afar in the forest, by w.h.g. kingston. ________________________________________________________________________ this is not a long book, but is very much in the kingston style, that is, the style he employs when writing about land-based adventures, as opposed to sea-based ones. it is quite difficult to follow who is who in this story, and why they are doing what they do. i suggest that you use a pen and paper to jot down people's names as and when they make their appearance. but there are some surprises regarding who is related to whom, a device which kingston uses quite often. ________________________________________________________________________ afar in the forest, by w.h.g. kingston. chapter one. our habitation in the forest--my share of the spoils of the day's chase--uncle mark commences his narrative--why my uncles decided to emigrate--landing in safety, they start up country--their meeting with simon yearsley, an old settler--the settlement is found in ruins--lily and i rescued--uncle mark promises to resume his narrative on the first opportunity--my love of natural history--uncle mark continues his narrative--yearsley goes in pursuit of the indians--the burial of lily's mother--the return to the waggon--they reach the nearest settlement-- alarm of the settlers upon hearing of the outrage committed by the indians--uncle stephen's marriage--conclusion of uncle mark's narrative--lily and i go berrying--we are attacked by a wolf--kepenau saves our lives--his present of venison to aunt hannah--kepenau's belief in the goodness of the great spirit--the indian's advice. "is lily not uncle stephen's daughter, then?" i asked. the question was put to my uncle, mark tregellis, whom i found seated in front of our hut as i returned one evening from a hunting excursion--it having been my duty that day to go out in search of game for our larder. uncle mark had just come in from his day's work, which had been that of felling the tall trees surrounding our habitation. he and i together had cleared an acre and a half since we came to our new location. it was a wild region in which we had fixed ourselves. dark forests were on every side of us. to the north and the east was the great chain of lakes which extend a third of the way across north america. numberless mountain-ranges rose in the distance, with intervening heights,--some rugged and precipitous, others clothed to their summits with vegetation. numerous rivers and streams ran through the country; one of which, on whose banks we purposed building our future abode, passed close to our hut. besides the features i have described, there were waterfalls and rapids, deep valleys and narrow gorges penetrating amid the hills; while to the south-west could be seen, from the higher ground near us, the wide prairie, extending away far beyond human ken. wild indeed it was, for not a single habitation of white men was to be found to the westward; and on the other side, beyond the newly-formed settlement in which uncle stephen resided, but few cottages or huts of the hardy pioneers of civilisation,--and these scattered only here and there,-- existed for a hundred miles or more. uncle mark, having lighted the fire and put the pot on to boil, had thrown himself down on the ground in front of the hut, with his back to the wall, and was busy contemplating the dark pines which towered up before him, and calculating how long it would take, with his sharp axe, to fell them. i had brought home a haunch of venison as my share of the spoils of the chase (in which i had joined uncle stephen); and it was in consequence of a remark made by him while we were out hunting, that i had somewhat eagerly asked at uncle mark the question with which this story opens. "no; lily is not stephen's daughter,--nor even related to him," he answered. "but we will cut some steaks off that haunch and broil them; and while we are discussing our supper, i will tell you all about the matter." the slices of venison, and flour-cakes baked on the fire, were soon ready; and seated at the door of our hut, with a fire burning before us to keep off the mosquitoes, we commenced our repast, when i reminded my uncle of his promise. "it is a good many years ago, but even now it is painful to think of those days," he began. "we came from cornwall, in the `old country,' where your uncle stephen, your mother, and i were born. she had married your father, michael penrose, however, and had emigrated to america, when we were mere boys; and we were just out of our apprenticeship (stephen as a blacksmith and i as a carpenter) when we received a letter from your father and mother inviting us to join them in america, and setting forth the advantages to be obtained in the new country. we were not long in making up our minds to accept the invitation; and in the spring of the next year we crossed the sea, with well nigh three hundred other emigrants,--some going out to relatives and friends, others bent on seeking their fortunes, trusting alone to their own strong arms and determined will for success. "we found, on landing, that we had a journey of some hundred miles before us; part of which could be performed in boats up the rivers, but the greater portion was along `corduroy' roads, through dark forests, and over mountains and plains. our brother-in-law, a bold, determined person, had turned backwoodsman, and, uniting himself with a party of hardy fellows of similar tastes, had pushed on in advance of the old settlers, far to the westward, in spite of the difficulties of obtaining stores and provisions, and the dangers they knew they must encounter from hostile indians whose territories they were invading. we did not, however, think much of these things, and liked the idea of being ahead, as it seemed to us, of others. the forest was before us. we were to win our way through it, and establish a home for ourselves and our families. "we had been travelling on for a couple of weeks or so, following the directions your father had given us in order to find his new location, but greatly in doubt as to whether we were going right, when we were fortunate enough to fall in with a settler who knew him, and who was returning with a waggon and team. he readily undertook to be our guide, glad to have our assistance in making way through the forest. we provided ourselves with crowbars to lift the waggon out of the ruts and holes and up the steep ascents; for we had left the `corduroy' roads-- or, indeed, any road at all--far behind. our new acquaintance seemed to be somewhat out of spirits about the prospects of the new settlement; but, notwithstanding, he had determined to chance it with the rest. the indians, he said, had lately been troublesome, and some of them who had been found prowling about, evidently bent on mischief, had been shot. `we have won the ground, and we must keep it against all odds,' he observed. "everything in the country was then new to us. i remember feeling almost awe-struck with the stillness which reigned in the forest. not a leaf or bough was in motion; nor was a sound heard, except when now and then our ears caught the soughing of the wind among the lofty heads of the pine-trees, the tapping of the woodpeckers on the decaying trunks, or the whistling cry of the little chitmonk as it ran from bough to bough. "i had expected to meet with bears, wolves, raccoons, lynxes, and other animals, and was surprised at encountering so few living creatures. `they are here, notwithstanding,' observed our friend; `you will get your eyes sharpened to find them in time. in the course of a year or two you _may_ become expert backwoodsmen. you can't expect to drop into the life all at once.' by attending to the advice our friend gave us, and keeping our senses wide awake, we gained some knowledge even during that journey. "we were now approaching the settlement--weatherford, it was called. it was a long way to the eastward of where we are now, with numerous towns and villages in the neighbourhood. the waggon had gained the last height, from the top of which, our guide told us, we should be able to catch sight of the settlement. we had been working away with our crowbars, helping on the wheels,--our friend being ahead of the team,-- and had just reached level ground, when we heard him utter a cry of dismay. rushing forward, we found him pointing, with distended eyes, into the plain beyond us, from which could be seen, near the bank of a river, thick volumes of smoke ascending, while bright names kept flickering up from below. "`the settlement has been surprised by indians!' he exclaimed, as soon as he could find words to speak. `i know the bloodthirsty nature of the savages. they don't do things by halves, or allow a single human being to escape, if they can help it. lads, you will stick by me; though we can do nothing, i fear, but be revenged on the redskins. i left my wife and children down there, and i know that i shall never see them alive again.' "he spoke quite calmly, like a man who had made up his mind for the worst. "`we cannot leave the waggon here, or the indians will see it,--if they have not done so already,--and know that we are following them. we will take it down to yonder hollow, and leave it and the oxen. there is pasture enough for them, and they will not stray far. then we will follow up the indians' trail; and maybe some of their braves won't get back to boast of their victory, if you will only do as i tell you.' "of course, we at once agreed to accompany simon yearsley--such was our friend's name--and follow his directions. quickly turning the waggon round, we got it down to the spot he had indicated, where the oxen were unyoked, and left to crop the grass by the side of a stream flowing from the hill above. then taking our rifles, with a supply of ammunition, and some food in our wallets, we again set off, yearsley leading the way. "we next descended the hill, concealing ourselves as much as possible among the rocks and shrubs until we gained the plain. although simon moved at a rapid rate, there was nothing frantic in his gestures. he had made up his mind, should he find his loved ones destroyed, to follow the murderers with deadly vengeance, utterly regardless of the consequences to himself. as none of the intervening country had been cleared except a straight road through the forest, where the trees had been felled, and the stumps grubbed up here and there to allow of a waggon passing between the remainder, we were able to conceal ourselves until we got close to the settlement. "we now saw that, though the greater number were in flames, two or three huts on one side remained uninjured. still, not a sound reached us,-- neither the cries of the inhabitants nor the shouts of the savages. nothing was heard save the sharp crackling of the flames. "`the indians have retreated, and the settlers are following. we shall be in time to join them!' exclaimed yearsley, dashing forward. `but we must first search for any who have survived.' his previous calmness disappeared as he spoke, and he rushed, through the burning huts, towards one of the buildings. "stephen and i were about to follow, when we heard a cry proceeding from one of the huts at hand, which, though the doorway was charred and the burning embers lay around it, had as yet escaped destruction. hurrying in, i stumbled over the corpse of a man. his rifle lay on the ground, while his hand grasped an axe, the blade covered with gore. i gazed on his face, and recognised, after a moment's scrutiny, my own brother-in-law. he had fallen while defending his hearth and home. close to him lay a young boy, who, i guessed, was his eldest child, shot through the head. "my poor sister! where could she be? "again a cry reached my ear. it came from an inner room. it was martha, your mother, who had uttered the cry. she was stretched on the ground, holding you in her arms. her neck was fearfully wounded, her life-blood ebbing fast away. "i endeavoured to stanch it, telling her meanwhile who i was. "`stephen and i have come at your invitation,' i said. "`heaven, rather, has sent you, to protect my roger,' she faintly gasped out, trying to put you in my arms. `his father and brother are dead; i saw them fall. hearing voices which i knew to be those of white men, i cried out, that they might come and protect him. mark! i am dying. you will ever be a father to him?' "the blood continued to flow; and soon she breathed her last, her head resting on my arm. your dress and little hands were stained with her blood; but you were too young to understand clearly what had happened, although, as i took you up to carry you from the hut, you cried out lustily to be taken back to your poor mother. "thinking it possible that the indians might return, i hurried out to look for stephen, so that we might make our escape. i was resolved at all costs to save your life. i tried to comfort you, at the same time, by telling you that i was your uncle, and that your mother had wished me to take care of you. "going on a little way, i found another hut, the door of which was open, and smoke coming out of it. the savages had thrown in their firebrands as they quitted the village, and the front part was already on fire. "while i was shouting for stephen he rushed out of the hut, with a blanket rolled up in his arms, the end thrown over his own head. "`i have saved this child, and thank heaven you are here to take her!' he exclaimed, unfolding the blanket, and putting a little girl into my arms. `i must try and preserve the mother;' and again throwing the blanket over his head, he dashed in through the flames. "in another minute he reappeared, struggling along under the heavy burden of a grown-up person wrapped in the blanket. as he reached me he sank down, overcome by the smoke, and i noticed that his clothes and hair were singed. "on opening the blanket i saw a young woman, her dress partly burned. she too was wounded. the fresh air somewhat revived her; and on opening her eyes and seeing the little girl, she stretched out her arms for her. `lilias! my little lily! she's saved,' she whispered, as she pressed her lips to the child's brow. `may heaven reward you!' "it was the final effort of exhausted nature, and in a few minutes she breathed her last. "the flames, meantime, had gained the mastery over the building, and we saw that it was impossible to save it. "but it's time to turn in, roger," said uncle mark. "i'll tell you more about the matter to-morrow." as uncle mark always meant what he said, i knew that there would be no use in trying to get him to go on then, eager as i was to hear more of what had, as may be supposed, so deeply interested me. i accordingly turned into my bunk, and was soon asleep. i dreamed of shrieking indians and burning villages; and more than once i started up and listened to the strange unearthly sounds which came from the depths of the forest. these noises, i may here say, were caused by the wolves; for the savage brutes occasionally came near the settlement, attracted by the sheep and cattle which the inhabitants had brought with them. a bright look-out being kept, however, it was seldom that any of our stock was carried off. bears also occasionally came into the neighbourhood; and we had already shot two, whose skins supplied us with winter coats. our intention was to kill as many more as we could meet with, that their skins might serve us for other purposes--especially as coverlets for our beds. and, besides, their flesh was always a welcome addition to our larder. next morning we went about our usual work. my uncle with his bright axe commenced felling the trees round our hut--working away from sunrise to sunset, with only an hour's intermission for dinner. i aided him, as far as my strength would allow, for a certain number of hours daily. but my uncle encouraged me to follow the bent of my inclination, which was to get away and observe the habits of the creatures dwelling in the surrounding forest. i had been a naturalist from my earliest days. the study had been my poor father's hobby--so my uncle told me--and i inherited his love for it. it had, moreover, been developed and encouraged by a visit we had received, some few years back, from a scientific gentleman, who had come over to america to make himself acquainted with the feathered tribes, the quadrupeds, and the reptiles of the new world. it had been my delight to accompany this gentleman on his excursions while he was with us; and i prized a couple of books he had left with me more than i should have done a lump of gold of the same weight. from him i learned to preserve and stuff the skins of the birds and animals i killed; a knowledge which i turned to profitable account, by my uncle's advice--as they were sent, when opportunity occurred, to the eastern states, where they found a ready market. "it pays very well in its way, roger," observed uncle mark; "but work is better. if you can combine the two, i have no objection; but you are now too old to play, and, for your own sake, you should do your best to gain your own living. while you were young, i was ready to work for you; and so i should be now, if you could not work for yourself. i want you, however, to understand that it is far nobler for a man to labour for his daily bread, than to allow others to labour for him." i fully agreed with uncle mark. indeed, my ambition had long been to support myself. i had an idea, nevertheless, that the skins i preserved brought more immediate profit than did the result of his labours with the axe. but, everything considered, we got on very well together; for i was grateful to him for the affection and care he had bestowed on me during my childhood. i was hard at work that day preparing a number of birds i had shot in the morning; and when dinnertime came, uncle mark, telling me to continue my task, said he would get our meal ready. having quickly prepared it, he brought out the platters, and set himself down near me. i washed my hands, and speedily despatched my dinner; after which i returned to my work. "will you go on with the account you were giving me last night?" i said, observing that he did not seem inclined to move. "you have more than half an hour to rest, and i will then come and help you." "where was i? oh! i remember," said my uncle. "in the middle of the burning settlement, with you and lily in my arms. "we were wondering what had become of yearsley, when we caught sight of him rushing out from amid the burning huts. "`they are all killed!--all, all, all!' he shrieked out. `follow me, lads;' and he pointed with a significant gesture in the direction he supposed the indians had taken. "`but these children, mr yearsley! you would not have us desert them! and my brother is too much injured, i fear, to accompany you,' i observed. "he looked at the children for a moment. "`you are right,' he answered. `stay by them; or rather, make your way back eastward with them. ignorant as you are of the habits of the savages, you could aid me but little. if i do not return, the waggon and its contents, with the team, will be yours.' "before i had time to reply, or to ask him the name of the poor young woman who lay dead at my feet, he had dashed across the stream, and soon disappeared amid the forest beyond. he had doubtless discovered the trail of the indians, or of the band of settlers who had gone in pursuit of them; although we at that time were quite unable to perceive what was visible to his more practised eye. "i told stephen how i had discovered our sister's house; so we agreed to return to it, and to carry there the body of the poor young woman, that we might bury it with those of our own family. the hut was one of the very few which had escaped the flames, and we found some spades and a pickaxe within. not knowing how soon we might be interrupted, we at once set to work and dug two graves under a maple-tree at the further end of the garden. one was large enough to hold our brother-in-law and sister, and their boy; and in the other we placed the poor young lady-- for a lady she appeared to be, judging from her dress, her ear-rings and brooch, and a ring which she wore on her finger. these trinkets we removed, in order to preserve them for her little daughter; as also a miniature which hung round her neck,--that of a handsome young man, who was doubtless her husband. stephen told me that the cottage from which he had rescued her, as far as he had time to take notice, seemed to be neatly and tastefully furnished. "we concluded that her husband, if he had not been killed when the village was surprised, had followed the savages along with the rest; and he would be able on his return to identify his child, while we should know him by his portrait. "before beginning our sad occupation, we had got some water and washed the stains from your hands and clothes, and left you in a room playing with little lily; and on our return we gave you both some food which we found in the house. by this time, too, you seemed perfectly at home with us. "at first we thought of remaining in the house until mr yearsley and the settlers whom we supposed had gone in pursuit of the savages should return; but stephen suggested that this might be dangerous, as we should not know what was happening outside. the indians might come back and surprise us, when we should to a certainty share the fate which had befallen so many others. we agreed, therefore, that our safest course would be to make our way back to the waggon, where we had abundance of provisions, and where we could find shelter for the children who had been committed to us, we felt sure, by providence. "they were now our chief care. while i took charge of them, stephen hurriedly examined the other huts which had escaped destruction; crying out in case any one should be concealed, in order to let them know that we were ready to help them. no answer came, however, and we were soon convinced that every person in the settlement, with the exception of those who had gone in pursuit of the savages, had been slaughtered. "as soon as we were satisfied as to this, we began our retreat, hoping to get back to the waggon before nightfall. our intention was to wait there for mr yearsley, as we felt sure that, after he had punished the indians, he would come and look for us where he had left the waggon. "the sun was setting as we reached the top of the ridge; but we were too far off to distinguish any one moving in the settlement, although we made out the smouldering fire, from which thin wreaths of smoke alone ascended in the calm evening air. on reaching the waggon, we found the cattle grazing quietly beside it. having removed some packages, among which was one of new blankets, we made up beds for the two children; and after giving them some supper, we placed them, sleeping, side by side. "we agreed that one of us should watch while the other slept. we also resolved that, in the event of our being attacked by indians, we should show them fight; for we had a good store of ammunition, and knew well how to handle our weapons. although we hoped they would not come, yet we knew that they might possibly fall upon our trail and discover our whereabouts. indeed, had we not thought it our duty to wait for mr yearsley, we should have harnessed the cattle, and endeavoured to make our way down the mountain in the dark. "after we had put you and lily to bed, and had refreshed ourselves with some supper, i climbed again to the top of the ridge; but i could see no object moving in the plain, nor could i hear the slightest sound to indicate the approach of any one. i therefore returned. "while stephen lay down under the waggon, i kept watch, walking up and down with my rifle ready in my hand, and resting occasionally by leaning against the wheel of the waggon. after i had watched thus for about four hours, i called stephen, who took my place. "i was again on foot by daybreak, and once more climbed to the top of the ridge to look out. but i had the same report as before to give. the fire had burned itself out, and i could see no one moving. we waited all that day--and might have waited for several more, until our cattle had eaten up the herbage--without being discovered; but mr yearsley did not appear, nor could we see any signs of the other settlers. "we did our best to amuse you and lily. you asked frequently after your poor mother; and it went to my heart to tell you that you would never see her again. "stephen proposed that we should the next morning set out on our journey eastward; but as i thought it possible that mr yearsley would by that time have got back to the settlement, i undertook to go and search for him--or to try and find any of the other people, and learn what had become of him. stephen agreed to this; undertaking to look after the children and guard the waggon during my absence. "at daybreak i set out, keeping myself concealed, as much as possible, behind bushes and trunks of trees, until i got back to the scene of the catastrophe. i listened; but all was still as death. excepting the two or three huts around my brother-in-law's abode, the whole ground where the settlement had stood presented only black heaps of ashes, surrounded by palings and trunks of trees charred by the flames. i could see no one moving across the river, either; and the dreadful idea seized me that the settlers who had gone in pursuit of the foe had been cut off, and that mr yearsley had in all likelihood shared the same fate. had it not been for stephen and the children, i would have watched all day, in the hope of our friend's return; but i had promised not to be longer than i could help. "i again visited my poor brother-in-law's hut, and packed up such clothes as i saw belonging to you. i also brought away a few other articles, to remind us of your mother; for i thought it probable that the settlement would be revisited by the savages, who would take good care to finish the work they had begun. i then set off on my return to the waggon, looking back every now and then, lest i might be followed by any of the foe. "on reaching the waggon, stephen agreed with me that we might safely wait till the next morning. we did so; and poor yearsley not then appearing, we proceeded with the waggon along the road we had taken in coming, until we reached watfield, a large settlement which had then been established for three or four years. "the account we gave of what had happened caused the inhabitants considerable anxiety and alarm. the men at once flew to arms; stockades were put up; and sentries were posted at all points, to watch for the possible approach of the indians. "stephen and i having now no wish to go further east, we determined to remain where we were. as for the waggon and team, though we had no written document to show that yearsley had given them to us, our statement was believed; and it was agreed that we should be allowed to keep them,--especially as we consented to give them up should the original owner return. but nothing was ever heard of him, or of the other settlers who had gone in pursuit of the retreating foe; and it was generally believed that the whole had been surrounded and murdered by the savages. "as we could not spare time to look after the children, one of us agreed to marry. stephen therefore fixed upon your aunt hannah, who was, he had discovered, likely to prove a good housewife, and was kind-hearted and gentle-mannered. a true mother, too, she has ever proved to our lily." uncle mark only spoke the truth when he praised aunt hannah; for she had been like an affectionate mother to me, as well as to lily, and much i owed her for the care she had bestowed upon me. i need not describe my own early days; indeed, several years passed without the occurrence of any incidents which would be especially interesting to others. gradually the border-village grew into a town, although even then the country continued in almost its original wild state within a mile or two of us. both lily and i got a fair amount of schooling; and in the holidays i was able to indulge my taste, by rambling into the forest and increasing my knowledge of the habits of its denizens. occasionally i got leave for lily to accompany me, although aunt hannah did not much approve of her going so far from home. one day i had persuaded our aunt to let her accompany me--lily herself was always ready to go--for the sake of collecting some baskets of berries. "i promise to come back with as many as i can carry, to fill your jam-pots," said i. there were whortleberries, and thimble-berries, blue-berries, raspberries, and strawberries, and many others which, i reminded her, were now in season. "if we do not get them now, the time will pass. lily's fingers, too, will pick them quicker than mine, so that we shall get double as many as i should get by myself," i observed. my arguments prevailed, and lily and i set out, happy as the red-birds we saw flying in and out among the trees around us. we had nearly filled our baskets, and i was on my knees picking some strawberries which grew on the bank of a small stream running through an open part of the forest, when lily, who was at a little distance from me, shrieked out. i was about to spring to my feet and hurry to her assistance--supposing that she had been frightened by some animal--when what was my horror to see, close to me, a huge wolf, with open jaws, ready to seize me! my stick, the only weapon i carried, lay just within my reach; so i put out my hand and instinctively grasped it, determined to fight for my own life and lily's too--knowing how, if the wolf killed me, it would next attack her. as i moved the creature snarled, but did not advance any nearer. so, grasping the stick, i sprang to my feet and swung the weapon round with all my might, despair giving energy to my muscles. the savage creature retreated a few paces, astonished at the unexpected blow, snarling, and eyeing me, as if about to make another attack. again lily shrieked. "run, run!" i cried; "i will tackle the wolf." but she did not move; indeed, she saw that the creature was more likely to come off victor than i was. i stood ready to receive the animal, doubtful whether i ought to make the attack; lily, in the meantime, continuing to cry aloud for help. the wolf at length seemed to get tired of waiting for his expected prey, and giving a fierce howl, he was on the point of springing at me, when a bullet fired by an unseen hand laid him dead at my feet. lily sprang towards me, exclaiming, "you are safe! you are safe, roger!" and then burst into tears. she scarcely seemed to consider how i had been saved. all she saw was the dead wolf, and that i was unhurt. on looking round, i observed an indian advancing towards us from among the trees. "that must be the man who killed the wolf," i exclaimed. "we must thank him, lily." lily had ever a great dread of indians. "we must run! we must run, roger!" she cried. "he may kill us as easily as he did the wolf, or carry us away prisoners." "we cannot escape him, lily; and i do not think he will hurt us," i answered in an encouraging tone. "i will go forward and thank him for saving my life. it will not do to show any fear; and if he is disposed to be friendly, he would think it ungrateful if we were to run off without thanking him." i took lily's hand as i spoke, and led her towards the indian. he was dressed in skins, with an axe hanging from his belt, and had long black hair streaming over his shoulders,--unlike most of the indians i had seen, who wear it tied up and ornamented with feathers. a small silver medal hung from his neck, and i guessed from this that he was a friend to the white men, and had received it as a token for some service he had rendered them. he made a friendly sign as he saw us approach, and put out his hand. "we come to thank you for killing the wolf that was about to spring upon me," i said in english, for though i knew a few words of the indian tongue, i could not at that time speak it sufficiently well to express what i wished to say. "kepenau is glad to have done you a service," he answered in english. "i heard the young maiden cry out, and guessed that she would not do so without cause, so i hurried on to help you. but why are you so far from home? it is dangerous for unarmed people to wander in this forest." "we came out to gather berries, and were about to return," said lily. "you will not detain us?" "not if you wish to go," answered the indian. "but come with me, and you shall return with something of more value than these berries." i felt sure that the indian would not injure us, so lily and i followed him, hand in hand. he moved through the forest faster than we could, and presently stopped near some rocks, amid which lay the body of a deer with huge antlers. placing himself across the carcass of the animal, he exclaimed with a look of exultation, "see! i have overcome the king of these forests. once, thousands of these animals wandered here, but since the white man has come they have all disappeared; and now that i have slain him, we must go likewise, and seek for fresh hunting-grounds. still, kepenau bears the whiteskins no malice. he was ever their friend, and intends to remain so. you must take some of the meat and present it to your friends." saying this, he commenced skinning the deer, in which operation i assisted him. he then cut off several slices, which he wrapped up in some large leaves and placed in my basket. "take the venison to your mother, and say that kepenau sends it," he observed. "he has no mother," said lily. "is he not your brother?" asked the indian. "no!" said lily. "his mother was killed by the redskins long, long ago." lily at that time did not know that her own mother had been murdered when mine was. "you do not bear the red men any malice on that account, i trust?" said kepenau, turning to me. "the great spirit tells us to forgive our enemies; and there are good and bad indians." "you are a good indian, i am sure," said lily, looking up at him with more confidence in her manner than she had before shown. "i wish to become so," he said, smiling. "i have learned to love the great spirit, and wish to obey him. but it is time for you to return home. wait until i have secured the flesh of the deer, and then i will accompany you." kepenau quickly cut up the animal, and fastened the more valuable portion's to the bough of a tree--out of the reach of the wolves--by means of some lithe creepers which grew at hand; then loading himself with as much of the venison as he could conveniently carry, he said, "we will move on." having accompanied us to the edge of the forest, he bade us farewell. "should there be more wolves in the forest, they will not follow you further than this," he said; "but if they do, remember that it will be better to sacrifice some of the venison, than to allow them to overtake you. throw them a small bit at a time; and as in all likelihood they will stop to quarrel over it, you will thus have time to escape." i remembered the indian's advice, although we did not need to practise it on this occasion. we reached home before dark, and greatly surprised aunt hannah with the present of venison. she had, she told us, been very anxious at our prolonged absence. chapter two. greenford settlement--the flying squirrels--mike laffan and tom quambo-- their dogs, yelp and snap--a raccoon-hunt--mike having seen a bear, we go in chase--our dogs scent bruin--quambo in danger--the bear is killed, and quambo released--we return to the hut--the logging bee--uncle stephen's house--indian summer--mike laffan's cremona--the night attack of the wolves--we determine to go lumbering for the winter--mike and i go on ahead--uncle mark is attacked by a wolf--mike saves him, and we proceed onwards. we had only lately, as i have already said, arrived at our new location. my uncles had been imbued with the restless spirit of backwoodsmen, and aunt hannah was ready to do whatever uncle stephen wished. so, having grown weary of the life at watfield, where we had at first been located, they had resolved, along with several other inhabitants of that place, to push westward; and after making their way through forests, rivers, and swamps, and over hills and plains, had formed the new settlement where uncle stephen now was, and which they had named greenford. to the hut where uncle mark and i lived no name had been given; but he expressed his belief that it would one day become the centre of a great city. "before that day arrives, however, you and i, roger, will have moved far away westward," he observed. i used to exercise diligence while i was at work, in order that i might have more time to attend to the study of natural history. my great delight was to get away into the forest and observe the habits of its various inhabitants. often would i sit on the root of an old tree watching the playful squirrels at their gambols. when i spied a hole in which i knew that a family were likely to have taken up their abode, i would hide myself; and before long i was generally rewarded by seeing a "papa" squirrel poking out his nose. soon he would give an inaudible sniff, sniff, sniff, then out would come his head, and he would look round to ascertain whether danger was near. presently i would catch sight of his thick furry body and lovely brush, the tail curling over his head. then another nose would appear, and large shining eyes; and out another would pop; followed in rapid succession by the whole family. then, how delightful it was to watch them frolicking about, darting round the trunks, sending the bark rattling down as they chased each other; whisking their tails; darting along the boughs, and bounding fearlessly from branch to branch. one, reaching the end of a bough, would spread out its arms and tail, exhibiting the white fur beneath, and fly down to a lower branch, or to the earth below, followed by its companions; then away they would go along the logs or swinging vines, and up another trunk, quick as lightning. sometimes i would catch them at their supper, nibbling away at the nuts which they had plucked, or had dug out of the ground with their sharp little paws. a flying squirrel is indeed a beautiful creature. its colour is a most delicate grey; the fur thick and short, and as soft as velvet; the eyes large and full. the membrane by which it is enabled to take its flights is of a soft texture, and white, like the fur of the chinchilla. the tail greatly resembles an elegantly-formed broad feather. one day, as i was wandering along the banks of a stream, for the purpose of observing the habits of a family of beavers that had lately made their abode there, i caught sight of a number of squirrels. they were evidently about some important operation, since they were moving steadily along the branches, and refraining from their usual frisking and playing. having concealed myself from their view, in order that they might not be disturbed by my presence, i noticed that they went on until they reached the branch of a tree overhanging the stream, at the extreme end of which one, who appeared to be their leader, took post, looking eagerly up the current. in a short time a small log floated near, with a tendency to move over to the opposite side. as it came beneath the leader of the party he dropped down upon it, at the same time uttering a sharp cry. quick as lightning some others followed his example; and by holding on to the lower twigs they arrested its progress until the whole party were seated on board, when the log was allowed to float, as they sagaciously knew it would, towards the opposite bank. it seemed to me as if some of them were steering it with their tails; but of that i am not positive. in a short time, after floating some way down the stream it was guided to the shore; when one after the other leaped off, and quickly running along the boughs of the trees, gained a point exactly opposite to that from which they had started; after which they went away into the forest,--bent, i doubted not, on some predatory expedition. they would soon make their presence known, when they reached the pumpkin-grounds or maize-fields of the settlers. i was not always alone in my rambles through the forest. lily would have been only too happy to accompany me, but aunt hannah judged it prudent to keep her at home; and, indeed, she had plenty of occupation there. my chief companion, therefore, was one of uncle stephen's labourers--an irishman, mike laffan by name. although mike had no great knowledge of natural history, he was as fond of searching for animals as i was, and consequently was always ready to accompany me when he had the chance. he was an honest fellow; a thorough patlander in look, manners, language, and ideas. when he could, he used to press tom quambo, an old free negro, into the service; and quambo enjoyed the fun as much as mike did. each possessed a dog, of which they were very proud, ugly as the animals were to look at. "den, you see, massa, if yelp not 'ansome, he know eberyting," quambo used to remark. "he braver dan painter [meaning the puma], and run like greased lightning." it was difficult to say whether yelp or mike's dog was the ugliest; but both masters were equally proud of their canine friends. i too had a dog, which, if not a beauty, was certainly handsomer than either of his two acquaintances. he was clever enough in his way, but more useful in watching the hut than in hunting; indeed, when i went out by myself for the purpose of observing the habits of the denizens of the forest, i never took him, knowing that he would only interfere with their sports. on one occasion i had been over to see my uncle stephen, and as i was returning home mike laffan met me. "would you loike to be afther looking for a 'coon to-night, masther roger?" he asked. "quambo says he can come; and yelp and snap are moighty ager for the sport." i at once agreed to meet my two friends, accompanied by my dog pop. accordingly, at the time appointed, the day's work being over, mike and quambo made their appearance at the hut; while running at their heels were their two dogs, who were soon warmly greeted by pop. setting out, we took our way along the banks of the river, near which we fully expected to fall in with several raccoons. we had our guns, and were provided with torches and the means of lighting them. we had not gone far before we heard voices, and soon we were joined by three lads from the settlement, who had got notice of the expedition. as they had brought their dogs, we had a full pack of mongrels of high and low degree, but united by one feeling,--that of deadly enmity to raccoons. on we went, while the dogs, who had just then scented one of their foes, yelled in chorus. over huge logs and rotten trunks, through the brush and dead trees and briars, we went at full speed; and sometimes wading across bogs, sometimes climbing up banks, and occasionally tumbling over on our noses, we continued to make our way at the heels of the dogs, until old quambo, waving his torch above his head, and suddenly stopping short, shouted out, "de 'coon's treed!" he had made a mistake, however, for the dogs bayed loudly and continued their course. "dat a mighty old 'coon," cried quambo. "he know what he about." the raccoon, if it had got up the tree, had come down again, and was still ahead. some of the party were almost in despair; but i knew the habits of the creature too well not to feel sure that we should get it at last, so i encouraged my friends, while we dashed on as before. yelp and snap, having kept well ahead of the other dogs, were now heard baying under a big tree, and no doubt remained that the raccoon had taken refuge amid its branches. our difficulty was to get it down. as the others hesitated to encounter the fierce little animal amid the boughs, mike, for the honour of "old ireland," offered to make his way up. without more ado, then, he got on quambo's shoulders, sprang to a branch within his reach, and was soon lost to sight among the foliage. "i see him!" he shouted at last; and bits of bark, leaves, and rotten twigs came rattling down, while the loud whacks of his stick reached our ears. presently there was a "flop;" the raccoon had been compelled to evacuate its stronghold. the dogs once more gave chase; and i, torch in hand, followed them. in less than a minute i came up with the dogs, and found the creature at bay, its eyes flashing fire, while it bravely faced the pack, which, with gnashing growls and savage yells, were about to dash upon it, though each seemed unwilling to receive the first bite from its sharp teeth. but, hearing the voices of their masters, they gained courage, and in another instant had the poor animal struggling vainly in their midst; while our blows came rattling down, to finish its sufferings, and prevent them tearing its skin to pieces. such was one of several raccoon-hunts in which i took part. the raccoon is about the size of a spaniel, and its colour is a blackish grey. its tail is short and bushy, and is marked with five or six blackish rings on a grey ground. when the animal walks slowly, or sits, it plants the soles of its feet upon the ground; but when in a hurry it runs along on the tips of its toes. it hunts for its prey chiefly at night, when it devours any small animals it can catch. it has no objection, however, to a vegetable diet; and, indeed, its teeth show that it is capable of feeding on both descriptions of food. i once caught a young raccoon, which soon became domesticated--being quite as tame as a dog. it possessed, however, a habit of which i could not cure it; that of seizing any fowls it set eyes on, and biting off their heads. it having treated two or three of aunt hannah's in this way, i was compelled to carry it into the forest and set it at liberty. it enjoyed its freedom but a short time, however, as it was soon afterwards hunted and killed by some of our boys. having got so far from home, our party were not inclined to return without something in addition to the unfortunate animal we had slaughtered. mike, too, announced to us that he had seen a brown bear at a spot a little further on; so it was at once agreed that we should "knock up the quarters of mr bruin." it was necessary to proceed with caution; for though the "musquaw" or brown bear will seldom attack a human being unless first assaulted, our friend, if unceremoniously disturbed at night, would probably not be in a good-humour. our three well-trained dogs kept at our heels, but the other curs went yelping away through the forest; nor could their masters' voices succeed in calling them back. we feared, therefore, that they would rouse up the bear, and thus give it time to escape before we could reach its dwelling. "faix, though, i am not sure that the noise outside won't make the old gentleman keep quiet in his den," observed mike. "he will be after saying to his wife, `sure, what would be the use, molly, of turning out to go hunting thim noisy spalpeens of dogs? i'll sit snug and quiet till they come to the door; and thin, sure, it will be toime enough to axe thim what they want.'" mike's notion encouraged us to go on; and at length pop, snap, and yelp gave signs of uneasiness, and showed a decided inclination to rush forward. "let dem go!" exclaimed quambo. "off with you!" we cried at once; and the dogs darted on, barking furiously, until they stopped before the decayed trunk of a huge tree, round which several smaller trees, once saplings, had grown up--a well-selected natural fortification. as the light of our torches fell on it, we fully expected to see mr bruin stalk forth and inquire what we wanted. quambo proposed that we should light a fire in the neighbourhood, so that, did our enemy appear, we might be better able to attack him and defend ourselves. we followed the black's advice; but still nothing appeared. the dogs, however, showed they were convinced that some animal or other was concealed within the trunk. at last, growing impatient, we approached and thrust our long sticks into the hollow, feeling about in every direction. "i am sure that mine has struck something soft!" i exclaimed; and scarcely had i uttered the words when a low growl reached our ears. a dark body next appeared for an instant among the stems of the trees surrounding the hollow trunk, and then out rushed a bear through an opening which we had not perceived. the dogs gave chase, and so did we. bruin had but a short start; and although he must have been well acquainted with the locality, we, scorning all impediments, soon overtook him--the dogs having already commenced biting at his hind feet. this was too much for his equanimity, so, suddenly turning round, he struck two or three of them with his fore paws, sending them sprawling to a distance. as he did so the glare of our torches dazzled his eyes, and so perplexed him that he seemed not to know what to do. of one thing only he must have been convinced,--that he was in for a fight; and, brave bear as he was, he sat up on his hind legs and prepared to receive us. mike fired, but only wounded him in the shoulder. this stirred up bruin's anger to a pitch of fury, and, with a growl like thunder, he dashed forward at his opponent. mike, however, nimbly skipped on one side, and the bear's eye fell on quambo, who had lifted his rifle to fire. but scarcely had he pulled the trigger when the bear was upon him, and both rolled over together. for an instant i thought that the black was killed, but his voice shouting to us to drag off the bear reassured me; and mike's hunting-knife quickly finished the animal, which was struggling in the agonies of death. happily, his teeth had only torn quambo's jacket; and on our dragging away the dead body the black sprang to his feet. "berry good sport," he observed, shaking himself. "i'se wonder wedder mrs bear not remain behind! and piccaninny bears too, perhaps! we look as we go by. howeber, we now make ready dis gen'leman to carry home." he and mike then fastened the bear's feet together, and hung the animal to a long pole, which they cut from a sapling growing near. then having placed it on their shoulders, with short pieces at right angles at either end to prevent it slipping, they announced that they were ready to set off; so, while they led the way with our prize, we commenced our homeward journey. whether mrs bruin had occupied part of the trunk, we could not positively ascertain. quambo expressed his belief that she had been there, but had taken the opportunity, while we went in chase of her spouse, to make her escape with her offspring. we possibly might have found her; but, with her young to defend, she would have proved a dangerous foe, and, as our torches were almost burnt out, we should have had to encounter her in the dark. we therefore considered it prudent to proceed on our way. i remained at the hut while the rest of the party went back to the settlement. aunt hannah was well pleased to obtain so valuable a prize; and she sent us, some weeks afterwards, a smoked bear's ham as our share of the spoil. i can give but a very brief account of the adventures of those days; indeed, sometimes weeks went by during which i was hard at work without intermission, either assisting uncle mark, or joining in one or other of the "bees" got up for various purposes--when we went to help others, as our neighbours, when required, came to help us. sometimes we joined what was called a "logging bee," which i may explain thus:--when a new hut was to be erected, we and others united to drag the logs out of the forest, and to hew them into proper lengths to form the walls of the hut. these are placed, not upright, but horizontally, one above another. the length of the outside walls is first determined; whereupon the lowest log is let a little way into the earth, and a groove is cut on the upper side with a deep notch at each end. the next log is placed on the top of it, each end being so cut as to dovetail into the others at right angles; thus one log is placed upon another until the destined height of the wall is reached. doors and windows are afterwards sawed out; and the rafters are fixed on in the usual fashion. the roof is formed of rough slabs of wood called shingles; the interstices being filled up with clay. a big iron stove, the flues running from one end to the other, keeps the hut thoroughly warm in winter; while the thickness of the walls causes it to be cool in summer. many of the settlers had large houses of this description; but stores, and buildings where warmth was not of so much consequence, had their walls merely of planks nailed on to the framework. uncle stephen's house was built of logs raised on a platform above the ground, with steps leading to it, and a broad verandah in front. it contained a sitting-room, several bedrooms, and a kitchen; the verandah being painted a bright green, with stripes of pink, while the window-frames and doors were yellow. i used to think it a beautiful mansion, but perhaps that was on account of those who lived within. the abode of lily was of necessity, to my mind, charming. the autumn of that year was now approaching its close. there is in north america, at that period of the year, what is called the "indian summer." the air is balmy, but fresh, and mere existence to those in health is delightful; a light gauze-like mist pervades the atmosphere, preventing the rays of the sun, beaming forth from an unclouded sky, from proving over-oppressive. already the forest has assumed its particoloured tints. the maple has put on a dress of every hue,--of yellow, red, pink, and green. the leaves of the beeches become of a golden tinge, and those of the oak appear as if turned into bronze, while numerous creepers present the richest reds. we settlers, however, had but little time in which to admire the beauties of nature, for we knew that every day was rapidly bringing us to the period when all agricultural labour must cease, and the ground would be covered with a sheet of snow. not that we were then doomed to idleness, however, for we had abundance of out-of-door work during the winter, in felling trees; and, as soon as the snow had hardened, dragging them over it,--either to form huge heaps, where they could be burned, or to be placed in the spots where they were required for putting up buildings or fences. uncle stephen having engaged some new hands,--who, being fresh from the "old country," were unwilling, as they were unfit, to go further into the forest,--allowed mike and quambo to come to us. we therefore put up a room for them next to our own, and which could be heated in winter by the same stove. we were thus able to get on much more rapidly with our task of clearing the ground. mike, indeed, was a great acquisition to our party; for, besides singing a good irish song, he had learned to play the fiddle,--and, of course, he had brought his "cremona," of which he was justly proud, along with him. he beguiled the long winter evenings with many a merry tune, and not unfrequently set old quambo dancing. sometimes we would look in; and we found it great fun to see quambo, in the confined space of the cabin, coming the "double shuffle"--bounding up and down, and whirling round and round, snapping his fingers and stamping his feet, until the perspiration streamed down his sooty cheeks. mike would continue bobbing his head, meanwhile, and applauding with voice and gesture, though keeping his countenance, and looking as grave as a judge while listening to the counsel for a prisoner. we had now made an opening which enabled us to see the river from our hut; and mike declared that we were getting quite civilised, and were beginning to look like being in the midst of a great city, barring the houses, and streets, and people. "sure, they'll be afther coming one of these days," he added. "when that happens, it will be time for us to think of moving further westward," observed uncle mark. a violent storm, which sent the boughs and leaves flying about our heads, brought the "indian summer" to a conclusion, and the frost set in soon afterwards. one evening, after the day's work was over, and supper had been finished, we were sitting in our hut employed in various occupations before turning in for the night, when a low howl reached our ears. "what is that?" i exclaimed. before uncle mark could make answer, the howl was answered by another; and presently, others joining in, the whole forest reverberated with a melancholy and spirit-depressing chorus. "wolves!" said uncle mark. "the frost has driven them from the high ground, and they are contemplating a raid on our porkers and cattle. we must send them to the right-about, or they will become audacious." calling to mike and quambo, we put on our coats and sallied forth, armed with guns and sticks. the moon was shining brightly, so we required no torches. we made our way over the fallen trunks and rough rocks which formed the bank of the river, but after a while the howls appeared to come from a still greater distance than before. uncle mark now called a halt. "the brutes hear us, and are retreating," he