince , and sometimes have hurried his Person to be a Sacrifice ; always , his Instruments ; whereof few , in our History , can we read , that , contriving against the Law , have died in peace . If , possibly , One Prince , ( as King Harry ) by his High Spirit , swept all before him , yet his Infant Successor is forc'd to make amends for his Fathers Violations : So that Liberty ( we see ) is no less Sacred , then Majesty ; Noli me tangere being its Motto likewise : And in case of any , the least Infringement , ( as Escapes in Government may happen , even in the most perfect ) it is resented as if the Nation had received a Box on the Ear. If it be ( as they say ) the Glory of a Tree-State , to Exalt ; the Scandal of Tyranny , to Embase our Spirits ; doubtless the Establish'd Form is our Only Commonwealth ; for all that we got by the Change of it , was but the learning quietly to take the Bastinade . Nay , and at the very worst that can be imagin'd , it is much more Easie ( were it Lawful ) for us to dispute our Rights with a single P●ince , and his Trembling Agents ; then ( as it was our Case formerly ) with a Knot of Sovereigns that are backt with the Sword. WE are now again able to distinguish ( which we could never do under their Free-Estate , for all the fair Promises they made us ) the Legislative and the Ministerial Authority : For tho' both of them are Inherent in the King , yet are not both of them his own Peculiar and Personal Act. We know that the House of Commons has not the Power of a Court-Leet , to give an Oath , nor of a Justice of the Peace , to make a Mittimus : And this Distinction , doubtless , is the most Vital part of Freedom , and far more considerable to poor Subjects , then all these mens pretended Rotations ; as , on the contrary , the absolute Jumbling and Confounding of them , is an Accomplishment of Servitude , for which all Republiques , I fear , ( and our late one more especially ) have more to Answer , then any Limited Sovereign can have . And certain it is , that as our Prince , in his Personal Capacity , makes no Laws ; so neither does he , by himself , Execute or Interpret any : No Judge takes notice of his single Command , to justifie any Trespass ; no not so much as the breaking of a Hedg ; his Power is Circumscribed by his Justice ; he is ( equally with the meanest of his Subjects ) concern'd in that Honest Maxim ; We may do just so much , and no more , then we have Right to do . And it is tolerably enough said , He can do no wrong , because , if it be wrong , he does it not ; it is void in the Act , and punishable in his Agent . His Officers , as they are alike lyable , so perhaps they are more Obnoxious to Indictments and Suits , then any other ; by how much their Trespass seems to be of a Higher Nature , and gives greater Alarm : His Private Will cannot Countermand his Publique ; His Privy Seal still Buckles to his Great Seal , as being ( in a sense ) the Nations , as much as His ; His Order Supercedes no Process ; and His Displeasure threatens no man with an hours Imprisonment , after the Return of HabeasCorpus : An Under-Sheriff is more Terrible , a Constable more Sawcy , a Bailiff more Troublesom , then He : And yet by his Gentle Authority , by this Scabbard of Prerogative ( as some in derision have lewdly Term'd it ) which ( if it Would ) Could Scarce Oppress an Orphan ; Tumults are Curb'd Faction Moderated , Usurpation Forestall'd , Intervals prevented , Perpetuities Obviated , Equity Administer'd , Clemency Exalted , and the People made Happy to a degree even of Satiety and Wantonness . TO Conclude this Point : What shall I add more ? The Act enjoyning the Keepers of the Great Seal , under Pain of High Treason , to Summon a Triennial Parliament , of Course , by Virtue of the Act , without Further Warrant ; The Act forbidding the Privy-Councell to intermeddle with Meum & Tuum ; the Law abolishing the Star-Chamber , High-Commission , &c. Branding all Past , and Bridling all Future Enormities : The Statutes limiting the Kings Claims , and relieving his Tenants from Exaction of Forfeitures ; Beside many other principal Immunities , wherewith ( by the Especial Favour of God , and the Bounty of our Princes ) we are Blessed , far beyond any of our Neighbours : Above all , our Assurance ( by the Goodness and Clemency of our present Dread Sovereign ) readily to obtain such further Addition and Perfection of Liberty and Security , ( if any such there can be ) as may consist with Modesty and Liberty it self , to ask : Does not all this Proclaim aloud , that we are the Mirrour of Governments , Envy of Monarchies , and Shame of Common-wealths ; who cannot but blush to see themselves so Eclipsed and Silenc'd , in all their Pretences to Freedom ? And does it not more than justifie my Assertion , that with all the Ornaments of the Noblest Kingdom , we have likewise all the Enjoyments of a Free-Estate ? § . 