said. "keep silence for a few minutes, and maybe we shall catch sight of them." under his directions i seated myself on the trunk of a tree, while he and the two men stayed near. presently i caught sight of a pair of glaring eyeballs, and soon another wolf came into view. "get your rifles ready," whispered uncle mark. "you, roger, shoot the one to the left. i will aim at the next. mike and quambo, you take two others. unless they run off, we may give a good account of the whole pack." as he finished speaking i fired, followed by uncle mark and the other men; and, as the result, four wolves rolled over dead. the rest of them, however, disappointed us by turning tail and scampering off to a safe distance, from whence only their howls reached us. uncle mark, however, did not consider it prudent to follow them. indeed, had they heard us approaching they would probably have retreated out of shot; for wolves, though they will follow a fugitive, like other savage animals, will generally try to escape when pursued. so, having secured the skins of those we had killed, although they were of no great value, we returned homewards. after this we had alternately rain and frost, with a few fine days, till the snow came down, and the winter commenced in earnest. but we were all pretty well inured to it. indeed, except when the wind blew, we were in the habit of hewing in the forest with our coats off; and even then we often found it hot work. mike came back one day from the settlement--where he had been sent for a few stores and powder and shot--with the information that a party of lumberers had commenced operations some miles up a river which ran into the great lake, and that the "boss" had sent a ganger to hire hands, more of whom were wanted. "a few dollars of ready cash would be very acceptable," observed uncle mark. "what say you, roger? we'll start away, and spend a month or so with them. we can take mike with us, while quambo will look after the hut, the cattle, and pigs." i was ready, of course; and so, as my uncle was a man of action, he determined to set off the next morning. we were all good skaters; and although, during the first part of our journey, we should be unable to make use of our skates, we settled to carry them with us. at daybreak, then, we were up, and having taken breakfast, were ready to start,--our provisions consisting of flour-cakes and cold pork, with a pot and pannikins. mike also carried his fiddle hung around his neck. "it will help to amuse the gossoons--and maybe put a few dollars in my pocket," he remarked with a wink. "bedad! i'll keep their feet going, when the work is over for the day, and they are afther sharpening their axes." we had but one gun with us, which mike carried, as we wished to travel with as little encumbrance as possible. but just as we were starting off, uncle mark recollected that he had forgotten to write to uncle stephen upon a matter of importance. "you, roger, and mike, can go on ahead," he said, "while i finish my letter, which i will leave with quambo to be forwarded; and i will soon overtake you." as there was now light enough for us to see our way through the forest, we commenced our tramp. there was no risk of our taking the wrong road, seeing there was but one--along the course of the stream, which ran into the larger river; and it was now frozen in such a manner as to afford us a good highway. mike was always amusing, and i was glad of his company; besides which, as we had had a good start of my uncle, i was in hopes that we might have time to get a shot at something. we had accomplished three or four miles, and i had begun to wonder why uncle mark had not overtaken us, as he was a quick walker, and intended to carry only his axe, and a small skin bag over his shoulder containing some necessaries. we were looking about us, in the hope of catching sight of a raccoon or opossum, or some larger game, when a howl, such as had aroused us one night a short time before, sounded through the forest. "sure, that comes from a pack of wolves," observed mike. "but no! i belave one of the brutes is capable of making that noise. we have heard the echoes among the trees. i hope that there are not many of them, as they might take it into their heads to attack us, and that would not be pleasant." we went on, however, troubling ourselves very little about the wolf, for i felt sure that there was only one, or a couple at the most. the stream, as we proceeded, became wider, running round the foot of some hills, with larches scattered on either side, their boughs bent down by the snow which had frozen hard on them. the sky had become cloudy by this time, too, and there was every appearance of a fresh fall. "surely uncle mark will be up with us soon, mike!" i observed. but scarcely had i spoken when i heard my uncle shouting to us. he was in the middle of the frozen stream, and was hurrying towards us, axe in hand. he had good reason to keep it there, for just then we saw a huge wolf rush out from behind a clump of trees close at hand. he stopped to receive his assailant, which, probably well nigh famished, seemed bent on his destruction. mike, without saying a word, had unslung the gun and dropped on his knee, for there was not a moment to be lost. in another instant the fierce wolf would have sprung at my uncle's throat, and might have taken his life; or, at all events, have severely injured him, and that before we could get near enough to render him any assistance. it all depended on mike's steady aim, therefore; and although i was a good shot, still i was thankful that he had the gun. he fired; and the brute, the moment that it was making its spring, fell over, snarling and hissing, with its shoulder broken. a blow on the head from my uncle's axe finished its existence. "you have rendered me good service, laffan," said my uncle, when we got up to him. "had you not taken steady aim, that brute's fangs would have been at my throat in another moment." "faix, thin, mr mark, it is only what i would have wished to be done," answered mike. "and if you ever catch sight of a bear about to give me a hug, or such a brute as this at my heels,"--and he gave the dead wolf a kick--"you will be afther shooting him, sure enough!" "well, mike, we shall then be quits. in the meantime i am your debtor," answered my uncle, laughing. notwithstanding the danger he had been in, he was quite unmoved. his cheek had not lost its ruddy glow, nor did a limb tremble. we quickly skinned the wolf, and hung the hide up to the branch of a tree a little way from the bank, where it would be concealed from any passers-by. we did not wish to encumber ourselves with it in the meantime, and we hoped to find it on our return. we were not likely to forget the spot, any more than those boys in the "old country" would do, who, as i have heard, are taken to certain landmarks and whipped, in order that they may afterwards bear them duly in mind. we were thankful that the wolf which had attacked my uncle was alone, as it would have been unpleasant to find ourselves followed by a howling pack; and we now regretted that we had not all of us brought our guns. trudging on some miles further, we came upon a part of the river which had not been frozen over until after the snow fell. here, the ice being clear, we put on our skates, and glided merrily along towards the spot where we understood the lumberers were at work. chapter three. a terrific snowstorm--kepenau's timely appearance--we visit kepenau's camp--his hospitality--an indian's dread of the "fire water"--we bid adieu to our indian friends--our arrival at the logging encampment-- jacques michaud takes a fancy to mike--jacques' raft story--my uncle and i start on our return--we are attacked by a fierce pack of wolves, and are saved by kepenau and his men--mike laffan in a difficulty--we rescue him--ashatea, kepenau's daughter--my visit to lily--mr. and mrs. claxton--dora and reuben--reuben visits our hut--the marten and porcupine--an opossum-hunt. the snow had for some time been falling lightly, but the wind which had arisen blew it off the ice, and thus it did not impede our progress; but that same wind, which was now by a turn of the river brought directly ahead of us, soon increased in strength, and drove the particles of snow, sharp as needles, into our faces. indeed, the cold every instant became more intense, while the snow fell more thickly. "faix, and it's moighty loike a shower of penknives, mixed with needles and pins!" cried mike. "it's a hard matther to keep the eyes open. what will we be afther doing, mr mark, if it gets worse?" "we'll go on till it does get worse," said uncle mark. "it would not do to turn back now." mike said no more, but, bending down his head, worked away manfully with might and main. i did my best to keep up, but i may say that seldom have i endured such suffering. at last i felt that i could stand it no longer; so i proposed to my uncle that we should make for the shore, and there build a hut, light a fire, and wait till the storm was over. he was, however, bent upon going on. "we should be half-frozen before we could get up a wigwam," he answered. just then i heard a voice hailing us in gruff tones, and i guessed it was that of an indian; but we had no reason to dread the indians of these parts. as we looked about to see from whence it proceeded, i caught sight of the tops of two or three wigwams just peeping out from a cedar-bush at a little distance from the shore. "friends, come here!" exclaimed some one, and we observed an indian making towards us; whereupon we turned round and skated up to him. "ah, friends! i know you," he said. "you cannot face the storm, which will soon blow stronger still. come to my wigwam, where you shall have shelter till it has passed by." as he spoke i recognised my old friend kepenau, whom i had not seen since we had come to our present location. i had so grown, too, that he did not at first recognise me. having taken off our skates, we followed him to his camp, where he introduced us to several other indians and their squaws, among whom were a number of children of all ages. the thick cedar-bushes sheltered the spot completely from the wind, and the fire which burned in the centre afforded us a welcome warmth; for, in spite of the exercise we had gone through, our blood was chilled by the piercing snowstorm. the indians were dressed partly in skins, and partly in garments made of blankets, received from the white men; most of the squaws wore a large blanket over their heads, forming a cloak in which they were shrouded. the wigwams were constructed of long thin poles, fastened at the top, and spread out in a conical form, the whole being covered thickly with slabs of birch-bark. our red-skinned hosts put us at once at our ease; and i asked kepenau how he came to be in that part of the country. "the white men compelled us to move westward," he answered. "they have planted on our lands, and shot the game on which we subsisted; and though i should have been content to remain among them and adopt their customs, yet my people wished to live as our fathers have lived; and i would not desert them. my desire is to instruct them in the truths i have myself learned; and it is only by dwelling with them, and showing them that i love them, that i can hope to do that." we had much interesting conversation with kepenau, and i was surprised at the amount of information on religious subjects which he possessed; indeed. i confess that he put us all to shame. uncle mark looked grave, and sighed. "i used once to read my bible, and listen gladly to god's word read and preached, when i lived with my good father and mother in the `old country,' though i have sadly neglected it since i came out here," he said; "but i will do so no longer. you have reminded me of my duty, friend kepenau." "what you say makes me glad. keep to your resolve, for you cannot do god's will without reading his word, to know what that will is," remarked kepenau. our host gave up one of the wigwams for our special use, in the centre of which a fire burned, prevented from spreading by a circle of stones. the ground around the sides was covered with thick rushes which served as our beds, and we lay with our feet towards the fire. severe as was the cold outside, and thin as appeared the walls, the heat from the fire kept us thoroughly warm; and i never slept more soundly in my life, for, although our hosts were redskins, we felt as secure as in our own hut. notwithstanding that the storm raged without, the wigwams were so well protected by the cedar-bushes that the fierce wind failed to reach us. in the morning, when we came out of our wigwam we found that the squaws had prepared breakfast; which consisted of dried venison, cakes made from indian corn, and fish which had been caught before the frost set in, and had remained hard-frozen ever since. "you can now continue your journey, for the storm has ceased; and may the great spirit protect you!" observed kepenau, looking up at the sky, across which the clouds were now scarcely moving. uncle mark inquired why he did not bring his camp nearer the settlement. "i will tell you," answered kepenau. "though i have been ever friendly with the white men, and value the advantages to be obtained from them, there is one thing for which i fear them,--their accursed `fire water.' already it has slain thousands of my people, or reduced them to a state lower than the brutes which perish; and i know not whether my young men would resist the temptation were it placed in their way." "but all the white men do not sell the `fire water' of which you speak," observed uncle mark. "i have none in my hut." "but while one among you possesses the poison, and is ready to barter it with my people, the harm may be done," answered kepenau. "until i am sure that none of the `fire water' exists in your settlement, i will not allow my people to come near it." "i am afraid, then, that you will fail to civilise them, as you desire," observed uncle mark. "do you call it civilising them, to teach them the vices of the white men?" exclaimed the indian in a tone of scorn. "if so, then i would rather that they remained savages, as you call them, than obtain knowledge at such a price." "i believe that you are right," answered uncle mark, as we bade our host and his family good-bye; "and i have learned more than one lesson from you." kepenau accompanied us to the bank of the river; where we put on our skates, and continued our course without interruption till we caught sight of several thin wreaths of smoke above the tops of the trees. "sure, that smoke must come from the lumberers' fires," observed mike. "such is probably the case; but it is just possible that it may proceed from a camp of indians, who might not be so friendly as those we left this morning," said my uncle. still we were not to be stopped, and on we skated. even should we meet enemies, we had not much cause to fear them, unless they possessed firearms. on we went, i say, gliding along at the rate of ten or twelve miles an hour; and as i had never before had an opportunity of performing so great a distance, i enjoyed it amazingly. as we advanced we caught sight of numerous logs of timber hauled out into the middle of the stream. shortly afterwards the sound of voices reached our ears, and we saw a number of men scattered about--some engaged, with gleaming axes, in felling trees; others with horses dragging the trunks, placed on sleighs, over the hard snow on to the ice. they were there arranged alongside each other, and bound together so as to form numerous small rafts. here they would remain until the giving way of the frost; when, on the disappearance of the ice, they would be floated down towards the mouth of the river and towed across the lake to the various saw-mills on its banks. we were glad to be welcomed by the "boss;" who at once engaged uncle mark and mike to hew, while i was to undertake the less onerous task of driving a team. the shores of the river had been already pretty well cleared of large timber, so that i had to bring the trunks from some distance. uncle mark and laffan soon showed that they were well practised axemen. our companions were to spend some months engaged in the occupation i have described; till the return of spring, in fact, when, the rafts being put together, they would descend the river till rapids or cataracts were reached. the rafts would then be separated, and each log of timber, or two or three together at most, would be allowed to make their way as they best could down the fall, till they reached calm water at the foot of it; when they would be again put together, and navigated by the raftsmen guiding them with long poles. in some places, where rough rocks exist in the rapids by which the timber might be injured, slides had been formed. these slides are channels, or rather canals, as they are open at the top; and are constructed of thick boards--just as much water being allowed to rush down them as will drive on the logs. some of these slides are two hundred feet long; others reach even to the length of seven hundred feet. the timbers are placed on cribs,--which are frames to fit the slides,--then, with a couple of men on them to guide their course, when they get through they shoot away at a furious rate down the inclined plane, and without the slightest risk of injury. when evening approached we all assembled in a huge shanty, which had been built under the shelter of the thick bush. round it were arranged rows of bunks, with the cooking-stove in the centre, which was kept burning at all hours, and served thoroughly to warm our abode. on each side of the stove were tables, with benches round them. here we took our meals; which, although sufficient, were not too delicate,--salt pork being the chief dish. rough as were the men, too, they were tolerably well-behaved; but quarrels occasionally took place, as might have been expected among such a motley crowd. on the first evening of our arrival mike's fiddle attracted universal attention, and he was, of course, asked to play a tune. "why thin, sure, i will play one with all the pleasure in life," he answered. "and, sure, some of you gintlemen will be afther loiking to take a dance;" and without more ado he seated himself on the top of a bench at the further end of the shanty, and began to scrape away with might and main, nodding his head and kicking his heels to keep time. the effect was electrical. the tables were quickly removed to the sides of the shanty; and every man, from the "boss" downwards, began shuffling away, circling round his neighbour, leaping from the ground, and shrieking at the top of his voice. when mike's fiddle was not going, our lumbering companions were wont to spin long yarns, as we sat at the supper-table. several of them had worked up the northern rivers of canada, where the winter lasts much longer than it does in the district i am describing; and among these was a fine old french canadian, jacques michaud by name, who had come south with a party, tempted by the prospect of obtaining a pocketful of dollars. he stood six feet two inches in his stockings; and his strength was in proportion to his size. at the same time, he was one of the most good-natured and kind-hearted men i ever met. among our party were several rough characters; and it happened that one evening two of them fell out. they were about to draw their knives, when jacques seized each of them in his vice-like grasp, and, holding them at arm's-length, gradually lifted them off the ground. there he kept them; mildly expostulating,--now smiling at one, and now at the other,--till they had consented to settle their dispute amicably; he then set them on their legs again, and made them shake hands. this man took a great fancy to mike. "ah, i do wish all your countrymen were like you," he observed, smiling benignantly on him; "but they are generally very different, especially when they get the grog on board: then they often lose their lives,--and all their own fault, too. "i had come down the ottawa with several rafts, some two hundred miles or more. my own raft was manned by canadians,--steady boys, who stuck to our laws, whatever they do to those of other people, and kept sober till they brought their raft safe into dock. another raft was manned chiefly by irishmen,--who, although i warned them, would indulge in strong drink. we were nearing the chaudiere falls, and i had brought my raft safe to shore, where it was taken to pieces, so that the logs might be sent down the slide. i had gone on to a point where i could watch this being done, when i heard loud cries; and on looking up the river i saw that part of another raft, with four men on it, had got adrift, and, to my horror, was hurrying towards the most dangerous part of the rapids. i saw at once that in a few moments it must be dashed to pieces, and, as i thought, the fate of the four unfortunates on it was surely sealed. "on it hurried, whirling round and round amid the foaming waters. the next instant dashing against the rocks, it separated into as many fragments as there were timbers, each of which was whirled down towards the falls. three of the poor wretches soon disappeared among the tossing waves; but the fourth clung to the end of a piece of timber with the grasp of despair--to that end which reached nearly to the edge of the cataract. a fearful position! still, the irishman held on. i was almost sure that the next moment would be his last; but just then the current turned the log, so that the opposite end pointed to the fall. on it went, with even greater rapidity than at first; then balancing for an instant on the brink, the end to which he held was lifted up high in the air, and he was sent from it as from a catapult, far out into the calm water below the caldron! i never expected again to see him, but he rose uninjured to the surface; and being a good swimmer, struck out boldly till he was picked up by one of several canoes which put off instantly to his assistance. tim nolan, i have a notion, was the first man who ever came over those terrific falls and lived; and i would not advise any of you young fellows to try the experiment, for, in my opinion, he is the last who will ever do so and escape destruction." such was one of the many anecdotes i heard from the lips of old jacques and our other associates. i was not sorry when, after some weeks, uncle mark told me that he had made up his mind to return home. mike had agreed to finish a job which would occupy him a day or so longer; but as uncle mark was anxious to be off, it was settled that he and i should start together, leaving the rifle with mike, as he would have to come on alone. we believed that no animals were likely at that season to attack two people; besides, uncle mark had purchased a pair of pistols from jacques michaud, which he considered would be sufficient for our defence. accordingly, pocketing our dollars and slinging our wolf-skin knapsacks over our backs, we put on our skates and commenced our journey. we got on famously, for the air was calm, although the cold was intense. we found our friend kepenau, too, encamped where we had left him; and stopping for a short time, we took our mid-day meal with him. as we had made such good progress during the morning, we hoped to reach the hut before midnight, for the moon was up, and we could not miss our way. uncle mark was in good spirits, well satisfied with the result of our expedition, and we laughed and chatted as we glided over the smooth ice. "we must not forget our wolf-skin," i observed. "we shall get up to the spot before daylight is over, and i would rather carry it on my back than leave it behind." "i shall not let you do that," answered my uncle. "it will weigh less on my shoulders than on yours." we were approaching a part of the river where, the ice having formed before the snow fell, we should be compelled to take off our skates and travel on foot. i had just remarked that i supposed the wolves had gone off to some other district, where game was more abundant than with us, when a howl reached our ears, coming down the stream, from the very direction in which we were going. another and another followed. presently we heard the full chorus of a whole pack, and soon we caught sight of numerous dark spots on the white snow in the distance. uncle mark watched them for an instant or two. "we must beat a retreat, roger, or the brutes will be upon us. we cannot hope to fight our way through them. off we go!" and turning round, we skated away for dear life in the direction from whence we had come. we hoped soon to distance the savage creatures; in which case, losing sight and scent of us, they might turn off into the forest and leave the road clear. as we went on, however, we heard their cries becoming more and more distinct; and casting a glance over our shoulders, we saw, to our horror, that they had already gained considerably on us; for with their light bodies they ran very quickly over the hard-frozen snow. forward we dashed, faster than i had ever skated before; but nearer and nearer grew those terrible sounds. when once, however, the wolves reached the smooth ice, they were no longer able to run so fast as before; still, they gradually gained on us, and we felt sure that ere long they must be at our heels, as they were not now likely to give up the chase. "never give up while life remains! keep on, keep on, roger!" cried uncle mark. "my pistols will do for two of their leaders; our sticks must knock over some of the others; and we must hope that the rest of the pack will stop to devour their carcasses." it might have been a quarter of an hour after this, although the time appeared longer, when, looking round, i saw a dozen wolves at least within twenty yards of us. "we must try a dodge i have heard of," said uncle mark. "when they get near us we must wheel rapidly round, and as they cannot turn on the ice so fast as we can, we shall gain on them." we waited until the wolves were almost up to us, then we followed the proposed plan. the brutes, after rushing on a short distance, tried to turn also. in doing so, those behind tumbled over their leaders, and we skated on as before. we did this several times, until the cunning wolves, perceiving our object, instead of turning kept straight forward. uncle mark now drew one of his pistols, and as he skated round shot the leading wolf. it rolled over dead. the next he treated in the same manner. we then brought our sticks down on the heads of several others. as we had expected, their followers instantly began tearing away at the dead bodies, and this enabled us to get some distance ahead of them. i was in hopes that they would be content with this feast, and allow us to proceed unmolested; but before long our ears were again saluted with their abominable howls, and we saw the survivors of the pack coming along in full chase. as we skated on uncle mark deliberately reloaded his pistols, observing, "we shall have to play the same game over again, and i hope we shall play it as well." the wolves, however, seemed resolved not to let us escape. they nearly overtook us; and though we turned, skating away now to the right and now to the left bank of the river, they declined imitating our example. "our best chance is to keep straight on," said uncle mark. "don't give in, whatever you do. our legs are as strong as theirs, and they will begin to get tired at last." i was not so sure of that till, looking back for a moment, i saw that the pack was drawn out into a long line, showing that some, at all events--probably the younger animals--were losing wind. if, however, only one brute had succeeded in catching hold of our legs, it would have been all up with us. fearfully depressing indeed were their howls; as they sounded close behind us, they almost took the life out of me. two of the largest of the brutes were not five yards from us, and i was already beginning to feel as if their sharp fangs were fixed in the calves of my legs, when i saw several figures in the distance, and faint shouts were borne on the breeze towards us. "courage, roger! courage!" cried uncle mark. "put forth all your strength, and we shall be saved. those are friends." as we moved on we perceived kepenau and a number of indians rushing towards us, flourishing sticks, and shouting at the top of their voices. kepenau himself, and three others, were armed with rifles. "turn on one side," he shouted, "and let us aim at the wolves." we followed his advice; when four rifle-shots sent over as many of the howling brutes. the rest, frightened by the shouts of the indians as much probably as by the death of their companions, turned off on one side, and allowed us to escape. instead, however, of going back, they continued their course down the river. probably they had been bound in that direction when they first winded us. we were saved; but so overcome were we by our long-continued violent exertions, that, had not our indian friends caught us in their arms, we should have sunk exhausted on the ice. taking off our skates, they supported us between their arms to their camp. here, seated on mats, with our feet before the fire, we were kindly tended by the squaws, who rubbed our ankles and legs, and bathed our feet in water. some warm broth--we did not examine too minutely the ingredients--quickly restored us; and we were able to give an account of our adventure. it was now too late to think of continuing our journey that night, so the indians pressed us to remain with them till the next morning; promising to ascertain the direction taken by the pack of wolves, so that we might not run the risk of again falling in with the hungry brutes. kepenau would not allow us to use our own provisions,--observing that we might want them the next day,--and he insisted on supplying us with everything needful. we slept soundly, but when i tried to get up next morning i felt little able to continue the journey. i did not so much feel the effects of the exercise as of the anxiety i had so long endured. even uncle mark was very stiff, and seemed inclined to enjoy a longer rest. the indians told us that during the night the wolves had come back; probably to devour the carcasses of their slain companions. it was thought probable that they had returned up the river. one of the men went out to ascertain this, and on coming back told us that the first surmise was correct--that the pack had indeed gone up the river, but that it had afterwards gone down again, as was evident from the bloody marks left by their feet. suddenly my uncle exclaimed: "by-the-by, mike will be on his way home some time to-day; and if so, it is more than possible that he may fall in with the wolves! though he has a gun, it will go hard with him should they follow his trail." my uncle accordingly expressed his fears to kepenau. "then we must set out to meet your white friend," said the indian; "for should he be coming over the ice to-day, the wolves are certain to espy him." mike had told me that he would visit our indian friends on the way, and spend the night with them, should he start too late to perform the whole distance in one day. the recollection of this increased my apprehension for his safety. kepenau said that he and four of the best-armed of his people would set out early in the afternoon to look for our friend. of course, we insisted on accompanying them; and being pretty well rested, we started at the hour proposed. we put on our skates, but the indians kept pace with us by running. we went on and on, but no sign could we see of mike. it was already getting dusk when kepenau stopped and examined the ice. "a man has passed this way," he said, "and has turned off to the right." telling one of his people to follow up the trail, he proceeded onwards, narrowly scrutinising the ice. "it is as i thought," he observed; "he was coming along on foot when he saw a pack of wolves following him, and instead of continuing on the ice he made his way for the shore, to try and reach a tree into which he could climb--the wisest thing he could do." having made this remark, he led the way in the direction the other indian had taken. he soon overtook him; but as darkness was increasing we had to proceed slowly, so as not to lose the trail, which i was utterly unable to perceive. the banks here were of a low, marshy nature, so that there were few trees about up which the fugitive could have escaped. i did not confidently expect to meet mike on this occasion, for he, i thought, would have come along on his skates, whereas this person, the indian said, was on foot. we had not gone far when kepenau stopped. "that is the howl of wolves," he observed; "but it is accompanied by a curious sound, and they are not howling in their usual fashion." advancing further, i could clearly distinguish the howling of the wolves, accompanied by another sound. "why, as i am alive, those are the tones of mike laffan's fiddle!" exclaimed uncle mark. "he is safe, at all events--that is one comfort; but it is a curious place to be playing in." kepenau now told us that the path we were following would lead us to the ruins of an old fort, erected by the early french settlers, and that he had little doubt our friend had found his way to it for refuge from the wolves; but they had followed him, and were certainly not far off. we hurried on, and as the sounds of the fiddle became more distinct, the full moon rose from behind a dark mass which proved to be a ruined wall of the building; and immediately afterwards, directly in front of us, we discovered mike laffan seated on one of the time-worn and rickety beams which had once formed part of the fort. there he was, bow in hand, fiddling with might and main; while below him were a whole pack of wolves, their mouths open, singing an inharmonious chorus to his music. so entranced were they, that the brutes actually did not discover us; nor, so far as we could see, were they making any attempt to reach mike. at a sign from kepenau we stopped; but mike, though he had perceived us, went on fiddling. presently he changed the tune to one of extraordinary rapidity: this evidently astonished his vulpine audience, which began to leap about. suddenly he exclaimed, "now! shout, friends, shout! and we shall put the spalpeens of wolves to flight." as we raised our voices he made his instrument produce the most fearful shrieks and cries, while he uttered at the same time a true irish howl. mike's plan had the desired effect. the wolves, bewildered by the strange sounds, were seized with terror, and off they scampered like a pack of curs, howling and biting at each other as they rushed along towards the forest, in which they soon disappeared. mike on this jumped down from his perch, laughing heartily, and thanked us all for having come to his assistance. of course, our opportune appearance had very much astonished him; but we soon explained matters, and expressed our hope that he was none the worse for his adventure. "sorra a bit," he answered, "except that i am mighty cowld, sitting up there among the snow for so long; but i'll soon be afther warming my limbs." saying this he set off with us, and at a rapid rate we retraced our steps to the indian camp. we were all glad enough to turn in; and next morning our friends, after examining the country around, assured us that the wolves were not likely to follow our footsteps. my uncle had taken a great liking to kepenau, and invited him to come and pitch his camp near us; promising to supply him with powder and shot, and also to assist him in trading with the white men so that no risk might be run of whisky being given in exchange for game and furs. kepenau said he would think about the matter. one of the young squaws who happened to be present was his daughter. on hearing of the invitation, she begged her father to accept it. she was far superior to the other indian women in appearance; and although not so old as lily, she was taller than any of them. her complexion was of the lightest olive, through which rich colour could be seen on her cheeks. she was, indeed, fairer than many europeans. her figure was extremely graceful, too. i did not, however, observe this when i first saw her, for she was then dressed in her thick blanket robe. her name was ashatea, or "white poplar;" a very suitable name, as i thought. she had seen lily, i found, two or three times, before they had moved westward; and she longed, she told me, to meet her again, and begged that i would tell lily so when i returned home. it was this that made her so anxious that her father and his tribe should come and camp near us. before we started, kepenau had almost promised to come, though he would not bind himself to do so. "circumstances might change," he observed. "he was well located where his camp was pitched, and it was trying work to change quarters at that season of the year." ashatea accompanied us, with her people, down to the ice. "do not forget," she said, "my message to your sister lily." "you may trust me," i answered, making her a bow--for i felt that she was a lady, although an indian squaw; then off we set, hoping this time to reach home before nightfall. having completely recovered from our fatigue, we got on famously. mike did not forget to secure the wolf-skin; and just as the sun sank behind the trees, we were saluted by the sharp, joyous barking of snap, yelp, and pop, and by the gruffer tones of quambo, who rushed out of the hut to welcome us home. we had plenty of work to do after we returned home, but i managed to make a run over to the settlement to pay a visit to my uncle and aunt and lily. i did not fail to give her ashatea's message; and she was much pleased to hear of her. "i do hope they will come into our neighbourhood; i should be so glad to see her again," said lily. "ashatea promised to take me out in her canoe; for, you know, she is as expert as any of the men in paddling one. she wished to show me how the indians catch fish. and then she said that when the rice was ripe we should go to the rice-lake to collect it. i hope that aunt hannah won't object. it would be very interesting; and there could be no possible danger, as all the indians in this part of the country are friendly. but, to tell you the truth, roger, i am quite jealous of you, as you are now able to go out into the forest by yourself, and meet with all sorts of adventures; whilst i, alas! am compelled to stay at home, with no other amusement than occasionally a `sewing' or an `apple bee.'" i, of course, sympathised with lily, and said that i wished aunt hannah would let her come out with me, and that i should take very great care of her. "i am afraid that she thinks we are now too old to run about together as we used to do, when you were a boy and i was a girl," she answered. "i wish, then, that we were young again!" i exclaimed; "although i should not then be able to take as much care of you as i can now. i would sooner die, lily, than allow any harm to happen to you." "that i am sure you would, roger," she said; "and i should not be afraid to trust myself with you anywhere." we were not very old even then, i should remark: but i was feeling myself a man, and was ready to do all sorts of manly things. "by-the-by," observed lily, "we have become intimate with a family among the settlers who arrived last fall,--mr and mrs claxton, and dora their daughter, a very nice girl of my age, and a great friend of mine. dora has a brother called reuben, and i think you will like him. although he is younger than you are, he seems to be a fine fellow, and has your taste for natural history and sporting." "i shall be very glad to meet with him; but i have not time to look him up now, as i must get back to the hut. but you may tell him about me; and say that, if he will come over, i shall be happy to take him out into the forest, where we can have a hunt together." although i had said that i must go immediately, i lingered for some time with lily, for i never was in a hurry to leave her. it was consequently quite dark before i got half-way to the hut; still, i knew the path-- indeed, there was only one. the snow, however, thickly covered the ground, and i had to guide myself by feeling the scores on the trunks of the trees. had every tree been thus marked, there would have been no great difficulty; but, of course, they were scored only at intervals, and sometimes i was uncertain whether i had not somehow got out of the direct line. i knew that, did i once go wrong, it would be a hard matter, if not impossible, to find my way back again. there might be wolves prowling about, too; or i might by chance find myself in the grasp of a hungry bear, bent on a visit to the hog-pens in the settlement. intending to return early, i had left without my gun--an act of folly i resolved not to repeat. should i lose myself, i should have no means of making a signal, and i might very possibly be frozen to death before the morning. i had gone some distance without finding a score, and i began to fear that i really had lost myself; but it would not do to stand still, so i walked on; and greatly to my relief, as i touched tree after tree, i at length felt a scored one, and knew that i was in the right direction. presently a light appeared ahead. i ran towards it, shouting at the top of my voice. a welcome halloo came from mike, who was standing, with a pine torch in his hand, at the door of the hut. two days after this, a tall lad, of fair complexion, made his appearance at the hut, gun in hand, and introduced himself as reuben claxton. "miss lily, who is a great friend of my sister dora, told me that you would be glad to see me; and so i have come, and i should much like to have a hunt with you in the forest," he said abruptly. it was his way, i found. he always went directly to the point, whether in talking or in doing anything: and i liked him the better for that. uncle mark invited him to stay with us. "i said that i would if you asked me, so they will not be expecting me at home again," he answered. in ten minutes we were on as friendly terms as if we had known each other all our lives. next day we started with our guns, accompanied by mike and quambo, and our three dogs. the sky was bright, the air calm, and, except for the snow and the leafless trees, we might have supposed ourselves to have been in the middle of summer. we had not gone far when we caught sight of an animal making its way along the trunk of a fallen tree. i soon recognised it to be a marten, and was just going to fire, when i perceived another creature coming out of a hole hard by. the former animal was evidently bent on attacking the latter. the marten immediately stopped, and carefully eyed the hermit, the character of which i could not at first make out on account of the distance it was from us. quambo would probably have known, but he and mike were some way behind us. of the marten i had no doubt; i recognised it by its agile and graceful movements, by its length, which was about a foot and a half, with a bushy tail somewhat under a foot long, and by its dark tawny coat and white throat, its pointed muzzle, and bright and lively eyes. we stopped to watch what would take place, keeping back the dogs, which were about to rush forward and seize the animals. the marten soon made up its mind to assault its opponent, which, instead of retreating into its hole, came boldly forward and ascended the fallen trunk. i at once saw that it was an "urson," or porcupine; although my companion supposed it to be another animal, as he could not see the long quills with which the english porcupine is armed. this creature was fully two feet long. its back was covered with thick hair of a dusky brown colour; its head was short, and its nose blunt; it had small round ears, very powerful teeth, short limbs, and feet armed with strong crooked claws. these particulars i was afterwards able to exhibit to him. the porcupine stood eyeing its opponent for nearly a minute; then the marten began the attack by showing its teeth, erecting its hairs, and springing forward with graceful bounds. at the same time the porcupine, erecting an armour of quills, which had till then been concealed under its thick hair, appeared all at once to become twice its former size. the marten had too much impetus to stop its attempt to seize the porcupine by the snout; but the latter, suddenly whisking round, dealt the marten a tremendous blow with its tail, filling its body with short darts, and sending it off the trunk sprawling among the snow. the marten was now animated by rage as well as by the desire to capture its foe. it again sprang up, ran along the boughs of the fallen tree, and advanced once more towards the porcupine; but its courage and agility did not avail it. another blow from that formidable tail cast it once more into the snow; while the porcupine looked down with contempt on its defeated antagonist. reuben, taking good aim with his rifle, put the marten out of misery; while i killed the victorious porcupine. the dogs then rushed forward; but snap, the most eager, had reason to repent his eagerness, as before we could keep him off the animal he had received several sharp quills in his jaws. these we immediately extracted, but he never again attempted to seize either a living or a dead porcupine. we killed another marten and some squirrels, and were returning home just at sundown, when we met uncle mark, who had followed our trail--no difficult thing to do over the snow, even for a white man. he had just before caught sight of an opossum, which had escaped him. it had evidently paid a visit to our poultry-yard a short time previously, and having succeeded in carrying off one of the inhabitants, was making its way with its prey to its mate or hungry family when uncle mark overtook it. he had knocked it over with his stick, and supposed it dying or dead, as it lay with open mouth, extended tongue, and dim eyes. at that moment he had caught sight of a marten or some other animal moving through the forest. the creature thereupon proved that it was only "'possuming;" for the instant his eye was withdrawn it sprang up, and set off at a rate which showed that its powers of locomotion, at least, had not been impaired by the blows it had received. he was telling us this, when the dogs began to yelp, and presently right ahead of us appeared a creature of the size of a large cat. "dere a 'possum," exclaimed quambo; and we hurried after it with the dogs. "master 'possum" was not going to be caught so easily, however. in an instant it was up a tree, and lost to sight amid the branches, while the dogs yelped around it. "the creature is lost," cried reuben. "no fear ob dat," answered quambo. "we soon find him out." then he and mike, with the rest of us, began to collect all the decayed branches to be found above the snow. we soon bad enough wood for a fire; when quambo striking a light, it quickly blazed up, and the flames exhibited the opossum making its way along one of the branches. the dogs leaped about, and yelped loudly. quambo had thrown himself on the ground to watch the animal's proceedings; for the moment we had attempted to take aim, it had nimbly sprung round to the dark side, apparently watching us as eagerly as we were watching it. mike on this hurried off to a little distance and lifted his rifle. he fired, and down came the opossum. the dogs seized it, and in a few moments life was extinct. there was no shamming now, though the irishman gave it another blow, after we had taken off the dogs, just to make sure. he having slung it over his back, we put out the fire to prevent the risk of igniting the trees, and proceeded homewards well content with our evening's sport. it was the last idle day we had for some time, for we had an abundance of work to get through before the return of spring, which was now rapidly approaching. it was the least pleasant time of the year, too; for we had thaws of two or three days at a time, during which the hardened snow was turned into slush. then frost would come on again, and hold the timber with such a grasp that we could not move it. we occupied the time in putting up sheds, and in such other work as could be done before the ground was clear. no one, however, complained; for we knew that the snow would soon disappear, that the leaves would again come forth, and that the rivers would be open, when we should be able to move about much more rapidly in our canoes than we had done over the frozen ground. chapter four. uncle mark's good opinion of reuben--mike laffan's fiddle--the beaver-- reuben's desire to turn trapper--quambo takes a pipe--kepenau's canoe-- ashatea paddles reuben home--kepenau's sagacity--uncle mark welcomes kepenau and his daughter--the old trapper--reuben carries samson's pack--ashatea is taught english by lily and dora--martin godfrey's visit to the settlement--kepenau's and ashatea's departure--sandy mccoll, the half-breed--a visit to kepenau--portaging. the summer had now come. the trees were all decked with their rich and varied foliage; the notes of the feathered inhabitants were heard in the forest; and numerous animals which had either gone south during the winter, or had concealed themselves in sheltered places, were moving about. there had been too much ploughing and sowing to allow of my indulging in my favourite pursuits. all i could do was to run over and pay my uncle and aunt a visit; but it may be that lily was the chief attraction. i found her friend dora with her one day. she was certainly a very nice girl, although not equal to lily by a long way, in my opinion. they inquired whether we had seen anything of kepenau and his daughter ashatea. "they have not yet appeared," i answered; "nor have we received any tidings of them." "dora wants to make the acquaintance of a real indian girl, fit to be a heroine," said lily, laughing. "she has hitherto only seen the wretched squaws who appear in the eastern states. she can scarcely believe that ashatea is the interesting creature i describe her." i said that i would try to communicate with kepenau, if i could learn his whereabouts from any passing indians. "oh do!" said lily; "and let him understand how glad we shall be to see him and his daughter again." while we were talking reuben came in, and offered to accompany me back to the hut. he, like me, had been very busy all the spring. he certainly did not look well suited for hard labour; but his face was more bronzed than heretofore, and he seemed perfectly well. wishing the girls good-bye, we shouldered our guns, and commenced the walk to the hut. there was no risk of losing our way at this time, for the days were long, and there was a bright moon that evening. uncle mark welcomed reuben, whom he liked for his straightforward character and honesty. "i am glad you have got such a companion as that young fellow," he said to me. "when two harum-scarum fellows associate, they are sure to get into trouble; but you two will help each other out of difficulties, should you unexpectedly fall into them." mike amused us that evening with a tune on his fiddle; and quambo diverted us still more by a dance he performed to the music, which made reuben, who was not addicted to laughing, almost split his sides. we agreed to have a long ramble into the forest next day, my uncle giving me leave of absence. he could not spare mike, but he allowed quambo to accompany us. "we can cook our dinner without him," i said; "though, to be sure, we cannot expect to dress it as well as he would." "ah! massa mark, poor black fellow do one t'ing well; you do ebery t'ing well," observed quambo, with a grimace, by which he intended to show that he was paying a deserved compliment. we carried our guns, with provisions in our knapsacks to last us for a day, although we expected to kill more game than we should want. as we wished to make a long excursion, we started at daybreak; that is to say, reuben, quambo, and i, with the dogs. reuben had a great desire to see a beaver settlement which i had once visited when we first came into that part of the country; and i thought that i could find my way to it. quambo amused us, as we walked along, with all sorts of tales about beavers, raccoons, opossums, bears, and other animals, with the habits of which he was well acquainted. the beaver is a good-sized animal, being two and a half feet long exclusive of the tail, which is one foot more. it is of a deep chestnut colour; the hair very fine, smooth, and glossy. the indians use its incisor teeth, which are very large and hard, to cut the bone or horn with which they tip their spears. it is a rodent, or gnawing animal. it has a broad, horizontal, flattened tail, nearly of an oval form, which is covered with scales. the hind feet are webbed, and, with the aid of the tail, which acts as a rudder, enable it to swim through the water with ease and rapidity. except in one respect, i do not know that it can be considered a sagacious animal; but it is a marvellous engineer, its faculties being employed in building houses, and in forming dams for the protection of its village. one of its chief characteristics is the power it possesses of producing a substance termed "castor,"--which is contained in two bags, each about the size of a hen's egg. this castor is peculiarly attractive to beavers. they scent it at a distance, and invariably make their way towards it. no sooner does the beaver discover the delicious odour than he sits upright, sniffs about in every direction, and squeals with excitement until he can get up to it. the trapper, knowing this, always carries a supply of castor, or bark-stone; and when he reaches a stream or any other water near which he believes beavers may be found, he sets his trap, about six inches under the water. he then chews the end of a twig, dips it in the castor, and sticks it in with the scented end uppermost, just a little above the water. the nearest beaver, on discovering the scent, hurries up to the spot; and, if a young animal, is nearly certain to be caught by the trap. the older beavers are more knowing and cautious, and frequently bite off the end of the twig without entangling themselves. another curious circumstance connected with this "castoreum" is, that as soon as one beaver has deposited any of it on the ground, the beavers from another lodge go to the spot, and after covering it with earth and leaves, deposit their own "castoreum" on it. when they have gone away, others in turn perform the same operation; and thus the process goes on till a heap four or five feet in height has been raised. no one has as yet been able to ascertain the object of this proceeding. it gives the trapper, however, the means of catching the poor creatures--means which they would undoubtedly withhold, if they had the power. like human beings, they are sufferers from their own acts. the teeth of the beavers are sharp and powerful, and their jaws possess an extraordinary amount of strength. this enables them to bite through wood, tear the bark from trees, and chew vegetable substances of all sorts. during summer they regale themselves on fruits and plants of various descriptions; but their winter stock of food consists of the bark of the birch, plane, and other trees--and even of the young wood itself, which they steep in water before devouring it. their favourite resort is a stream or a pool near trees. here they will assemble to the number of some hundreds, living in communities, and working together. they select, when they can, a stream with a current, because it affords them the means of conveying wood and other materials for their habitations. they choose such parts as will afford them depth of water sufficient to resist the frost in winter, and prevent it freezing to the bottom. when, however, they find that there is not depth enough for this purpose, they build a dam across the stream, at a convenient distance below their habitations. if the current is gentle, the dam is made perfectly straight; but if rapid, it is constructed with a considerable curve, the convex side being towards the upper part of the stream. the materials employed are drift wood, green willows, birch, and poplar; these are placed horizontally, and kept down by mud and stones. so strong do these dams become, that they are capable of resisting a considerable force both of water and ice; for generally the wood, taking root, shoots upwards, and forms ultimately a thick hedge. in some cases even trees sprout up, in the branches of which the birds form their nests. beavers build their houses of the same materials as their dams, and of various sizes, according to the number of the inmates. these, however, do not often exceed four or eight old ones, and from six to fourteen young ones. the houses are of a circular form, elevated some feet above the surface of the water; but the entrance is always low down beneath it. they are more rudely constructed than the dams, too. the wood is laid nearly horizontally, and crosswise; the branches, which project