6. AFTER all these solid Blessings and Advantages , which we Reap from the most Excellent of Governments , and of Princes ; the bare Fruition of the Tithe whereof , would be sufficient to transport the Best to pass of our Neighbour Nations into all the Cordial and Passionate Expressions of Joy and Gratitude imaginable : After all these Comforts ( I say ) a Body would think , there should scarce be found one single Murmuring and Disaffected Person in the whole Kingdom . And yet so hard is our Fate ; our Hearts infensible ; and so Ingenious are we in starting Fears and Jealousies ; that a great part of us deprive our selves of the Enjoyment of all our present Felicities , through a too Eager and Pensive Solicitation for Futurities . Nay so miserably Hood-wink'd is our Reason , that our Carefulness to avoid miscarryin● upon a Scilla , hurries us Violently into the other Extreme of splitting upon a Charybdis . Popery and Tyranny ( we cry ) are breaking in upon us like a Deluge ; the Presumptive Heir is of the Red-Letter Stamp : and therefore another Sect of our Pseudo-protestants , apprehending the Danger and the Impracticableness of a Commonwealth-Government here amongst us , do hope to mend the matter mightily , by propounding the setting up of a Single Person either of a Crack'd Title , or of a New Line ; upon the death of his present Majesty without Legitimate Issue : Whom God preserve . THERE is no man shall be more willing than my self to grant that the Popish Religion ( if it may deserve the Name ) is little better than a Compound of meer Secular Interest , Tyranny , Hypoc●●sie , Homicide , and Delusion ; and that the very principles of the Jesuits do inspirit and egg them on to the inflicting of all manner of Outragious Violences upon the Persons of those that enjoy a greater Light and Purity of the Gospel then themselves . But yet I must averr ( on the other hand ) that , since through the peculiar Mercy and Providence of God , and the Indefatigable Industry and Vigilance of Authority ; all their Machinations have hitherto been defeated , and their Conspiracies both against our Church and State rendred Abortive ; it will become us both as Men and Christians , to temper our Passions , and to rest satisfied with the singular Care and Concern , that the Government vouchsafes continually to express both for our present and future safety and preservation , in all Respects . Full well know , that nothing is of greater Concernment then the Security of that Religion , which by the Bloud of so many blessed and Glorious Martyrs has ( by Gods immediate blessing ) been so firmly Establish'd amongst us . But then we are to take special heed that we lend not too easie an Ear to such as cry up Religion , & design Faction ; that cry out Zeal for the Lord of Hosts , when they intend Self-Interest ; to keep up a party ; an Affected way ; or to be the Ipse dixit of a County : Religion has not at all prosper'd by undue practices to advance it . 'T is Meekness , Patience , Humility , and those Graces of the Spirit , that Convince and Convert ; when Rigidness , Censuring , and the Sword Exasperate and Harden . Has not Gods power , or truth , Evidence to secure it self ? Let but the Gospel have Free passage , and it will make its own stay : For all true Protestants do unanimously disown the Promotion of it by the Sword , as totally Unchristian ; and bequeath it to the Pope and the Turk . Was not , now , the maintenance of our Fundamental Laws the pretence of our late Quarrel ? Found we not the Spirit of the Nation rouz'd up , upon the sound of the Trumpet ? Popery , was it not decry'd , and Religion , Protestant Religion , judg'd to be in danger ? Were we not call'd out to the Battle upon the account of Zeal , with Curse ye Meroz ? And yet under our Free Estate , ( as they call'd it ) our Religion ( so much of it especially as could any way be term'd Protestant ) turn'd into Wantonness ; and our Divisions became so great , that we durst not exasperate , by advancing that Idol of the