inwards, they cut off with their teeth. first there is a layer of wood, and then one of mud and stones; and so they work on till a sufficient height is gained, when the roof, of rough branches, is placed on the top, and plastered down with mud and stones. such was the interesting account which quambo gave us as we walked along. no event worthy of description occurred during our walk, though it took us some hours to reach the spot for which i was directing our course. i was not disappointed. as we approached it cautiously, we caught sight of several beavers running about on the banks of the stream, some nibbling away at the trunks of saplings and small trees which they were engaged in felling. had we fired, we might have killed two or three; but the rest would have disappeared, and we should then have lost the opportunity of observing them. we therefore crept on, concealing ourselves among the thick underwood. at length i was afraid, should we get closer, that we might make some noise and alarm the animals. i therefore made a sign to my companions to stop; and looking down, we could discern one of the dams i have spoken of carried across the stream from one side to the other, and apparently not quite finished. though several beavers were running about it, they were not at work; indeed, all their operations are carried on during darkness. nature, of course, has given them the instinct to work at this time, which saves them the destruction that would otherwise probably overtake them, both from men and beasts. after watching them for some time, i wished to retire and let them amuse themselves undisturbed; but quambo took it into his head to give a loud shout, when in an instant the startled creatures scampered off, and dived under the water. our chance of seeing more of them was gone; they were evidently on the watch for us, for now and then i saw a snout popping up above the surface, to ascertain if we had taken our departure. we made our way along the banks of the stream for some distance, till we saw before us a broad expanse of water; and we discovered that it was a shallow lake or pond, bordered by reeds, and with numerous dead trees rising up out of the water near its shores. it struck me that this lake had been produced by the beaver-dams; and on our proceeding downwards towards what appeared to be its outlet, we found what had the appearance of being a long bank, of a convex form, stretched directly across the stream. this, on further examination, i had no doubt was the work of beavers. alders and willows, and other water-loving trees of considerable size, were growing out of it; and digging down to a slight depth, we found that it consisted of lengths of the trunks of young trees, now rapidly decaying and turning into a vegetable mould, thus affording nourishment to all sorts of plants. above the surface of the lake were numerous beaver-houses, and after we had concealed ourselves for some time we caught sight of the inhabitants coming forth and swimming about; while one or two knowing old fellows climbed to the roof of their houses, to keep a look-out, as we supposed, and give notice of approaching danger. we might have shot several, but without the dogs we should not have been able to recover them. indeed, their skins would have been of much less value than those caught in traps. after watching them for some time, then, we agreed that we ought to be on our homeward way, or we should certainly be benighted. though we had found the path easily enough in daylight, it would be a hard matter to do so in the dark. "i should very much like to turn trapper," said reuben to me as we walked along. "i once heard a good deal about the lives the trappers lead, from a fine old man who stopped at our house one night, on his way to dispose of his packs of skins at one of the fur-traders' posts." "i suspect that it must be a very hard life, and you would soon get tired of it, reuben," i answered. "as to that, i fancy that when i got accustomed to the hardships i should like it more and more; but i would be a trapper on my own hook-- have my own animals and traps, hunt where i chose, and sell my peltries to whom i pleased. our old friend had a horse and two mules. he rode the horse, and the mules served to carry his packs. he had six traps, which he carried in a leathern bag called his trap-sack. i was particularly struck by his appearance as he rode up to our cottage. his costume was a hunting-shirt of dressed buckskin, ornamented with long fringes; pantaloons of the same material, decorated with porcupine-quills hanging down the outside of the leg. he wore moccasins on his feet, and a flexible felt hat upon his head. under his right arm, and suspended from his left shoulder, hung his powder-horn and bullet-pouch, in which he carried balls, flint, and steel his long knife, in a sheath of buffalo, hung from a belt round his waist--made fast to it by a steel chain. also, he carried a tomahawk; and slung over his shoulder was his long heavy rifle; while from his neck hung his pipe-holder, garnished with beads and porcupine-quills. "he had come many hundreds of miles from the west, having trapped as far off as the rocky mountains, and had met with all sorts of adventures among the indians, from whom he had often narrowly escaped with his life. he said that he would take me with him, as he much wanted a companion, and would answer for my life with his own; though i should run no more risk than he did, if i only followed his directions. but my father would not hear of it, and was quite angry with the old man for putting the idea into my head; so, of course, i had to give it up. "`well, reuben, my boy,' he said as he rode away, `should your father change his mind, and you hold fast to yours, when i come back i will take you with me.' "but he never has come back since." i laughed at reuben's notion; for, knowing him as i did, i saw that he was utterly unfit for the sort of life he proposed to lead, and would be heartily sick of it before long. he had a fertile imagination, and had pictured a trapper's life as something very delightful, although i was sure he would in reality hate it. and i believe that is the case with many other boys,--especially with those who take it into their head to go to sea, and who have never been on board a ship, and know nothing whatever of sea-life. we had now performed the greater part of our journey home, and had reached the bank of the larger river, where it extended into lake-like dimensions, narrowing again shortly to its former width. here several rocks were seen rising out of it--the waters rushing between them with great force, and forming a cataract, down which i should have thought it impossible for the strongest boat to make its way without being dashed to pieces. at this point we sat down on the bank to rest and take some refreshment, when quambo pulled out his pipe. "you no smoke, young gen'lemen; but ole neegur, he fond of baccy, and you no object," said quambo. quambo was always a pattern of politeness. we begged him to smoke as much as he liked, although we had not taken to it ourselves. when quambo was enjoying his pipe, he was never in a hurry to move, so we sat on longer than we should otherwise have done. i considered, at length, that it was time to move; when, looking up the stream, across the broad expanse i have mentioned, i caught sight of a light canoe skimming rapidly over the surface. it was approaching us; so, prompted by curiosity, we agreed to wait its arrival at the shore--for it did not occur to us it could possibly descend the rapids. it kept, however, in the middle of the current, and before we had got far from where we had been sitting i saw that it was about to make its way amid the tumbling waters. "these people must be strangers, and cannot be aware of the danger they are running," i observed. "their canoe will be destroyed, and we must do our best to save them." we accordingly hurried back. as the canoe approached, i saw that there were four people in her: one in the stern, and two in the bows paddling; the other, who appeared to be a female, sitting near the after end, was also dexterously using a paddle, now on one side and now on the other. on looking again, i felt nearly sure that the indian in the stern was our friend kepenau, and that the female was his daughter ashatea. i shouted, but it was too late to warn him to turn back; indeed, from the calm way in which he sat, i was convinced that he well knew where he was going: and almost before i had time to think much about the danger my friends were running, they had passed it, and their canoe was floating in the calm water at the foot of the rapids. my shout attracted the notice of kepenau, who at once recognised me, and steered his canoe for the bank. he and ashatea stepped on shore, and seemed much pleased at seeing me. i introduced reuben, who made as polite a bow to the indian girl as he would have done to a princess. she put out her hand, and in her broken language inquired if he had a sister. on his replying that such was the case, ashatea expressed a hope that she would become a friend to her, as lily was. kepenau told me that they were on their way to visit our settlement, according to his promise. "i thought it wisest," he said "to keep my people at a distance, so we have fixed our camp on the banks of a stream some miles to the westward; and as the rivers are now open, we can easily hold communication with you. at the same time, as there are several intervening rapids and waterfalls, the white men are not likely to find their way often to us, or to bring the `fire water' which i so much dread." on hearing that we were on our way home, he offered to accompany us; observing that ashatea could steer the canoe as well as he could, and though the distance by the river was greater, she would not be long after us. "there are no more rapids or waterfalls to be passed, so that the remainder of the voyage can be performed without danger," he observed. reuben, on hearing this, asked leave to take his place, saying that he should much like the trip by the river. "but you cannot use a paddle," said kepenau. "not very well," answered reuben. "then don't make the attempt, or you may upset the canoe, or lose your paddle. if you go, you must sit perfectly quiet," said kepenau. reuben promised to obey orders. ashatea smiled, and appeared to be highly amused at the idea of having a white man as her passenger. as we had no time to lose, ashatea resumed her seat in the stern of the canoe. "now, take care," she said, laughing, as she saw reuben about to step in, "else you will tumble over on the other side, or make a hole in the canoe and go through it." reuben looked somewhat alarmed, and in his eagerness was very nearly doing both the things against which he was being warned. kepenau, however taking his arm, helped him in. "now, don't move till you reach the end of your voyage," said the indian. "perhaps we shall be there to help you out." ashatea gave a flourish with her paddle as a farewell signal, and striking the water, away the canoe shot down the stream. we meanwhile took the path homewards, and as we were anxious to arrive before the canoe we hurried forward. kepenau told me that his daughter had so much wished to see lily,--or my sister, as he called her,--that he had consented to bring her, and to leave her for two or three days, if my friends would allow it. i said that i was sure they would. he desired, he told me, to make some trade arrangements for disposing of the peltries which he and his people obtained; his object, at the same time, being to keep them away from the white men, for fear of the "fire water." this subject was continually on his mind. he had seen it prove the destruction of so many of his countrymen, that he dreaded its introduction among his own tribe, who had hitherto been kept free from it. however, as my uncles and mr claxton were men who never touched liquor, he was not afraid of dealing with them. i remarked, as we walked along, that his eyes were constantly turning in every direction,--now on the ground, now on the trees and hushes on either side,--as if he was on the look-out for game, or fancied that an enemy was lurking near. i at last inquired why he did this. "it is the habit of my people," he answered. "we never can tell whether our foes may be before us or tracking our footsteps. i noticed that some one besides you and your young friend and the black has passed this way lately. he wore moccasins, and may therefore be a red man and an enemy; but i have just discovered that he is one of your people, and has a load on his shoulders. observe that soft ground; his feet sank deeper into it than would have been the case had he been unencumbered. he is either an old man, or overcome with fatigue. he cannot be very far before us, and is going in the direction of your hut." kepenau pointed as he spoke to some mossy ground, where i could just distinguish a faint outline of the footsteps of a man; but i should have been unable to read anything beyond that fact from the marks left behind. quambo, who saw them, thought that they might have been, after all, only the footsteps of uncle mark or mike, who might have come out thus far in search of game; but kepenau laughed when this was said. "no, no," he answered; "these are moccasins. you will see that i am right." we hurried on, for the sun was getting low, and already the gloom had settled down in the recesses of the forest. as we emerged into more open ground near the banks of the river, the rays of the sun glancing along it sparkled on the flakes of foam, as the stream hurried rippling along the banks. nearing the hut, we caught sight of three figures standing in front of it. "i told you so," observed kepenau. "yonder is the man whose trail i discovered. a trapper, who has come east with his peltries. he is an old man, too, as i thought, and carried a heavy load." before even our friends saw us, the canoe shot into view down the stream; and after helping ashatea and reuben to land--or rather the latter, for the indian girl sprang lightly on shore without assistance-- we proceeded to the hut. uncle mark advanced to meet us. "all friends are welcome," he said, taking kepenau's hand, and then greeting the young girl in his kind, friendly way. "you will, however, have to submit to pretty close stowage, if, as i hope you intend to do, you will remain the night with us." "we can quickly put up sufficient shelter for this time of the year for ourselves, so that we need not crowd you, my friend," answered the indian. "and our aged brother there, i doubt not, is as well accustomed to the open air as we are." "many days and nights have passed since i slept under a roof," observed the old hunter, who, hearing himself mentioned, now came forward. "we have met before, brother," he added, looking at the indian; "ay, and fought and hunted together! don't you recollect me?" "ay, that i do. you saved my life when the apaches were about to take my scalp, and enabled me to reach my horse and escape," answered kepenau. "ah! i have a faint recollection of that; but i remember more clearly how, when i was hunted by a party of araphoes, you and your people came sweeping down to my assistance, and put them to flight," replied the old trapper. "i recollect the event," observed kepenau; "but i have long since buried the war-hatchet, and now strive to live at peace with my neighbours, if they will let me." while the indian and the old trapper had been speaking, i had been looking at the latter. i had no doubt, from the description reuben had given of the visitor to his father's house, that this was the same person; and i was therefore not surprised to see him and reuben shaking hands as old acquaintances. quambo, knowing that food would be required for our guests, lost no time, with the assistance of mike, in lighting a fire, and immediately set about cooking whatever his larder supplied. though we had killed but little game on our excursion, uncle mark and mike had been more fortunate during our absence, and there was no lack of food. in the meantime kepenau had called up his people from the canoe, and they set to work to collect materials for two small wigwams, which, though they were more rudely constructed than usual, served the purpose intended. one was for the accommodation of ashatea, and the other for the chief--his men contenting themselves with a rough lean-to. the whole party joined us in the hut at supper, which, thanks to the diligence of mike and quambo, was quickly prepared. the old trapper had many anecdotes to tell, and many a wild adventure to recount, which, i saw, was greatly interesting to reuben. ashatea spoke but little, though i could see, by her quick glance, that she understood much, if not all, that was said. at night the chief and his daughter retired to their wigwams, while the old trapper accepted a shakedown in the corner of our hut. he smiled when uncle mark offered him a bed. "for many a long year i have not slept in one," he answered; "and i possibly may never again put my head on a pillow softer than my saddle or a pack of skins." without taking off his clothes, and merely unbuckling his belt, he lay down, and was soon fast asleep. reuben and i, after a few minutes' talk, did the same. before i closed my eyes, however, i saw that uncle mark was sitting at the table, resting his head upon his hands, apparently lost in thought. at break of day the next morning our indian friends were on foot, and we turned out to receive them. as our hut was close, we had our breakfast spread on a grassy spot beneath the trees, where we could enjoy fresh air, which was certainly more suited to their taste. ashatea looked handsomer than ever. she was eager to set out to see lily. reuben offered to accompany her, and show the way: at which kepenau laughed, observing that an indian never required a guide through his own country; but, for all that, he should be happy to have the white stranger's society. kepenau had brought several packages of skins, which it was his object to dispose of. "my friend," said the old trapper, touching him on the shoulder, "let me sell them for you. i know how the white men will treat you if they think that they are yours: they will offer a third of the value, and then insist on your taking articles you do not require." "i wish to open a fair trade with the white men," answered kepenau. "i will let them understand that i have more skins to bring." "the greater reason they will have for putting a small value on them," observed the old trapper. "i would advise you to accept samson micklan's offer," said uncle mark, turning to the indian. kepenau considered the matter for some time. "i will do as you advise," he said at length. "i know that i can trust you. when you have fixed a price, i will not consent to sell under it. i intend, nevertheless, to go to the settlement." the old trapper, whose name i now for the first time heard, appeared to be in no hurry to continue his journey. when at length he declared that he was ready to start, reuben offered to carry his pack. old samson smiled. "it may make your young shoulders ache more than you suppose," he observed. "let me try," answered reuben; and i helped him to place it on his shoulders. in doing so i was able to judge of its weight. "if my uncle can spare me, i will assist you," i said; "for i doubt very much whether you will be able to carry it all the way." reuben, however, had made up his mind to fulfil his promise. i saw a twinkle in the old man's eyes when he trudged off trying to look as if he did not feel the weight. my uncle told me i might go too, so we set off. kepenau and samson led the way, talking together. reuben, as i expected, dropped alongside ashatea; and i followed. the other indians brought up the rear, carrying kepenau's packs. before long, i saw that reuben was walking with difficulty, and putting his hands behind his back to try and lift the pack off his shoulders. i ranged up to him. "you had better let me carry that a little way for you," i said. "or suppose we sling it on our sticks! we shall then get along more easily, and neither of us will feel the weight too much." still reuben declared that he could carry it. ashatea looked at him, evidently understanding the matter as well as i did. "you better let your friend do as he says," she observed. at length reuben, who was getting very hot, and had stumbled more than once, said, "well, i do think it will be the best way. i am much obliged to you, roger." we soon had the pack slung to the sticks, and poor reuben stepped along much more easily than before. we soon reached uncle stephen's house, when the old trapper turned round to reuben. "you are a brave lad," he said; "i like your pluck. in a few years, when you get more muscle in your limbs, you will laugh at a pack twice the weight of that." lily was delighted to see ashatea, and we left them together while we went on to mr claxton's, where old samson intended to stay. he had arranged with kepenau to sell his peltries, and the next day they were all disposed of at a price which greatly astonished and delighted our indian friend. he made an arrangement with uncle stephen to sell all the produce of the chase which he might bring, and to purchase for him such articles as he required. reuben brought his sister dora over to see ashatea, and the three girls seemed very happy together. the indian girl was as eager to learn english as lily and dora were to instruct her; and she got on rapidly. old samson had suffered more from his long tramp on foot than he was at first willing to confess, and a fit of illness was the consequence. he was well cared for, however, by the claxtons, who treated him as kindly as if he had been a relation. he was grateful in his way; but it struck me that there was something hard and unsympathising in his character. he spoke of his fights with the indians, of the scalps he had taken, of his hairbreadth escapes; but he never uttered a word which showed that he had any religious feeling. indeed, he seemed to me to be as much of a heathen as the indians among whom he had lived so long. it appeared strange to me that an old man should be so hardened. i was not aware, at the time, that when people once begin to give up trusting god they go further and further from him; and thus, of course, as they advance in years they think less and less of their souls, and, in fact, become more dead with regard to all spiritual matters. i had been accustomed to see uncle stephen read the bible to his family, and offer up prayers morning and night; while he never did any work, except such as necessity demanded, on the sabbath. uncle mark had been less exact in these respects, although even he was accustomed to read the bible on the sabbath, and to refrain from work; and occasionally we went over to uncle stephen's on that day and joined his family at worship. most of the people of the settlement, however, paid but little attention to the day, though they ceased from all rough work, and made a sort of holiday of it. there was no church or chapel of any description in the neighbourhood, and few paid any attention to what are called religious duties. the day after i went to stay with uncle stephen, some little time before sunset i saw a horseman approaching the house from the eastward. he was a middle-aged man, dressed in a suit of dark grey, with his legs encased in strong leather gaiters, and a broad-brimmed hat on his head; a pair of huge saddle-bags, too, were thrown across the hardy-looking mustang he bestrode. he had neither gun over his shoulder nor sword by his side; but he carried a thick staff of considerable length in his hand. "canst tell me, young friend, if yonder house is the abode of stephen tregellis?" he asked as i advanced towards him. "yes, sir. he is my uncle," i answered, offering to hold his nag's head while he dismounted. he threw himself from the saddle with the activity of a young man. "i hope, then, that i shall not intrude, for i have come far, and should like to spend a few days with one who, if i am not wrongly informed, will receive me as a brother christian," he said. "uncle stephen will be glad to see you, sir," i answered, feeling sure that i was only saying what was the case. "well, then, young man, go in and tell him that martin godfrey has come to claim his hospitality." as my uncle had just reached home, i hurried in and gave him the message. he immediately came out and welcomed the stranger, with whom he had a short conversation, which i did not hear, as i was holding the pony at a little distance. i only caught the words, uttered by my uncle, "we will make ready a small upper room, and to that you shall be welcome as long as you remain in these parts." he then told me to take the mustang round to the stable, to rub him down, and feed him well, and to bring the minister's saddle-bags into the house. when i returned, after having obeyed these orders, i found the stranger seated at table--on which aunt hannah and lily had spread supper--talking cheerfully; and from what he said i gathered that he had visited a number of outlying settlements, accompanied by several young ministers, one of whom he had left at each. "i had no one to bring on here, and was unwilling to leave you without the `bread of life,' so i was fain to come on myself," he observed. i wondered what he could mean. aunt hannah explained, after he and uncle mark had gone out, that he was one of those energetic gospellers who had done so much for the back settlements of america; that he was an overseer among them--his duty being to move from place to place to form new congregations where none existed, and to strengthen and encourage the older ones. he had much conversation with kepenau and ashatea, with whom he could converse in their own language. they were evidently deeply interested in what he said, and i saw him frequently produce his bible and refer to it to strengthen what he was saying. kepenau had, as i have already said, some knowledge of christianity, and he and his daughter very gladly received the instruction which the missionary afforded them. uncle stephen went out and succeeded in bringing in three or four of our neighbours, among whom were mr claxton and reuben, and we had a regular service in the cottage,--the first of the sort i can recollect. the bible was read, prayers were offered up, and the missionary gave an address; after which some of wesley's hymns were sung by lily and dora-- ashatea occasionally joining in, with a very sweet voice, although she had never heard them before. mr claxton afterwards begged the missionary to come and visit old samson. he gladly complied; but i heard him next day tell uncle stephen that he feared no impression had been made on the old trapper's heart. "still, i do not despair," he added. "it may be as hard as iron, or stone; but iron can be melted by the fire, and stone worn away by the constant dripping of water. one thing i know,--that nothing is too difficult for god to accomplish; though we, his instruments, are obliged to confess our own weakness." i must not, however, dwell further on the various events which took place at this time. martin godfrey spent some days with uncle stephen, preaching every evening in the open air, and three times on the sabbath; and he promised the people, if they would put up a chapel, that he would ere long find a minister for them. having distributed some bibles and other books contained in his saddle-bags, he at length mounted his mustang and went his way. i remember uncle stephen asking him if he was not afraid of travelling without firearms. "i trust to one well able to protect me," he answered, smiling. "whenever i have to employ the arm of flesh, i find my trusty stick sufficient to defend myself against hostile indians or savage beasts;" and as he whisked it round his head with a rapidity which dazzled the eyes, i could easily understand how it would prove a formidable weapon against either bears or wolves--a tap of it on their skulls being sufficient to stun them; while it seemed to me that he might be able to ward off either the arrows or the tomahawks of hostile indians. kepenau and ashatea returned to their settlement; and the old trapper, who had now recovered, began to make preparations for his departure. he had again invited reuben to join him, but mr claxton, very wisely, would not hear of his son going away with the old man. "it is more than likely we shall never see him again," he observed. "whatever his fate may be, you would probably share it; either to be killed by indians, or starved, or drowned, or frozen to death, or torn to pieces by bears or wolves." reuben was inclined to complain. "father thinks i cannot take care of myself," he said to me. "as old samson has spent so many years out trapping by himself, why should not i have as good a chance of escaping from danger?" "there is an old saying, `that the water-pot which goes often to the well, gets broken at last,'" i observed. "such may be the case with regard to old samson; and you know nothing of the country, or of the cunning of the redskins, and would be very sure to lose your life if he lost his." the old man, who had set his heart on obtaining a companion of some sort, succeeded in persuading a half-breed to accompany him. this was a man named sandy mccoll, whose father was a scotchman and his mother an indian, and who had long been accustomed to the wild life of the prairies. he had come to the settlement intending to remain, and had built a hut and begun to cultivate a garden, with the intention, as was supposed, of taking unto himself a wife; but the damsel on whom he had set his affections had refused him. sandy after this became very downcast; he neglected his garden, and spent most of his time wandering about gun in hand, shooting any game he could come across. he had few associates, and was of a morose disposition. people, indeed, whispered that he had been guilty of some crime or other, and was forced to leave the part of the country where he had before resided. uncle stephen, who occasionally exchanged a few words with him, did not believe that this was the case, and declared that sandy, in spite of his taciturnity and love of solitude, was an honest fellow. be that as it may, samson was satisfied with him, and the two agreed to start together. soon after the old man's arrival, he had asked reuben and me to make a journey to the place where he had left his other packs of skins hidden away; and he described the spot so exactly, that we believed we should have no difficulty in finding it. my uncle said i might go with mike laffan. reuben, too, got leave from his father; and sandy volunteered to accompany us. without him we should, i believe, have lost our way, for he knew the country much better than we did. we had to proceed cautiously during the latter part of the journey for fear of indians, as we were far in advance of the territory claimed by the white men. but i do not give an account of the expedition, because, in reality, we met with no adventure worthy of notice. thanks to sandy, we discovered the packs, and succeeded in bringing them back safe to their owner; for which samson was very grateful, and rewarded us handsomely. with the proceeds he purchased two mustangs, six beaver-traps, a supply of powder and shot, and other articles. sandy had the means of obtaining another mustang, and such supplies as he required. after this old samson quickly recovered. as soon as he was well enough he and sandy mounted their ponies, reserving a third animal to carry their goods; and having bidden us all good-bye, they set off into the wilderness--going to the westward, intending to push forward to the spurs of the rocky mountains, where, they said, game in abundance was to be found. reuben, who was really a very good fellow, soon got reconciled to remaining at home and attending to his duty. kepenau had made me promise to come and visit him, and had agreed to send one of his people with a canoe to take me to his lodges; and at last the indian arrived at our hut. kepenau, he said, had sent but a small canoe, as we might thus more easily make our way up the stream, and pass the several portages we should have to go over. i knew that reuben would take delight in the excursion, so i hurried to the settlement to see if he could come. his father was very willing to give him leave, as it might turn his thoughts from the wilder and more dangerous adventures on which he was set. he had, some time before this, obtained a birch-bark canoe, which kepenau, and sometimes ashatea, had taught him how to use; and as he was constantly practising, he was by this time well able to employ his paddle. we obtained leave to take mike laffan with us, too; and thus, with the indian, we made a party of four in the two canoes. we carried our guns and axes and the usual woodmen's knives, a pot and pan for cooking our meals, some tin cups, and a few small bales of cloths and coloured calicoes with which to pay the indians for any peltries they might have to sell--for our expedition was on business as well as pleasure. we enjoyed the thoughts of it all the more on that account. we expected also to get some hunting, and to come back with a supply of dried venison, as well as some skins. the indian told us that his name was kakaik, or the "small hawk;" he let us understand that he was a great hunter, but as he could speak no english, and as we understood but a few words of his language, we could not carry on much conversation with him. however, we managed to understand each other very well by means of signs. the first part of the voyage was along the main river, with which we were well acquainted. we afterwards struck off up one of its tributaries, which varied greatly in width; sometimes it expanded into a lake-like form, and at other parts it contracted into narrow dimensions, where the current ran with great force, and we had hard work to stem it. at length we reached a waterfall of nearly thirty feet in height, where the river rushed over the rocks and fell down perpendicularly in masses of foam. kakaik made signs to us that we must land and carry our canoes for some distance through the wood. this is what is called making a "portage." accordingly we unloaded them, and piled up our goods at the foot of the fall. we then lifted the canoes out of the water; kakaik taking one bottom upwards on his shoulders and walking off with it. mike imitated his example, as one man could get between the trees better than two, and the canoes were so light that they could be carried with ease. reuben, shouldering a portion of the goods, followed the indian; and i, with another bale on my shoulders and the paddles and gun under my arm, kept close after mike--leaving the remainder of the things for a second trip. the ground was rough in the extreme, and it was some way up a steep bank among rocks. my fear was lest mike should knock the canoe against the branches of the overhanging trees and make a hole in her bottom, so i sang out to him to be cautious. "faix! masther roger, it's that same i intind to be," he answered. "i have no fancy to walk all the way back again, or forward either, if this is the sort of ground we should have to pass over." we had to traverse a quarter of a mile or more till we saw the stream ahead of us, running placid as before. kakaik, going down into the water, placed his canoe gently on the surface, and then helped to take mike's off his shoulders. the goods we had brought were next placed in them, and the indian sat down on the bank to watch them while we went back for the remainder. "suppose some hostile indians or prowling bear should have paid a visit to the landing-place, and carried off our property," said reuben. "we will hope for the best," i answered, laughing; "but i will take my gun, in case of accidents." chapter five. an intruder--we arrive at kepenau's camp--ashatea inquires kindly after lily and dora--deer-hunting--the strange indians--kepenau's precautions--mike amuses the camp with his fiddle--our farewell-- kakaik's advice with regard to rapid-shooting--the treacherous indian on shore--mike and i paddle desperately--the canoe is upset--carried down the stream--a natural place of concealment in a hollow trunk--my terror on perceiving the indians--forced by hunger to leave my concealment, i am taken prisoner by four indians. on arriving at the foot of the falls we found our goods safe; but just as we were about to shoulder them we heard a rustling among the bushes. advancing cautiously towards the spot, not knowing what might be there, i caught sight of a dark hairy form. it was a brown bear, which in another minute would in all likelihood have been examining our property with no delicate fingers. i hesitated to fire, for i was sure that i should be unable to hit any vital part; and as even a brown bear, if wounded, will turn furiously on his pursuers, before i could have reloaded the beast might have been upon me. in another instant bruin had plunged in among the thick underwood, and was concealed from view; but i heard him making his way rapidly from us, doubtless considering that discretion was the better part of valour. having taken up our goods, and looked carefully round to see that nothing was left behind, we set off towards the canoes. kakaik by this time had them both secured alongside the bank, so that we quickly reloaded them and recommenced our voyage up the stream. i asked mike to sing one of his irish songs: this he was never loath to do, and he soon made the banks echo with his melody. as soon as he had ceased, the indian took up the strain with one of his native songs. it was melancholy in the extreme, and contrasted greatly with mike's joyous notes. "faix! if it's tears he wants to draw from our eyes, i can bate him there," observed mike, when kakaik had ceased; and he began one of those sad ditties descriptive of the death of some irish heroine. though the indian could not understand the meaning, he appeared to be much affected, and it was some time before he began another song. from the few words we could make out, we supposed him to be recounting the misfortunes of his people, and their departure from the hunting-grounds of their fathers. mike had brought his fiddle, but of course he could not play it while paddling. "when we get to kepenau's, i'll show the people what i can do, and set them all jigging away, and laughing till they split their sides," he observed. the scenery amid which we passed was wild in the extreme. not a sign of a human being, or a habitation of any sort, was visible. sometimes dark rocks rose up in precipitous cliffs on both sides of us, and at other times the trees of the forest overhung the water. we had several portages to make, as it was easier to carry the canoes over the land than to drag them up the rapids, but kakaik signified that on our return we might shoot them without danger. at last, in the far-off distance, we caught sight of a wreath of smoke ascending from near the bank, and from the gestures of the indian we understood that we were now approaching kepenau's camp. in a short time shouts were heard, and we saw several wigwams erected on the greensward in a recess of the forest, surrounded by trees which sheltered them completely from the wind. a canoe immediately put off and came paddling out towards us; then turned round and accompanied us back to the bank, on which kepenau, with ashatea and other members of his family, stood ready to receive us. as we shook hands he told us how glad he was to see us; and ashatea had many questions to ask about lily and dora. "i have been longing to come and visit them again," she said. "now that the rice is ripe, i want to take them down to the lake where it grows, that we may gather our canoe full." kepenau said that his people would be very glad to receive the goods we had brought, and would be ready to purchase them with their beaver-skins and other peltries, of which they had a considerable store. when we talked about hunting, he assured us that we need have no fear of obtaining plenty of sport, as, with our rifles, we should be certain to kill the game much more easily than his people could do with their bows and arrows. a hunting-party was accordingly arranged for the next day, on the shores of a lake some miles off. he had already transported a couple of canoes to it, so that, should any of the deer take to the water, we might be able to pursue them. ashatea was much inclined to come with us, but her father told her that she would be acting more like an english girl if she would stay at home and attend to household affairs. we started the next morning with kepenau, kakaik, and several other indians, who carried long spears as well as bows and arrows. we were also accompanied by a pack of dogs, well-trained by the indians for chasing the deer, though they were noisy, ill-looking curs. we commenced our hunt at some distance from the shores of the lake, but for an hour or more we saw no signs of deer, and reuben and i began to fancy that we should have to return home without venison. we had separated from kepenau, but now we heard his voice, and immediately afterwards the dogs gave tongue. we were looking about to ascertain in what direction to bend our steps, when a fine deer started out from among the trees on our right into the open glade. my gun being ready, i fired, and felt sure that i had wounded the deer; but the animal still continued its course. the next instant the dogs appeared from the same direction, in hot chase after the deer. we followed, joined by kepenau and the other men. marks of blood on the grass showed us that the deer had been wounded. still, it might run, should the dogs not overtake it, for several miles, and might escape us after all. it was too valuable a prize to be lost, so we continued the pursuit. the country now became much more open, and we saw that the deer had made its way across the plain. on the further side there were some lofty pines, towards which the animal appeared to have directed its course. we had been running on for several minutes, when, before i could distinguish anything, the exclamations of the indians showed me that the deer was in sight; and presently i saw it standing at bay under the trees, with the dogs yelping round it and preventing it from proceeding further. when i got within gun-shot, i stopped for a moment to reload my rifle; and crying out to my friends not to get in the way, i again fired, and the noble beast rolled over. kakaik then dashed forward with his hunting-knife, and quickly put an end to the creature's sufferings, while the rest beat off the dogs. the deer was soon cut up, and each man loading himself with as much as he could carry, the venison was conveyed to the spot selected for an encampment; where two of them remained to take care of it while we went in search of more game. we had been for some time beating about, when once more we heard the dogs giving tongue; and after making our way through the forest, and reaching the borders of an open glade, we caught sight of a herd of eight or ten deer scampering along at full speed, with the pack of dogs at their heels. we all of us fired, but although two or three shots took effect none of the deer stopped. we saw them directing their course towards the lake; but they ran faster than we did, and did not allow us an opportunity of firing. we managed, however, to keep them in view, and saw that they did not turn either to the right hand or to the left, so that we felt sure of overtaking them when they reached the shore of the lake. kakaik, who was on my left hand, made signs to me to accompany him towards the spot where we had left one of the canoes. i also understood him to signify that the dogs would prevent the deer from turning back. on reaching the canoe he lifted me into it, and stepping after me, seized a paddle, and with a few strokes sent it skimming out into the lake. rounding a point, we soon caught sight of the deer, which stood on the shore with the dogs barking behind them. the shouts of some of the people who now came up increased the terror of the poor animals. first one plunged into the water, then another, and another; till the whole herd, with the exception of two which had fallen, were striking out in different directions, making for the opposite bank. kakaik pointed out one fine deer, and paddled towards it. i might have shot the animal, but my indian companion made signs to me to use a spear which lay at the bottom of the canoe; so, standing up, i grasped the weapon with both my hands, and drove it with all my force into the creature's skull. in an instant its head went down, and its feet rising, it lay dead on the surface. kakaik handed me a rope to cast round its antlers, and we forthwith towed it in triumph to the shore. this done, we made chase after a second deer, which was swimming across the lake towards a spot some little way off. greatly to my satisfaction, i succeeded in striking this animal as i had done the first. in the meantime the other canoe was paddling away in chase of two more deer, which had made towards the further end of the lake. while we were occupied as i have described, i saw a third canoe, paddled by two strangers, darting out from behind a point in pursuit of another deer. whether the people were friends or foes, i could not tell; but as soon as kakaik saw them he declared that they were the latter, and that we must be prepared for an attack should they have many companions in the neighbourhood. "then let us at once tow our deer up the lake towards the camp, where we can obtain assistance," i said. i now observed that those who had been unable to embark in the canoe were making their way in that direction. they had probably caught sight of the strange indians. my fear was that kepenau and reuben might be attacked on their return. i made signs to my companion that we would land the deer and then go to the assistance of our friends. as reuben and i had our rifles, and the strange indians were probably without firearms, we might easily keep them in check or put them to flight; or should they venture to attack us, we might sink their canoes, even if we did not kill them with our rifle-bullets, before they got up to us. as we reached the shore at the end of the lake, we found mike and several of the indians standing ready to receive us. mike was fall of fight. "arrah! be aisy, masther roger," he said. "sure, if the inimy come, i will sind them to the right-about wid me firelock, and they'll not be afther taking our venison from us in a hurry." he and the indians taking charge of the deer, which they immediately set about cutting up, kakaik and i paddled off again down the lake to the assistance of our friends. the strange indians had succeeded in capturing one of the deer; but as we considered that it was their lawful prize, although we had driven it into the water, we did not interfere with them. seeing another deer still swimming, though at considerable distance, i fired at it, for the purpose of showing the strange indians, in case they should not have heard our other shots, that we had firearms, and thus probably prevent them attacking us. whether or not my shot had taken effect i could not tell, as the deer continued to swim on towards the bank. we now directed our course for our friends, who had killed the two deer of which they had gone in chase. i told them of the strangers we had seen; and kakaik, in his own language, gave a long account to kepenau of the matter. "we will let them alone, if they do not molest us," answered kepenau, after expressing his approval of my conduct. having secured the bodies of the two deer to ropes,--kepenau and reuben towing one, and kakaik and i the other,--we began to paddle back towards the end of the lake from which we had come. as we passed the part of the shore near which i had shot the last deer, we observed several indians, who had seized the animal as it landed, and were now employed in cutting it up. they had evidently only one canoe with them, and were therefore afraid of coming off to attack us, whatever may have been their disposition. we might, therefore, consider ourselves masters of the seas. kepenau was well pleased with the success of our expedition, and having made up his mind to live at peace with his neighbours, he was very glad to avoid a collision with the strangers, even though we might come off victorious. "we must, however, be on the watch for them as we return homewards," he observed. "they may possibly greatly outnumber our party; and though our firearms will keep them in check, they may try to overcome us by stratagem." the deer we had first killed were soon cut up, and all the best parts made ready for transportation to the camp. those we had now towed on shore were treated in the same manner; and each man being loaded with as much as he could possibly carry, we set off for the camp. here we found a blazing fire ready for cooking the venison, of which our friends ate an enormous quantity--with the exception of kepenau, who was as moderate as we were. knowing that we had foes in the neighbourhood sentinels were posted, two of whom kept watch all the night round the camp; but the strangers, seeing us prepared, did not make their appearance, and on the following morning we started, an hour before dawn, on our return. kepenau kept in the rear, turning round very frequently to ascertain if we were followed. he also gave his people directions to keep a look-out on either hand. once he caught sight of a warrior's plume in the distance, but although his eyes were of the sharpest he could not discover whether his foe approached nearer. before evening we arrived safely at his lodges; the ample supply of food we brought affording great satisfaction. the chief, however, did not fail to send out scouts to bring word whether the enemy had ventured into the neighbourhood. as no traces of them could be seen, kepenau came to the conclusion that the strangers had gone off again to the westward, content with the game they had obtained. still, he thought it prudent, in case of treachery, to keep on the watch; and day and night two or three of the party were constantly scouring the country round, in search of tracks made by strange indians. the time had now arrived for us to return. mike had made himself a universal favourite; the indians, notwithstanding their general gravity, delighting in the merry tunes he played on his fiddle. he frequently set them jigging; and reuben and i showed them how white people danced-- though neither of us had any exact notions on the subject. ashatea sometimes joined us, and moved about very gracefully, performing figures of her own invention, which i have since discovered greatly resemble those of the minuet of europe. she often told me how much she longed to go back and stay with lily. native of the wilds as she was, she had gained a taste for civilised life, she told reuben and me. we assured her that lily and dora would be delighted to see her, and that, if her father would allow her to accompany us, we should be glad to take her at once. this, however, kepenau refused. he did not tell us why; only saying that he could not let her go unless he went with her, and for the present he must not leave his people, who had to hunt and fish, so as to lay in a store of provisions for the winter. i should have said that at the back of the lodges were several pieces of cleared ground, on which indian corn was growing and potatoes had been planted. this showed that kepenau and his people were in advance of the hunting indians, who trust only to the chase for subsistence, and are thereby frequently reduced to a state of starvation. all the inhabitants of the camp turned out to wish us farewell, and offered up prayers for our safety as we stepped into our canoes. kakaik and reuben led the way in one canoe, and mike and i followed in the other, flourishing our paddles over our heads as a farewell salute. we plied them diligently, and, gliding rapidly down the stream, were soon lost to sight. having the current with us, we expected to reach home before nightfall, should no accident happen. "i'm afther hoping that none of those indians we saw the other day are lurking about, or maybe they will take a fancy to our packs of dried venison and skins, and stop us," observed mike. "what put that idea into your head?" i asked. "sure, because they are cunning spalpeens; and as they know the way we must take, they are likely enough to be on the watch for us," he replied. "we must be on the watch for them, then," i answered, laughing. "if any of them appear, and look as if they intended to interfere with us, we shall have to show them the muzzles of our rifles; although, as i never have shot a man, i trust that i shall not be obliged to do so." we paddled on for some time after this, and now and then we caught up reuben's canoe and had a talk with him. i told him what mike had said. "oh! i don't think there is much chance of that," he answered, lightly. "a few rifle-bullets will soon drive the fellows into the woods, if they show their noses." we were now entering a part of the stream which ran between broken cliffs; on one side rocks rose almost perpendicularly from the water, their summits shaped like the parapets of ruined castles, while on the other the trees came down to the river's brink. kakaik reminded us that we were approaching a series of rapids; and he explained by signs that he would lead the way, and advised mike and me to keep exactly in his course. he and reuben paddled on, therefore, while we followed at a little distance. we saw them descend one of the first rapids. immediately below this, in a turn of the river, was another, the fall in which being probably about four or five feet, was not sufficient to endanger the safety of the canoes if carefully handled. we were approaching the highest of the rapids, which, as i have said, the other canoe had just descended, when we saw an indian dart out from behind the trunk of a tree growing close to the water, and point his arrow at the first canoe, aiming at reuben. the arrow flew from the bow, but whether my friend was hit or not i could not say, as the canoe, darting down the rapid, was lost to sight. we were too near the rapid to paddle back, for in turning round we should have run the risk of upsetting the canoe, when it would have been carried down sideways, and probably dashed to pieces. our only safe course, therefore, was to dash forward; and we hoped to pass the indian before he could perceive us, or have time to fix another arrow in his bow. had we been in still water i might have lifted my rifle and shot the indian, but i dared not leave my paddle for a moment. down the rapid we dashed, then, paddling with might and main to turn the canoe so as to be ready for the next descent. the indian had disappeared, but we heard his voice, calling, as we supposed, to his companions,--and directly afterwards we caught sight of him running along the bank among the trees; but he could not have seen us. a short way below this was another and still more dangerous rapid. kakaik signified that he had often shot it, but he at the same time advised that we should land and make a portage. to do this was now, however, out of the question, as we should be seized by the indians on shore did we land on the side on which they were; the only practicable one along which we could make our way. "paddle, mike! paddle!" i said in a low voice, fearing that i might be heard should i shout. "our only chance is to dash down the rapid. we cannot stop to look out for rocks ahead, and must run all risks." mike saw this as well as i did. "sure, it's the only thing to be done, any way. may all the saints in the calendar help us!" he exclaimed. i don't think, however, that mike had much faith in the saints, although he uttered the expression. we dashed on, the water hissing and bubbling and foaming round us, and had almost reached the bottom, when i felt the bow of the canoe strike something. the next instant i found myself struggling in the seething waters, and instinctively striking out for dear life. looking down the stream, i caught a glance of the canoe being rapidly hurried downwards, with mike clinging to it. the next moment, he and the canoe had disappeared. i had been carried down some distance, when, on more perfectly recovering my senses, i discovered that i was happily near the side opposite to that on which i had seen the indians. i scrambled up on the bank, therefore, hoping to find some place of concealment before they could discover me. i had not gone far, however, before i recollected that my footprints would certainly betray me. i therefore retraced my steps and threw myself backwards into the water; and as i looked up towards the bank, i clearly perceived the marks i had left. the river in this place was narrow, but though the current ran strong it was smooth, and i felt sure that i could