Presbyters , Discipline ; nor indeed could we , if we durst ; for the most active of our Statists , ( if they had any Religion at all ) 't was that of the Sectary , which they own'd as the main Supporter of their Model , whose Interest it was to give Licentiousness to all . As for Laws , those which we ador'd for Excellency and Antiquity , they were ( by them ) of necessity alter'd , in our Freedoms of Person and Estate , wherein true Liberty is principally concern'd : For when the House of Commons ( or rather the Rump of it ) engross'd the Soveraign Power , they both Imposed Taxes , and Levy'd them , by vertue of a trifling Ordinance , which could never be done before , but by an Act of Parliament , solemnly and regularly pass'd by the King and the Three Estates : And having of Tribunes of the people , ( as it were ) and their Bulwark against High Payments and Impressures , demanded by the King , advanc'd themselves into the degree of Princes ; they took upon them to assess and impress us at pleasure ; and we might complain as long as we would of the Reiterated Burthen ; but there was no remedy but Patience , because no Appeal left us , themselves being both Parties and Judges . I COULD heartily wish there were at present no more reason , to be apprehensive of Popery coming amongst us , then there was in those days : But yet , let his Royal Highness's Perswasion be what it will , this I'm sure of , that Dr. Oates has deposed upon Oath , that the Jesuits were so far from saying or acting , Indifferently , as to his Person , that in their Hellish Plot , they had mark'd him out also for Slaughter , with his most Royal , most Protestant Brother . Now the late Marquess of Argyle was wont to lay it down as a Principle in Policy , That it was the Character of a wise man not to let the World know what Religion he was of : But ( for my own part ) I cannot in Charity but hope the best of a Person , ( till I shall be convinc'd of the contrary , by more certain and positive Arguments , then any that I have yet been able to meet with ) that has been so Lectur'd and Tutor'd by our late Glorious Martyr , ( as well as by Experience ) into a Veneration for , and a Perseverance in that Pure , Reformed Religion , the Principles of which he suck'd in with his very Milk , and in Defence of which his ever Blessed Father laid down his most precious Life , upon a Scaffold . You may read his words thus ; I do require you , ( addressing to his present Majesty ) as your Father and your King , that you never suffer your Heart to receive the least Check against , or Dis-affection from the True Religion establish'd in the Church of England : I tell you I have try'd it , and after much Search , and many Disputes , have concluded it to be the best in the World , not only in the Community , as Christian , but also in the special Notion , as Reformed ; keeping the middle way between the Pomp of Superstitious Tyranny , and the Meanness of Phantastick Anarchy , &c. To this sence , spake he , when he had no more to speak . Nay , and so zealous , this way , was our English Solomon , ( the Duke's Grandfather ) King James , that rather then any of his Progeny should ever come to be tainted with the Errors and Idolatries of the Church of Rome , he made it his Prayer to Almighty God , that they might be taken out of the World first . AS to the apprehensions of Tyranny , I hope , by what I have already deliver'd in the Body of this Discourse , it is evident , that there is less ground to fear it , then many people might before imagine , for that it is next to an Impossibility to introduce it . And , upon probable grounds , I perswade my self , that should the Duke ever have the occasion offer'd , yet would he be wiser then to make tryal of the Experiment , knowing so well as he must needs do , that should the English Liberties be violated in the example but of any one single Person , the whole Nation would take it self to be concern'd upon that account , apprehend it self ready for the Fetters , and , thereby , what with Fear , what with Hate , such a Storm would be rais'd , as might shake the surest Foundations of the Government ; and so very much has Majesty already felt by the Fury of the People , that it will be chary ( doubtless ) of giving occasion to encounter it again . BUT 't is farther Objected ( it seems ) that there is a Vindictive and Implacable Spirit in the Case . Now this is most manifest ( indeed ) that there have been Provocations to the height ; but shall we therefore continue to provoke , because we have begun ? 'T is a Rule ( you know ) that he that does wrong , never forgives , but he that has wrong , may . The Interest of Revenge is passionate , but the Interest of Profit arises from a Passion that prevails more ; and he is very weak , that anteposes Rumour and vain Passion , when it stands in Competition with his Safety . To speak home , Interest rules the whole World ; and Princes ( as others ) design more the security of their own Greatness , then a petty Revenge that may hazard it : But for this search we the Experiences of past Ages . Henry the Great of France , was so far from punishing any of the holy League , that labour'd , by all means possible , to keep him from his Right , and to murther him , that ( on the contrary ) he imploy'd those very Persons that were his main Opposites , in his Armies , in his Offices , and in his Councels . And what shall we say of King James , who sent Messages , made Vows , menac'd Revenge , and all to prevent that fatal Stroke from falling upon his Mother , ( the Queen of Scots ) under Queen Eliz. but to no effect . Observe the Issue now ; Shortly Q. Eliz. dies , and those very Lords that acted personally in the Mothers Death , were the most forward to court the Son to the Crown , and he became establish'd with all Prerogatives incident to the English Scepter . What ? Acts he in the way of Revenge ? No ; he , like a wise Prince , feeling the Warmth of so Rich a Climate , is so passionate to confirm his own Greatness , that he not only forgets the Injury of his Mother , but manages his great Affairs by the hands of those very Persons that were Contrivers of it ; yet through Her Bloud did he derive his Title ! Nor do we read of one of these Nobles , or their Issue , that suffer'd Diminution , by any Resentment , upon that account . His wise Father also , that had been beaten into the knowledge of the English Spirit , writes thus : Let no Passion , ( my Son ) betray you to any study of Revenge upon Those whose Own Sin and Folly will sufficiently Punish theu , in due Time : Be confident that most of all Sides that have done Amiss , have done so , not out of Malice , but Mis-information , or Mis-apprehension of Things . None will be more Loyal to Me or You , then those Subjects , who , sensible of Their Errors , and Our Injuries , will feel , in their own Souls , most Vehement Motions to Repentance , and earnest Defires to make some Reparations for their former Desects , &c. The like said he at his Last Hour . But what do we Doubt or Distrust ? May we not have a Protestant Parliament upon all Exigencies ; and the disposal of Commands and Offices secure to us , for a Time , in case of His Majesties decease ? Have we not a Protestant Councel , a Protestant Militia , a Protestant Clergy , and a Protestant People ; what can we ( in reason ) desire more ? § . 7. AS to the Project of erecting a Cracht Title , or a Single Person of another Line ; ( over and above the Heinousness and Impiety of the Proposition , and to wave tedious Canvassings ) That must unquestionably be the most Desperate of all other Remedies , and infinitely worse then the Disease it self : For Thereby we should set on Foot a personal Quarrel ; and ( at the Long Run ) beyond measure Disgust the Spirits of this Generous People , in that they will then be Subjected to their Equal ; who , to retain his Usurpation , will be forc'd to repeat and accumulate those Violences , whereof we had most woful Experience under the Old Protector : Otherwise , he will soon be made the Object of our Contempt ; as was his Son , with his Easie and Gentle way of Acting ; and his Name be used only as a Cloak to cover the Avarice , and Exorbitances of a Ravenous Faction . Nor can This Project prevent a Relapse into our former Calamities ; because our Fears will ever be Great and Continual , and , consequently , our Charge proportionable . In a word , all the Evils and Miseries that were brought upon us by the Army , the Rump , and by all other Architects of our Slavery in the Late Times , will certainly be found Tolerable ; compared with the Probable , and Genuine Effects of such a Desperate and Unchristian Proceeding . § . 