swim across it and hide myself among some thick bushes which i saw growing over the water. it was my only hope of saving myself, and i determined to run the risk; but no time was to be lost, as the indians might look up the stream and discover me. i struck out boldly, and found that i could stem the current, though it certainly required all the strength i possessed. i looked down the stream every now and then, to ascertain whether the indians were returning, which i thought they might do when they saw only one person clinging to the canoe; otherwise i kept my eye as steadily as i could on the bushes for which i was making. of course, i might have crossed the stream much more easily by allowing myself to be carried down with the current, but then i should have landed much below the place where i hoped to find concealment. i could distinguish for some time, even amid the roar of the waters, the voices of the indians as they shouted to each other; but they gradually became fainter and fainter, and this gave me encouragement, as it informed me that they were getting further off. even then i thought of poor mike. what might be his fate, should he be captured by the indians? his fiddle, and probably everything else in the canoe, would be lost, and he would have no means of softening their savage hearts. with his fiddle in his hand, i felt that he might succeed in saving his life. it may seem strange that such thoughts entered my mind at that time; but the truth is, i was less anxious about myself than i was about him. i had got more than half-way across when i began to find my strength failing me. it seemed that i should never reach the shore; still, i struck out, straining every nerve. i was afraid at length that i should be obliged to allow myself to be carried down by the current, and be glad to cling to the first rock or bough i could reach. my eyes were growing dim, and i could scarcely see the bushes on which they had so long been fixed. still i struggled on, determined if possible to succeed. suddenly i felt myself caught by an eddy, and the next instant i was carried close under the bank. i was about to grasp one of the branches, when i recollected that the sharp eyes of the indians would discover where my hand had crushed the leaves, so i resisted the temptation, turning myself on my back for a minute to rest; then i dived down, and came up again in the very middle of the bush. i now without fear drew myself out of the water, and climbing up, discovered a thick trunk hollowed out by age, the larger portion of which had been broken off either by a storm or lightning, the boughs having sprung out of the remainder--forming, indeed, a natural pollard. no concealment could have been more perfect; for even an indian's eye would fail to penetrate through the bark. by slipping down i was concealed on all sides, while at the same time a slit in the trunk afforded me a "look-out" through the boughs in the direction of the river. here, therefore, i considered that i was safe for the present. the difficulty would be to get away; although i might remain concealed as long as i should desire, hunger would at length compel me to leave my hiding-place in search of food. i remained crouched down, listening anxiously for any sounds which might indicate the whereabouts of the indians. mike, i felt sure, had he escaped drowning, would be captured by them; but i had hopes that reuben and his companion, by being so much ahead, might escape altogether. the ground was excessively rough; numerous high rocky ridges, and intervening spaces filled by trees and dense underwood, abounded. the fact that the indians had been so long shouting to each other convinced me that they had not up to that time captured the first canoe. as i heard no one approaching, i should not have been afraid of leaving my hiding-place; but then i knew that my footsteps would betray me. i must have remained an hour or more, when i heard voices in the distance. the sounds came nearer, and i knew that the indians were returning. i scarcely dared to draw breath. they passed close to the tree in which i lay concealed; but i did not venture to look out, lest they should discover me. i was sure as they went along that they were trying to discover my trail. i knew, too, by the voices, that there was only a small party. what had become of the rest? i calculated, by the direction their voices came from, that they were making their way up the stream. some distance off, the low cliffs between which the river forced its way were surmounted by trees, which formed a natural bridge. i knew, therefore, that should they wish to get to the opposite side they might easily pass over. nearly another anxious hour went by, when i again heard their voices coming across the stream; and looking through the slit, i saw three painted savages standing together in the shallow water, narrowly examining the bank on both sides. presently one of them stopped and pointed at the marks which my feet had made as i sprang up the bank. i saw them standing consulting eagerly together, but whether their sagacity would enable them to decide if i had gone forward across the country, or leaped back into the water, i could not tell. i anxiously watched, in order to ascertain to what decision they had come. at length one of them climbed up the bank and looked about; then the others followed, and walked for some distance, closely scrutinising the ground. at first i hoped that they were at fault. i had noticed that the bank was composed, a little way on, of hard stones, which could scarcely, i thought, receive any impression from my feet. they went on for some distance; and then i saw from their gestures that they were fairly puzzled. at length they came back to the bank, and gazed down at the rapidly-flowing stream. they were evidently of opinion that i could not have swam across it. greatly to my relief, i saw them continuing their course down the river, examining the bank as they went along, under the belief that i must have landed again further down, or else have been swept away by the current. this greatly relieved my mind. i sincerely hoped that they would give me up as lost, and abandon the idea that they should have the pleasure of exhibiting me to their squaws, and torturing me. on and on they went, until they disappeared among the trees which grew on the bank. whether or not they would again cross the stream i could not tell, or if indeed they had the means of doing so. they had come from the right bank, so i concluded that they must know of some way or other to get back to it. still, i was anxious to be certain that they had done this before i left my shelter. i had made up my mind to swim back, and to descend the stream on the left bank, following it down till i reached home. there were by this time ripe fruits of all sorts to be found, i knew, so that i had no fear of starving. i sat crouched dowd, feeling very much as i suppose a hare does, listening for the hunters--eager to be off, yet not daring to leave her cover. hour after hour passed by, but i could hear no sounds except the notes of the birds in the trees, the woodpeckers searching for insects in the bark, and the cries of the squirrels as they skipped from branch to branch. i really wished that one of them would poke his nose into my nest, that i might have the chance of capturing him, for i was getting very hungry, and would have eaten him raw without compunction; but none came within my grasp. at last i could bear it no longer. food i must have, or strength sufficient would not be left me to swim across the river. i fully believed that the indians had gone to a distance, and that i might therefore make the attempt without being seen by them. however, i did not intend to swim directly across, as i had done before, but to allow myself to float down with the stream, paddling easily till i could gain the opposite bank. i should thus be assisted rather than impeded by the current. i nerved myself up for the enterprise. i believed that it would be more easy to make my way out of the hole through the branches on the land-side, and then, going round them, take to the water where there was no back eddy. i had observed, a little lower down, that the current set directly across to the opposite bank, and it was this which had caused me so much trouble to reach the spot where i now was. popping up my head, i was about to climb out of the hole, when what was my horror to see four indians sitting silently smoking their pipes, directly in front of me! to escape was impossible, for i knew that they had perceived me by the loud grunts they uttered, and by one of them immediately springing to his feet and rushing forward towards the tree. endeavouring to conceal my fears, i leaped down and advanced towards them, putting out my hand. instead of taking it, the man who was advancing grasped me by the shoulder; while the others burst into a loud guttural laugh, as much as to say, "you thought yourself very clever, young master, but we have outwitted you." how they came to know that i was in the tree, i could not divine; perhaps they only suspected that i was in the neighbourhood, from not finding my dead body lower down, and had taken their seats on that spot by chance. one of the men now addressed me, but i could not understand a word he said. i answered him, however, in english, interspersed with such indian expressions as i could recollect. he on this rose to his feet, patted me on the shoulder, and pointed to the tree; intimating, as i fancied, that i had been very clever to conceal myself as i had done, but that he and his companions were cleverer still to discover me. as i was famishing, for my anxiety had not taken away my appetite, i thought it as well to let them understand that i wanted something to eat. espying some berries growing on bushes near at hand, i pointed to them; and the man who held me letting me go, i sprang forward and ravenously devoured a number. they quenched my thirst, though they did not much tend to appease my hunger. one of the indians, suspecting that this was the case, produced some dried buffalo meat from his pouch, and offered it to me. i thanked him by signs, and showed how i appreciated his gift by immediately eating it up. he and his companions, on observing how hungry i was, again laughed. one of them now pointed to the sun, which was getting low, and made me understand that i must accompany them. as i knew that i had no chance of escaping, i nodded,--as much as to say that i was ready to go if they wished it,--and tried to look as cheerful as possible. their leader, the man who had first spoken to me, pointed to the west and stalked off; and two of the others seizing me by the arms, one on each side, we followed him. chapter six. my indian captors commence their homeward journey--arrival at the camp-- aguskogaut the chief--his kindness to me--my astonishment on seeing mike a prisoner--his ludicrous fiddling--his comical account of his capture-- return of the warriors from the war-path--mike and i join the buffalo-hunters--the herd--exciting sport--the bison--its importance to the indians--my hope of escape--i am in great danger from the herd--mike rescues me--our return to camp. my captors led me along at a rapid rate over the rough ground; nimbly climbing the rocks, and dragging me after them without much consideration as to whether i was hurt or not. of course, i had made up my mind to attempt escaping on the first opportunity. perhaps they suspected this, for they took good care not to afford me the chance. on we went due west, as i knew by the position of the sun, scorning all impediments--up hills and across valleys, through streams and marshes. they were, i knew, in an enemy's country, and were in a hurry to get out of it. their leader did not fail to keep a look-out on every side-- sometimes hurrying on ahead to the top of a rock, from whence he could take a glance over the country around to ascertain whether any one was moving; still they did not appear to be very anxious, and they must have been aware of the exact spot in which kepenau and his tribe were encamped, while they knew that they were not likely to encounter other foes. we must have traversed a good many miles before the sun set; and a thick grove now appearing ahead, with a stream running by its side, they hurried towards it. having entered the grove, they immediately began stripping off the bark from some of the older trees, and collecting firewood. with the bark they formed a lean-to; and igniting the wood, they soon had a fire blazing. while the daylight lasted they allowed me to search for berries; one of the party helping me, but keeping a constant watch on my movements. the rest, in the meantime, toasted on sticks some dried buffalo meat, a small portion of which they gave to me. having satisfied my hunger, and feeling very tired, i lay down before the fire, glad of the warmth; for my clothes, though partly dry, were still damp, and i every now and then gave a shiver, which made me fear that i was going to be seized with illness. from the way in which my captors had hitherto behaved towards me i hoped that i should not be ill-treated, and believing that i should some day or other make my escape, i determined not to be unhappy. i was soon, therefore, fast asleep. just before i closed my eyes i saw the indians sitting round the fire smoking their pipes, and eagerly discussing some subject or other--probably, what they should do with me--but, in spite of my precarious position, i never slept so soundly in my life as i did for some hours. when i at length awoke, i saw that a few embers alone of the fire remained. one of the indians was walking up and down, acting as sentry; while the others lay, with their feet towards the fire, wrapped in their buffalo robes. i was nearly certain that they were the same men who had discovered my footprints, and they probably had then left their robes concealed somewhere while they searched for me in the river, and had afterwards resumed them. how i wished that that sentinel would sit down and go to sleep! if he should do so, i had determined to get up and run away. they would be unable to follow my tracks in the dark, so that i should have a long start of them; and i thought that i might possibly reach the river before they could overtake me, and either swim down it, or get floated down on a log of timber or a raft of rushes. i had still my axe in my belt, which the indians had not taken from me, as also my hunting-knife. i was nearly throwing away the first when crossing the river, but, feeling its value, i resolved to keep it as long as i could, and was very glad i had done so. once the thought came into my mind that, should the sentry at last go to sleep, i might kill all the indians with my axe before they could awake. i remembered a story i had heard of a white woman who had been made prisoner thus killing all her captors while sleeping, and ultimately escaping; but i put the idea from me as a temptation of satan, and felt more happy when i had done so. they had unjustly made me captive, it is true, but they were only following the instincts of their savage nature; and it would be a dreadful thing to think of afterwards, should i deprive them of life. as the sentry kept his post, and presently brought some more wood, which he threw on the embers, i felt sure that he was not likely to neglect his duty; therefore, closing my eyes, i again went off to sleep. when i next awoke the indians were yawning and stretching themselves. one got up, and then another, and i saw that day had broken. i sprang to my feet, and the idea came into my head to pretend that i was not aware i was their captive; so, putting out my hand, i signified that i would wish them a good morning and take my way homewards. they shook their heads--laughing, however, as if they thought the idea a good joke; and two of them walking on either side of me, we set off in the same order as before. we travelled on all day, till, leaving the hilly country and crossing several streams, we saw the wide prairie stretching out before us, beyond some thick clumps of trees. towards one of these clumps the indians advanced, when i heard the neigh of a horse. in a few minutes we saw a couple of indians, who had charge of several steeds tethered among the trees. a few words were exchanged between my captors and them, after which they immediately set to work to build a lean-to and light a fire. from this i knew that they were going to pass the night in the wood. again the hope rose in my breast that i might have a chance of escaping, but i tried to put on as unconcerned an air as possible. the indians we had found in the wood exhibited the carcass of a deer, which they had, i supposed, killed during the day. this was quickly cut up in large pieces, and placed before, the fire to roast. "i only hope, my friends, that you will gorge yourselves till you are unable to move," i thought. "then, if i can but get on the back of one of those horses, i will gallop off to the hills, and not let you see my face again if i can help it." i was not sorry, however, to eat some of the venison which the indians gave me; and then i lay down and pretended to go to sleep. they sat up feeding for some time after this; then, greatly to my disappointment, one got on his feet and began to walk backwards and forwards, while the rest stretched themselves on the ground, as they had done the night before. i watched and watched, and at last believing that they were too cunning to allow me to escape, i closed my eyes and went to sleep. i awoke twice, and on each occasion observed that one of them was on the watch. when daylight appeared they all rose, and after shaking themselves, the horses were caught and they got on horseback; their leader making a sign to me to mount one of the spare animals, of which there were several. this done, we immediately set off at full gallop across the plain, taking a south-westerly direction. we stopped twice during the day, to allow our animals to crop the grass; while we took some food, a stream near at hand supplying us with water. towards evening i espied several wigwams partly concealed by the wood before us. on approaching nearer, i saw that they were very different from those to which i had been accustomed further east, where the indian dwellings are constructed of birch-bark. these were, however, much larger; the framework, consisting of long poles tied together at the top in a conical shape, was covered with the tanned skins of buffalo and deer, and was ornamented with figures of animals and men,--apparently hunting scenes. there were five or six of these wigwams pitched close together. several women were moving about, or sitting on the ground. in front of one stood a tall man wrapped in a buffalo robe, with a spear in his hand, whom i at once guessed to be the chief. he contemplated us, as we drew near, without moving, or seeming in any way interested. this manner was, i suspected, put on to show his own importance, when he discovered that a white person was among our party. getting still nearer, another indian, who had been, i concluded, sleeping, and just awakened by the tramp of our horses, crawled out of the tent to have a look at us. it was a perfect scene of indian domestic life. near the chief, his wife sat on the ground playing with her child, a fat little urchin; a second woman was busy chopping wood; a third was coming in, axe in hand, with a huge bundle of sticks on her back, and a child clinging round her neck while a dog was too busy gnawing a bone to turn round and bark at us. on drawing near, our leader got off his horse, and ordered us also to dismount. we then approached the chief, to whom he described, as i concluded, the mode in which i had been taken prisoner. the clever way in which i had hidden myself, and the efforts i had made to escape, elicited no small amount of admiration from the chief. i could, of course, only guess at what he said, but i caught a word here and there; and he looked down on me and smiled with such benignity as his stern features were capable of assuming. at all events, i thought that these people, whatever they might do, would not torture me or put me to death. my captors having unsaddled their horses, turned them adrift to pick up food on the surrounding prairie, where the grass grew with unusual luxuriance. the men then went to their lodges, leaving me with the chief. he seemed to have taken a fancy to me from the first, and now invited me into his lodge, where his wife brought me a mess of broth, which, hungry as i was, i found very palatable. the floor of the greater part of the lodge was covered with buffalo-skins, and a sort of divan, composed of stuffed cushions, was arranged round the walls; while in the centre burned a large fire, from which ascended volumes of smoke through the aperture at the top, though no small quantity pervaded the wigwam. though disagreeable, it had the effect of driving away mosquitoes and other flying things. i had not expected to be so well treated; still, i could not tell how long the chief might remain in his present good-humour. the chief's name was, i found, aguskogaut. the tribe into whose hands i had fallen were sioux, who live entirely on the prairies, and subsist by hunting the buffalo. they had come further east than they generally venture, in order that their warriors might make predatory excursions against the more pacific and civilised indians living near the white men. they seemed to have no fear of being attacked by the latter, as, being well supplied with horses, they could beat a rapid retreat to the westward; and i discovered that they had scouts out in all directions to give notice of the approach of a foe. not knowing how long i might be kept a prisoner, i set to work at once to try and learn the language of my captors. the women, especially, were very ready to teach me; and my willingness to learn gaining me their friendship, they supplied me plentifully with food. i was puzzled, however, to know on what account they had carried me off, as i certainly could in no way benefit them. i concluded that one object might be to hold me as a hostage, in case any of their party should be taken prisoners. the chief took me out riding with him, in search of deer or other game. he was armed with his bow and a long spear; and knowing that a bow would be of little use in my hands, he gave me a spear, with which to defend myself or attack any animals we might come across. he kept a sharp look-out on me, however, in case i might try to escape; but i well knew that, under present circumstances, it would be useless to make the attempt. we were successful the first day in running down a young deer, with which we returned to the camp. as we approached, what was my surprise to hear the sound of a fiddle! surely those tones could be produced by no one but mike laffan! could he have escaped? there, sure enough, as we rode up to the lodges, was mike himself, standing in the midst of a group of indians; while he was fiddling away with might and main, they were dancing to the best of their ability, and keeping very good time too. on seeing me he shouted out, "good luck to ye, masther roger! sure my heart was nigh breaking, when i thought ye had been drownded or shot to death by these rid gintlemen; but it would not do to show me grafe, lest it would make them think manely of me, so thinks i to meself, i'll fiddle away as long as me elbow can move." all the time he was speaking, he continued to play as furiously as at first; most of those surrounding him jumping and whirling round and round, or keeping time with their hands. the indians, we knew, must have been aware that we were friends, and therefore it would be of no use to pretend that we were strangers to each other. mike was at length obliged to stop playing; upon which the chief ordered that he should be brought before him, and inquired how he had been captured. what account those who had taken him gave, i could not make out; but mike told me how, after the canoe had been upset, he had floated some way down the stream clinging tightly to it. most of the articles were soon thrown out. the guns, of course, had at once gone to the bottom, but the bales floated down. at last he saw his beloved fiddle washed out. "faix! it would have broken me heart to lose it," he observed; "so i made a grab and caught it and the bow, and held them tight, although the wetting, to be sure, was doing them no good. down i went, fasther and fasther. i could hear the roar of the lower cataract. thinks i to meself, if i go over that i shall be done for, and just then i found the canoe carried by the current towards the shore. i struck out with me feet to help it; and glad i was when, as i let them dhrop, i felt them touch the ground. i sprang up the bank, but, to me sorrow, the canoe floated off, and it was more than i could do to get a hold of it again. i climbed to the top of a cliff, hoping to catch sight of you, or of reuben and the indian; but no one could i see. and grieving from the bottom of me heart at the thought that you were lost, i scrambled down again, and made me way through the wood, guided by the sound of the waterfall. "i went on and on till i had passed it, looking out for our friends; but not a glimpse of them could i see. at last, as i was getting pretty tired, i thought to meself that i would climb up into a tree to get some rest, and hide away in case the inimy should be looking for me. scarcely had i stowed meself away among the branches when i heard voices. i dared not look out, but i guessed they were those of the indians, who had by some means or other missed me tracks, and having gone down the bank before me, were now returning. they passed by without seeing me, which shows that they are not always so sharp-sighted as is supposed. i stayed up in the tree all night; but next morning, being very hungry, i came down to make me breakfast off the berries i had seen growing about. there was no lack of them, and i was lucky enough to knock down two young squirrels with a stick i had picked up. "i was not happy in me mind all the time at going away without looking for you, so, thinks i to myself, i'll try and find him. i started up the stream again to the place where the canoe was upset. not a trace of you could i discover; so with a sad heart i began to make me way back again. it struck me that, somehow or other, i must have wandered away from the river; and after trudging along all day i could nowhere find it. i felt still more unhappy than i had done before, and so, thinking to solace myself, i sat down on a rock, and putting me fiddle to me chin, began playing away. i tried one tune and then another, and a mighty dale of good it seemed to do me. i was playing the `groves of blarney,' when half a dozen rid-skinned savages jumped out of the bushes and looked me full in the face. "`whoo!' says i. `whaugh!' says they, in chorus. `whoo!' says i again. on which they came nearer, flourishing their ugly-looking scalping-knives. "`is that what you're going to be afther?' said i, feeling uncomfortable on the top of me head. `keep off, me beauties, till i give you another tune.' and putting up me fiddle to me chin--for i had let it drop, and small blame to me!--i began scraping away as if i would be afther shaking me arm off. "`whaugh!' says they again, beginning to skip and leap about. "on this i played faster and faster; and the faster i played, the higher they bounded. `it's all right,' thinks i to meself; `they will not be doing me any harm if i can keep them at that game.' so i thought i had best give them a tune with me voice into the bargain; and i sang, and scraped, and shook me head, till they all burst out into fits of laughter. "on this i got up and made them a low bow; though i clapped my hat on again pretty quick, in case of accidents. and says i--`if you will all sit down, and behave yourselves like dacent men, i'll tell you a tale which will astonish you.' "whether or not they understood me, i could not for the life of me tell; but, sure enough, down they all squatted. and i began to recount to them how daniel o'rourke one night, returning from waking widow casey at ballybotherem, and having taken a drop more than usual of the `crayther,' saw the fairies come dancing round him; and i went on to describe what daniel said, and what the fairies did. `and now,' says i, `just sit quiet where you are till i come back and finish me story.' and on this, giving another whoop, and a hop, skip, and a jump, i was making me way back to the river, when up sprang the ridskins and came bounding afther me. `sure, thin,' says i, stopping short, and beginning to scrape away as before on me fiddle, `you don't understand me.' and, by me faith, indade they did not; for without more ado they got round me, and suspecting that i had been bamboozling them, began to prick me with their spears behind, as a gentle hint that i was to march forward. "seeing that there was no use trying to make me escape--for, of course, six men can run faster than one--i took their hints, which were not to be mistaken, and stepped out in the direction they pointed, now and then playing a tune to keep up me spirits and put them in good-humour. "the long and the short of it is, that they made me prisoner, and brought me along with them; until we found some horses, on which-- stopping a night or two on the way--we galloped along till we reached this place. "and here i am, masther roger! well pleased to find that you're alive, and to bear you company." and so mike concluded his story. the indians allowed mike and me to talk together without interfering with us. i told him that i would try to escape as soon as i could. "sure, and that is what i'll be afther," he answered. "but it's more easily said than done, i am afraid. however, where there is a will there is a way; and cunning as the ridskins think themselves, maybe we'll be even with them." while we were talking we had observed some commotion among the inhabitants of the lodges; and presently we caught sight of a band of horsemen scouring across the prairie towards us, and flourishing their spears as they came along. at first i thought they might be enemies; but as no preparations were made for the defence of the camp, i knew that they must be friends. in a few minutes they galloped up; and the leading warriors, decked in war-paint and feathers, dismounted, each of them carrying one or more scalps hanging to the end of his spear. our chief, aguskogaut, who had put on his finest robes, advanced to meet them while they stepped forward; and their leader began a long harangue, which sounded very fine, although i could not make out what it was all about. mike and i stood on one side, thinking it as well to keep out of the way. the new-comers, however, after a time began to point towards where we were standing; and i guessed they were talking about us, and inquiring how we happened to be there. aguskogaut then, as we supposed, gave them an account of what had occurred; to which (as i judged from their gestures) they replied, that we ought to have been killed, and our scalps taken to adorn their lodges. on this aguskogaut--who was, happily, our friend--made another speech; and lifting up his hand to heaven, appeared to be invoking the great spirit, and letting his countrymen understand that we were under his protection, and that no harm must happen to us. so successful was his eloquence, that the warriors appeared to be satisfied. at all events, we were allowed to move about within sight of the camp, no one molesting us. the next day there was a great feast in honour of the victory which had been gained. mike and i were generally kept apart; but we occasionally found opportunities for meeting, when we did not fail to discuss plans for escaping. we were, however, too narrowly watched to allow at present of any of them being feasible: wherever we went, an indian, apparently appointed for the purpose, had his eye on us. had we managed to mount any of the horses tethered near the lodges or feeding around, we should have been immediately tracked and followed. still, it kept up our spirits to talk of what we would do. we were not otherwise ill-treated, and were amply supplied with dried buffalo meat. sometimes the hunters brought in a deer or a bear; but as there was always on such occasions a grand feast, the fresh meat did not last long. at last, one morning the indians turned out at daybreak, and immediately began taking down the tents and packing up their goods. the coverings for the tents were divided and done up in bales, and then secured to the backs of horses. the poor women were loaded with as much as they could carry, in addition to the younger children. the chief's squaws were allowed to mount; but their animals were also loaded like the rest of the horses. the men carried only their arms, and spare buffalo robes strapped on to their saddles. mike and i were compelled to assist in doing up the bales, the squaws showing us how to perform the operation; sometimes scolding us, at other times laughing at what they considered our clumsiness. when all was done, we were left standing; so we concluded that it was the intention of the indians to compel us to march on foot. "begorrah," exclaimed mike, "i don't like this fun at all, at all! see, there are two mustangs without anything on their backs! small blame to us if we just get astride them." and suiting the action to the word, he leaped on to one of the ponies, while i mounted the other. whether they belonged to any of the indians, we could not tell, but there were several spare animals besides. urging on our steeds, we joined the throng of warriors, who were already forming at a little distance from our late camp. the chief laughed when he saw us, and exchanged remarks with some of his companions. we concluded that these were in our favour, for we were allowed to retain our steeds. the signal was now given to advance, and the tribe moved forward in a south-westerly direction. though we were glad to be on horseback, yet our spirits sank when we found that we were getting further and further from home, and saw our chances of escape diminishing. "no matter," cried mike; "the longer we stay with these indians, the more we shall know of their ways, and be the better able to desave them. we must appear to be perfectly continted and happy, and try to spake their language--though it gives me a pain in me jaws whenever i utter one of their long words." "you are right, mike; i will try to practise your philosophy," i answered. we marched on all day, stopping only for a short time to take our scanty meals. we could proceed but slowly, on account of the women and loaded animals; but the warriors scoured over the plain on both sides of our line of march, either looking out for an enemy or in search of game. mike and i, however, were kept with the main body. at night we encamped either near a wood or by the side of a stream, where there were always trees to afford us fuel for our fires. thus we went on for several days. the indians were, we guessed, making for a region frequented by buffalo, which had not this year come so far east as usual. at last we reached the spot at which they considered it desirable to remain; there being a full stream from which water could be obtained, and plenty of wood to afford fuel for our fires. in every other direction, as far as we could see, the country was nearly level, with little or no timber of any size growing on it. the women immediately set about their usual avocations. but as our meals were very scanty, it was evident that there was a scarcity of meat in the camp. early next morning a band of twenty men mounted their best horses to set out, as we concluded, in search of buffalo. without asking leave, mike and i got on our steeds and joined them. they did not object to this; probably supposing that we should not attempt to make our escape so far from home. we each of us obtained a bow and a quiver full of arrows, besides a long spear. none of the tribe possessed firearms. we rode on for some distance, the main body keeping together, while scouts were sent forward to look out for buffalo. at last we reached a broad stream, and were proceeding along the bank, when my companions became greatly interested; and looking out to the left, i saw the whole plain covered with a dense mass of dark objects, which i at once guessed to be buffalo. it was evident that they were making for the river. the indians, urging on their horses, dashed forward to try to intercept the herd before they could cross it. it seemed to me, however, that we should be too late to do that. i could see the scouts galloping along the flank of the herd nearest us, trying to find an opening among them into which they might penetrate; while every now and then they let fly one of their arrows into the neck of an animal. as to turning the herd, or preventing it from crossing the stream, they might as well have attempted to stop the falls of niagara in their downward course. with a tramp which shook the earth, and terrific bellowings sounding far across the plain, onward rushed the seemingly maddened creatures, tossing their heads, throwing high their tails, and turning up the earth in their course. the river was reached before we could get up to them; and their leaders plunging in, they began to swim across, the animals in the rear driving those in front into the water. the former would have treated the latter in the same way had they reached the edge of a precipice, when all would have gone over together. as it was, they proved themselves good swimmers, quickly gaining the opposite bank, and rushing forward as at first. before we got within shot of them, the greater number had crossed; but the hunters, urging on their well-trained steeds, rode boldly up, shooting their arrows within a few feet of the creatures. three or four only fell; others seemed to take no notice of their wounds; and several, springing out of the herd, with heads lowered to the ground, plunged forward furiously at their assailants. the nimble horses wheeled as they approached, and escaped the attack made on them; their riders never failing to discharge one or two arrows in return at the infuriated buffalo. had we possessed firearms, many more would have been killed. the indians had no intention of giving up the pursuit. where the herd had crossed the river, the water was too deep to allow us to wade over. at a signal from their leader, however, the hunters turned their horses, and galloped back in the direction from whence we had come; soon we reached a ford, where we all crossed, though the water almost covered the backs of our short-legged ponies. the herd could still be seen in the far distance, so we immediately galloped on to overtake it. though called buffalo, the animal i am speaking of is really the bison. it has a protuberant hunch on its shoulders, and the body is covered, especially towards the head, by long, fine, woolly hair, which makes the animal appear much more bulky than it really is. that over the head, neck, and fore part of the body is long and shaggy, and forms a beard beneath the lower jaw, descending to the knees in a tuft; while on the top it rises in a dense mass nearly to the tops of the horns, and is strongly curled and matted on the front. the tail is short, and has a tuft at the end--the general colour of the hair being a uniform dun. the legs are especially slender, and appear to be out of all proportion to the body; indeed, it seems wonderful that they are able to bear it, and that the animals can at the same time exhibit the activity they seemed possessed of. in summer the buffalo finds an abundance of food by cropping the sweet grass which springs up after the fires so frequent in one part or other of the prairies. in winter, in the northern regions, it would starve, were it not possessed of a blunt nose, covered by tough skin, with which it manages to dig into the snow and shovel it away, so as to get at the herbage below. in winter, too, the hair grows to a much greater length than in summer, when the hinder part is covered only by a very short fine hair, smooth as velvet. many thousands of these magnificent animals congregate in herds, which roam from north to south over the western prairies. at a certain time of the year the bulls fight desperately with each other, on which occasions their roaring is truly terrific. the hunters select, when they can, female buffalo, as their flesh is far superior in quality and tenderness to that of the males. the females are, however, far more active than the males, and can run three times as fast, so that swift horses are required to keep up with them. the indians complain of the destruction of the buffalo--forgetting that their own folly in killing the females is one of the chief causes of the diminution of their numbers. huge and unwieldy as is the buffalo, it dashes over the ground at a surprising rate, bounding with large and clumsy-looking strides across the roughest country, plunging down the broken sides of ravines, and trying the mettle of horses and the courage of riders in pursuit of it. to the indians of the prairies the buffalo is of the greatest possible value, for they depend on these animals for their food, tents, clothing, and numerous other articles. they dress the skins with the hair on, and these serve as cloaks or coverings at night. the horns are converted into powder-flasks; the hides, when tanned, serve to cover their tents; and the wool makes a coarse cloth. when the flesh is eaten fresh, it is considered superior in tenderness and flavour to that of the domestic ox; the hump especially being celebrated for its delicacy. it is also cut into strips and dried in the sun; or it is pounded up with the fat and converted into pemmican. the hides are used also for leggings, saddles, or, when cut into strips, form halters. with the sinews, strings are made for their bows. from the bones they manufacture a variety of tools--of the smaller ones making needles, and using the finer sinews as threads. from the ribs, strengthened by some of the stronger sinews, are manufactured the bows which they use so dexterously. the bladder of the animal is used as a bottle; and often, when the indian is crossing the prairie where no water is to be found, he is saved from perishing of thirst by killing a buffalo and extracting the water which is found in its inside. to resume: in spite of the rate at which the buffalo were going, we soon overtook them on our swift mustangs; and now began the most exciting part of our day's sport. the leading portion of the herd kept close together; but in the rear the animals were separated--some lagging behind, others scattering on either side. the indians, with their bows drawn or their spears couched in their hands, dashed in among them, shooting right and left, or plunging their weapons into the shoulders of the brutes--so dexterously aiming the blows, that many of their victims fell pierced to the heart. mike and i, though good horsemen, were but little accustomed to the indian weapons; and although we did our best, many of the buffalo at which we rode either escaped being wounded, or galloped off with our arrows sticking in their bodies. we each of us, however, managed to kill an animal, and were galloping on, closely following one of the principal hunters, when a huge bull, after which the indian was riding, turned suddenly round, and with its head to the ground rushed madly at him. his horse for a moment stood stock-still, watching the buffalo, while the indian shot his arrow. it struck the animal on the neck, but failed to kill it. i expected that the next moment i should see both horse and rider rolling on the ground; but the well-trained steed sprang nimbly on one side, and the now infuriated buffalo dashed towards mike and me. i shot my last arrow, but it glanced off the skull of the creature, which now came towards me, looking the picture of savageness. i endeavoured to make my steed spring on one side, but barely in time to escape the tremendous battering-ram--for to nothing else can i liken the buffalo's head. the creature went rushing on till it was met by two indians, one of whom shot his arrow, while the other struck his spear so exactly in the buffalo's breast that the huge creature immediately fell over dead. such was the beginning of our day's hunt. i was completely carried away by the excitement of the chase, and was as eager to kill buffalo as any indian amongst them. as i had exhausted all my arrows, i had now only my spear to trust to. had i been dependent on my own skill, i should have been quickly overthrown, and probably gored to death; but my well-trained mustang knew far more about the matter than i did, so i let him get out of the way of any of the animals which attacked me as he thought best. i had singled out a young bull which turned off from the herd, and i followed it up, expecting to be able to get ahead of it, so that i might point my spear full at its breast in the way i had seen several of the indians do, knowing that my mustang would spring on one side should it be necessary. suddenly the bull stopped; then turning round and seeing me before it, came rushing towards me. i endeavoured to run my spear into its breast, and then make my steed spring out of the way. i thrust my spear with all my force; but before i could let go my grasp it was whisked out of my hand, after which my horse sprang clear of the animal with a bound which very nearly threw me from the saddle, and had galloped some distance away before i could stop it. what a glorious opportunity this would be for escaping! i thought to myself. had mike been near me, i should have proposed doing so. i was looking round, to try and ascertain where he was, when down came my steed--having stepped into the hole of a prairie dog, numbers of which honeycombed the ground around--and i was thrown right over his head. as i lay half-stunned, i saw to my horror the whole herd of buffalo tearing along towards me, ploughing up the turf with their hoofs, and bellowing loudly. i fully expected to be trampled to death before many minutes had passed, or to be tossed high in the air over their shaggy backs. my horse, looking up, saw his danger, and seemed to understand the state of affairs as well as i did. he made desperate struggles to rise; and i endeavoured to get on my feet and seize the reins, hoping to mount before the herd was upon me. i might thus gallop off, and keep ahead of them till i could find an opportunity of turning on one side. i rose, but fell again before i could reach the reins which hung over my steed's neck. already i could almost see the eyes of the infuriated beasts; but i was not going to give up my life if i could help it. i therefore made another desperate effort, and reaching the rein, patted the animal's nose, turning his eyes away from the approaching foe; then in an instant--i scarcely know how i did it--i was on his back. i was fully aware that the same accident which had brought me to the ground might again occur; but of that i must run the risk. before, however, my horse could spring forward, the herd was close upon us. digging my heels into his flanks, i urged him on, shrieking at the top of my voice. the sound of the tramping hoofs behind him, the bellowing of the bulls, and the expectation every instant of being probed by their horns, made him strain every muscle to keep ahead of them. his speed was far greater than theirs, and he soon distanced them; but still, the danger of again falling was imminent, for as we flew along i could see in every direction the burrows of those abominable little prairie dogs, though the inhabitants had taken good care to ensconce themselves far down out of the way of the hoofs of the buffalo. looking over my shoulder, i saw that by turning to the right i might soon get clear of the herd, which did not extend far on that side. i accordingly pulled the right rein, so as to ride almost across the course the herd was taking; and observed, as i did so, a number of the indians galloping along by the side of the buffalo, and shooting their arrows. i was congratulating myself on the prospect of escaping, when down came my steed once more; and as i was as unprepared for the accident as before, i was thrown over his head, and more severely injured than at first. still, though partly stunned, i could see what was taking place. i fancied that i was, at all events, sufficiently to the right of the herd to escape being trampled to death, when just then a huge bull, who must have had his eye upon me, wheeled from his companions, and, putting his head to the ground, made, as i thought, towards me. to escape by mounting my horse was now out of the question, for i had been thrown too far to seize the reins, and the poor animal still lay struggling to get his feet out of the hole. any other than a prairie horse would have broken his legs, or sprained himself irretrievably. just when i expected to be trampled to death or gored by the bull's horns, i saw that the savage creature was making towards my horse instead of me; but as it reached the mustang, the latter drew his feet out of the hole, and throwing up his heels at the bull's nose, scampered off, followed by his enemy, while the rest of the herd swept by like a torrent, not ten yards from where i lay. some stragglers, however, caught sight of me; and another big bull was rushing on to give me a taste of his horns and hoofs, when a loud "whallop-ahoo-aboo! erin go bragh!" sounded in my ears. "don't be afraid, masther roger, me darlint!" shouted mike, for it was he who had uttered the cry; and dashing forward with spear in rest, he struck the bull behind the shoulder with such force that his weapon must have pierced the animal's heart. it swerved on one side, thereby enabling mike to avoid trampling on me, and the next moment fell over perfectly dead. a number of indians passing at the moment, applauded mike's achievement. i managed at the same time to get on my feet, and pointed to my horse. "ay, to be sure; i'll be afther him," cried mike, "as soon as i can git me shtick out of this baste's carcass." he tugged and tugged till he liberated his spear, then galloped off in the direction my horse had taken, leaving me by the dead bull. i had no longer any fear of being knocked over by the buffalo, as all, except a few laggards, had passed by, and were further away to the left. i could just see mike attacking with his spear the animal which had pursued my horse; but a faintness again came over me, and i was obliged to sit down on the ground. i had no fear of being deserted, as i was sure that the indians would come to look after the animals they had killed; and in a few minutes mike returned, leading my horse, who appeared none the worse for his falls or his encounter with the buffalo. we had by this time reached a part of the country where woods and hills could be seen rising here and there above the plain. the rearmost of the buffalo had become separated, and many of the indians, having exhausted their arrows, were now attacking them with their spears; two hunters generally singling out one animal, and riding alongside it till they had wounded it to death. as far as i could see, on either side, the country exhibited an animated scene,--the buffalo scampering along in every direction, with indians riding after them, their robes wildly flying in the air, while they flourished their spears above their heads. on the ground over which we had come could be distinguished numerous dark spots,--the bodies of the buffalo we had slain. indeed, our comparatively small party had, i afterwards found, killed upwards of two hundred animals; which will give some idea of the numbers annually slaughtered by the indians. at length they gave over the chase, and commenced the operation of skinning their victims, leaving most of the carcasses a prey to the wolves. the tongues and humps, however, were generally secured, as well as the flesh of the cows, which is, as i have said, far superior in tenderness to that of the bulls. the horses loaded with skins and meat, we returned at night to the camp; and as our captors had now an abundance of provisions, they were in an unusually good-humour. "sure, thin, but this wouldn't be a bad opportunity for us to git away from these rid gintlemen," observed mike, as we watched them feasting on the produce of the day's hunt--stuffing such huge quantities of flesh into their insides, that it seemed impossible, were they long to continue the operation, that they would be able to move. chapter seven. mike's precaution--we again go buffalo-hunting--the prairie on fire--a ride for life--our escape from the fire and the indians--hobbling horses--the fire is stopped by the river--a brief sleep--our fishing tackle--mike catches a cat-fish--our lean-to--mike loses his book--the visit of bruin--a hearty meal--death of mike's horse--i am taken sick-- mike's careful watch--my horse is drowned--our visit to the rice-lake-- we find lily and dora there, with ashatea, in a canoe, gathering rice-- lily's account of manilick, the young chief, ashatea's lover--kepenau's address--again taken ill--how i recover. mike and i were on the watch for an opportunity of mounting our horses and galloping off unperceived by the indians; but, though they feasted for several successive days, that opportunity never came. unfortunately, so far as our enterprise was concerned, they had no whisky in the camp, and were therefore able to watch our movements. in a few days the hunters again set out, to obtain a further supply of buffalo robes; not that these were required for their own use, but they intended to exchange them with the traders for whisky and other articles--especially firearms and ammunition. the chief and two or three of the leading men had already procured weapons, although as yet they were by no means expert in their use. "they'll soon give us a chance, if they get howld of the whisky," observed mike; "so we must have patience till that happy time comes." as we had proved ourselves such expert hunters on the previous occasion, the indians decided to take us with them, and allowed us to select two capital horses, as also some tough spears and a supply of arrows. we likewise stowed away, at mike's suggestion, as much dried buffalo meat as our pouches would hold. "there is no harm in having it," he observed; "and it may just come in convanient if we get the chance of giving our rid-skinned frinds the slip." i was glad to find that the indians were directing their course to the north-west of the camp, towards a plain on which, the scouts had brought word, buffalo had been seen feeding the previous evening, and it was supposed that they were not yet likely to have got far off. when we reached the ground, however, it was found that they had gone away further to the northward, so chase was immediately made after them. the herd must have gone on at a somewhat rapid rate, for we forded several streams, and entered on a part of the prairie across which, after riding a few miles, we could see nothing but the waving grass on every side. the chief had of late been friendly, and kept mike and me near him. he was evidently pleased with the good-humour we exhibited, and probably thought that we were contented with our lot. at last we came in sight of the rear-guard of the herd, when the indians at once gave chase. we had been riding on for some time, the buffalo evidently moving at a greater speed than they do under ordinary circumstances, when the chief, who was on the right of the party, stopped, and looking round him, shouted to those who were within hearing. i could not understand what he said, and asked mike if he could. "sure, it's something not altogether plisant," he answered. "look there, masther roger. what does that mane?" he pointed, as he spoke, to a long line of what looked like grey mist, forming wreaths, and rising above the horizon to the westward. i saw several of the indians standing up in their stirrups and gazing in the same direction. they knew perfectly well what it was, but they were trying to ascertain a point of vital importance to us all. the prairie was on fire! of that there was no doubt; but, in order to give themselves the best chance of saving their lives, it was necessary to settle, before galloping forward, what course to take. while the indians were discussing this point, mike, who had been looking about him, exclaimed to me,--"there is one way we want to go, and that is to the north-east. never mind if we do get singed a little, for sure, as we came along, i remember that we passed several swamps. if we can get into one of them we shall be safe, as the fire won't be afther crossing the wather." "but the indians will probably take the same direction," i observed. "sure, if they intinded doing that same, they would have been off at once," he answered. "they have some raison for what they think of