8. YOU will not expect from me , ( I 'm sure , Sir ) that I should so acquit my self of every Objection , as to leave all men satisfy'd ; especially such as carry a Byass of Preferment , Profit , or Faction ; Men that have in Design Exorbitances of Power , or Wealth , will hardly , with Arguments , be reclaimed : And some there are ( I know ) that have so long possess'd their Heads with strong Notions , that they are not capable to take in Reason , against them ; and thereupon , run on Frantique in Error , till there be a Rotation in their Brains : Such there are , that , with Confidence , so often have told a Lye , that , at length , themselves believe it to be a Truth : But we shall be too wise ( I 'm sure , should ever that day come ) to preferr the Interest or Wilfulness of a Few , to the Safety and Welfare of the Whole . I shall not deny , yet , that it is easier to demonstrate what may be Evil , then positively to assert what will be Good : but however , comparing Times with Things , ( as is above represented ) I doubt not to Evidence , that to keep where we are , and to be contented with our Lot , is a Course much rather to be embrac'd , as that which , in great Probability , may be Good ; then , by pushing at Incertainties , to pull down most lamentable Confusions and Desolations upon our own Heads , which certainly will be Evil I therefore ever was , and still am of opinion , that it is both our Interest and our Duty to embrace , with Open Arms , the ample , generous Offers of his most Gracious Majesty , in order to Provisions for our future Security , in point of Freedom and Religion : As for the Rest , let us but have our Good Old Laws duly put in Execution ; and then ( by Gods assistance ) we shall be in a Capacity to Defie the Pope , the Devil , and all their Works , come what will come . § 9. Thus , Sir , have I run through the several Heads that you were pleased to propound . I have , in the First place , given you my Reasons why I conceive the Project of Fixing a Free-Estate , ( as your Friend thinks fit to term it ) here amongst us , would be utterly Impracticable ; I have , in the next place , presented you with a Summary of those Mischiefs and Distractions , which were the Consequents of a Like Attempt , from 1640. to 1660. In the Third place , you find the Natural Bent and Inclination of the People to Monarchy , exclusively of any other Form of Regiment whatsoever , fully demonstrated ; the Royal Prerogative Anatomiz'd ; and an Account of those great Immunities , Blessings , and Priviledges which the English do at this day enjoy under the present Government Establish'd , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , peculiarly , and above any other People or Nation in the known World. The Fourth , rips up the Ground of our Fears and Jealousies of Popery and Arbitrary Power flowing in upon us , should the Duke of York ever come to Sway the English Scepter ; and furnishes Arguments for the moderating and lessening our Apprehensions as to the One , and for the proving the almost Impossibility of Effecting the Other , were there never so great a Will and Disposition that way . In the Fifth place , you have represented the Danger and Impiety , of Erecting a Crackt Title , or a Single Person of a New Line ; together with the probable Calamitous Effects that would inevitably ensue upon such an Attempt . And Lastly , I have presum'd to offer my own Expedient , in reference to the Security of our Religion and Freedoms , for the Present and for the Future . Upon the Whole Matter , if , by what I have written , I be so fortunate as to make your Friend a Convert , 't will be an Infinite Satisfaction to me ; because , thereby I may hope to save a Soul ; but , at the worst , I may say with the Text , that I shall hide a multitude of Sins . Now should I frame twenty Excuses to you for the Length , the Inequality , the Insufficiency , the Incoherence , the Freedom , the Extravagant Rovings and Impertinencies , the Unskilful Management , nay and for the Boldness and Presumption of this Discourse : But I have neither Will nor Leisure to Trifle at such a rate . I am conscious to my self ( no man more ) of my great want of Abilities requisite for an Undertaking of such Weight and Importance ; only I was resolv'd to let you see , that no Considerations whatsoever were of force ( with me ) to withstand the Authority of your Commands . I have unbosom'd my self to you , Sir , ( under the protection of a Private Letter ) with all the Frankness and Simplicity imaginable ; not doubting but you will make such use of it , as may not redound to the Disadvantage of , Sir , Your most Obedient Servant . Feb. 21. 1679 / 80.