doing, and we have another for what we will do; so come along, masther roger. there's only one thing i mourn for, and that is me fiddle; but no matther; maybe i will be afther getting that another time. whallop-ahoo-aboo! erin go bragh!" then digging his heels into his horse's flanks, he set off in the direction he proposed; and i, seeing that the indians were too much occupied to notice us, galloped after him. as i turned my head i saw them scampering along towards the north-west. the fire having approached with far greater rapidity than i could have supposed possible, i began to fear that they were right and we were wrong, when i saw the flames catching the dry grass and flaring up furiously, with dense masses of black smoke above them, and already scarcely a mile behind us; indeed, they looked very much nearer. onward came the conflagration, faster than any horse could gallop. happily we had the start of it, but we must, we knew, keep our steeds at the utmost stretch of their powers to maintain a safe distance. as our course diverged more and more from that of the indians, they soon discovered our object, and shouted to us to accompany them. "bawl away, me boys!" answered mike. "it is not convanient just now to attind to you." when our intention became clearly evident, the chief despatched two of his people in pursuit of us; but we kept well ahead of our pursuers, and they, fearing that the fire would overtake them, turned and took the same direction as the main body. soon after this we lost sight of our late companions. "i would be well contint never to set eyes on you again, me jewels," said mike, shaking his spear as a sign of farewell. although my companion kept up his spirits, i could not avoid fearing that, after all, the fire would overtake us. happily our horses were fleet and in good wind, as we had not exhausted them during the early part of the day; and all we could do at present was to gallop on. the wind, of which there had hitherto been very little, now got up, and blew almost in our faces, driving the fire in the direction the indians had taken, and at the same time keeping it back from that in which we were going. still on came the fire, the whole country in our rear apparently one mass of flame. even now, did we stop, we should be overtaken. happily for us, there were no buffalo in the direction from which the fire was coming, or we should have run the danger of being overwhelmed by them. smaller animals, however, came rushing by us or close at our heels, but too much frightened even to notice us; and we were in too great a hurry to interfere with them. i am almost afraid to say how many miles we covered in a couple of hours, but certainly not till that time had elapsed did we get to a safe distance from the fire; and even then, on looking back, we could see it raging along the whole verge of the horizon to the westward and southward. it was clear to me that mike was mistaken about the swamps, and had not the wind, providentially for us, changed, we should probably have fallen victims. we now slackened our speed a little, hoping to meet with some broad river which might prove a barrier to the flames, should another change of wind drive them towards us, as there was nothing, so far as we could see, to stop the fire from quickly overtaking us. our horses, too, were already suffering from want of water, and so were we. we therefore eagerly looked out for a pool or stream at which we might slake our thirst. at length, greatly to our joy, as evening was approaching, we caught sight in the far distance of a silvery line of water glittering in the rays of the western sun. it was a river running from the north-west to the south-east, and as we approached we saw that it was of considerable width. should it not prove fordable, we resolved to swim across. with infinite satisfaction we reached the bank of the river, and descending quickly, allowed our horses to drink; while, stooping down by their sides, we lapped up the water eagerly with our hands. it seemed as if we could never drink enough. when we had somewhat slaked our thirst, we looked about for a place at which to cross. from the appearance of the current a little lower down, we hoped that we should there find the river fordable; we accordingly agreed to lead our horses to it. on climbing up the bank we observed that the fire was still raging in the direction from whence we had come; and it was evidently very much nearer. we had wished to allow our animals to rest and recover their strength before attempting to cross; but on again looking back we saw that there was no time to be lost. we accordingly at once mounted, and urged our steeds into the water, keeping their heads up the stream. as we advanced it grew deeper and deeper, and we expected every moment to have our horses taken off their legs; still it would not do to turn back. our greatest chance of safety lay in pushing forward. the cool water restored strength to our beasts, and, sagaciously leaning over against the current, they soon got across the deep part. we had now no further difficulty, and in a few minutes landed safely on the opposite side. fortunately there was plenty of fresh herbage, and we allowed the animals to crop it, while we sat down and discussed some of the pemmican with which, by mike's forethought, we had provided ourselves. without it we should have starved; for we could find nothing eatable anywhere around. as night was approaching, and our horses were too much knocked up to go further, we resolved to remain on the bank of the river till the morning. we accordingly hobbled the animals, and then looked about for some place which might afford us shelter. our search was rewarded by the discovery of a hollow made by the stream in the bank during the spring floods. here we hoped that we might rest secure from danger. indians were not likely to be passing at that time of the evening, and no wolves would find their way, we believed, into our cave. our horses were, of course, more exposed to risk than ourselves; but we were obliged to let them take their chance, for unless they were allowed to feed during the night they would be unable to carry us the next day. after leaving our horses to pick up their supper, we were about to return to our cave, when, on looking to the eastward, we observed that the fire was making most rapid progress in our direction. we felt thankful indeed that we were on the right side of the river. on came the conflagration, the heat sensibly increasing every minute, while dark wreaths of smoke filled the air, below which the burning grass and shrubs hissed and crackled. the darkness of night added to the fearful character of the scene. as far as the eye could reach there appeared a long unbroken line of fire: now, as it caught some thick bush or clump of trees, forked flames rose high in the air; in other places it came along maintaining the same height, but ever advancing, till it reached the bank of the river, when every shrub and tree was enveloped in a sheet of fire; and notwithstanding the width of the river, we expected every instant to see some of the sparks carried across, and the whole country on our side given over to destruction. we might save our own lives, but our horses would inevitably be lost. we sat anxiously watching the conflagration as it raged along the entire bank: now the sparks, wafted by the wind, flew high into the air; now burning branches fell hissing into the water. "it's all very fine," observed mike, after watching it for some time; "but i would rather be afther going quietly to slape." i felt quite as tired as did mike, but i sat up till my eyes began to close and my head to droop, and i could not for the life of me tell what i was looking at. i had just sense enough left to lie down alongside mike, when i was almost directly asleep. i do not think i ever slept more soundly in my life than i did on that occasion. so thoroughly wearied out was i, that i forgot all about the fire raging within a few hundred yards of us; or prowling wolves, or indians, or rattlesnakes, which might have made their holes in the bank. when i awoke i found mike sitting up, dawn having just broken. the fire had burned itself out, a few burning embers alone appearing on the opposite side, with here and there a blackened stem of some tree which had resisted the flames. one side of the river presented a scene of utter desolation, while the other was still green, and glittering with the dew of early morn. we knelt down and returned thanks to god for our preservation, and offered up a petition that he would still take care of us. we then ate a little more pemmican, and took a draught of water from the river; though, to do so, we had to drive back the burned twigs and black scum which came floating down the stream. we then caught our horses, which, in consequence of being hobbled, had not strayed far; and after leading them down to drink we mounted and rode on to the north-east. reaching some elevated ground whence we could obtain an extensive view, we looked round to ascertain if any indians were in sight. not a human being could we discover; and we therefore, with increased hopes that we might escape, continued our journey. i asked mike how many days he thought it would take us to reach home, that i might see if his computation agreed with mine. i calculated, recollecting the distance we had come with our captors, that it would occupy us a week at least, or perhaps ten days. he was of the same opinion. "but will our pemmican last us as long?" i asked. "sure, that depinds upon how much we take of it each day," he answered. "the berries are now ripe, and by good luck i have found a couple of fish-hooks in me pocket. maybe, also, i can manage to manufacture some traps in which to catch birds or small animals; and though we have no arrows, if we are hard pressed we may make some; and we have got our spears. if we could only meet with a young bear, we should have flesh enough to last us for many a day. sure, we'll not be fearing harm till it comes upon us." i agreed with mike that we were not so badly off after all, and we rode forward in good spirits. there was still, of course, the danger of being overtaken by the indians; but on that score mike thought that we need not trouble ourselves. they would probably suppose that we had been destroyed by the fire; or they themselves might have met with the fate from which we had so narrowly escaped. the sun shone brightly from the unclouded sky; the atmosphere was clear, and we could see objects at a great distance. we looked out, as we rode along, for any of the natives who might be passing either on the war-path or engaged in hunting, as we resolved to endeavour to avoid them rather than risk an encounter. they might prove to be friends; but if enemies, we knew that we should have a poor chance of coming off victorious. whenever the country was open, we galloped across it as fast as we could venture to push our horses without over-fatiguing them; but when we came to woody districts we kept as much as possible under shelter of the trees, so as to avoid being seen. we did not forget that, should enemies cross our trail, they would probably follow us. we therefore very frequently looked about us, to ascertain if we were pursued. we agreed that, in that case, we would run for it, trusting to the mettle of our horses for escape. it may seem strange, but i enjoyed the excitement, and should not have been alarmed had we caught sight of a dozen redskins, provided they were on foot, and we had a fair start. mike did not quite enter into my feelings, however. "sure it would be betther, masther roger, if we could get along asily, and just stop and enjoy our dinner and supper without the feeling that at any moment our scalps might be taken off our heads," he observed. "we have kept them on through much greater dangers than we are now likely to meet with," i answered; "and while we have fleet horses under us, we may laugh at the indians. they won't know that we are without firearms, and they are terribly afraid of bullets." for all this, i should have been glad had we possessed a good rifle and a brace of pistols apiece. though our spears might serve us in a close encounter with a bear, or even with wolves, we were but ill able to protect ourselves against the arrows of a party of redskins. whenever we reached a height we surveyed the country both before and behind us, to make sure, in the first place, that no indians were following; and, in the second, that none were encamped ahead, or, as i have before said, moving about. during the day we met with several small streams at which we could water our horses and slake our own thirst; and the first night we encamped under shelter of a wood, where there was plenty of grass for our steeds. we contented ourselves with forming a lean-to, but did not light a fire lest it should betray our whereabouts. having eaten a little more pemmican, we formed our beds of spruce-fir tops, and lay down to rest. "do you slape as sound as you like, masther roger; i'll jist keep one eye open, in case any unwelcome visitor should take the throuble to poke his nose into our palace," observed mike. "when you think you have had rest enough, you can jist wake up and let me take a snooze till morning." i thanked my honest friend for his kind intentions, and in less than half a minute my eyes were closely shut. when i awoke it was already dawn, but mike, instead of keeping watch, was as sound asleep as i had been. "hallo, mike!" i exclaimed; "i thought that you intended to rest with one eye open all night." "sure, masther roger, haven't i done so, barring the last few minutes," he answered. "i did my best, thinking that every moment you would be getting up; and small blame to me if at last i dramed that you did get up, and told me that you would take a turn at watching." "never mind, since no harm has happened," i said. "now let us mount our horses and ride forward till we can get some cold water for breakfast." our animals, who now knew us, came at our call; and throwing ourselves on their backs, we galloped forward as we had done the day before. not a human being did we meet with during the whole day, and in the evening we encamped by the side of a broad stream overshadowed by trees. from the appearance of several deep holes close under the bank, we hoped that fish might be found in them. as soon, therefore, as we had secured our horses, we set to work to manufacture lines for the two hooks which mike had found in his pocket. some people might have been puzzled how to get the lines, but we were not to be defeated in our object. we procured them by cutting off a small portion of the two hobbles, which consisted of long strips of deer-hide, and plucking some hairs out of our horses' tails. the deer-hide we cut into thinner strips, which served for the upper part of the lines, while the lower were formed of the hair platted together. we thus in a short time had two good lines, to which we carefully secured the hooks. having caught some grasshoppers, we determined to try them for bait; while our spears served us for fishing-rods. hunger made us keen sportsmen, and never had i felt so anxious for success. my line had not been long in the water when i felt a bite. i almost trembled with eagerness as i gave a gentle jerk, sufficient to hook the unwary fish. it tugged pretty hard, and i was sure that i had it fast; but still i was afraid that it might break my line. carefully i drew it along till i got it sufficiently near the surface to ascertain its size. to my satisfaction, i saw that it was not more than two or three pounds' weight. after playing it for some time i drew it towards the bank, when mike, who had hitherto not got a bite, left his rod and rushed into the water to secure our prize, exclaiming-- "faix, thin, we'll have this darlint for our supper to-night; and, bedad! there is another at my line. hurrah! good luck to us!" throwing the fish to me, which proved to be a gold-eye, he sprang off, just in time to catch his rod, the end of which was nearly off the bank. "och, murther," he cried out, "but it's a big one!" and he rushed along the shore, jumping over all impediments; shrieking out in his eagerness in a manner which would have made a sedate indian fancy that he had gone out of his mind. i could not help laughing as i watched him. "come along, masther roger, and lend me a hand, or the baste will be afther getting away." securing our first prize, i followed mike as he rushed along down the bank, afraid of breaking his line, which was by this time stretched to the utmost. now he gently pulled it in, now he allowed it to go off again, as he felt the strain increase. by thus dexterously managing the fish for some minutes, he at length brought it close to the shore, and i caught sight of an ugly-looking dark monster. "sure, it's a cat-fish, and mighty good ateing too, though it's no beauty," exclaimed mike. "get howld of him, masther roger; get howld of him, or he will be off." following mike's example, i dashed into the water and grasped the huge creature, although, covered as it was with slime, it was no easy matter to do so. giving it a sudden jerk, i threw it on shore, rushing after it to prevent its floundering back again into its native element. it proved to be a prize worth having, being at least seven or eight pounds in weight. it was a wonder how, with such slight tackle, mike had contrived to hold it. we agreed that, as we had now an ample supply of fish for one day at least, we would not run the risk of losing our hooks; and accordingly, carrying our two prizes, we made our way back to the part of the bank we had selected for our camp. it was under a widespreading tree, which extended over the water, and would materially serve to hide a fire, which we agreed to light on a piece of flat ground, almost level with the water. we soon collected a sufficient supply of sticks, and had our fire blazing and our fish cooking. the cat-fish, in spite of its ugly name and uglier looks, proved excellent, though somewhat rich--tasting very like an eel. having eaten a hearty meal, and cooked the remainder of our fish for the next day, we put out our fire, and then arranged our dwelling for the night. it consisted simply of branches stuck in the ground, and extending about six feet from the trunk of the tree. we closed the entrance, so that no wolves or bears could pay us a visit without some warning; and kept our spears by our sides, to poke at their noses should they make their appearance. the night passed quietly away, and the next morning at daylight, having caught our horses, we swam them across the stream. the sun soon dried our clothes, and as we had no fear of starving for that day, we rode merrily onward. next day we were as successful in fishing at a stream we reached a short time before sundown; but we were not so prudent, for after each of us had caught a couple of fish we continued our sport, when mike's hook was carried off. he looked as if he was going to burst into tears, while he surveyed the end of his line with an utterly comical expression of countenance. "no, bedad! it's not there," he exclaimed; "the baste of a fish has got it--ill luck to him! but we shall have the consolation of ateing his brothers; and maybe some day we will come back and hook him." we had now but one hook left, and this it was necessary to secure with the greatest care. what a value we set upon that little crooked bit of steel! our lives might depend on it, for though mike had set several traps of various descriptions, no animals would consent to be caught by them. two days more we travelled on, catching sight of what we believed to be indian encampments in the distance, but, according to our resolution, carefully avoiding them. our fish had come to an end, our last handful of pemmican was exhausted, and for a whole day we had no food except a few berries. towards evening we reached a wood. as there was a stream not far from it, while mike was engaged in forming our camp i endeavoured to hook a fish. my efforts were vain; for some time none would bite. at last i felt a tug, and i was sure that i had hooked a fish. eagerly i drew it towards the bank. it seemed to come willingly enough at first, but there was another tug, and my line almost flew out of the water. i cast a blank look at the end. the hook was gone! feeling very disconsolate, i returned to the camp. mike endeavoured to comfort me for our loss, but he could not supply us with food. we therefore lay down to rest, keeping our spears as usual by our sides, and mike offering to watch while i slept. whether or not he had done so i could not tell, but suddenly i was awakened by feeling the branches at my side roughly shaken; and looking up, what was my dismay to see, by the moonlight streaming through the wood, a big brown bear poking his nose through the bushes, and not live feet from us! giving mike a nudge with my elbow, i grasped my spear, and rising on my knee, without a moment's consideration as to what might be the result, i thrust the spear with all my might into the bear's chest. with a fierce growl and open jaws it rushed at me,--as it did so, driving the spear still further into its body; whilst i, expecting the movement, sprang to the inner end of our arbour. mike in a moment was on his knees,--he had not time to rise to his feet,--and seizing his weapon, drove it into the bear's neck. still the creature, though thus desperately wounded, broke through the branches we had put up; but the thick leaves prevented it from seeing us as clearly as it would otherwise have done. the life-blood was flowing from its wounds. mike managed, as i had done, to get out of bruin's way; and before the creature could turn to pursue either of us, over it fell, on the very ground on which we had been sleeping. it struggled for a few seconds, gnashing its teeth, and i had to retreat through the branches to avoid it. mike, who had managed to escape at the other end, now joined me, and getting hold of the handle of his spear, endeavoured to pull it out of the bear's body. after a few tugs he succeeded in regaining possession of his weapon; and the first thing he did with it was to plunge it again into the animal's breast. "i did it just to make sure," he remarked. "these bastes have as many lives as a cat; and maybe he would have come to again, and taken to ateing us instead of our ateing him, as i hope we will be afther doing before long." whether or not the last thrust was necessary i do not know, but the bear ceased struggling; and mike, springing on the body, exclaimed-- "he's dead enough now, anyhow! and we'll take the liberty of cutting him up, and getting our teeth into his flesh; for, sure, he has spoilt our rest for the night." the centre of the hut was by this time a pool of blood; we therefore dragged out the bear, and while mike began scientifically to flay the carcass, i collected sticks for a fire. we soon had a good one blazing up, and some of the slices of the bear toasting before it. we were too hungry to wait until the morning. "sure, the bear was sent to us to be aten," observed mike; "and suppose we get nothing else till we reach home, it will serve to keep us alive till then." having satisfied the cravings of hunger, we cooked some more slices of the best portions of the meat, to serve for our breakfast before starting; and the remainder we cut into thin strips to smoke over the fire, and afterwards to dry in the sun. as both we and our steeds were tired, we agreed not to start till a later hour than usual. there was a risk in remaining, but still it was better to run it, rather than knock up our horses or ourselves. mike faithfully kept watch, and the sun was already high in the sky when i awoke. we hung up the strips of bear's flesh, to give them a drying before we packed them to carry with us. we also did up a portion of the fresh meat, which would, we calculated, last us for some time. then, having taken a late breakfast, we mounted our horses and continued our journey. it would take too much time, were i to describe the events of the next few days. after continuing on for the time we supposed it would occupy us in reaching home, we were still unable to recognise any of the features of the country. mike, however, remarked that as forests and hills and rivers were all much alike, it was no wonder that we could not make out where we were. i proposed directing our course eastward, as we should thus certainly come to some of the settlements. mike thought that we had not got sufficiently far to the north, and advised that we should continue on in that direction. i gave in to him. our horses had hitherto held out well, but suddenly mike's began to stagger, and, almost before he could throw himself from its back, down the poor animal fell. what had been the cause of the horse's death we had not knowledge sufficient to ascertain; only one thing was certain,-- that it was dead, and that we must take it by turns to ride, and thus get on at a much slower pace. there was no use stopping to mourn our loss, so, having taken off the saddle and bridle, we did them up in a package, and placed them on the back of my steed. we did this lest the dead horse should be recognised as having belonged to the indians, and some of their friends might discover it and pursue us. we had, shortly afterwards, a river to cross. true, we might have made a raft, but as we were both good swimmers we determined to trust to our own arms and legs for getting to the other side. after some persuasion we induced the horse to go in; and then, mike taking the rein, we each of us put a hand on the saddle and swam over, i on one side and mike on the other. though swept down for some distance, we got safe on shore at last, but we had to trudge on in our wet clothes. not only were we wet, but so was our imperfectly dried meat; the consequence was, that when we came to cook it in the evening it was scarcely eatable. our clothes, too, were damp when we lay down at night. i awoke shivering the next morning, though the fire was still blazing near me; and when i tried to get up i was unable to stand. mike was in a state of great distress. the remainder of our provisions had become worse; but even had the food been of the most delicate description, i could not have touched it. mike, faithful fellow that he was, immediately set to work to build a hut, so that i might be sheltered from the heat of the sun as well as from the wind. as soon as it was completed he carried me into it, and closing the entrance, said he would set out in search of food. in a short time he returned with some delicious strawberries, which greatly refreshed me. for several days he tended me with the greatest care, and was fortunate in trapping several young birds, which, though not very fat, served to restore my strength. i asked him how he had managed to eat the dried bear's meat, being very sure that he had not touched any of the birds he had caught. "bedad, masther roger, it's not the mate at all i've been ateing," he answered. "i found no lack of big fellows with four legs hopping about in the marsh down there, and, for want of better food, i took the liberty of cooking them. they are not so bad, afther all; only the idea of the thing was not plisant at first." mike had been living on frogs, i found out, during all my illness; and as for a whole day he was unable to catch any birds, i begged that he would let me taste the frogs. i confess that i had no reason to complain of the food, for he gave me the hinder legs alone, which i should have supposed to have been those of small birds, had he not told me what they were. i was at last strong enough to move about, and i proposed that we should at once continue our journey. mike agreed, therefore, that we should start the next morning. when daylight arrived, he left the hut to look for the horse while i prepared breakfast. he was a long time absent, and i began to grow anxious, wondering what could have become of him. i waited and waited till i could bear the suspense no longer, so, going to a height at a little distance from the wood in which we had formed our encampment, i gazed around on every side. should any accident have befallen him, how fearful would be my fate! i was also deeply grieved at the thought of losing him; but i confess that selfish feelings for the time predominated. there was a river, i should have said, in the distance, and on looking in that direction i at length saw a figure moving towards me. it might be mike, or it might be an indian, and perhaps an enemy. still, i did not think of concealing myself. great was my joy when, as the person drew nearer, i recognised mike. i rushed down to meet him; but i saw that there was something wrong, by the expression of his countenance. "what is the matter, mike?" i asked. "i was terribly afraid that you were lost." "sure, a great deal is the matther," he answered. "that baste of a horse has been afther drowning himself; and you will have to walk the rest of the journey on foot, except when i carry you on me shoulders-- and that i will do, as long as i have the strength, with the greatest pleasure in the world." i assured mike that i was so glad to see him, that i cared little in comparison for the loss of the horse, for i felt perfectly able to walk any distance. "well, that is one comfort; and seeing that we have nothing to carry except our spears, which will help us along, matthers might have been worse," he answered. both of us were determined to make the best of what had happened; so, having eaten our breakfast, and packed up the remainder of our provisions, we recommenced our march forward. mike insisted on our encamping early in the day, so that he might search for food; and before dark he had procured a supply of the same description as that on which we had been living for several days. the next morning we went on as before, and i felt my strength considerably restored. soon after noon, having reached the summit of a height, we saw before us a wide river, connected with a series of small lakes, their borders apparently deeply fringed with tall grass. this, mike said, he believed must be rice, and it would afford us a change of diet if we could procure some; we accordingly made our way down towards the nearest. we thought, also, that we might catch some unwary ducks, if they were not accustomed to the sight of human beings. on getting close to the borders, we fancied we heard some sounds from a brood of ducklings. we therefore crept cautiously along the shore, when, to our infinite satisfaction, we caught sight of a couple of ducks, and not one, but two broods. we had got almost near enough to catch hold of the hindermost, when the cries of the mother-ducks warned their young ones to make the best of their way from us. eager to seize our prey, we dashed into the water after them; when, to escape us, they endeavoured to make their way through the high grass. we had each of us caught a couple, when what was our astonishment, on pressing aside the grass, to see directly before us a canoe with three girls in it! two of them were busily employed in beating out the rice into their canoe, while the one who sat in the bow, on hearing the noise we made, turned her head with an inquiring but somewhat alarmed glance towards us. yes! i could not be mistaken; it was lily! just before her sat dora, while ashatea occupied the stern. "lily, lily!" i exclaimed. "don't you know me?" "yes, yes! i do. o dora, dora! there is roger and mike laffan. they were not drowned, or killed by the indians! i always said so," she cried. in a moment their paddles were out, and, guided by ashatea, they were making their way towards us. "come into the canoe!" they exclaimed in chorus. "there is room for you; and we will take you to our friends. they will be so glad to know that you are alive, though you both look sadly tired and thin." "no wonder, misthress lily," observed mike; and he gave an account of my illness. they were all eager to hear how we had escaped; and as the canoe skimmed lightly over the smooth surface of the lake, urged by their paddles, i told them all that had happened to us, from the time we left the camp of our indian friends. i then asked if reuben and his companion had ever been heard of. "yes; it was they who told us that you had either been drowned or made prisoners by the indians," said lily. "they escaped by running through the rapids at a place where no canoe had ever before ventured. and reuben has undertaken to come up here and escort us back to the settlement. we have been paying our long-promised visit to ashatea; and i can assure you she received us in the most hospitable manner. you will like to see the beautiful dome-shaped wigwam her people built for us, with a divan all round, and the floor covered thickly with matting. we felt quite like indian princesses, when she escorted us into it. it is divided by a curtain into two portions. the inner serves as our bedroom, and the outer as our drawing-room. as there is space for a fireplace in the centre, we agreed that we should not object to spend the winter in it; while at the present season it is delightfully cool and pleasant." "ah, but it is not equal to one of your comfortable houses," observed ashatea, who understood all that lily said, and had, i found, improved greatly in her knowledge of english, having spent a considerable time at the settlement with lily and dora. we had some distance to go, i found, before we could reach the spot where kepenau and his people were now encamped. the chief had, lily told me, spent several months there; and had, besides, made a tour with our missionary friend, martin godfrey, for the purpose of being instructed in gospel truth, which he was most anxious to impart to his countrymen. the chief had, some time before, learned to read, and had devoted all his attention to the study of the scriptures, so that he was well able to carry the gospel to others. my uncles and aunt had been greatly grieved at my supposed loss, and it had made them less contented with the settlement than they had before been; uncle mark especially missed the assistance of mike, though honest quambo had done his best to supply his place. various schemes were afloat for occupying fresh territory, far to the westward. some speculators had visited our settlement, and my uncles had listened to their descriptions of the advantages to be gained with far more interest than they might otherwise have done. "i had hoped that we should remain where we are," said lily. "i am attached to the place, and should be content to spend the remainder of my days here." "you have not got over many of them as yet, lily," i said, looking up in her face. "they may be many, in comparison with those which are to come," she answered gravely, and i thought mournfully. "i hope to see you grow into a dear old woman, like aunt hannah. i like to think of the future, and i want my future to be happy. however, it will be a long, long time before you grow old, lily." "i already feel old," she said; "or i did, at least, when they told me that you were lost, roger, though i did not believe it; but perhaps i shall now feel young again. i have been very sorry, too, about poor ashatea," she continued in a whisper; "she has her troubles, though she does not show what she feels by her countenance as much as we white people do. a young indian, who is said to be superior to most of his people, has long wished to marry her; but as she is a christian and he is still a heathen, though i believe she likes him very much, neither she nor her father will consent. this has produced a feud between them; and the conduct of manilick--for that is his name, which, i believe, means a `pine-tree'--has caused them a great deal of anxiety. kepenau fears that manilick will try to carry off his daughter by force, and he is therefore obliged to keep scouts constantly watching the movements of the young chief. indeed, when you appeared through the rice grass i fancied that you were manilick, and that you might have come to carry us all off together; not that i believe he would venture to injure any white people, since he professes to be our friend." i was much interested in what lily told me, for i fancied that reuben had lost his heart to the indian girl. still, superior as she was in many respects to those of her race, she would scarcely have made a fitting wife for a well-educated young man; though the rough traders and hunters of the far west frequently marry indian wives, who make them as happy as they wish to be, but are seldom able to bring up their children properly, the chief objection to such alliances. while lily was talking to me, mike was recounting to dora and ashatea, in his rich irish brogue, our various adventures with the indians. thus the time was passed while the girls paddled across the lake and up the river till we reached kepenau's lodges. as we neared the shore, we observed a large concourse of people assembled near the wigwams. many by their costume appeared to be strangers, while others were kepenau's own people. i saw that ashatea was regarding them with great interest. in front, on a rock, sat kepenau; and i judged by his attitude and the tone of his voice that he was addressing them on a matter of importance, while they listened with rapt attention. his right hand pointed to the sky, while his left was directed towards the earth; and by the words which reached me i knew that he was preaching the gospel--setting before the people the way of eternal life. we all stopped at some distance to listen, and so intent were he and his auditors that none perceived us. ashatea, who stood next to lily, was regarding the scene with even greater interest than we were. i saw her eye directed towards a young indian, who by the ornaments on his dress i guessed was a chief. i pointed him out to lily. "yes," she said, "that is manilick. i am very glad to see him here, as i hope he is receiving the truths which kepenau is endeavouring to impart." ashatea was, i had no doubt, hoping the same. kepenau had nearly brought his address to a conclusion when we arrived. now, rising from his seat, he took manilick's hand, and spoke to him affectionately, as it seemed to me. the young chief hung down his head, and answered only in monosyllables. kepenau, after speaking in the same way to others, offered up a prayer, in which several of his own people joined. not till then did he discover us. with a look of surprise he at once advanced to greet mike and me, his countenance as well as his words exhibiting his satisfaction. he afterwards turned again to the young chief, and addressed him. he had, until now, i found, suspected that manilick had instigated the attack on us, if he had not taken part in it, and he wished openly to exonerate him. kepenau questioned me as to the dress and appearance of the indians who had made us prisoners. from my description he was satisfied that they were really sioux, and that manilick had nothing to do with them. we were anxious to return as soon as possible to the settlement, to relieve the minds of our relatives but that evening, in consequence of the fatigue and hardships i had endured, i was again taken ill. kepenau had a wigwam carefully built for me, in which lily and dora assisted mike in watching over me. good food, however, was all i needed; and as our indian friends had abundance of fish and game, i was soon well again. just as i had recovered, we one evening saw a large canoe approaching the camp. who should step out of it but uncle mark, accompanied by reuben, quambo, and several men! they had brought a quantity of goods to supply their indian friends. as may be supposed, uncle mark was delighted to find that i was alive; and quambo, in the exuberance of his joy, embraced mike. "but where de fiddle?" he exclaimed, after their salutations had ceased. "just play one tune. it do my heart good, and we set all de camp jigging." "och, botheration! but the ridskins have got it--bad luck to the spalpeens! and sorra a one of thim can play a tune, or i would not mind it so much," answered mike. "but you must try to get him back," observed quambo; "if dey not play on him, dey not want him." "i'm mighty afraid it's burned, though," said mike, with a sorrowful countenance. when uncle mark heard of mike's loss, he told kepenau and manilick. the latter had that day paid a visit to the chief. they were both of opinion that should the fiddle be in existence, it might, by proper diplomatic proceedings, be recovered; and, greatly to mike's joy, manilick undertook to ascertain what had become of it, and, if possible, to restore it to its owner. chapter eight. uncle mark's canoe--our start for home--the rattlesnakes--mike longs for his fiddle--our night encampment--jacques lerocque's fishing joke-- mike's terror at the supposed indian ambuscade--the phantom bear--our arrival at home--kakaik and the fiddle--mike's delight--kepenau's second visit--reuben's chagrin--mr. simon spark's advent--his glowing description of the far north-west--the forest on fire--our hut destroyed--our escape. the canoe in which uncle mark had come up had been built by some indians on the lake, who intended to dispose of it to the fur-traders; but, in consequence of some dispute, they had refused to let them have it, and had thereafter sold it to my uncles at a reduced price. it was of far superior construction to those we had hitherto seen used, though of the same materials. formed of large sheets of birch-bark, kept in shape by delicate ribs of lance-wood or willow, it was nearly forty feet in length, and sharp at both ends; and the seams where the bark was sewn together were covered by a thick resinous gum, which became hard in the water. like the small canoes, it required careful handling; for, having no keel, it was easily turned over. it was impelled by six or eight paddles,--three or four on one side, and the same number on the other; one man steering with a paddle, as well as paddling. uncle mark had come down one river, then across the lake, and up another river, instead of the shorter route along the course of several narrower streams with rapids, which necessitated the same number of portages. by this means he was able to bring a cargo of cottons, cutlery, and other heavy articles. he purposed returning by the same route, though it might have been possible to carry the canoe across the portages, as the bales of peltries occupied less space than the cargo he had brought. there was sufficient room, too, for the four additional people the canoe had now to carry. the day before we were to start, ashatea appeared to be very unhappy. it was, i concluded, at the thought of parting from lily; but lily afterwards told me that it was more on account of manilick, who still refused to embrace christianity. "we must pray for him," said lily. "kepenau has taken every opportunity of speaking to him, and putting the truth plainly before him; but though he would very gladly make ashatea his wife, he still remains firm in his heathen belief." we could no longer delay our return home, as the autumn was advancing, and before long we might expect storms and frosts, which would make our proposed voyage in the canoe both trying and dangerous. the whole tribe came down to the bank of the river at early dawn to see us off, as uncle mark wished to cross the lake before sunset. we should have to encamp for the night, and continue our voyage up the river next morning. we made good progress down the stream, having the current with us, and entered the lake just as the sun rose above what appeared like a sea horizon, though we knew that the shore was not far off on the opposite side. the calm lake shone like a burnished mirror. the shore we were leaving was tinted with various colours, the higher ground here crowned by groups of spruce-firs, and in other places rocky and barren, but still picturesque in the extreme. i took a paddle and sat by lily. reuben and mike also made themselves of use; while uncle mark sat with dora at the bottom of the canoe. it was the first voyage i had ever taken on the lake, and lily and i agreed that it would be very pleasant to have a canoe or small vessel of our own, and to cruise round the shores, exploring every inlet and creek. as the sun rose the heat became intense; not a breath of air stirred the surface of the lake, and lily, who had taken off her hat, was very glad to put it on again. after paddling for some distance we landed to breakfast, or rather to dine; for we did not intend to stop again till we went on shore to encamp for the night. wild rocks fringed the shore, and we had to exercise great caution in approaching it, for the slightest touch would have knocked a hole in the bow of our canoe, and we should very soon have had the water rushing in. we had, therefore, to look out for some opening into which we could slowly paddle till we found a landing-place. after making two or three ineffectual attempts, we succeeded in finding a bank with an almost perpendicular side, on to which we could at once step from the canoe. immediately after landing, all hands set to work to collect wood for a fire. an abundance lay on the ground, driven there by the wind. lily and dora undertook to cook the breakfast, the materials for which consisted of eggs, fish, maize cakes, and dandelion coffee--the roots having been prepared by aunt hannah. we soon had a fire blazing up, when, as uncle mark declared, lily and dora performed their duties in a most efficient manner. just as we had finished, one of the men, who were seated at some little distance from us, started up, exclaiming, "take care! take care! there are rattlesnakes near us." scarcely had he spoken when i saw one of the venomous creatures, the sound of whose tail the man had heard, rearing its head not five feet off from lily. in another moment it might spring on her. fortunately a long thin stick lay close to me, which i seized, and with all my might struck the snake a blow on the head which brought it to the ground, while i cried out to lily to run to a distance. almost in an instant the snake recovered itself, and sounding its rattle as it moved forward, made an attempt to spring at me. again i struck it; and mike coming to my assistance, it was quickly despatched. where one rattlesnake is found, there are generally many more. scarcely two minutes had passed ere another made its appearance, crawling out of a hole under a tree. while mike and reuben went to attack it, uncle mark advised that we should all get on board without delay. our breakfast and cooking things were quickly packed up; and the second rattlesnake being destroyed, mike and reuben followed us into the canoe. scarcely had we shoved off when three or four more rattlesnakes were seen, and we felt thankful that none of us had been bitten by them. we had literally encamped in the midst of a colony of the venomous reptiles. we had to exercise the same caution in going out of the harbour as on entering it; after which we continued our course to the eastward at a moderate distance from the shore. "the day was, masther roger, when you and i would have been very happy to have fallen in with as many of those same snakes as we could have caught," observed mike to me. "they're mighty good ateing, barring the head and tail. at laste, the ridskins hold to that notion." i was, i confess, very thankful that we had not been compelled to eat the creatures; though i did not know what hunger might have induced me to do. as we paddled on, uncle mark asked lily and dora to sing. they were not girls to offer excuses, and declare that they were out of voice. "what shall it be?" said lily. "anything you like," replied dora; and immediately they commenced a melody which, although i had heard it before, sounded very sweet on the calm water. reuben and i joined in chorus; and the men, as well they might, applauded heartily. then one of them commenced a canoe-song, in which they all joined. as soon as they ceased, lily and dora gave us a third; and so we went on, singing and paddling over the calm water. "och! but it's a sad pity that them ridskins have got me beautiful fiddle!" exclaimed mike. "would i not have been giving you all a tune! sure, if i do not recover it i will be breaking me heart intirely." he said this in so melancholy and yet comical a tone, that reuben and i burst out laughing. we reminded him that our indian friend had promised to try and recover his beloved instrument, and by degrees he regained his spirits. the weather continued fine, and the water smooth as before. as i gazed over the vast expanse spread out on our left, i could scarcely fancy myself navigating an inland lake, small though it was compared to many in that region. i thought, too, of how it would appear should a storm arise, and the now tranquil surface be turned into foaming billows by the furious wind. our canoe, with sides not much thicker than a few sheets of brown paper, would have been a frail bark for navigating the lake under such circumstances. evening was approaching, and though we had paddled on all day we could not as yet see the mouth of the river, near which we intended to camp. we redoubled our efforts, therefore, to gain it during daylight. the sun had almost reached the watery horizon to the west, when we espied a clump of tall trees which marked the spot towards which we were directing our course. having rounded a point, we ran into a bay with a grass-covered shore; and here we were able to land without difficulty. we unloaded the canoe, and carried our packages up to a grassy spot underneath the trees. the men immediately set to work to collect bark with which to form a wigwam for lily and dora; we contenting ourselves with a lean-to, which would afford us protection from the night wind. the usual fire was lighted, and as we were all very hungry, no time was lost in cooking supper. as soon as it was over lily and dora retired to their abode, as they had been up and ready to start some time before dawn. we sat round the fire spinning yarns, as the sailors say, and singing songs. we were speaking of the necessity of trying to get some more fresh fish, as our stock was nearly exhausted, and mike had told the party how successful we had been till our hooks were bitten off. "but there is a place not far from here where we can catch fish without hooks," was the answer. "sure, and i should like to see it!" exclaimed mike. "but how is it to be done?" "why, with nets, to be sure," said the canoeman. "and if you like to come with me, i will show you how i do it." mike at once agreed to the proposal. hearing that some nets which would suit the purpose had been left _en cache_ with other articles close at hand, reuben and i and another man agreed to accompany them. jacques lerocque, mike's friend, was an amusing fellow, and fond of practical joking. it struck me at the time that he was up to some trick; but he put on so grave a face, and spoke so earnestly, that my suspicions were banished. on reaching the cache, which was close to the camp, i found that the nets were something in the form of hand-nets, only larger. we were also provided with a lantern containing a thick tallow candle. "you see how to use these nets!" said jacques. "we put them into the water, and then hold the candle at the further end. when the fish see the light, they swim towards it and are caught." the plan seemed very feasible, and mike declared that he thought it was a mighty convenient way of obtaining a supper. we were to fish in twos; one man to hold the net, and the other the light. reuben agreed to accompany mike, and i was to take the other man; while jacques said he would superintend operations, promising us an abundance of sport if we would follow his directions. going on for half a mile over hard ground, we reached a marsh which was connected with the lake. "it is very full of fish, which come in to feed on the insects clinging to the reeds," observed jacques, "but you must not mind wetting your feet." however, having so recently recovered from a severe illness, i thought it wiser, when it came to the point, not to do this; so jacques took my intended companion with him. "here, master reuben, you take one bit of candle and i the other," said jacques, cutting the piece in the lantern in two. reuben and mike at once plunged into the marsh, and made their way through the rushes. i heard their voices, although from where i stood i could not see them. presently mike exclaimed-- "here comes a big one! howld the light furder back, masther reuben, and, bedad, we'll have him. sure, though, he's gone off; come a little furder. there he is now; this time he'll be afther getting caught, sure enough." then the sound of splashing and the crackling of the reeds reached my ears, when presently mike cried out,--"och! murther, but what are these bastes about? they'll be biting off our noses, and bunging up our eyes! but we must have the fish, though. och! murther, murther!" reuben's voice joined in chorus, though with varied exclamations. i ran to a point near the spot which my friends had reached, and there i saw mike bending down, holding the net in one hand, while he endeavoured to beat off with his hat a swarm of mosquitoes which were buzzing thickly round him. reuben stood near holding out the candle, and a second net in his other hand, which prevented him from defending his face from the venomous bites of his persevering assailants. still, though his countenance exhibited the sufferings he was enduring, he manfully kept his post. just then the most fearful shrieks and cries rent the air, sounding like the war-whoop of a band of savage indians. "och, but the ridskins are upon us!" cried out mike. "we must run for it, masther reuben dear. niver mind the nets, or the fish, or the mosquito bastes. it's too much for any mortal man to stand, with the savages into the bargain. come along as fast as your legs can carry you; but we will find masther roger first. we must not lave him behind to be scalped; and as to jacques and tom hodges, if they have not taken care of themselves, it's more than we can do for them." mike was rapidly uttering these expressions while, floundering along, he made his way up to where i was standing. whether or not reuben was aware of the true state of the case i could not tell, but he was certainly following much more leisurely than might have been expected. i had that moment caught sight of the grinning countenances of jacques and tom over the rushes, and guessed that the former was playing off one of his tricks. when mike saw me, he exclaimed, "run, masther roger, run! sure, don't you hear the shrieks of the indians? they will have the scalps off our heads, if we don't show them our heels, before many minutes are over." i burst out laughing, and pointed to our two companions, who, however, at that moment bobbed down and hid themselves among the rushes. mike now began to suspect that a trick had been played him; but nothing ever made him angry, so, laughing as i was doing, he exclaimed-- "come out of that, ye spalpeens! it will be many a day before you get me to go fishing with you again." jacques, having had his joke, recovered the nets, and being well experienced in the style of sport, in a short time caught half a dozen fine fish, with which we returned to the camp. i was glad to roll myself up in my blanket, and go to sleep under the shelter of our lean-to; but the rest of the party sat up cooking and eating one of our prizes. i was awoke before long by the sound of loud growlings, which made uncle mark and several of the party start to their feet, with guns ready to receive the bear from whom they expected an attack. recollecting jacques' propensity to practical joking, i lay quiet; and i heard my uncle come back soon afterwards, growling almost as much as the supposed bear, and observing that the brute had got off, though it must have been close to the camp. i said nothing, though i suspected who had performed the part of the bear. the next morning i looked about, but could discover no traces of such an animal. jacques, if he had represented it, kept his own counsel; and after we had started i heard him complaining that his night's rest should have been so disagreeably disturbed. lily and dora had been awakened, but they, trusting to the vigilance of their protectors, had wisely gone to sleep again, being very sure that, did any savage animal approach the camp, we should soon give a good account of it. we had a long paddle up the river, and had again to encamp, but no event worthy of mention occurred; and the next day, late in the evening, we reached the settlement. lily and dora and reuben went to their respective homes; and after we had paid a visit to uncle stephen and aunt hannah, to convince them that we were still alive notwithstanding our perilous adventures, we returned to the hut, where we were welcomed by our three canine friends, which had been left to guard it under charge of one of uncle stephen's men. the autumn soon passed by, and once more the winter was upon us. we had plenty of work in felling trees, and either burning them or dragging them over the snow to places where we intended to cut them up. occasionally we paid a visit to the settlement; indeed, i was always glad of an excuse for passing a few hours with lily when i could spare the time. i looked in, also, on my friends the claxtons. both they and my uncles, as lily had told me, were, i observed, becoming more and more discontented with the settlement, as were likewise a number of other people, and the attractions of the new regions of the far west were the constant subject of conversation. we at the hut troubled ourselves much less about such matters than did our friends. we had plenty of hard work, and were pretty well tired when the day's labours were over. mike declared that the only drawback to his happiness was the loss of his fiddle, which he never expected to see again. "dat am de cause ob my grief," observed quambo, putting his hand to his heart. "if you did get it, would not we hab a dance! we would kick up de heels all night long, to make up for lost time." it was some days after this that we one evening saw an indian coming through the opening which had now been made down to the river, walking on snow-shoes, and with a package of some size on his back. "here comes kakaik! i wonder what him bring!" exclaimed quambo, running forward to meet our visitor. kakaik having made signs that he had got something valuable, mike advanced with open mouth and outstretched hands. an idea had occurred to him. "what is it, me friend?" he asked eagerly. the indian began a long speech. "och, man alive! just tell us what it's all about," cried mike, who could no longer restrain his curiosity. by this time uncle mark had come out of the hut. the indian, however, would go on with his address, of which we did not understand a word. mike kept all the time pointing to the package, and entreating him to undo it. at length the indian stopped and commenced untying the thongs which secured the mysterious parcel, and exposed to the delighted eyes of mike--his fiddle and bow. "sure, i thought so!" exclaimed the irishman, eagerly grasping his treasure. "erin go bragh!--long life to yese, me jewil!" and clapping the instrument to his chin, he made an attempt to play on it; but it required, as may be supposed, no small amount of tuning. mike at once set to work, however, turning the keys and drawing the bow over the strings, all the time uttering expressions of gratitude to the indian, and to all concerned in the recovery of the fiddle. the moment he had tuned it to his satisfaction, he began playing one of the merriest of jigs, in unison with his own joyous spirits. quambo on hearing the sounds started up, snapping his fingers, kicking up his legs, and whirling round and round in time to the tune. the indian, grave as was his exterior, forthwith joined him, out-vying him in his leaps, and adding the wildest shrieks and shouts. i could not long resist their example, and in a few minutes even uncle mark was dancing away as vigorously as any of us; mike all the time kicking his heels, and bobbing his head with a rapidity which seemed to threaten the dislocation of his neck. it was the wildest scene imaginable, and any one observing us would have supposed that we had all gone mad. at last we had to stop from sheer want of breath, and on entering the hut kakaik informed us that it was through the exertions of manilick that the fiddle had been recovered. he had paid half-a-dozen yards of cotton, the same number of strings of beads, a looking-glass, and a frying-pan, for the treasure. it had been regarded with reverential awe by the possessors. he sent it, however, as a gift to the rightful owner, and declined to receive anything in return. "faix, thin, i will be grateful to him till the end of me days," answered mike; "and i hope that you will receive, for your throuble in coming, masther kakaik, my 'baccy-box, and half-a-dozen red cotton handkerchiefs for your wife and childer, all of them bran-new, except one which i wore as a night-cap when i last had a cowld, and another which has been in use for a matther of a week or so." kakaik accepted the proffered gifts with due gratitude, and further informed us that the indians from whom mike and i escaped had succeeded in regaining their encampment, though the fire had been close to their heels; and until manilick's ambassador visited them they had supposed that we were destroyed. by the manner in which we had got away from them, we were very much raised in their opinion; though they threatened, should they ever catch hold of us, to have our scalps off our heads. "much obliged to the gintlemen," remarked mike; "but we will not let them do that same if we can help it, and we'll show them that the palefaces have as much brains in their skulls as the ridskins, cunning as they think themselves." kakaik consented to stop with us for the night, and we had several more tunes from mike's fiddle, and another dance, almost as boisterous as the first. kakaik, after remaining a day with us, took his departure, loaded with as many articles as he could well carry; some forced on him by mike and quambo, others being given by my uncle and myself as presents to our friends. i should have said that kakaik also told us that manilick was frequently at kepenau's camp, and appeared to be favourably received by ashatea. mike's fiddle was a constant source of amusement to us during the remainder of the winter. spring returned, whereupon kepenau paid us another visit. he said that he and his people had determined to move further westward, into an unoccupied territory, and he feared that some time would pass before he could again see our faces, but that he hoped occasionally to come with the peltries he and his people might obtain. i accompanied him to the settlement. lily was much grieved to find that she and ashatea were not likely to meet again for a long time. "i thought that she would have become like one of us," she said, "and live in a comfortable house, and adopt our habits." "a flower of the forest cannot bloom on the mountain top; nor can one born in the wilderness live happily in a city," answered kepenau. "though she may not adopt the habits of the palefaces, she loves them, and the true faith they have taught her, and will ever pray to the same god they worship to protect them from danger." reuben scarcely attempted to conceal his disappointment, and even offered to accompany kepenau back to his lodges; but the chief shook his head. "if it is not well for my daughter to dwell among your people, still worse would it be for you to live with us, natives of the land," he answered. "stay with your parents, and support and protect them, and you will be blessed, and made far happier than were you to follow the desires of your heart." after spending some days with us, kepenau took his departure. we were, as usual, very busy getting in the crops on our newly cleared ground, and carrying on other agricultural pursuits. the summer was intensely hot,--far hotter than i ever recollected it. the crops had come up early, but the locusts appeared and destroyed every growing thing which had risen above the surface. this greatly disappointed those who had looked forward to an early harvest. about this time a stranger arrived at the settlement. he quickly made himself known as mr simon sparks; and said, moreover, that he was the chief land agent of a new territory far to the west, which wonderfully surpassed our settlement in richness of soil, and fertility, and abundance of game. his accounts were eagerly listened to, and my uncles were completely carried away, as were a large portion of the community. still, some of the older people were of the opinion that well should be let alone; and that if we took as much pains in cultivating the ground as we should have to do were we to make a long journey, we should prove, notwithstanding the difficulties which might beset us, as successful in the end. mr sparks, however, was not a man to be defeated in his object; he continued arguing the point till he had won over a good many adherents. still, he had not gained a sufficient number to suit his purpose. "well, friends," he said, mounting his horse one evening, as a large number of the inhabitants were assembled in the chief open place in the village, which was designated the square, "do i look like a man who would mislead you, or fail to carry out my promises? i have slain many a bear, hunted the buffalo across the prairies, and, single-handed, fought and defeated scores of redskins. with such fellows as you at my back, even if ten thousand were to attempt to stop us we would force our way onward, and send them to the right-about. what are you afraid of? if rivers are to be crossed, we can form rafts and swim our cattle over. there is grass on the plains, and game in the forests to supply all our wants; and a glorious country at the end of the journey, where happy homes can be established, and wealth obtained for ourselves and our children. i ask you again--do you take me for a man who would bamboozle you; or do i look like one who will prove true as steel, and fulfil all his engagements, as an honest man should do? those who believe that i speak the truth, hold up their hands; and those who don't, keep them down, and we part friends notwithstanding." few of us could help confessing that, as mr simon sparks, with his tall sinewy figure, firm-set lips, and keen eyes, sat there on his strongly-built mustang, his rifle held across his saddle, he did look like a man very capable of doing what he said he had done, and what he said he would do. nearly all hands were raised up. "thank you, friends," he said; "i will stay another day with you, and we will talk the matter over again. if a fair number are determined to move, we will go together; if not, i shall soon find others who know their interests better than you seem to do." saying this, he dismounted, and went to spend the evening with mr claxton, who was one of his chief adherents. i returned home to report to uncle mark what mr sparks had said; but he was doubtful about moving till he had secured a purchaser for the land we had cleared with so much labour. we were about to turn in for the night, when quambo, who had been to look after the cattle and pigs, reported that he observed a peculiar glare through the opening towards the west, though no camp-fire was likely to be burning in that direction. we all hurried out to look at what the black had described, and saw the brilliancy of the glare rapidly increasing. "it is such a fire as it will take many bucketfuls of water to put out!" exclaimed uncle mark. "as i live, boys, the forest is in flames! and they are likely to extend pretty rapidly, too, with the wood dry as it now is." "what had we better do?" i asked. "collect our cattle, pigs, and poultry, take our guns and ammunition, and a supply of food, and get out of the wood as fast as possible," he answered, quite calmly. "in a few minutes, if i mistake not, we shall have the forest blazing away all round us; and nothing that i know of can save the hut from destruction. it will be fortunate if the village itself escapes, for the forest comes close up to it on two sides; and there will be no time to clear away the trees, and put an open belt between the houses and the fire." influenced by uncle mark's spirit, we immediately set to work to drive in the cattle, set the pigs free, and collect the poultry. we loaded the waggon with as many articles as it could carry; and harnessing the oxen, commenced our retreat. we were not a moment too soon, for already the forest to the westward was in a blaze, extending from the river far away to the north. a narrow belt of trees alone remained between us and the conflagration, the dense smoke, curling in thick wreaths, being sent by the wind towards us, and making respiration difficult. while uncle mark took charge of the waggon, the rest of us drove on the other animals, directing our course to the settlement by the only open road. we knew, indeed, that in a short time we might have the fire on both sides of us. the flames rose up high above the tops of the trees in the rear. the crackling of the burning branches, and the loud reports as the thick trunks were split in two by the heat, sounded alarmingly near--the whole landscape before us being lighted up by the glare shed from the burning forest. we might, we believed, escape with our lives, were we to leave the waggon and the cattle, but that was very far from uncle mark's thoughts. by voice and whip we urged on the oxen, and shouting, shrieking, and using our thick sticks, we endeavoured to drive forward our refractory charges. the inhabitants of the village must have seen the conflagration long before this, and would, we hoped, be preparing for their escape. i remembered the fire on the prairie. then only the grass was burning, but now we should soon have the tall trees in flames on both sides of us. in a few minutes the flaming masses might be tumbling down on our heads, and overwhelming us. the thought of this prevented us from relaxing our efforts. we ran here and there flourishing our sticks, shouting and bawling till we were hoarse; still, we kept ahead of the fire, although it was advancing rapidly in our track. the hut, outbuildings, and enclosures must already, we knew, be reduced to a mass of cinders; but there was no use thinking about that. we should be fortunate, did we preserve the more valuable part of our property. at length the road became wider, and we got among clearings, which would somewhat stop the progress of the flames, did they not impede them altogether. we dared not halt, however, but pushed on, directing our course to the south side of the village, where the country was completely open, and no trees left standing. the river, too, ran in that direction, and some flat marshes on the banks would afford security to all fugitives. i was thinking all the time of lily, and my uncle and aunt; and had not my duty compelled me to remain with the cattle, i would certainly have hurried on to warn them, in case they should not have discovered their danger. however, i felt sure that uncle mark would not have forgotten them, and that he was satisfied they would take the necessary steps to escape. uncle stephen had also a waggon in which to convey his household goods out of the way of danger. as we got near the village, we were satisfied that the inhabitants were aroused; for already several waggons were moving forward in the direction we were going, while we heard the shouts of the men driving others in the rear. fortunate, indeed, were those who had waggons, as the rest of the people would have to carry on their shoulders everything they wished to save. the wind, which had increased, hurried forward the fire with terrific rapidity, and drove the smoke in dense masses round us, so that, bright as were the flames, we could often see but a short distance ahead. the shouts and cries of the terrified settlers increased in loudness. all hope that the village would be preserved must by this time have been abandoned. the fire was coming up from the west and north-west, leaping at a bound, as it seemed, over the clearings; the burning branches, driven by the wind, quickly igniting all combustible matters amid which they fell. we at last reached the ground i have spoken of; but not without the loss of some of our hogs, which had got away from us, in spite of our efforts to drive them forward. having early taken the alarm, we were the first to arrive, but others from the village quickly followed; when we immediately set to work to cut down every bush and blade of grass which might catch fire. in a short time i heard uncle stephen's voice, and thankful indeed was i to see lily and aunt hannah safe. they had found time to load their waggon with the most valuable part of their property and a store of provisions. the claxtons directly afterwards arrived, and reported that there were still several persons remaining in the village, who believed that the conflagration would not reach it, and that they would be perfectly safe. we were, however, too busily engaged in clearing the ground to think of anything else. it was fortunate that these precautions had been taken. in a short time, as we looked towards the village, we saw the flames rising up in all directions. the fire came working its way along; in some places in thin lines, in others like a wave rolling over the sandy beach, and consuming everything in its course. before the night was half over a semicircle of flame was blazing up round the spot we occupied; the river, which was here very broad, preventing the progress of the fire in that direction. still, a burning brand, driven across a narrow part by the wind, might set some dry grass or bushes on fire; and it was impossible to say how far it might then extend. frequently the stifling smoke almost prevented our breathing, and we had to throw ourselves on the ground to escape it. all night long did the fire rage round us. the heat was intense, and the smoke and fine black dust blown over us was most oppressive. happily, we had water near to quench our thirst, blackened though it was with ashes; and we had reason to be thankful that we had reached a place of safety--the only one near the settlement where we could have escaped destruction. the women and children were placed in the waggons, where they endeavoured to obtain some rest. the ground was too wet for the men to lie down; and we therefore either leaned against the wheels of the waggons or walked about. indeed, we had ample occupation in beating out the fire, which ran along the most dry portions of the ground we occupied, wherever there was herbage of any description. morning came: but the fire raged on; and there was but little chance of our being able to move for some days to come. we had, however, no lack of meat; for, besides the pigs and poultry, several deer and numerous small animals rushed for safety towards our camp--only to meet the fate they were attempting to avoid. two or three bears, also endeavouring to escape from the flames, were shot. no wolves or foxes came near us: they had probably, exercising their cunning, made their escape from the burning forest against the wind. daylight showed us such a scene of desolation as i hope never again to look on. not a vestige of the village remained; while blackened trunks--some with a few of their stouter limbs still branching from them, others reduced to mere black poles, and many burned down to stumps--appeared in every direction. the crops had disappeared; and not even a fence was standing. thus the settlers, with sorrowful countenances, beheld the labour of years destroyed. chapter nine. the settlers determine to accept mr. sparks' offers--lily's sorrow at leaving the old settlement--mode of advance--sabbath observance on the march--we are left behind, in consequence of our waggon breaking down-- our great want of water--a dangerous descent--the horrid spectacle of the wolves--our oxen flagging, i proceed forward alone in the direction of a fire in the distance--my joy upon discovering our friends--reuben offers to accompany me back--we get lost--faithful mike finds us-- strange horsemen--mike, reuben, and i taken prisoners by the sioux. the fire gave more support to the schemes of mr sparks than did all his arguments and glowing descriptions. mr claxton, my uncles, and most of the settlers who possessed the means of transport, resolved to accept his offers, and at once prepared for the journey. those who had no waggons made up their minds to remain where they were, and to cultivate the ground, which the ashes would render more fertile than before. the grass, after the first rain, would spring up and afford a rich pasture for their cattle; and the charred trunks would enable them to rebuild their log-huts and put up fences. i had reason afterwards to believe that they chose the wisest course; though at the time i was well pleased at the thought of the long journey we were to take, and the adventures we might expect to meet with. i was surprised to find that lily did not enter into my feelings. "i would far rather have stayed where we were," she said. "the trees would soon have become green again, and we could have cultivated the ground as before, and the river and hills would have remained the same; though, as uncle stephen and aunt, and you, roger, wish it, i am ready to go." my uncles had saved a bag of dollars, and the claxtons and others were provided with cash. therefore, as soon as the country was sufficiently cool to enable the waggons to move, two were sent off to the eastward to bring back such stores as were required; while the main body began to move southward, along the bank of the river, to a spot where we intended to cross. our course for some distance was to be to the southward; after which we were to turn to the south-west till we reached the prairie. i cannot describe each day's journey. in front marched a body of a dozen men, with their axes, to clear the road. the waggons, drawn by long teams of oxen, followed; and the loose cattle, driven by the younger men and boys, brought up the rear. while no fears existed of an attack from the indians, the axemen generally marched a day in advance of us, to cut a road through the woods. another party, acting as hunters, ranged on one side or the other of the line of march in search of deer, bears, or any other animals, and birds; and they contrived, when possible, to reach the camping-ground an hour or two before the waggons, so that they might get the fires lighted, and have the game they had killed cooking on the spits, in readiness for the women and children. reuben and i undertook to hunt, since we were as good shots as any of the emigrants. we always went together, and seldom failed to bring in game of some sort. as evening approached we made our way towards the spot fixed on for the encampment. before nightfall the main body usually arrived, and the waggons were arranged in a circle, so as to form a sort of fortification in case of attack from the indians: though we had no great reason to apprehend such an event at that period of our journey. no time was lost in commencing supper; and as soon as it was over the women and children went to rest inside the waggons, while the men not on guard lay down either under them or in the neighbourhood of the fires. a spot was always chosen--either by the side of a stream or near some pool--where the cattle could find water and good grass. they were then turned out to graze, under charge of a few armed men. of course, we all kept our rifles by our sides, so that we might be ready to defend ourselves at a moment's notice. we met with very few indians, and those we fell in with seemed disposed to be friendly. they saw that we were merely passing through their hunting-grounds, and had apparently no objection to our killing the comparatively small amount of game we met with. had we shown any intention of settling, the case might have been different. we thus pushed on for many days together, halting only on the sabbath, to obtain the rest which both we and our cattle required. this was a day we all enjoyed. one of the elders conducted a service, and the wilderness we were traversing resounded for the time with praise and prayer. thus we travelled on day after day; but we made but slow progress through the densely-wooded country, having sometimes to cut our way amid the trees, though we were generally able to find a passage without felling them. occasionally, however, we were compelled to do even that, and to drag the huge trunks out of the road, before the waggons could proceed. we had also frequently to cross rivers. when no ford could be found, we built large rafts, on which the waggons were ferried over, while the oxen gained the opposite bank by swimming. they were accustomed to the undertaking; and, strange as it may seem, we never lost any by this means. at length we gained an open but more desert region. the ground was stony and uneven, and we had rocky hills to ascend and dark gorges to pass through. water was scarce, and we had often to carry sufficient to supply our wants for a couple of days; while our cattle suffered greatly from thirst. we could no longer hunt in small parties, for fear of encountering hostile indians; but we were able to kill game without going to any great distance from the camp, as we found several species of deer inhabiting those wilds. my uncle's waggon was one day bringing up the rear of the train; and our water being nearly exhausted, we were pushing forward as fast as the oxen could move, in the hope of reaching a stream before dark, when one of the wheels came off, and the waggon, in falling over, suffered considerable damage. under other circumstances, the train would have stopped till our waggon was put to rights; but as most of the oxen were suffering from thirst, and many of the party had no water remaining, it was important for them to push forward without delay. we were therefore compelled to remain by ourselves; but no indians had as yet been seen in this part of the country, and we hoped that we should escape without being attacked. my uncles were not men to be frightened by difficulties. they and mike, with quambo and i, immediately set to work to do what was necessary. we unloaded the waggon, and commenced repairing the damage it had received. this, however, took us some time, and it was quite dark before we got the wheel on again and the waggon reloaded. having been more provident than the rest of the party, we were able to wet our beasts' muzzles, and still have sufficient water to last ourselves for a few hours. as we wished to overtake our companions as soon as possible, we immediately pushed forward, and soon got into a somewhat more level country than we had lately been passing through; but the ground was very hard, and in the darkness we could not perceive the tracks made by those in advance. had an indian guide been with us, he would undoubtedly have discovered them; but we had to trust to our own sagacity, and we had not gone far when we found that we had got out of the right road. we did our utmost to regain it, but in vain. still, believing that we were going in the proper direction, we proceeded onwards. the stars came out brightly from the sky, and we shaped our course as directly as we could by them. while uncle stephen drove, uncle mark and i, with mike and quambo, marched on either side, our faithful dogs following at our heels. we kept a look-out in every direction, lest we should chance to be observed by a band of indians, who, seeing a small party, might pounce down upon us; still, we were all accustomed to look on the bright side of things, and though we were aware of the possible danger, we were not unnecessarily alarmed. our chief anxiety arose from a fear of not finding water for our thirsty beasts. they might hold out during the cool hours of night; but should they not be supplied with the necessary fluid, they must in a short time succumb, and dreadful indeed would be the consequences to ourselves. when i occasionally went up to the waggon, i found aunt hannah and lily awake. they kept up their spirits very well, and naturally inquired whether we had as yet discovered the track of those who had gone before. "not yet," i answered in as cheerful a voice as i could command; "but we soon shall, i dare say; and, at all events, we are going in the right direction. the stars are shining brightly, and by them uncle stephen can guide the waggon as well as if we had the train of our friends in view. but we shall soon be up with them, i hope, and find them all comfortably encamped." "i trust that we may," said aunt hannah, "if not, we shall find water, i suppose, in a few hours, and we shall certainly overtake them to-morrow." this showed what was passing in her mind. she had begun to suspect-- what really was the case--that we had widely deviated from our course. one thing was very certain,--that it would be destruction to stop; so, although our oxen were beginning to show signs of fatigue, and we felt our own legs aching, we continued to move forward. at length, about a couple of hours before dawn, we arrived at the edge of a ravine, the sides of which, though not precipitous, appeared to be _very_ steep, and down which it would have been madness to attempt taking the waggon in the dark. we must either stop, or try to find a passage across to the north or south. we had observed that the valleys already passed by us were shallower to the southward; we therefore turned our waggon in that direction, hoping shortly to discover a practicable path, though we suspected that it would lead us even further from the track of our friends. we went on and on, fancying that we could discern the bottom of the valley more clearly than at first, and hoping soon to discover a sufficiently gentle slope which we might be able to descend. but we were deceived, and though uncle mark and i made our way down in several places, we saw that the waggon would certainly be upset should we attempt to get it down. we were almost in despair of success, for the ravine appeared to run on to the southward with equally rugged sides as at first. the panting oxen, too, could scarcely drag on the waggon, and we began to fear that they would fall unless water should be found. we urged them on, however, for stopping to rest would not avail them, and might prove our destruction. morning at length broke, when we saw a hill before us which seemed to be the termination of the ravine; and as the light increased, to our joy we caught sight of a silvery line of water making its way along the course of the valley. our eagerness to reach the bottom was now greater than ever; and we could with difficulty restrain the oxen from rushing down the bank. we had to keep at their heads, indeed, to prevent them attempting so mad a performance. on we went, till we saw before us what we had so long been looking for,--a gentle slope which it would be easy to descend, while on the opposite side the ground was equally favourable for again ascending to the same elevation as before. putting the drag on the wheel, we commenced the undertaking; and though i more than once feared that the waggon would be upset, we reached the bottom in safety. then, immediately unyoking the tired oxen, we hurried to the fountain-head to obtain water, while they rushed to a pool close below it, where they could more easily drink. near at hand was an abundance of fresh grass, with which they quickly recruited their strength. aunt hannah and lily offered to watch while we lay down and took the sleep we so much required. "i will keep a look-out all round, and if i see any suspicious indians approaching i'll scream loud enough to wake you all," said lily, half in joke, as if she were not at all anxious on the subject. "one thing is very certain,--if they do come, we cannot run away from them," observed uncle mark. "we must hope that they will prove friendly, for if not we shall have to beat them or be cut to pieces. however, we will trust to your watchfulness, and pick up a little strength to continue our journey." we accordingly lay down under the waggon, and in less than a minute were fast asleep. we rested till about ten o'clock, when aunt hannah, as uncle stephen had desired, awoke us. not a human being had approached the valley, though she said that she had seen some creatures moving along on the top of the heights; but what they were she could not make out, though they did not look, she thought, like deer. having taken a hurried meal, we again yoked the oxen; and going behind with crowbars to assist, we commenced the ascent of the hill. it was harder work than we expected, but, by making a zigzag course, in about half an hour we got to the top. looking ahead, the country appeared to be pretty level, with rocky hills rising out of it in various directions, but we expected to have no difficulty in making our onward way. we had filled all our skin-bottles with water, and even should we meet with no more till the following day the cattle would not materially suffer. my uncles were of opinion that we had crossed near the source of the stream at which the rest of the party must have stopped, and that by verging to the right we should fall upon their tracks, although we did not expect to meet with them till the close of the day, owing to the direction we were taking. they might possibly have sent back to help us; but as they had not many men to spare, it was more likely that they would push forward, expecting us ultimately to overtake them. we kept a look-out for water as we went along, that we might allow our animals to drink, and thus be able to continue our journey the next day although none should be found at the camping-ground. still, though we went on and on, no signs could we discover of our friends. already the sun was sinking towards the west. i had gone on ahead, and made my way up a hill over which we should have to pass, that i might obtain before sunset a wide view around, when i saw some way before me a number of creatures moving about. they seemed to be very busy, but what they were doing i could not make out. some objects lay near them on the ground. i hastened on, and when i got nearer i perceived that the objects were broken pieces of waggons,-- several wheels, and portions of the woodwork,--while the animals, i had no doubt, were wolves, from the horrid sounds which reached me; a mixture of snarling, yelping, barking, and growling, for i cannot otherwise describe the noise made by the creatures. not wishing to approach closer by myself, i returned to tell my uncles what i had seen. uncle mark and quambo accompanied me back, and as we got nearer the wolves looked up and snarled at us, and continued their occupation; but what was our horror, on advancing a little further, to discover that they were feeding on the dead bodies of a number of persons stretched on the ground! a dreadful fear seized us. could they be those of our late companions? i shuddered, and burst into tears. yes! there could be no doubt about it, i thought. there lay those we had lately parted from in health and strength, cruelly murdered, and now the prey of the savage wolves. our friends the claxtons!--dora! honest reuben! and their parents! then the fearful thought that such might ere long be our fate came over me. "can none have escaped?" i exclaimed. uncle mark advanced a few paces nearer the wolves, with his gun, ready to fire should they attack him. he was looking at a man whom the wolves had not yet torn to pieces. apparently he was only just dead, and had probably defended himself to the last, keeping his assailants at bay. "that man did not belong to our party," i heard uncle mark cry out. "these people must have formed part of another emigrant-train." quambo and i ran up to him. we then shouted together, and some of the wolves nearest to us, startled by our approach, left their prey, when we were convinced, by the dresses of the corpses, that uncle mark's surmise was correct. this discovery somewhat relieved our minds. our friends might have escaped; but at the same time it was too evident that hostile indians were scouring that part of the country, and that we ourselves might ere long be attacked, and share the fate of the unhappy persons we saw before us. we now slowly retreated, shouting as we did so to keep the wolves at bay, and turning every few paces to face them; for had they seen us fly, they might have been induced to follow. they were now, however, happily for us, too much engaged in their dreadful feast to take further notice of us. having told uncle stephen what we had seen, we turned the heads of the oxen away from the spot, directing our course to the right, where the ground appeared to be more even than any we had yet gone over. we agreed not to let aunt hannah and lily know of the dreadful scene we had witnessed; but it was important to get as far as possible from the spot, and we determined, if the oxen could drag the waggon, to continue on all night. "do you think it likely that the wolves, when they have finished their horrible feast, will track us out?" i said to uncle mark. "i hope not," he answered. "were they starving, they might do so; but only the younger animals, which would have been prevented by their elders from joining in the feast, may possibly follow us. if they do, we can keep them at a distance, for they are more easily frightened than the older brutes." the stars, as on the previous night, were very bright, and we were able, by them, to keep a direct course. our chief desire now was to rejoin our friends, and next to that to find water. we, of course, as we moved along, kept a strict watch, as before; but the scene i had witnessed made me feel much more anxious than usual, and every moment i expected to see a band of indians start up from behind the rocks which here and there rose above the plain, or to hear a flight of arrows whistling through the air past our ears--perhaps to feel one sticking in my body. uncle stephen had advised aunt hannah and lily to lie down in a space left vacant for them in the middle of the waggon, where they would be protected by the luggage piled up on both sides. we had now gone on many hours without water, and our cattle began to show signs of being very thirsty. all we could do was to wet their muzzles with a little of the water we had brought with us; but our lives might depend upon our pushing on. as we generally marched apart--two of us on either side of the waggon-- we had no opportunities for conversation, and were left, consequently, to our own melancholy thoughts. had i been by myself, or with male companions only, i should not have cared so much; but my mind was troubled by the idea of what might be dear lily's fate, and that of aunt hannah, should we be attacked, or should our cattle break down and we be unable to proceed. the oxen went slower and slower, notwithstanding every effort of uncle stephen to make them move at their usual pace. at last they came to a stand-still. mike and quambo, who at the time were ahead, endeavoured in vain to induce them to move on. uncle mark and i ran forward to assist them. as i was about to do so i caught sight of a ruddy spot in the distance, away somewhat to the left. that must be a fire, i thought, and i pointed it out to uncle mark. "it may be the camp-fire of our friends," he observed; "but we must not be too sure, for it may be that of a band of indians." he asked uncle stephen what he thought. "the indians generally take care to have their fires in places where they cannot be seen from a distance, so that is much more likely to be what you at first supposed," he answered. "at all events, we will try and find out." "if the oxen cannot be got to move, i will go on and ascertain," i said. "i can direct my course by the fire, and will approach cautiously. should i discover that indians are encamped there, i will hurry back and let you know. we must then try and make our way in some other direction." "i am afraid, roger, that in such a case our hope of escape will be very small," said my uncle in a grave tone. "unless we can find water in some hollow in which it will be possible to conceal ourselves, at the return of day, the indians are sure to see us. should they cross our track, they are equally certain to come upon us before long. we must, however, hope for the best. go forward as you propose, and may heaven protect you, my boy." without stopping to bid lily and my aunt good-bye i hurried on, keeping my gaze on the fire, which, growing brighter as i advanced, enabled me without difficulty to direct my course for it. the ground was tolerably even, but sloped slightly downwards in the direction i was taking. the fire, indeed, when i first saw it, appeared to be in a hollow, or at all events at a lower elevation than that where we were standing. i looked back once or twice, and quickly lost sight of the waggon. so far i was satisfied that, should the people who had made the fire be indians, they would not discover the waggon until daylight, by which time i hoped we should be able to conceal ourselves among the hills in the neighbourhood. i hurried on as fast as i could venture to move, ignorant of what was before me. it would be useless, i knew, to attempt concealing my trail, but as i did not intend to go nearer the camp-fire than was necessary to make out who were there, i hoped some time would elapse after i had retreated before the indians could discover that any one had been near them. now and then, when crossing a hill, i lost sight of the fire, and had to direct my course by the stars overhead. again i saw it before me, blazing brightly. i hoped that uncle stephen was right in his conjectures. the fire, however, was further off than i had supposed, and the greater part of an hour was consumed before i got close enough to see the figures moving about it. i now crept on as noiselessly as i could, for i knew that the least sound would be conveyed to the quick ears of the redskins. fortunately there were a number of bushes in the neighbourhood, behind which i could conceal myself. as i was going on i heard voices, and stopped breathlessly to listen. they did not sound like those of indians, and presently i saw a couple of figures pass in front of the fire. i almost shouted for joy as i distinguished by their outlines against the bright blaze that their dress was that of white men. i felt sure that the people i saw before me were our friends; still, caution was necessary, for it was possible that they were prisoners of the indians, saved from the caravan lately destroyed, only to meet with a more cruel death by torture. there might be a large party of indians encamped. presently two other fires came into view, which had been hitherto concealed by the thick bushes surrounding the hollow in which the camp was formed. i crept on and on, crouching down like a panther about to spring on its prey. the voices became more and more distinct, and at last i found myself on the top of the bank, with only a few bushes intervening between me and those encamped below. on pushing aside the branches my eyes were greeted by the pleasant sight of waggons, cattle, and a number of people; some cooking before the fires, others preparing their resting-places for the night. not far off, at the lower part of the hollow, for it could scarcely be called a valley, was a pool reflecting the stars overhead. feeling sure that i saw my friends before me, i now rushed down the slope towards them. the first person i met was reuben claxton. "why, roger! where have you come from?" he exclaimed. "we were very anxious about you, and my father had determined, should you not appear soon, to return with a party to your relief." i quickly told him what had occurred, several others gathering round to hear my account. they were greatly alarmed at the description i gave of the remains of the emigrant-train we had discovered. i pointed out that their own camp was formed with less care than usual; of which fact they were convinced, but excused themselves on the plea that they had arrived very tired just at dark, having had a rough country to traverse, and that their cattle had suffered from want of water since the last place they had stopped at. the way i had approached showed them how easily they might have been surprised by a party of hostile indians. i told them that i must be off again at once, as i was anxious to get back to our waggon, in order that we might join them without delay. reuben offered to accompany me, and i was very glad to have him. we therefore set off immediately. it was necessary to be careful, however, to keep a direct course; and this could only be done by watching a star which i had marked, overhanging the spot where i had left the waggon. by any deviation to the right hand or to the left we might easily pass it. reuben told me that many of the emigrants had become very anxious, and the account i had brought would make them still more so. could they venture back alone, he thought they would be willing to return to the settlement. "for my own part, i like the wild sort of life we are leading; but i should be happier if i knew that lily and my aunt were in safety, whereas they are exposed to as much danger as we are," i observed. more than once i thought that we had gone wrong, as it was impossible to distinguish objects clearly in the gloom of night. i fancied that we must have performed the distance; still i could nowhere see the waggon. the dreadful thought occurred to me that some prowling indians might have pounced upon it, and carried it off. "i hope not," said reuben, when i told him my fears. "we may not have gone far enough yet; or we are perhaps too much on one side or the other." we went on a little further, trying to pierce the gloom. then we stopped to listen, but could hear no sounds. "we must have gone wrong," i said; "for i am certain that we should otherwise have got up to the waggon by this time." still reuben thought that i might be mistaken. "let us shout, and perhaps they will hear us;" and before i could stop him, he cried out at the top of his voice--"hallo! mr tregellis, whereabouts are you?" thinking it too probable that indians were not far off, i dreaded lest the shout might be heard by them, and i advised reuben not to cry out again. i was still fearing that we had missed the waggon, when a voice reached our ears. it was that of mike. "is that you, masther roger? if you are yourself, come on here; but if not, i'll throuble you to stop where you are, or i'll be afther shooting you through the head." "all right, mike!" i exclaimed, as we made our way in the direction from whence the voice came. he had grown anxious at my long delay, and had got leave from my uncles to try and find out what had become of me. we soon got back to the waggon; and by giving the patient oxen the remainder of our water, they having in the meantime cropped some grass, we were able to move forward. the road, in the dark, was difficult; but we managed to reach the camp without any accident, and were heartily welcomed by our friends. those who wished to return had, we found, summoned a meeting, and it was settled that the matter should be decided by the majority of votes. my uncles turned the scale in favour of going on. they pointed out that it would be as dangerous to retreat as to advance. mr sparks urged that it would be madness to give up the enterprise. water, he assured us, would be found at the end of every day's march, or even oftener; and though indians might be met, with our rifles we could without difficulty keep them at bay, as none of them were likely to possess firearms--their only weapons being bows and arrows and spears. his remarks prevailed; and it was agreed that after a day's rest, which the cattle greatly required, we should recommence our march. once more we were making our toilsome way across the desert. for two days we had moved on without interruption, keeping scouts out as usual on either side to give notice should any indians approach. reuben and i, and other young men, performed that necessary duty for several hours each day. early in the morning of the second day we caught sight in the distance of a couple of horsemen with long spears in their hands. they galloped towards us, apparently to ascertain who we were; then, wheeling round, they quickly disappeared, and though we were on the watch we saw no more of them. when we halted at noon, we of course reported the circumstance. as it showed that redskins were in the neighbourhood, several more men were told off to act as scouts, with orders to retreat towards the train the moment they might see any indians, whether few or many. reuben, mike, and i were advancing as i have described, somewhat ahead of the train, when towards evening we entered a valley, the hills sloping away on either side of it. at the further end we expected to find a stream, at the side of which we could encamp. i was leading, mike was next to me, and reuben was nearest the train. the ground i was traversing was somewhat rough, and i was leaping from one rock to another, when i fell and sprained my ankle. just as i got up--being then on higher ground than my companions, and having a more extensive view--i saw a large band of horsemen approaching at full gallop. i knew at once that they were redskins. "indians! indians!" i shrieked out to mike. "tell reuben to run and let our friends know that the enemy are upon us." mike shouted at the top of his voice, as i had desired him. i saw reuben set off, and mike following him. presently mike stopped and looked back to see what had become of me. i endeavoured to run, but found it impossible to move. before i had made a second step, i sank to the ground. "sure, you are not coming, masther roger," cried mike, on seeing me fall. the pain i endured prevented me speaking. mike rushed back towards me, crying out all the time, "come along! come along!" but move i could not. he was still at some distance from me, when, looking round, i saw that the indians were rapidly approaching. i made signs to him to save himself, but he either did not, or would not, understand them. "go back! go back!" i at length cried out. "arrah! and sure, not till i've got you on me back," he answered, still making his way towards me. i felt very certain that, with me to carry, he could not possibly reach the train before the indians would be up with us, and he could scarcely have failed to know this. "cling to me back, masther roger, and i'll show the ridskins how a bog-trotter can get over the ground;" and stooping down, he seized my arms and threw me on his back. "now, here we go!" he cried out, and began leaping over the ground with as much agility as if he had had no burden to carry. but his efforts, as i feared they would be, were in vain. a wild whoop sounded in my ears, and looking back i saw upwards of a dozen indians in their war-paint--their feather-plumes and cloaks flying in the air, as they galloped forward on their mustangs over the rocky ground, sending the stones and dust flying away from their heels. i expected every instant to feel one of those ugly-looking spears plunged into my back. one of the painted warriors was just about to finish my career, when i heard a loud voice shouting in an authoritative tone; and instead of transfixing me, he let the point of his spear fall, then, seizing me by the collar, dragged me up on his steed, and laid me across his saddle in front of him. another treated mike in the same manner, in spite of his struggles to free himself. i made no resistance, knowing it was useless to do so. the two indians who had captured us wheeled their horses round and galloped away, and we met crowds of other warriors galloping at full speed in the track of the first. i got one glance round, which enabled me to see that the enemy were close up to the waggons, while the puffs of smoke and the report of rifles showed that my friends were determined to defend themselves. several of the indian saddles were emptied in a minute, but still a whole host of the savages appeared charging down on the train. whether or not reuben had succeeded in getting under shelter of the waggons, i could not tell. i saw no more, for my captor galloped off with me round the hill, and they were concealed from view, though i could still hear the sound of the shots and the shrieks and shouts of the combatants. i had no hope of escaping with life, and believed that i was reserved to suffer the fearful tortures to which the redskins so frequently subject their prisoners. after going some distance the indian stopped, and lifting me up from the painful position in which i lay, placed me behind him; fastening me by a leather strap round his body, and so securing my arms that i could not move. he had previously deprived me of my rifle, which i had hitherto held firmly in my grasp, hoping against hope that i might have an opportunity of using it. i saw mike not far off, he having been treated much in the same manner, though not without the assistance of another indian, who had accompanied the one on whose horse he was placed. having secured us, the indians again galloped forward. after going some distance, i saw that we were approaching a more wooded region than the one we had left, with a stream or river running through it; and i thought that i could distinguish cliffs, below which the river, in part of its course, made its way. i could manage to turn my head, and as i did so i fancied that i discerned another horseman coming up behind us, with a prisoner, whom i naturally feared was reuben. further off were numerous indians, but whether they formed the whole of the body which had attacked the train or not i could not make out. if they were, i had great hopes that the redskins had been defeated, although they would probably wreak their vengeance on us, their unfortunate captives. still, in either case i felt sure that we should be put to death--though i rejoiced in the belief that lily and my other relatives and friends had escaped; for as none of the indians i had seen had firearms, i had good reason for hoping that our party had gained the victory. should mr sparks prove equal to his professions, by leading them well and taking the necessary precautions against surprise, they might still fight their way through the hostile territory. my mind being relieved of anxiety about my friends, i was able to think more about myself and reuben and mike. had we any chance of escaping? i was determined, at all events, to make the attempt; and i was very sure that they would do likewise. i resolved, could i get near enough to mike, to tell him of my intention, and to advise him to keep up his spirits; and before long i had an opportunity. "bedad! it's what i have been afther thinking about," he answered. "i'll let young reuben know me thoughts, too. we've outwitted the ridskins once before, and, sure, we'll thry to play them another trick." he spoke in a tone of voice which showed that no coward fears had overcome him. we galloped on until we reached the wood, where our captors dismounted, aided by the third indian i have mentioned. i had scarcely thought about my foot during my ride, but when i was cast loose and attempted to move by myself, i found that i could not stand, and presently sank to the ground. mike, on finding himself at liberty, hurried to my assistance, and, taking off my shoe, examined my ankle. "it's a bad sprain," he observed; "but maybe these rid gintlemen will just let me get some cowld wather. i'll bathe it and bind it up, and in the course of a few days, or in less time than that, it will be all to rights again." i could only smile, not believing that i should be allowed many days to get well. he then carried me under the shade of a tree, against the trunk of which i reclined. the pain rapidly went off, and i was better able to consider our position, and the possibility of escape. chapter ten. my sprained ankle--mike's devotion--reuben brought to the camp--the indians bind us to trees--the debate on our fate--i am released by sandy mccoll--old samson again--the secret cavern--samson is very kind and attentive to me--his close attention to my account of the burning of the settlement, and the rescue of lily and me when children--i recover, and samson and i leave the cavern to reconnoitre--the indian massacre-- sandy, reuben, and mike are hotly pursued--our fortress besieged--we hold out, and beat off our besiegers--our start--the elk. the indians, instead of binding mike, as i expected they would do, allowed him to come and sit by me under the tree; narrowly watching him, however, though they did not interfere with us. "faix, thin, masther roger, i don't think these ridskin gintlemen can be intending to do us much harm, or they would not be afther letting us sit so quietly by ourselves," he observed. "i am not so confident of that, mike," i answered. "we must wait till the rest come up, to judge how they will treat us; at all events, i would advise you, when you get the chance, to mount one of their best horses and gallop off. i am afraid that i shall be unable to make the attempt, or i would try it." "why, thin, masther roger, would you be afther belaving that i would go and desart you? even if they were to bring me a horse, and tell me to mount and be off, it would break me heart intirely to think that i had left you to their tinder mercies. whativer they do to you, they may do to me; and i'll stop and share iverything with you." "i deeply feel your generosity, mike," i said; "but you might have saved yourself and got back to the waggons, had you not attempted to carry me off, and i therefore wish you to try and escape if you have the opportunity." mike laughed and shook his head; and when i still urged him to escape if he could, he put on that look of stolidity which an irishman so well knows how to assume, and refused to reply to any of my remarks. while we had been talking, the indian i had seen following us approached, having slowly walked his horse, which had apparently been lamed. i now caught sight of the person behind him, and with much concern recognised my friend reuben. one of our captors assisted him to dismount; and reuben, with his hands bound, was dragged forward to a short distance from us, where he was compelled to sit down on the ground, the indians intimating by signs that he must not move. he looked very melancholy, evidently imagining that he was soon to be put to death. i tried to cheer him up by telling him that we had not been ill-treated. "that may be," he answered; "but i know their treacherous nature. depend upon it, when they all eat together, and talk over the number of their warriors who have been slain, they will wreak their vengeance upon us. are you prepared to die, roger? we must make up our minds for that, and we may consider ourselves fortunate if we are not scalped and flayed first. i have often read, with very little concern, of the dreadful tortures the redskins inflict on their prisoners, little dreaming that i should ever have to suffer the same." "it is not wise to anticipate evil," i said. "let us hope for the best; and perhaps means may be offered us, that we do not now think of, to make our escape." "i don't see where they can come from," he replied. "these fellows keep too sharp a look-out on us to give us a chance. look there! here come the whole tribe of savages, and they will soon settle our fate." he pointed as he spoke to a large number of horsemen galloping across the country from different directions, towards us. they halted outside the wood, and several of them appeared to be wounded; but they did not allow themselves to exhibit any sign of suffering. having taken the saddles and bridles from their horses, the greater number led them down towards the water to drink; while six, who, from their more ornamental dresses, appeared to be chiefs, advanced towards us. their principal man, or head chief, spoke to us; but as we could not understand what he said, we knew that it would be useless to reply. he then pointed to mike and me, and addressed a few words to his companions. they nodded, and we were led to separate trees, to which we were bound, with our hands secured behind us in a very unpleasant fashion. matters now began to look more serious than at first. darkness was coming on, and our captors lighted a large fire near to the spot where we were bound, and those among them who acted the part of cooks began dressing the evening meal. they then sat down to discuss it--an operation which was soon concluded. we in the meantime were left bound to the trees, watching what was going on. after supper, a similar fire having been lighted near where we were bound, the principal indians took their seats round it and began to smoke their long pipes, while, as i suspected, they deliberated on our fate. they were some little distance off, but the flames from the fire cast a red glow on their figures, and enabled me to observe the expression of the countenances of those turned towards me, from which, with painful anxiety, i endeavoured to learn how they were disposed towards us. though i could hear their voices, i could not understand a word that was said. after talking for some time, one of them, whose back, however, was towards me, got up and addressed his companions. he spoke at some length, and i would have given much to know what he was saying. his spear he held with one hand; with the other he pointed, now to the sky, now to some unseen distant object, now he waved it in the air. the other indians gazed up at his countenance, as if greatly moved by his address; but whether he was pleading for us or advocating our death, i could by no means discover. in vain i listened to catch any words i might understand. at last he brought his address to a conclusion, and sat down; when another slowly rose and commenced a harangue which was equally unintelligible to me. still, i felt very sure that the discussion was one on which our lives depended; and, judging from the countenances of the indians, i was nearly certain that they intended to kill us. the next speaker was even more long-winded than the first. i thought that he would never bring his address to a conclusion. a fourth man got up. his face was also turned away from me. his action was more vehement than that of his predecessors, and the tones of his voice afforded me but very little hope of mercy from his hands. while he was speaking, another indian, whom i had not hitherto seen, stalked into the circle, and regarding the speaker with a fixed and, as i thought, somewhat contemptuous look, sat himself down among the others. his appearance evidently created a considerable amount of astonishment, little as the natives are accustomed to show their feelings. so soon as the last had ceased speaking, he rose and addressed the assembly. as he did so, it struck me that he bore a strong resemblance to manilick, though he was much more gaudily dressed than i had ever seen that young chief. all eyes were turned towards him as he spoke, and scarcely had he commenced when i heard a voice whisper in my ear, "trust to me!" at the same moment i felt that the thongs which bound me were being cut, and the next instant i was at liberty; but, recollecting my sprained ankle, i feared that it would not avail me. to my surprise, however, when i tried to move i found that i could do so without much pain. i slipped round the tree, when i felt my hand grasped by that of my deliverer, who, discovering that i could move but slowly, stooped down and lifted me on his back. the darkness prevented me from seeing who he was, but i felt convinced, from his dress and the tone of his voice, that he was a white man. he moved along cautiously under the trees towards the bank of the river. "can you swim?" he asked in a low voice, "yes--like a fish," i answered. "then we will take to the river at once. there are horses waiting on the opposite side, lower down. we can float with the current till we reach them," he continued. we were not more than three or four minutes in reaching the bank, and we at once glided in so as to create no splash. "strike out towards the middle of the river," he whispered; "but do so as gently as possible." i followed his directions, and found that i could swim without any pain to my ankle. "now throw yourself on your back, and we will float down with the current," he said. we could all this time hear the voice of the indian addressing the assembly of warriors. so intent were they in listening to what he was saying, that they had evidently not discovered my escape. "can nothing be done to save my companions?" i asked, thinking of the dreadful fate which might await reuben and mike. "others will look after them," he answered. "don't speak, lest the water should convey your voice to the shore." after we had gone some distance he told me to turn round again and swim, so that we might make more progress. "now make for the shore," he said. in a short time we gained a spot where the trees grew close down to the bank. climbing up there, he led me through the wood. on the further side i found a man holding three horses. "glad to get you out of the clutches of the indians, my son reuben," he said. "i am not reuben," i answered; "but i heartily wish that he had escaped. i am roger penrose." "why, sandy mccoll, i told you to try and set reuben at liberty; though i am glad to see you, roger," said the speaker, whom i now recognised as the old trapper, samson micklan. "i should have been discovered if i had attempted to reach the two others, for they were much nearer the fire; and, in truth, i could not distinguish one from the other," said sandy. "well, we must see what can be done to rescue reuben and the irishman," said old samson. "our friend manilick promised to plead for you and mike, and, should he fail, to come and let me know; and he will, i trust, exert his influence in favour of reuben, when he finds that you have got off. at all events, the indians will not put their prisoners to death till they get back to their lodges, and we must try and set them at liberty before then. though they have vowed to have my hair, i fear them not, for i have outwitted them a hundred times--and intend to outwit them as many more, if i have the chance. but we must not delay here, for when they find that you have got away they will suspect that you took to the river, and will scour the banks in search of you." anxious as i was to save my friends, i had no wish again to fall into the hands of the indians, i therefore very readily mounted one of the horses. "if you, samson, will go on to the cave with this young man, i will return and try to help the others," said sandy. "maybe, while the indians are looking for me, they may leave them unguarded, and i may have a chance of carrying out my object." "that's what we'll do, then," answered old samson. "i needn't tell you to be cautious, because i know that you will be so." as he spoke, samson threw himself on one of the horses, and took the rein of the third. "we shall better deceive the redskins if we take this one with us," he observed. "they may possibly discover that it has no rider; but it will puzzle them, at all events, if they come upon our trail, and they will be less likely to suspect that you are watching them." "don't fear for me," answered sandy. "i'll keep my wits about me; and if the other two can make good use of their legs, we will overtake you before long, should i manage to set them free. if i am caught, why, i shall only suffer the fate i have often thought would be my lot." saying this, sandy again plunged into the wood out of which we had come; while samson and i galloped away across the country. it was too dark to discern objects at any distance, but my companion seemed to be thoroughly acquainted with the ground. at last i saw before me a hill, rising out of the plain. as i got nearer, i observed that the sides and summit in many places were covered with trees; in others, it was barren and rocky. we directed our course towards a gap in the hillside, up which we wound our way. "can you walk?" asked old samson. "i will try," i answered, imitating his example and dismounting--when i soon found that i could get on better than i should have supposed possible. he led two of the horses, while i followed with the third; but, passing amid the trees, the animals had to lower their heads to enable them to creep under the boughs. on getting out of the wood, i found that we were proceeding up a steep zigzag path, along which two people could not make their way abreast. at last we reached a narrow terrace, with a few trees growing on it. we made our way between them till samson entered a cavern, the mouth of which would admit only a horse, or, at the utmost, a couple of persons at a time. i followed; and having gone through this narrow archway, samson told me to stop. he then, using his flint and steel, lighted a torch, and by the flame i discovered that we were in a large vaulted chamber. on one side there were some rude stalls, and litter for horses; on the other, a couple of rough bunks, and a table and some stools, showed that it was used as a human habitation. "this is my home and fortress," said samson. "i come to it occasionally when tired of hunting; and i always keep here a store of provisions. at the further end is a spring of water, so that i might hold it for any length of time against a host of foes. i have never as yet been attacked, for the indians know that they could not attempt to drive me out with impunity, and think it wiser to leave me and my companion unmolested." i asked him how he came to know that we had been captured by the indians. "because i witnessed with my own eyes what happened," he answered. "i was on the hillside overlooking the train, but had no time to warn you of the approach of the enemy, nor could i at first help you; but i saw you three carried off, and then made my way here to get the assistance of sandy, who had remained at home, as well as the three horses." i asked him if he thought that our friends had escaped. "i know that the indians were beaten off," he answered; "but whether any of the emigrants were killed or wounded, i cannot say. they continued their course, and must have encamped shortly afterwards by the side of the river. they will there have formed a strong camp, which the indians will not venture to attack. their road will lead them not far from this, when you can rejoin them, and i will pay them a visit." "but i could not show my face among them without reuben and mike. i should feel as if i had deserted my friends, without attempting to rescue them," i said. "a very right spirit, my lad," answered old samson; "but you could have done nothing, and would only have lost your life if you had made the attempt. sandy has a long head on his shoulders, and a brave heart; and if any man can circumvent the redskins, he can. he has a good drop of their blood in his veins, with the brains of a white man, and knows all their ways." these assurances somewhat relieved my mind. the exertions i had made, however, had brought on the pain in my foot; and after having eaten some food which samson gave me, i was thankful, by his advice, to lie down in sandy's bunk. i slept, but not soundly, for i fancied that i heard the voices of the indians consulting as to our fate; and then, in my dreams, i saw them approaching with their scalping-knives to take the hair off my head. such being the character of my dreams, i was glad to awake and find myself in comparative safety. old samson was listening at the entrance of the cave. he had, i found, the means of barricading it with stout timbers, so that no foes could force their way in without paying dearly for the attempt. i rose from the bunk, intending to join him, but he told me to lie quiet. i obeyed, and was soon asleep; and when i again awoke daylight was streaming through the entrance. i looked round, but samson was not to be seen. on attempting to get up, i found that my ankle was much swollen, and that i could not walk. with a groan i sank back again on the bunk, and waited anxiously for samson, wondering what had become of him. the horses were still there, munching their fodder, so he was not likely to have gone far. at last i saw him at the entrance. "well, lad, you may get up now, and have some breakfast," he said. i told him that i could not walk, as i was suffering severely from my ankle. "that's a bad job," he observed; "i intended to have moved away from this. there are more redskins in the neighbourhood than i like, as no game can be got while they are here." i asked if sandy had appeared, and brought any tidings of reuben and mike. "no," he answered; "for the reason i have given, they could not make their way across the country in daylight. but that is no reason why sandy should not have succeeded. he may have set them at liberty, and concealed them and himself in some other place. there are several caves like this in different directions, which seem to be made by nature as refuges from the indians. the only difficulty is to get to them without being tracked, as it is always a hard job to escape the keen eyes of the redskins, although the horsemen of the plains are not so clever in tracking a foe as those who go on the war-path on foot. that makes me hope that we shall hear of our friends, though it may be some time hence." these remarks of old samson again somewhat relieved my mind. i then asked him when he thought that the emigrant-train would pass by; and whether he could manage to let me join it on horseback, for i thought that i could ride although i could not walk. "i much doubt whether it will pass this way at all," he answered. "it will either turn back, or, if the leader is a man of judgment, he will conduct it by a different route, further to the south. your uncles, mr claxton, and their companions are brave men, but they will not wish to encounter the savage hordes who have assembled to stop their progress on the road they intended taking." i was very glad to hear this opinion from one who was so well able to judge rightly, and i felt more reconciled than i otherwise should have been at remaining inactive; for, as to moving, unless i was placed on horseback, i knew that was impossible. as far as i could tell, it might be many days before i could recover, as a sprain, i was aware, is frequently as difficult to cure as a broken bone; still, i did not like to keep old samson in the cave, should he wish to go out for the purpose of ascertaining what had become of sandy. i told him that i should not be at all afraid of staying by myself, if he could manage to close the entrance behind him. "i have no desire to show myself on the plain, or i should have a dozen redskins galloping after me; and though i should not fear to meet twice as many, provided i could take shelter behind some big trees, i would rather not meet them where i should be exposed to their arrows," he answered. "we must make up our minds to be prisoners for some days to come; and keep a constant watch, too, lest they should get upon our trail, and find their way up here." "but how can you manage to keep watch alone? you will require some sleep," i observed. "two or three hours are quite sufficient for me; and they are not likely to attack us for the first hour or two before and after midnight," he answered. "if they come at all during the night, it will be soon after dark, or just before dawn. i know their ways, and have thus been frequently enabled to get some necessary rest, even when i knew that they were on my trail." "but you would surely be better for more than two or three hours of sleep; and if you will drag my bunk to the door, i will keep watch while you rest." to this he would not agree. "you require all the sleep that you can get," he said. "no enemy, either, is able to break in on us unawares. i have made arrangements in case of an attack, as you would have seen, had you examined the entrance. there is a thick door which can be slid across it; and in the door several loopholes, so that sandy and i could hold it against any number of indians who might manage to make their way up the hill." from what old samson had said, i fully expected that the cave would be attacked; for i did not suppose that the indians, scouring the country, would fail to observe our tracks. the entrance was always kept closed, and we should have been in darkness had it not been for a rude lamp, fed by bear or deer fat, which stood on the table. the old hunter and his companion had stored up a large supply of dried grass for the horses, so that it was not necessary to turn them out to feed. he allowed me to sleep as much as i could, and when i was awake he generally seemed disposed to enter into conversation. he told me many of his adventures and escapes from indians, and appeared to like to have me talk to him, and to hear all about my uncles, aunt hannah, and lily. one day i began repeating to him the history uncle mark had given me of his and uncle stephen's arrival in america. as i went on, i saw that he was listening with more and more interest; and when i described how, on reaching the village where my parents had lived, they found it burnt to the ground, and discovered lily and me, and our murdered mothers, he exclaimed-- "did your uncles learn the name of the little girl's mother?" "no," i answered; "she died before she had time to utter it, and could only commit her infant to their charge." "strange!" exclaimed the old man. "i had a daughter, my only child, living in that village; and she, with her husband and babe, were, i had every reason to suppose, slaughtered by the savages who attacked the place. yet it is possible that their infant may be the very one your uncles saved; but, alas! i can never be sure of that." "but i think that you may have very satisfactory proofs whether or not lily is your daughter's child," i answered, "for aunt hannah has carefully preserved her clothing, and some ornaments which her mother wore, and which you may be able to recognise." "that i certainly should," said old samson, "for i had but a few days before parted from my daughter to proceed eastward. on hearing of the massacre, i returned; but finding the whole village a mass of blackened ashes, and being unable to gain any tidings of the beings i loved best on earth, i had no doubt left on my mind that they had all perished. having thus no one to care for, i took to the life i have since led-- which i had before only occasionally followed, after the death of my wife and the marriage of my daughter, for the sake of the sport it afforded me." from this time forward old samson constantly spoke about lily; and, persuaded by his own hopes that she was his grand-daughter, he seemed to be fully convinced that such was the case. his anxiety to see her, and to examine the clothes and ornaments which aunt hannah had preserved, increased every day; but how were we to find lily and aunt hannah? had our friends turned back; or had they pushed forward, fighting their way successfully towards the fertile region to which they were bound? neither he nor i could bring ourselves to contemplate what might otherwise have happened--had they been overwhelmed by the hordes of savages, and met the fearful fate which had overtaken the smaller band whose remains we had discovered? the old trapper went out every day to ascertain if the indians had moved away from the plain below us--should he find the country open, he intended, he said, to go in search of sandy, and those he might have rescued--but he as often returned with the information that the indians still occupied the country. i, of course, greatly hampered him, for he would not leave me in the cavern for long together. had he been by himself, he could easily have started at night and made his escape. gradually my ankle regained strength, and samson now made me get up and walk about to try it. unwilling longer to detain him, i at last declared that it was quite well, making light of the pain i still felt when i walked, and begged to accompany him the next time he went out. he consented. "but you must not go without a weapon; and you can use it well, i know," he observed, as he drew a rifle from under his bunk. he produced also a powder-horn, which i slung over my shoulder, and a bag of bullets. the great drawback to our place of concealment was, that although well hidden from the sight of those in the plain, we had to go some distance before we could obtain a view of the surrounding country. leaving the horses in the stable, and the entrance open, we set out. then going some distance down the hill, we made our way through the thick wood which covered its sides, and were just emerging into the open space, when, through the bushes, i caught sight of several horsemen galloping across the country. i made a sign to my companion to keep concealed, and crept forward on my hands and knees. as i looked out, i discovered the object of the indians. a solitary waggon had just come into view, and they were about to attack it. i drew cautiously back, for though the indian warriors were probably intent on the business in hand, their keen eyes might have detected me. i asked samson if we could assist the unfortunate people in the waggon. "i fear not," he answered. "we might kill a few of the redskins; but unless the travellers possess a number of rifles, and make a bold stand, we cannot help them. we will, however, be ready to take a part if we have opportunity." as the horsemen approached, three rifles alone opened fire upon them from behind the waggon. one of their number fell, but several dashed forward; while others, circling round, prepared to attack the devoted emigrants from the opposite side. the affair, which was a short one, was dreadful to witness. we should, i saw well enough, lose our lives did we show ourselves. indeed, before we could have got up to the waggon, all its defenders were killed by the savages surrounding it; and we knew too well that those inside must, according to their cruel custom, have been put to death, whether women or children. the indians of the plains have no compassion either for age or sex. the dreadful thought occurred to me that those we had seen slaughtered might be our own friends. it was evident, however, from his calmness, that the idea of such a thing had not crossed old samson's mind. after plundering the waggon of everything they considered of value, the savages set it on fire. while it was burning, and they were still gathered round it, a dreadful explosion took place, scattering destruction among them. panic-stricken, and not knowing what might next happen, the survivors mounted their horses and galloped off. a keg of powder, which they must have overlooked, had probably exploded. "they deserve their punishment," said the old man, "and they will not come back again in a hurry; so we may now descend into the plain, and see if we can learn who the unfortunate people were." this was what i was wishing to do. we accordingly left the wood and made our way down the hill, towards the remains of the waggon. we had not got far, however, when we caught sight of three horsemen galloping across the plain towards us. my companion scrutinised them narrowly. "if they are friends, they have reason for their hurry; and if enemies, the sooner we get under cover the better," he observed. "we must not now attempt to reach the waggon. ah! i understand all about it. see! out there come a dozen or more horsemen. they must be indians in pursuit of the first--who, if i mistake not, are our friends. come on, roger! they will reach the hill as soon as we do." as he said this we retreated to the foot of the hill, and began to climb it as rapidly as we could. "but, if these are our friends, will they find their way to the cave?" i asked. "yes, yes! sandy knows it as well as i do," he answered, without stopping. we were just approaching the entrance of the cave, when the war-whoops of the indians, and their loud cries, as they shouted to each other, reached our ears. "they are making their way up the hill," said samson. "get inside, lad, and prepare to close the entrance when i tell you." the loud rustling sound of persons making their way through the brushwood was heard, and presently sandy, accompanied by reuben and mike, sprang out from among the trees, and rushed towards the mouth of the cavern. "no time to be lost," sang out sandy. "the redskins are at our heels!" in a moment they were all three within the cave. old samson was still outside, and i saw him lift his rifle and fire. at the same moment two arrows flew past his head--one sticking in the woodwork, the other entering the cavern--and just then i caught sight of the fierce countenances of half-a-dozen red warriors who were making their way between the trees. their leader, springing forward tomahawk in hand, nearly reached samson; when, with the agility of a far younger man, he sprang through the opening, and i immediately closed the door--the sharp blade of the weapon burying itself deep in the wood. "now, we'll give it them!" exclaimed samson, as he and sandy opened three of the concealed loopholes, through which we thrust the barrels of our rifles and fired on our assailants. their leader fell dead, shot through the heart by samson. two others were severely wounded, but numbers were following them, and rushing forward with their hatchets, dealt desperate blows on the door. "you may cut away pretty hard, my laddies, before you break that in," observed sandy, as he reloaded his rifle. samson and i were doing the same, and again we fired; but most of the indians, knowing the time we should take to do that, sprang aside, and only one of them was hit. "you will find two more rifles in yonder chest," said samson to reuben and mike. "quick! load them, and we'll astonish the redskins." while he was speaking, the blows on the door were redoubled, and in spite of its strength it appeared every instant as if it would give way. samson was, in the meantime, ramming down his charge, and again his rifle sent forth its deadly contents. instead of firing together, we now followed each other, allowing a few seconds to elapse between each shot, thus making our assailants afraid of approaching the door. we guessed that they were collected on either side, where our rifles could not reach them. in a couple of minutes or so reuben and mike had found the rifles, and loaded them. "now!" said samson, "you two and roger fire together; and then sandy and i will take your places, and try what we can do." we waited till the savages, losing patience, again attacked the door with their axes, in a way which threatened each instant to bring it down, when we all three ran out the muzzles of our rifles and fired. another savage was, at all events, hit; but they had been on the watch, and had actively sprung, some on one side and some on the other, so that we could not be certain what execution had been done. the moment, however, that our rifles were withdrawn, as many as could attack the door leaped forward, and began hacking away with greater fury than before. scarcely had the first strokes been given when samson and sandy fired into their midst, killing two of the most determined--the bullets passing through the bodies of the first and wounding others behind them. five rifles, however, were more than they were prepared to encounter. they must have guessed that we had increased our number, for, with cries of rage and disappointment, they deserted the door and got under shelter. "hurrah! we have beaten them," i cried out, and was turning to reuben to shake hands, and to ask how he and mike had escaped, when samson observed-- "we must not be too sure that they will not make another attempt, for they are up to all sorts of tricks, and will not give in so easily." "what are they likely to do?" i asked. "try to burn us out," answered samson. "but we must be prepared, and show them that five well-handled rifles can cope with all the arrows and hatchets among them. we do not lack ammunition, and might stand the siege for a month or more." samson's surmises were correct. though we could not see the indians, we heard their voices, and the sound of chopping, and presently a bundle of fagots was thrown down in front of the door. "stand ready," said samson, "and fire, if we can catch sight of one of them through the loopholes." another and another fagot followed, but as yet so carefully had they been thrown that we could not get a shot. it appeared to me that they were dropped from above. the pile was increasing, and soon rising higher than the loopholes, prevented us from seeing any one. presently we heard the sound of crackling, and the flames rapidly caught the pile. "close the loopholes," said samson. "we'll keep out the smoke as long as we can. the door is tough, too, and will stand the flames better than our enemies suppose." we all stood with our rifles in our hands, ready for any emergency. "should the door burn through and the cavern fill with flames, we must rush out, lads, rather than be stifled; and we may be pretty sure of knocking over four or five redskins, if they stop to give us the chance," said samson, who had not for a moment lost his calm manner. "it may be the smoke won't be more than we can bear. see! i am prepared for everything." he pointed to a mass of woodwork, which leant against the wall of the cavern. it was longer than the width of the door, and of a height which would enable us to fire over it. "this will serve as a barricade," he said. "when the indians fancy that they are going to get in without difficulty, they will find themselves stopped in a way they little expect." the crackling sound of the flames increased, and thin wreaths of smoke found their way in through the crevices between the woodwork and the rock; still the stout door resisted the fire, which we began to hope might burn itself out without igniting our defences. we could hear the voices of the indians outside. they were, we guessed, piling up more fagots, as the others had burned down. sandy put his hand to the door. "it's getting very hot," he said. "well, then," exclaimed old samson, "we must get our barricade ready, should the door give way, and then crouch down behind it. the nearer we are to the ground, the less we shall suffer from the smoke." we accordingly dragged the heavy piece of woodwork from the place where it had been standing, to the position it was to occupy, where we laid it flat on the ground. it was at the proper moment to be lifted up, and supported by stout pieces of timber, serving as props, on the inner side. it would thus shelter us, and prevent our enemies from entering. the door took even longer than we had expected to burn through; but at last, here and there, the forked flames were seen making their way through it, and after this its complete destruction was rapid. down the upper part came with a crash, followed by the shouts of the indians, and a shower of arrows--which, however, flew over our heads. no further attempts were made to increase the pile of fagots; our foes supposing that their work was accomplished, and that, even were we not suffocated by the smoke, we should speedily become their victims. we knew that the indians were not likely to rush through the flames; we therefore waited concealed on either side, behind the rock, till they had somewhat subsided. old samson listened eagerly for any sounds which might indicate that the attack was about to be recommenced. "now, lads! up with the barricade!" he shouted out; and with one united effort we lifted it from the ground, directly across the doorway. scarcely was it securely fixed before the indians, who had not perceived what we were about, leaped over the burning embers and came rushing on. our five rifles rang out together, and as many redskins bit the dust. the rest found themselves stopped by the barricade; and with the crowbars which we had used to get it in position we struck furiously at their heads, beating them back into the hot embers, where several of them, stunned by our blows, were quickly suffocated, or burned to death. the remainder, believing success hopeless, fled from the spot, and made their way down the hill to where they had left their horses. on this we dashed out and followed them, picking off several more. we should have pursued them further, had not their numbers made it prudent for us to remain under shelter of the wood. on reaching their steeds they mounted and galloped off. in their haste to attack us, they had not taken the trouble to destroy the horses which sandy, reuben, and mike had ridden, and which were grazing at a little distance. having caught them without much difficulty, we returned with them to the cave. "this will no longer be a secure hiding-place for us," observed samson, "for the indians are sure ere long to come back and attempt to revenge themselves. they will watch day after day for weeks together, till they see some of us go out in search of game; and they will then manage to get between us and the cave, so as to cut us off. i can pretty well guess the sort of tricks they will try to play us; and it is not always easy to circumvent them." samson's advice was not to be despised. the indians, however, were not likely to come back that day, so that we might take some hours' rest before preparing for our departure--our wish being to try and ascertain the course followed by the emigrant-train, which we would then endeavour to overtake. this, as we had horses, we might hope to do in the course of a week or ten days, even supposing that it had pushed forward without any stoppages. with such ammunition and provisions as we could carry, we started on our journey just after the sun had gone down, as samson thought it prudent to get some distance ahead during the hours of darkness, so that, should our enemies be on the look-out for us, we might escape unobserved. well-armed and well mounted as we were, we did not fear any ordinary band, possessed only of bows and arrows, we were likely to encounter while on the road. our chief danger would lie in being attacked while encamped at night. to guard as much as possible against surprise, we chose a spot difficult of access, or one by the side of a broad stream, with a few trees which might afford us shelter, without concealing the approach of our foes; or else we threw up a breastwork of logs and branches, behind which we could be protected from the arrows of our assailants. the old trapper and sandy were adepts at making arrangements of this kind, and were never at a loss. of course, one of the party, or sometimes two, kept guard; our horses being hobbled near, as we always chose localities where there was an abundance of grass. we could thus, in case of alarm, immediately bring them in under such protection as we had formed for ourselves. they, of course, ran a greater risk of being shot than we did, but that could not be helped. i had naturally been curious to know how reuben and mike had escaped from the indians. reuben told me that he had given himself up for lost when he heard the chiefs discussing, as he supposed, what they should do with us. each in succession made a long speech, becoming more vehement as they proceeded. he fully expected to be flayed alive, or roasted over a slow fire, or shot to death with arrows aimed so as to avoid vital parts. he had not recognised manilick, and was therefore not aware that we had a friend in the council. the warriors at last ceased speaking, when he saw one approaching with uplifted tomahawk, which he fully expected would be buried in his brain. what was his surprise to find, instead, the thongs which bound him severed, and to feel himself at liberty! he stood for a moment or two irresolute, not knowing what to do. "run! my friend, run!" said the indian; "make for the river, and you will escape." he was not slow to obey the command, but before doing so he looked wistfully at mike, whose bonds were also cut, as his had been, and by the same friendly indian. mike immediately started off with him, but they had not got far when they met sandy, who had been on the watch for them; and all three slipping noiselessly into the stream, swam across it. on landing, sandy led them on foot at a rapid pace to a rocky hill some five or six miles away from the river. having proceeded along it, the nature of the ground being such that even an indian could not discover their trail, sandy led them to a cave very similar to the one we had occupied. here, he assured them, they would run little risk of being discovered. sandy supplied them with game, and finally succeeded in getting possession of three horses, which he managed to carry off from the indians. he did not call it "stealing" them, observing that they had all doubtless been taken from white men. on these they had finally made their escape and joined us, though, as we had seen, hotly pursued. i asked reuben if he liked the sort of life we were leading. "i shall be very thankful to find myself safe in some settlement where the war-whoops of the indians are not likely to be heard," he answered. "i used to like to hear about such adventures as we are going through, but i confess that i consider them very unpleasant realities." i was very much inclined to agree with reuben. one thing, however, was certain--for the present we must make up our minds to go through whatever came in our way. day after day we travelled on, encamping as i have previously described at night, or sometimes pushing forward during the hours of darkness and halting in the day-time. by doing this we saved ourselves the labour of forming defences, as we could in a moment mount and be in readiness to encounter a foe. we had, however, greatly exhausted our stock of provisions, and it became necessary to look after game with which to replenish our store. this we had hitherto avoided doing, as when hunting we should of necessity be separated, and if discovered by enemies we might be cut off in detail. we agreed, at last, that hunt we must; for we had all been on a very slender allowance of food, and were beginning to feel the pangs of hunger. our horses, too, from being constantly on the move, now showed signs of fatigue. we accordingly halted earlier than usual one day, on the side of a tree-covered knoll, from which we could obtain a good look-out over the surrounding country. here we resolved to remain for a couple of days, for, having seen no signs of indians, we hoped to be unmolested. after putting up the framework of a lean-to, to afford us shelter at night, we ate the remainder of our provisions; and while sandy took the horses down to a stream which flowed below us, we lay down to rest, keeping our rifles by our sides. i had been dreaming of venison, and buffalo humps, and other prairie luxuries, when i heard reuben whisper-- "see! roger, see! there's a magnificent deer within easy shot." i instinctively rose to my knees, with my rifle in my hand, and levelled it at the animal. it was a fine elk, as i knew by the thick branchy horns. at the same moment old samson sat up. reuben, knowing that he was not so good a shot as i was, did not attempt to fire. i felt somewhat nervous lest i might miss, though old samson was not likely to let the deer escape even if i did so. i pulled the trigger, however, and the deer, giving one bound from the earth, fell over, shot through the heart. the sound awoke mike, and we all rushed down to take possession of our prize. we very quickly cut it up, and shouldering the better portions, carried them to our encampment. here we soon had a fire blazing, and some rich steaks before it. though we had now obtained sufficient food to last us for some days, yet we remained for the time we had determined on, in order to dry the venison, so that we might cure it, and prevent its becoming unfit for use. we were fortunate in killing another deer almost in sight of our camp; so, with renewed strength after our long rest, we again set out, hoping before long to gain tidings of our friends, whom samson still persisted in believing were ahead of us. i had my doubts on the subject, but felt that i ought to yield to his better judgment. chapter eleven. samson's advice about buffalo-hunting--i see buffalo in the distance-- overtaken by a terrific storm--benighted on the plain--hunger-stricken, i allow my horse to take his own way--i swoon away--the spaniards find me--pablo, the cook--the prairie on fire--indians approaching, i dash through the flames--my poor horse is frightfully scorched--the wolves in pursuit--i take refuge in a tree--my horse is devoured by the wolves-- the wolves depart in chase of buffalo--i descend, and eat the loathsome wolf-flesh in my hunger--lighting a fire, i camp for the night--shooting a beaver. in vain we searched for the trail of our friends. we ought to have caught them up by this time, even samson acknowledged, unless they had pushed on more rapidly than ox-trains generally travel. our provisions again ran short, and it was necessary to replenish our larder. though we saw deer in the distance, they scented us, and we could not get up to them; but we were in the region where buffalo might be found, and we hoped to fall in with a herd. i had gained experience, when with the indians, in hunting these creatures, and both samson and sandy were well acquainted with their habits, but reuben had never even seen them. hunger, however, compelled us to follow a course on which we should not otherwise have ventured. old samson advised our inexperienced companion how to act. "one thing remember, my boy--do not shoot any of us," he observed; "and take care that the buffalo do not run their horns into you or your horse. the chances are that it is better acquainted with the habits of the buffalo than you are, so let it have its own way. it will generally manage to carry you out of danger, if you give it the rein. don't fire till you can aim at the animal's shoulder or chest; and the moment you fire, load again. pour in the powder, and drop the ball after it; you ought to be able to do so at full gallop. if you fancy you can manage this, you may try your hand, should you get near any buffalo; otherwise, just keep out of their way. if you manage to sight any, bring me word. a single fat cow is all we want, but they are harder to get up to than the bulls." i saw that reuben was not very confident of his skill. he therefore undertook to act as a scout, keeping an eye on samson's movements. sandy and i agreed to ride to some distance: he was to go to the north, i to the south; and we were afterwards to meet under a hill we saw in the distance. in case of the appearance of indians, we were immediately to try and reunite. these arrangements being made, i galloped off in the direction proposed. i had ridden for some time, when, on mounting a slight elevation, i saw afar off a number of black dots sprinkling the plain, and knew that they must be buffalo, though i was unable to determine in what direction they were heading. i therefore galloped on in order to ascertain this point, as it was necessary to do so before returning to inform samson of my discovery. on descending to the lower ground they were lost to view; but i hoped, by moving forward, again to catch sight of them. on i galloped, without observing the sudden change which had taken place in the weather, so eager was i to get up with the buffalo. not till i had gone much further than i had supposed necessary, did i begin to suspect that, instead of feeding, as i had at first fancied, they were going at full rate, and that i must push my horse at his utmost speed to come up with them; still i did not like the idea of allowing them to escape me, without ascertaining whereabouts they were to be found. i forgot at the moment that all i had to do was to come upon their trail, and that we could then easily follow them up, however far they might go. on i went, however, looking out for some higher ground, from which i might again catch sight of them and mark their course. eager in the pursuit of the animals, i did not notice how time went by, or how far i was going, and thought not of the danger to which i should be exposed if i encountered hostile indians, nor of the difficulty i might experience in regaining my companions. i believed that i was pushing due south, but it did not occur to me that i was running any risk of losing myself. once again i caught sight of the buffalo; but though i had gained on them, they were still a long way off. i knew, therefore, that they must be moving rapidly; but yet i wished to get nearer to them, and if possible to kill one of the rear of the herd, and return with the meat, in case my friends should have been less successful. being also desperately hungry, i contemplated eating a slice, even though i might not have time to cook it first. i had, of course, flint and steel, and should not have been long in lighting a fire. i was first made aware of the storm which had for some time been brewing, by a bright flash of lightning which almost blinded me, followed quickly by a rattling peal of thunder; making my horse give a start, which, had i not had a firm hold of the saddle with my knees, would have unseated me. another and still brighter flash was quickly followed by a yet louder peal. my horse stood still, trembling violently, and afraid to move. in a wonderfully short time the whole sky was overcast with a dense mass of black clouds; and then, after a succession of almost blinding flashes of lightning and terrific peals of thunder, down came the rain in torrents, completely concealing from view all objects at a distance. had i remained perfectly still, i might have ascertained the direction in which i was going, but when i attempted to make my horse move on he wheeled round and round, and the rain quickly obliterated the track i had previously made. i was thus utterly unable to determine what course to pursue. there was no wind, even, to guide me, and the rain came down perpendicularly, so that i was in a few minutes wet to the skin. i thought that perhaps my horse's instinct would lead him back to his equine associates; or, if he was an old buffalo-hunter, that he might follow the trail of the herd we had been pursuing. i was anxious to obtain both food and shelter. if i could overtake the buffalo, i might satisfy the cravings of hunger; but how to find shelter, was a more difficult point to settle. i therefore gave my steed the rein, and for some time he went in what i supposed was a straight course. again, however, the lightning burst forth, with even more fearful flashes than before, while the thunder rattled like peals of artillery fired close to my ears. my steed again stood stock-still; and when i attempted to urge him on, he, as before, wheeled round and round. every moment i expected to be struck by the lightning, which, coming down from the clouds in forked flashes, ran hissing over the ground like fiery serpents. i was aware, from the time i had been out, that evening must be approaching, but, more suddenly than i had calculated on, darkness came down upon me, and i found myself benighted on the open plain, without the slightest means of guiding my course. still, i might perish if i remained where i was, so i thought that the best thing i could do was to move on, if i could get my horse to carry me. the thunderstorm, however, continued to rage with unabated fury, and while it lasted i could not induce my steed to move. i got off and tried to lead him, but he plunged so much that i was afraid he would break away, so i therefore mounted again. he went on at first slowly, but suddenly, for what reason i could not tell, he broke into a gallop, and with all my efforts i was unable to check him. the darkness, too, prevented me from seeing the features of the country, and i was thus utterly unable to ascertain in what direction i was going. all night long he continued; sometimes stopping to regain breath, and then going on again, in spite of the thunder and lightning. the rain had ceased, and the water gradually drained out of my clothes, but i felt very damp and uncomfortable. at last dawn broke, and the storm gradually died away, but not a gleam of ruddy light indicated in what direction the sun was to be found. although not thirsty, i was suffering greatly from the pangs of hunger, and felt myself growing weaker and weaker. the appearance of the country was strange, and i could not discern any object which could enable me to determine what course my horse had taken. although i could not obtain food for myself, i got off, and loosening the bridle, allowed my steed to crop the grass, in order that he might recruit his strength; for my life would depend, i knew, on his being able to carry me back to my companions, or to go in chase of game. after he had fed for a couple of hours i again mounted and let him go on, when he at once took the course he had before been pursuing. i looked about on every side, in the hope of seeing some bird or animal that i might shoot. the smallest would have been welcome, but neither large nor small appeared. i was now becoming very faint; while my head felt giddy and my eyes dim. i endeavoured to rouse myself, but in vain. trying to stand up in my stirrups to look round, i fancied i saw before me a wood. could i but reach it, i might shoot a bird or squirrel, or some other of its inhabitants. another evening was approaching, as i calculated, when i neared the wood. i have a faint recollection of reaching it; then, utterly exhausted, i felt myself slip from the saddle. i disengaged my foot, and was aware that i had reached the ground, on which i stretched myself, trying to hold the rein in my hand. the next instant i must have swooned. there i lay, utterly unable to help myself--my faithful horse standing over me. how long i had thus lain, i cannot say. certain it is that, providentially, no wild beasts came near me, or i should have become an easy prey. when i returned to semi-consciousness, i found several people standing round me, one of whom had poured some brandy down my throat, while others were rubbing my feet and hands. i again closed my eyes, unable to make out who the strangers were. they gave me, i believe, more brandy, diluted with water, and then some broth, the effect of which was that i speedily regained a little strength. in half an hour i was able to sit up. i then discovered that the samaritans who had relieved me were spaniards, who, having encamped under shelter of the wood, had, while in search of game for breakfast, discovered me at early dawn. when i was sufficiently recovered, they moved me to their camp where they intended remaining for a day to dry their clothes and packages, which had been saturated by the rain. they formed a large party, bound across the continent with goods for traffic; for only a strong body of well-armed men could venture to travel, with the certainty of meeting bands of hostile indians, who would be restrained from attacking so formidable a force through dread of their rifles. the day's rest, and the careful treatment i received from the spaniards, quickly restored my strength. they had all been in the states, and consequently many of them could speak english; but i had no wish to live long amongst them, for, though kind to me, many of them were fierce, desperate characters, long accustomed to savage warfare with the indians, and held life at a remarkably cheap rate. the one who was especially attentive to me was old pablo,--who acted as cook,--and he was constantly bringing me the most delicate messes he could concoct. by the time they were ready to start i was well able to sit my horse. the question now was, in what direction should i proceed? they assured me that, were i to attempt to make my way back to my friends, i should certainly be cut off by the indians, who were tracking their footsteps, looking out for stragglers, and ready to pounce down upon them should they be found unprepared. they advised me to accompany them, and afterwards to try and make my way northward with any party of white trappers or hunters who might be going in that direction. pablo strongly urged me to take this course. he had his reasons, he said, for wishing to go to the northward, and would accompany me. though his appearance was not attractive,--for he looked more like an old jew pedlar than a son of the prairies, as he called himself,--i had confidence in him. i should have said that my new friends were accompanied by a small party of indians, who acted as guides. to these people pablo had an especial aversion, the cause of which he did not divulge to me; but i believe that his reason for wishing to quit the party was to get away from the indians. the spaniards remained a day longer than they intended; but we started at dawn, and made considerable progress during the cooler hours of the morning. the sun then came out with withering heat, and the air appeared to me to be unusually oppressive; while, notwithstanding the rain, the grass rapidly became as dry as before. a brown hue pervaded the landscape. we halted at night by the side of a stream, which, though very small, afforded water for our horses. by this time i felt quite myself again, and capable for any exertion. the next day, about noon, i observed the indian chief, who acted as our principal guide, standing up in his stirrups and looking anxiously towards the south-west. he exchanged some words with our white leader; but still they advanced. i now noticed a long thin line of what appeared like mist rising above the horizon, but rapidly increasing in height and extending on either hand. the rest of the party also began to look anxious. i remembered the appearance of the prairie fire from which i had before so narrowly escaped, and i now became convinced that we were about to encounter a similar danger. the clouds of smoke rose higher and higher, and extended further both east and west. here and there, however, there were gaps, and our leaders seemed to consider it possible that we might make our way through them. at all events, we continued to advance. the spaniards began to talk vehemently to each other, evidently not liking the appearance of things. the gaps, towards the broadest of which we had been directing our course, now began to close up, and presently a number of deer came scampering by, only turning slightly aside to avoid us. whole herds followed--their instinct telling them it was time to make their escape from that region. our leaders thought likewise; so, turning our horses, we galloped back in the direction from whence we had come. the whole party had been riding in somewhat less compact order than usual, and they now became widely scattered. i was on the extreme right, and ahead of most of them. pablo was near me. i urged on my steed to its utmost speed, for i knew how rapidly the fire would spread over the tall, dry grass through which we had passed. before us was what, in the winter season, would have been a marsh. it was now mostly solid, and here the grass grew even more luxuriantly than in other places. by keeping to the right, i avoided it. in our rear i heard a thundering sound, intermixed with loud bellowing, and glancing round for a moment i caught sight of a herd of buffalo, which, mad with fright, were dashing on to escape the flames, the crackling and hissing sound of which, i fancied, could now be heard. another glance showed me the horse of the chief plunging in the marsh, and the frantic herd bearing down directly upon him and several of the spaniards, who, it seemed to me, must inevitably be overwhelmed; but i had to take care of myself, though i would gladly have gone to their assistance had i been able to do so. recollecting how mike and i had before escaped, i kept verging more and more to the right, where the country was higher, and the grass would, i knew, though equally dry, be much shorter. the fire too, in that direction, seemed to be advancing much more slowly than it was behind us. i therefore shouted to pablo to follow me, but was uncertain whether he heard my voice. i at length lost sight of my companions, but as i without difficulty kept well ahead of the flames, i was satisfied that i had followed the wisest course. on looking round i saw a number of animals following me: straggling buffalo, deer of several descriptions, wolves, and many smaller quadrupeds. it would not do, however, to stop for a moment; so i pushed on as fast as my horse could go, and after galloping several miles i was satisfied that i had gained considerably on the fire. looking to the right, it appeared to me that i might double on it, as it seemed not to be extending in that direction. i was therefore about to change my course with that object, when i saw scampering along the plain a band of indians, who, i guessed, from the tall plumes on their heads, their long spears, and general appearance, were on the war-path, and would not hesitate to take the scalp of a white man for the sake of adding to their trophies. were i to continue as i had been going, i should ride almost into their midst. of one thing, however, i felt sure--they would not willingly advance nearer the approaching fire. they soon espied me, and several detached themselves from the main body and galloped forward. should they come near me, my fate, i felt sure, would be sealed. i had not a moment to deliberate. i would rather rush through the flames than trust myself to their tender mercies; so, turning my horse's head, i galloped back towards the advancing fire. directly in front of me was a spot where the flames reached to a much less height than in other places, and the belt of fire seemed also much narrower. unstrapping the blanket i carried on my saddle, with desperate energy i tore off a broad strip and fastened it over my horse's eyes. the larger portion i threw over my own head, fastening the ends round my body. before i had finished this operation i heard the wild whoops of the indians directly behind me. tightening the rein, i dug my heels into my horse's flanks and urged him forward, steering him between the numberless animals escaping from the fire. my poor horse knew not where he was going. i waited till the smoke began to curl round my head, then drawing the blanket over my face and chest, in total darkness i dashed forward into the midst of the flames. the heat was intense, and i felt that my boots were scorching, but the blanket kept the smoke from my mouth and nostrils, and i was able, though with difficulty, to breathe. i could feel the flames round me, and hear their crackling sound, so my only hope of safety depended on my horse keeping his legs. should he fall, i must be destroyed. he kept up wonderfully, and at length i knew that the worst was past. i threw the blanket from my head, for i had begun to fear that i should be suffocated. i was able to draw a free breath, though the air was full of smoke. i had passed safely through the fire, but my clothes were scorched, and my poor steed was fearfully burnt. the ground, too, over which i was passing was still strewed with smouldering embers, which my horse's hoofs threw up behind him at every step. the fire went rolling on. as i looked down my poor steed's neck and shoulders, i saw that the hair had been completely singed off. a plunge in cold water, therefore, could alone restore him. a dreadful thirst, besides, had seized me. i knew by the course the fire had taken, that away to the eastward i should find a broad stream or marsh. i therefore rode towards it, and the instinct of my steed showed him that i was proceeding to where he could obtain relief from his sufferings. after galloping along for some distance, having to hold him up with all the strength i could muster, i saw before me the bright water shining between the scorched trees. as i neared it, nothing could restrain the suffering animal. springing down the bank, he plunged in, carrying me with him. i had not time to stop him; but after a minute i got him into shallow water, and was able to leap off his back on to the shore. scarcely had i dismounted, when a chorus of howls saluted my ears; and looking up, i saw a score or more of wolves, which had observed me as they were following in the rear of the fire, according to their custom, to feed on the carcasses of the animals which had fallen victims to the flames. some had sprung into the water, and were swimming towards me; others came along the bank. i fired at the nearest and knocked him over--the others i attacked with my gun barrel, keeping the cowardly creatures at bay; but their sentinels, who remained on the upper part of the bank, were all the time uttering the fearful howls they make to summon their companions to attack a living animal, or to feed on the carcass they have discovered. i knew that in a few minutes i should be surrounded by a whole army of the savage creatures, and though i might keep a few at bay, i should be unable to resist the numbers which would ere long surround me. my horse seemed aware of his danger. driving back the wolves, i reloaded my rifle, and then shouting and firing at the most daring, while the howling pack retreated i mounted and dashed forward. the wolves sprang up round my horse's legs, trying to seize his neck, but i beat them off; and, maddened with terror, he galloped on, sending those his heels reached right and left. scorched and suffering from the flames though he was, he strained every muscle to keep ahead of the yelping pack, and soon completely distanced them; still, their horrid yelps told me that they were continuing the pursuit. as i looked over my shoulder i could see a long line of fresh animals joining from all sides. on and on we went, till we left behind the region blackened by the fire, and i saw before me a wood which the flames had not reached. i made for it, hoping that the wolves would not follow; or, if they did, then i might climb a tree, and defend my horse with my rifle as i sat amid the branches. i reached the wood, and discovered on the very borders just such a tree as i desired. the poor animal was trembling all over, and looked in a wretched plight. my first aim was to make a fire, through which i knew that the wolves would not venture to pass. while engaged in collecting fuel, their yelps again sounded in my ears, and before i could produce a flame i saw them coming on. my only chance now was to mount the tree. springing on to my horse, i climbed from his back into the fork of the tree, where i was out of the reach of my foes. this was the last service my faithful horse rendered me. on looking towards the wolves, i perceived, to my dismay, that there were several large white ones among them, the most savage of their tribe. i now knew that i must abandon all hope of saving my horse. i fired at the nearest white wolf and knocked the creature over, but this did not avail my poor steed, for in an instant he was surrounded and pulled to the ground, where the dreadful brutes quickly destroyed him. i loaded and fired, in revenge, as fast as i could; and though at each shot i killed a wolf, it appeared in no way to diminish their numbers, while the living lost no time in devouring their dead companions. directly i killed a white wolf, the yelling brutes set upon him and tore him to pieces. strange as it may seem, i felt an extraordinary pleasure in thus destroying the most savage animals of those wilds; but fortunately i remembered in time that if i continued my sport i might exhaust my ammunition. i therefore only fired when i was certain of bringing down one of the larger animals. darkness was coming on, but still the wolves showed no inclination to take their departure. as far as i could tell, they might starve me to death. not a particle of my horse was by this time left, for they had torn even the saddle and bridle to threads, and, excepting the wood and ironwork, had devoured the whole. matters were becoming serious, for i was already desperately hungry. could i have discovered even a small bird or any creature in the tree, i might have satisfied the gnawings of my stomach, and held out longer. at length, when i was beginning to despair of relief, my ear caught the same yelping, yelling sound which had warned me of the approach of the wolves when i was in the river. on looking out, i saw a couple of buffalo bulls galloping across the prairie, with a pack of wolves on their trail. the animals still surrounding the tree also heard the sounds. they looked up wistfully at me, making a few desperate efforts to reach the branch on which i was seated; but finding that all their attempts were vain, first one started off in the direction the other pack had taken, then another and another went away. in a few minutes only three hungry animals remained, gnawing at the bones of the white wolves and some of their own nearer relatives whom i had shot. these i did not fear to encounter. killing one from where i sat, and then reloading, i jumped down from my perch. the brutes snarled, and one of them made a spring at me; but i shot him, and knocked the other over with the butt of my rifle, thereby saving a charge of powder and lead. hunger induced me to cut a slice out of one of the wolves, although it was with no pleasant feelings that i did so. for some minutes i gnawed away at the unsavoury morsel, till nausea compelled me to stop. i then set to work to collect sticks and branches, the waning daylight scarcely affording me sufficient time to pick up as many as i required. with those i could obtain i lighted a fire, spreading it in a circle; then, satisfied that it would burn brightly for a couple of hours, and that no wolves would venture to break through it, i lay down to obtain the rest i so much needed. when i awoke, a circle of hot embers alone remained. as i had a small supply of wood yet unconsumed, i began to throw on stick after stick, to keep up the fire as long as possible, when i again heard that horrid yelping close to me, and through the darkness i could see the glaring eyeballs of numberless wolves gathering round. they dared not, however, pass the fiery boundary, and i knew that i was safe as long as i could keep up even a slight blaze; still, my stock of wood was growing less and less, and should a black gap appear in the circle, some of the most savage might break through. having exhausted the last twig, i saw that i must do something to rid myself of my foes. seizing a burning branch, the end of which remained unconsumed, i waved it round and round in the faces of the wolves, shouting at the same time at the top of my voice. it had the effect i wished; for, a panic seizing them, away they all scampered, leaving me once more alone. i lost no time in springing over the fire and collecting a sufficient quantity of wood to enable me to keep it blazing till the morning. the wolves did not return; and at dawn, having cut some more slices from one of the wolves which i had drawn inside the circle, i set off, with my face to the northward, hoping almost against hope that i might fall in with some of my late companions, or that i might find the means of supporting existence till i could strike the trail of old samson and my other friends,--or the emigrant-train, should they have got so far south. happily i saw no more of the wolves, and by keeping along the bank of the river, which here ran north and south, i avoided the district ravaged by the fire. through not falling in with any of the spaniards, i began to fear that they must have perished. the first day i fortunately shot a beaver; and having cooked it, i made a hearty meal--stowing away the rest in my wallet. that night i slept up among the branches of a tree, which were so placed that i had no fear of falling down; and next morning, greatly refreshed, i pushed forward on my solitary journey. chapter twelve. i find poor pablo, and assist him--roasted squirrel--pablo's reason for desiring to join the english--we stalk a buffalo--pablo's terror at the approach of indians--my surprise at being welcomed by manilick--mike's joy at seeing me alive--we again start in the direction of the waggon-train--old samson, reuben, and sandy nearly roasted alive by the apaches--quambo's care of "de fiddle"--lily's relationship to old samson--kepenau and manilick--conclusion. i had been trudging on for some hours, directing my course by the sun, which shone brightly from an unclouded sky, when, feeling weary, i sat down to rest under the shade of a tree not far from the river's brink. scarcely had i stretched out my legs, when i heard a voice, in a tone of suffering, calling to me; and going in the direction from whence it proceeded, what was my surprise to see, among the branches of a tree, my late companion pablo! "misericordia, senor roger!" he cried out. "i am starving, and too weak to get down of myself." i climbed up and gave him some of the beaver-flesh, which soon revived him. he told me how he had been frightened up the tree by the wolves, and that, having lost his gun and his flint, he had no means of defending himself, or of lighting a fire, and should certainly have perished had i not come to his aid. having assisted him down, i led him towards the river, where he quenched his thirst. we made but little progress that day, for pablo was ill able to walk; so, having reached a spot where we could obtain sufficient bark and wood to build a hut and keep up a blazing fire all night, we encamped. leaving pablo to finish the hut, i set off in search of game. i brought down two black squirrels; and i afterwards came upon several bushes of berries, which would add a variety to our meal. on my return to the camp, i found that pablo had finished all the arrangements, and we soon had one of the squirrels roasting before the fire. pablo opened his heart to me. i had been the means, he said, of saving his life, and he should ever be grateful. the reason, he told me, of his being so anxious to join the english, was, that he had met with a missionary--who proved to be no other than our friend martin godfrey-- and that his object, therefore, was to live with those who held the same opinions, for he was sure that they were the right ones. he cared nothing for all the fatigue and danger he might have to go through, provided that he gained his wishes at last. we travelled on for several days, sometimes having to encamp in the open prairie, where we were more especially exposed to the risk of being attacked by wolves, or run over by a stampede of buffalo--though we did not trouble our heads much on that score. our chief risk lay in encountering any bands of hostile indians who might be traversing the open prairie, as it would be scarcely possible to conceal ourselves from them. i could only hope that, in the event of our being seen, they would not attack two wayworn travellers who could not injure them. pablo, however, observed that there were some tribes who would murder us for the sake of our scalps, so as to be able to boast that they had killed two enemies in battle. he had no affection for the indians, and was inclined to doubt whether they possessed any good qualities. how we should have got across the wide extent of prairie we traversed i know not, had we not been able to stalk a buffalo, by getting well to leeward of it, whereupon i brought it down with my rifle. its stomach was full of water, with which we quenched our thirst; and the flesh afforded us food for many days--partly eaten fresh, and partly dried in the sun, and turned into a coarse description of pemmican. we were hoping soon to strike another river, where we could obtain water. this kept up our spirits; and we certainly needed something to do that, for we were growing weary of our long tramp across the open country. as may be supposed, too, we kept our eyes about us as we walked along; for should we espy any suspicious horsemen, our best chance of escaping, we agreed, would be to fall flat on the ground, where we might be hidden by the grass. the sun was already verging towards the west, when pablo, who happened at the moment to be looking eastward, exclaimed, "here come indians! here come indians! down--down!" we both dropped to the ground, hoping that we had not been seen, and that they would pass by on one side or the other. i could catch sight, as i lay, of their feather, metal, and shell ornaments glittering in the sun, and of their spear-heads with long tufts waving in the wind. they were pushing rapidly across the prairie; but at the distance they still were from us i could not distinguish the tribe or nation to which they belonged. they might be apaches or comanches, deadly foes; or a tribe keeping up a friendly intercourse with the white men. at first i was doubtful in what direction they were going, but i was soon convinced that they were riding directly towards the spot where we lay, and that our chance of escape from their eagle-eyes was small indeed. i observed their leader at length stand up in his stirrups and gaze around. from this i felt nearly sure that we had been seen, and that he was looking for us. "we are sure to be discovered," i whispered to pablo. "our wisest mode of proceeding will be to stand up and face them boldly. it will be better to die on our feet, than to be speared like skulking foxes." "do as you think best," answered pablo. i immediately rose, and, with outstretched hand, advanced towards the indians. their leader galloped forward, then, greatly to my surprise, threw himself from his horse as he got up to me, and putting out his own hand, took mine. "i have been searching for you! don't you know me?" he exclaimed. as he spoke i recognised manilick, the young chief, ashatea's lover. "i happily met the friend of my tribe, samson micklan, who, with his companions, are anxious about you," he continued. "confident of your courage and hardihood, they would not believe that you were lost; and they urged me to make a circuit to the south, in the possibility of coming on your trail. glad i am to have fallen in with you, for i had almost given you up as lost. right heartily will our aged friend rejoice that you have been found." i thanked manilick warmly for the interest he had taken in me, and inquired whether the waggons had turned back or continued their course westward, and whether they had been overtaken. he replied that samson had discovered their trail, but, in his search for me, he had lost so much time, that he had not yet been able to come up with them. as the party had several spare horses, pablo and i were at once provided with steeds. we then pushed on at a quick rate, manilick observing that he wished to reach the camp of a friend the following day. i inquired who the friend was. "kepenau," he answered. "he has, with his whole tribe, moved westward, under my protection. he has buried the hatchet with all mankind, and has induced me to follow his example, provided we are not attacked; for should we be, even he allows that it is both lawful and right to defend ourselves. the good preacher, martin godfrey, has accompanied him, for the purpose of instructing his people and mine; and he afterwards intends to visit the palefaces settled in other parts of the country." "and has his daughter accompanied him?" i asked, looking at the young chief. "yes," he answered, with a smile; "and she is shortly to become my wife, as she is satisfied that i am now a believer in the same faith she has long held. i bless the day, too, when she won me over, though i had not before supposed it possible that i could abandon the religion of my forefathers." i told manilick how glad i was to hear this, and wished him every happiness. we encamped that night in a wood near a stream, which we reached just before dark. the same precautions were taken against surprise which our small band had considered necessary; for, manilick told me, should the apaches discover his trail, they would be certain to attack him. "however," he observed, "we have hitherto been preserved by the great spirit, and we have no fear of the result of a fight." "then you cannot be said altogether to have buried the hatchet," i observed. "we have resolved to attack no one, and the sin will lie with those who attack us," he answered; "while it is possible, we will avoid a quarrel, and proceed peaceably on our way." as manilick's party was numerous and well-armed, they were calculated to inspire respect; and if any foes did approach the camp, they probably thought it prudent to retire to a distance. the next morning we continued our march, and towards evening came in sight of a thick wood. i saw that manilick's eagerness increased as we rode on. we were still at some little distance from the wood, when i observed a man with a gun in his hand issuing from under the shelter of the trees. he looked towards us, apparently suspicious as to who we were. i had no doubt, from his appearance, that he was a paleface; and as we got still nearer to him, to my infinite satisfaction i recognised mike laffan. he knew me almost at the same moment, and throwing up his cap, and giving vent to an irish shout of joy, he ran forward. "sure! is it you, masther roger dear, alive and well?" he exclaimed. "it brings back joy to me heart, for it was mighty throubled at the thoughts that you were lost intirely." i jumped from my horse to receive the greetings of the honest fellow. he had, i found, overcome with the poignancy of his feelings at the thought of my death, been knocked up, and had remained with kepenau, whose camp he told me was concealed within the wood. he led the way round to a narrow opening, where manilick dismounted. proceeding through it, we soon reached an open spot on which kepenau had pitched his tents. he himself was the first person who advanced to greet us. behind him stood ashatea, a lovely specimen of an indian girl, her countenance beaming with that intelligence which education could alone have given her. though she met manilick with a bashful reserve, i had little doubt that she had at length bestowed on him the heart he sought. still i recollected honest reuben's admiration. yet i was very glad that it was so; for, charming as he might deem her, she was still a child of the desert,--and one of our fair countrywomen would, i was very sure, make him a far more useful and companionable wife than ashatea would prove. kepenau told me that he intended to pitch his tents in the neighbourhood of the proposed settlement--remarking that he should now have no fear of his people being seduced by the terrible "fire water"--and that he hoped to change his skin-tents into substantial dwellings like those of the palefaces, and to cultivate the ground instead of depending on the chase for subsistence. in the meantime, however, he and his people must hunt the buffalo and deer to obtain support for themselves and their families; and he was only awaiting the arrival of manilick and his tribe to set out with that object, as provisions were already running short in the camp. though i had borne the journey, i felt too much exhausted and weak to accompany him; and as both mike and pablo were much in the same condition, they insisted on taking care of me and themselves without troubling the indians, who had plenty to do in guarding the camp and looking after the horses. mike and pablo soon became great friends; and though i had no real authority over either of them, they took a pleasure in serving me. "sit still and be aisy for once in your life, masther roger," said mike, as he brought a bundle of sticks and piled them up on the fire he had lit. "sure, pablo and i can do all the work, without you throubling yourself. there's misthress ashatea and the young chief billing and cooing at her tent-door like two turtle-doves; and if they were to see you moving about, maybe they'd think it necessary, out of courtesy, to come and help you--and it would be a pity to disturb them." mike's arguments prevailed, and for once in my life, as he advised, i did sit quiet,--and very glad i was to do so,--while i watched the indians through the trees making preparations for their departure. the young chief, after a short rest, started off with some of his best hunters in search of a herd of buffalo which had been seen in the neighbourhood; and before the end of the next day they returned with an ample supply of meat. after remaining a couple of days to dry what was not required for immediate consumption, the camp was broken up, and we proceeded in the direction it was said the waggon-train had taken. we were, however, not able to travel very much faster than the steady-going oxen, and we therefore had little hope of overtaking it before it had reached its destination. as trails were discovered which were pronounced to be those of apaches, i felt some anxiety lest old samson and his companions might have been attacked and overpowered. "he is too well acquainted with their ways to be caught," observed kepenau. i remembered, however, the eagerness the old man had shown to overtake the train, in order that he might ascertain whether lily was, as he had hoped, his grand-daughter; and he might thus push forward, when his usual prudence would have induced him to remain concealed, or to have retreated from his foes. we advanced like an army in an enemy's country--with scouts ranging on either side, so that there was no probability of our being taken by surprise; while our main body was too numerous to have invited an attack. we had made good progress for several days, when the sound of rifle-shots reached our ears through the still air of a warm summer noon. directly afterwards the scouts came in with the intelligence that a large number of indians were collected in the neighbourhood of what looked like a log-hut, on the bank of a stream in the plain below us. we were, at the time, approaching the edge of a plateau over which we had been travelling. in the far distance rose some blue hills, spurs of a still more lofty range of mountains. it was at the foot of these hills that the new settlement was, i understood, to be formed. while our main body advanced slowly for the sake of the women and children, manilick, with a chosen band of warriors, rode rapidly forward. he at once expressed his opinion that a small party of white men had taken refuge in the hut, to defend themselves against the apaches, and that it was our duty to hasten to their relief. we waited among the trees on the upper portion of the slope, to give time to our main body to appear just before we should reach the enemy--who, finding themselves menaced by superior numbers, would in all probability take to flight. at the proper moment manilick shouted "forward!" and we rapidly descended the hill. we did not arrive a moment too soon, for the fire of the little garrison had begun to slacken, and the besiegers were preparing to scale the walls. on seeing us approach, and observing the large number of armed men who at that moment reached the edge of the height, they took to flight, and endeavoured to make their escape to the southward. we gained a bloodless victory, for manilick would not allow them to be pursued. no sooner had the enemy retreated than the door of the hut was thrown open, and old samson, followed by reuben and sandy, rushed out, while the hut burst into flames--the savages having just before set fire to it in several places. "you have come just in time to save us from roasting!" exclaimed the old trapper, recognising manilick, but not seeing me. "we caught sight of the apaches bearing down upon us, and had just time to take shelter in the hut and barricade the doors and windows, before they readied it. they carried off our good steeds, but we have secured our packs and arms." at length catching sight of me as i rode out from among the men, he expressed his satisfaction with a vehemence i had never before seen him exhibit--almost bursting into tears as he shook my hand. "i should have grieved if you had been lost, roger, and i had had to announce the sad tidings to my young grand-daughter; for that your lily is my grand-daughter, i feel as sure as i do of my own existence. i have dreamed about her every night since you told me her history, and something tells me i must be her grandfather. nothing must now stop us. our friend manilick will supply us with horses, and we shall reach the settlement before nightfall. they are all safe there long ago, for i came upon their trail; and they were strong enough to beat off any of the redskins who may have attempted to interfere with them." notwithstanding samson's eagerness, we had to wait till the main body came up, when, horses having been supplied to my three friends, they, with mike and i, and six of manilick's tribe, set forward at a rapid rate in the direction of the new settlement. the sun had not yet set when we saw before us, on the banks of a clear stream backed by a wood, some white tents, and the canvas covers of a number of waggons. my heart began to beat with the anticipation of once more meeting lily, my uncles and aunt, and other friends. as we approached the bank we were observed by the inhabitants, who at once assembled, rushing from all quarters with arms in their hands. on our drawing still nearer, however, they recognised us, and coming down to the water, pushed off on a large raft, which they propelled with long poles to the side on which we stood. the first to spring on shore was uncle mark. he received reuben, mike, and me as people risen from the dead. quambo followed closely, and, taking me in his arms, gave me a hug, in his joy, which almost squeezed the breath out of my body. mike came in for the same sort of greeting. "och, sure! do you take me for a baby?" exclaimed mike--"though you would have squeezed the life out of me if i had been one. but i am moighty plased to see you; and, bedad, we'll be footing it away to the sound of me fiddle, i am hoping, before many hours are over. you have got it all safe?" "yes. i keep de fiddle all right, and let no one play on it--not even myself," observed quambo. "true for you, quambo," said mike, laughing; "for the best of raisons-- there's no one else but meself could make the music come out of it." our indian escort having set off to return to the camp, according to orders, we crossed the river to the opposite bank, where our relatives had collected to receive us. lily looked somewhat pale. though she had not abandoned all hope, she had been fearfully anxious about me; and she made me promise not to go wandering again over the wilds, if i could help it. mr and mrs claxton and dora had been equally anxious about reuben, and were proportionably thankful to get him back safe. old samson stood gazing at lily while i was talking to her. he then hastened up to aunt hannah. "you have been a mother to that sweet child, and i will bless you for it as long as there is breath in my old body," he said. "but i want to take her from you. she is mine by right, for i am, i believe, her only living relative. you have got the proofs; and if you do not wish to try the feelings of an old man, which he thought were long ago dead and gone, show me the things you have taken care of since she was committed to your charge." aunt hannah looked very much surprised at first; but the truth quickly dawned on her. "you shall see them, mr micklan, for they are safe in my box in the waggon; and if you recognise them, as you expect to do, lily shall call you `grandfather;' but as to giving her up--no, no! you will not expect that of us. for sixteen years she has been our child, and we have loved her, and love her still, as if she were our own. you would not be so hard-hearted, even if you have the right, as to deprive us of her!" "well, well--i cannot gainsay you; but only let me know that i have got some one to love, and i will give up my wandering life and come and settle down among you." lily and i accompanied uncle stephen and aunt hannah, with the old hunter, to the waggon, where the baby-dress and the ornaments she had worn were soon produced. samson gazed at them, without speaking, for some seconds. then he exclaimed, "yes, yes! there is no doubt about it.--come, lily, do not be afraid of your old grandfather. i will not run away with you; but just let me love you, and watch over you, and take care of you, and i shall be content, and end my days more happily than i had ever hoped to do." lily came forward and put her hand into that of the old man, who, stooping down, kissed her fair brow, and pressed her to his heart. after this a change seemed to come over samson micklan. he was no longer the rough old trapper he had hitherto appeared--though he worked as hard as any one in the camp, and took especial delight in assisting to build the house lily was to occupy. every one, as may be supposed, was busy from sunrise to sunset, and a village soon sprang up in that hitherto desert spot. our indian friends rendered us important assistance, by supplying us with the meat they obtained in their hunting expeditions, as also by acting as our guardians; for they were constantly on the watch, and no foes would venture to attack us while supported by such formidable allies. the settlement flourished and rapidly increased, for we were soon joined by other parties from the eastward; and even my uncles acknowledged that they had no desire to make another move--greatly to aunt hannah's satisfaction. lily, in course of time, became my wife; and mr micklan, loved and respected by the whole of the community, lived to hear the prattle of his great-grandchildren. our friends reuben and dora both married happily, and we, who were once hardy backwoodsmen, became quiet and contented citizens. i own that though the life we had led possessed its attractions, our present condition was on many accounts preferable. mike and quambo purchased a lot between them at a short distance from the settlement, and became prosperous farmers; but they remained bachelors to the end of their days--mike declaring that the sound of his fiddle was more satisfactory to his ears than the scolding of a wife or the squalling of children. albeit, he never failed to bring it on his frequent visits, to the infinite delight of my youngsters, who invariably began to dance and snap their fingers when they caught sight of him and his sturdy nag approaching our door. kepenau and manilick, having become civilised themselves, laboured incessantly in the civilisation of their people--aided by our revered friend, martin godfrey, who eventually settled down among them. we were not altogether without some trials and troubles, but we had also much to make us happy; and i can honestly say that we had good reason to be thankful--though we could never be sufficiently so--to that merciful being who had preserved us amid the many dangers we had passed through during the period i have described. at home and abroad; or, things and thoughts in america and europe. by margaret fuller ossoli, author of "woman in the nineteenth century," "art, literature, and the drama," "life without and life within," etc. edited by her brother, arthur b. fuller. new and complete edition. new york; the tribune association. nassau street entered according to act of congress, in the year , by arthur b. fuller, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. preface. there are at least three classes of persons who travel in our own land and abroad. the first and largest in number consists of those who, "having eyes, see not, and ears, hear not," anything which is profitable to be remembered. crossing lake and ocean, passing over the broad prairies of the new world or the classic fields of the old, though they look on the virgin soil sown thickly with flowers by the hand of god, or on scenes memorable in man's history, they gaze heedlessly, and when they return home can but tell us what they ate and drank, and where slept,--no more; for this and matters of like import are all for which they have cared in their wanderings. those composing the second class travel more intelligently. they visit scrupulously all places which are noted either as the homes of literature, the abodes of art, or made classic by the pens of ancient genius. accurately do they mark the distance of one famed city from another, the size and general appearance of each; they see as many as possible of celebrated pictures and works of art, and mark carefully dimensions, age, and all details concerning them. men, too, whom the world regards as great men, whether because of wisdom, poesy, warlike achievements, or of wealth and station, they seek to take by the hand and in some degree to know; at least to note their appearance, demeanor, and mode of life. writers belonging to this class of travellers are not to be undervalued; returning home, they can give much useful information, and tell much which all wish to hear and know, though, as their narratives are chiefly circumstantial, and every year circumstances change, such recitals lessen constantly in value. but there is a third class of those who journey, who see indeed the outward, and observe it well. they, too, seek localities where art and genius dwell, or have painted on canvas or sculptured in marble their memorials; they become acquainted with the people, both famed and obscure, of the lands which they visit and in which for a time they abide; their hearts throb as they stand on places where great deeds have been done, with whose dust perhaps is mingled the sacred ashes of men who fell in the warfare for truth and freedom,--a warfare begun early in the world's history, and not yet ended. but they do much _more_ than this. there is, though in a different sense from what ancient pagans fancied, a genius or guardian spirit of each scene, each stream and lake and country, and this spirit is ever speaking, but in a tone which only the attent ear of the noble and gifted can hear, and in a language which such minds and hearts only can understand. with vision which needs no miracle to make it prophetic, they see the destinies which nations are all-unconsciously shaping for themselves, and note the deep meaning of passing events which only make others wonder. beneath the mask of mere externals, their eyes discern the character of those whom they meet, and, refusing to accept popular judgment in place of truth, they see often the real relation which men bear to their race and age, and observe the facts by which to determine whether such men are great only because of circumstances, or by the irresistible power of their own minds. when such narrate their journeyings, we have what is valuable not for a few years only, but, because of its philosophic and suggestive spirit, what must always be useful. the reader of the following pages, it is believed, will decide that margaret fuller deserves to rank with the latter class of travellers, while not neglectful of those details which it is well to learn and remember. twelve years ago she journeyed, in company with several friends, on the lakes, and through some of the western states. returning, she published a volume describing this journey, which seems worthy of republication. it seems so because it rather gives an idea of western scenery and character, than enters into guide-book statements which would be all erroneous now. beside this, it is much a record of thoughts as well as things, and those thoughts have lost none of their significance now. it gives us also knowledge of indian character, and impressions respecting that much injured and fast vanishing race, which justice to them makes it desirable should be remembered. the friends of madame ossoli will be glad to make permanent this additional proof of her sympathy with all the oppressed, no matter whether that oppression find embodiment in the indian or the african, the american or the european. the second part of the present volume gives my sister's impressions and observations during her european journey and residence in italy. this is done through letters, which originally appeared in the new york tribune but have never before been gathered into book form. there may be a degree of incompleteness, sometimes perhaps inaccuracy, in these letters, which are inseparable attendants upon letter-writing during a journey or amid exciting and warlike scenes. none can lament more than i that their writer lives not to revise them. some errors, too, were doubtless made in the original printing of these letters, owing to her handwriting not being easily read by those who were not familiar with it, and very probably some such errors may have escaped my notice in the revision, especially as many emendations must be conjectural, the original manuscript not now existing. there is one fact, however, which gives this part of the volume a high value. madame ossoli was in rome during the most eventful period of its modern history. she was almost the only american who remained there during the italian revolution, and the siege of the city. her marriage with the marquis ossoli, who was captain of the civic guard and active in the republican councils and army, and her own ardent love of freedom, and sacrifices for it, brought her into immediate acquaintance with the leaders in the revolutionary army, and made her cognizant of their plans, their motives, and their characters. unsuccessful for a time as has been that struggle for freedom, it was yet a noble one, and its true history should be known in this country and in all lands, that justice may be done to those who sacrificed much, some even life, in behalf of liberty. her peculiar fitness to write the history of this struggle is well expressed by mr. greeley, in his introduction to one of her volumes recently published.[a] "of italy's last struggle for liberty and light," he says, "she might not merely say, with the grattan of ireland's kindred effort, half a century earlier, 'i stood by its cradle; i followed its hearse.' she might fairly claim to have been a portion of its incitement, its animation, its informing soul. she bore more than a woman's part in its conflicts and its perils; and the bombs of that ruthless army which a false and traitorous government impelled against the ramparts of republican rome, could have stilled no voice more eloquent in its exposures, no heart more lofty in its defiance, of the villany which so wantonly drowned in blood the hopes, while crushing the dearest rights, of a people, than those of margaret fuller." [footnote a: introduction to papers on literature and art, p. .] inadequate, indeed, are these letters as a memorial and vindication of that struggle, in comparison with the history which madame ossoli had written, and which perished with her; but well do they deserve to be preserved, as the record of a clear-minded and true-hearted eyewitness of, and participator in, this effort to establish a new and better roman republic. in one respect they have an interest higher than would the history. they were written during the struggle, and show the fluctuations of hope and despondency-which animated those most deeply interested. i have thought it right to leave unchanged all expressions of her opinion and feeling, even when it is evident from the letters themselves that these were gradually somewhat modified by ensuing events. especially did this change occur in regard to the pope, whom she at first regarded, in common with all lovers of freedom in this and other lands, with a hopefulness which was doomed to a cruel disappointment. she was, however, never for a moment deceived as to his character. his heart she believed kindly and good; his intellect, of a low order; his views as to reform, narrow, intending only what is partial, temporary, and alleviating, never a permanent, vital reform, which should remove the cause of the ills on account of which his people groaned. really to elevate and free italy, it was necessary to remove the yoke of ecclesiastical and political thraldom; to do this formed no part of his plans,--from his very nature he was incapable of so great a purpose. the expression in her letters of this opinion, when most people hoped better things, was at first censured, as doing injustice to pius ix.; but alas! events proved the impulses of his heart to be in subjection to the prejudices of his mind, and that mind to be weaker than even she had deemed it, with views as narrow as she had feared. the third part of this volume contains some letters to friends, which were never written for the public eye, but are necessary to complete, as far as can now be done, the narrative of her residence abroad. some few of these have already appeared in her "memoirs," a work i cannot too warmly recommend to those who would know my sister's character. many more of her letters may be there found, equally worthy of perusal, but not so necessary to complete the history of events in italy. the fourth part contains the details of that shipwreck which caused mourning not only in the hearts of her kindred, but of the many who knew and loved her. these, with some poems commemorative of her character and eventful death, form a sad but fitting close to a book which records her european journeyings, and her voyage to a home which proved to be not in this land, where were waiting warm hearts to bid her welcome, but one in a land yet freer, better than this, where she can be no less loved by the angels, by our saviour, and the infinite father. after the copy for this volume had been sent to the press, it was found necessary to omit some portions of the work in the republication, as too much matter had been furnished for a volume of reasonable size. the editor made these omissions with much reluctance, but the desire to bring a record of madame ossoli's journeyings within the compass of one volume outweighed that reluctance. he believes the omissions have been made in such a way as not materially to diminish its value, especially as most which has been omitted will find place in another volume he hopes soon to issue, containing a portion of the miscellaneous writings of madame ossoli. all of these omissions that are important occur in the summer on the lakes, it being thought better to omit from a portion of the work which had previously been before the public in book form. the episodical nature of that work, too, enabled the editor to make omissions without in any way marring its unity. these omissions, when other than mere verbal ones, consist of extracts from books which she read in relation to the indians; an account of and translation from the seeress of prevorst, a german work which had not then, but has since, been translated into english, and republished in this country; a few extracts from letters and poems sent to her by friends while she was in the west, one of which poems has been since published elsewhere by its author; and the story of marianna, (a great portion of which may be found in my sister's "memoirs,") and also lines to edith, a short poem. marianna and lines to edith will probably be republished in another volume. from the letters of madame ossoli in parts ii. and iii. no omissions have been made other than verbal, or when pertaining to trifling incidents, having only a temporary interest. nothing in any portion of the book recording my sister's own observations or opinions has been omitted or changed. the reader, too, will notice that nothing affecting the unity of the narrative is here wanting, the volume even gaining in that respect by the omission of extracts from other writers, and of a story and short poem not connected in any regard with western life. in conclusion, the editor would express the sincere hope that this volume may not only be of general interest, but inspire its readers with an increased love of republican institutions, and an earnest purpose to seek the removal of every national wrong which hinders our beloved country from being a perfect example and hearty helper of other nations in their struggles for liberty. may it do something, also, to remove misapprehension of the motives, character, and action of those noble patriots of italy, who strove, though for a time vainly, to make their country free, and to deepen the sympathy which every true american should feel with faithful men everywhere, who by art are seeking to refine, by philanthropic exertion to elevate, by the diffusion of truth to enlighten, or by self-sacrifice and earnest effort to free, their fellow-men. a.b.f. boston, march , . contents. part i. summer on the lakes part ii. things and thoughts in europe part iii. letters from abroad to friends at home part iv. homeward voyage, and memorials part i summer on the lakes. summer days of busy leisure, long summer days of dear-bought pleasure, you have done your teaching well; had the scholar means to tell how grew the vine of bitter-sweet, what made the path for truant feet, winter nights would quickly pass, gazing on the magic glass o'er which the new-world shadows pass. but, in fault of wizard spell, moderns their tale can only tell in dull words, with a poor reed breaking at each time of need. yet those to whom a hint suffices mottoes find for all devices, see the knights behind their shields, through dried grasses, blooming fields. * * * * * some dried grass-tufts from the wide flowery field, a muscle-shell from the lone fairy shore, some antlers from tall woods which never more to the wild deer a safe retreat can yield, an eagle's feather which adorned a brave, well-nigh the last of his despairing band,-- for such slight gifts wilt thou extend thy hand when weary hours a brief refreshment crave? i give you what i can, not what i would if my small drinking-cup would hold a flood, as scandinavia sung those must contain with which, the giants gods may entertain; in our dwarf day we drain few drops, and soon must thirst again. chapter i. niagara. niagara, june , . since you are to share with me such foot-notes as may be made on the pages of my life during this summer's wanderings, i should not be quite silent as to this magnificent prologue to the, as yet, unknown drama. yet i, like others, have little to say, where the spectacle is, for once, great enough to fill the whole life, and supersede thought, giving us only its own presence. "it is good to be here," is the best, as the simplest, expression that occurs to the mind. we have been here eight days, and i am quite willing to go away. so great a sight soon satisfies, making us content with itself, and with what is less than itself. our desires, once realized, haunt us again less readily. having "lived one day," we would depart, and become worthy to live another. we have not been fortunate in weather, for there cannot be too much, or too warm sunlight for this scene, and the skies have been lowering, with cold, unkind winds. my nerves, too much braced up by such an atmosphere, do not well bear the continual stress of sight and sound. for here there is no escape from the weight of a perpetual creation; all other forms and motions come and go, the tide rises and recedes, the wind, at its mightiest, moves in gales and gusts, but here is really an incessant, an indefatigable motion. awake or asleep, there is no escape, still this rushing round you and through you. it is in this way i have most felt the grandeur,--somewhat eternal, if not infinite. at times a secondary music rises; the cataract seems to seize its own rhythm and sing it over again, so that the ear and soul are roused by a double vibration. this is some effect of the wind, causing echoes to the thundering anthem. it is very sublime, giving the effect of a spiritual repetition through all the spheres. when i first came, i felt nothing but a quiet satisfaction. i found that drawings, the panorama, &c. had given me a clear notion of the position and proportions of all objects here; i knew where to look for everything, and everything looked as i thought it would. long ago, i was looking from a hill-side with a friend at one of the finest sunsets that ever enriched, this world. a little cowboy, trudging along, wondered what we could be gazing at. after spying about some time, he found it could only be the sunset, and looking, too, a moment, he said approvingly, "that sun looks well enough"; a speech worthy of shakespeare's cloten, or the infant mercury, up to everything from the cradle, as you please to take it. even such a familiarity, worthy of jonathan, our national hero, in a prince's palace, or "stumping," as he boasts to have done, "up the vatican stairs, into the pope's presence, in my old boots," i felt here; it looks really _well enough_, i felt, and was inclined, as you suggested, to give my approbation as to the one object in the world that would not disappoint. but all great expression, which, on a superficial survey, seems so easy as well as so simple, furnishes, after a while, to the faithful observer, its own standard by which to appreciate it. daily these proportions widened and towered more and more upon my sight, and i got, at last, a proper foreground for these sublime distances. before coming away, i think i really saw the full wonder of the scene. after a while it so drew me into itself as to inspire an undefined dread, such as i never knew before, such as may be felt when death is about to usher us into a new existence. the perpetual trampling of the waters seized my senses. i felt that no other sound, however near, could be heard, and would start and look behind me for a foe. i realized the identity of that mood of nature in which these waters were poured down with such absorbing force, with that in which the indian was shaped on the same soil. for continually upon my mind came, unsought and unwelcome, images, such as never haunted it before, of naked savages stealing behind me with uplifted tomahawks; again and again this illusion recurred, and even after i had thought it over, and tried to shake it off, i could not help starting and looking behind me. as picture, the falls can only be seen from the british side. there they are seen in their veils, and at sufficient distance to appreciate the magical effects of these, and the light and shade. from the boat, as you cross, the effects and contrasts are more melodramatic. on the road back from the whirlpool, we saw them as a reduced picture with delight. but what i liked best was to sit on table rock, close to the great fall. there all power of observing details, all separate consciousness, was quite lost. once, just as i had seated myself there, a man came to take his first look. he walked close up to the fall, and, after looking at it a moment, with an air as if thinking how he could best appropriate it to his own use, he spat into it. this trait seemed wholly worthy of an age whose love of _utility_ is such that the prince puckler muskau suggests the probability of men coming to put the bodies of their dead parents in the fields to fertilize them, and of a country such as dickens has described; but these will not, i hope, be seen on the historic page to be truly the age or truly the america. a little leaven is leavening the whole mass for other bread. the whirlpool i like very much. it is seen to advantage after the great falls; it is so sternly solemn. the river cannot look more imperturbable, almost sullen in its marble green, than it does just below the great fall; but the slight circles that mark the hidden vortex seem to whisper mysteries the thundering voice above could not proclaim,--a meaning as untold as ever. it is fearful, too, to know, as you look, that whatever has been swallowed by the cataract is like to rise suddenly to light here, whether uprooted tree, or body of man or bird. the rapids enchanted me far beyond what i expected; they are so swift that they cease to seem so; you can think only of their beauty. the fountain beyond the moss islands i discovered for myself, and thought it for some time an accidental beauty which it would not do to leave, lest i might never see it again. after i found it permanent, i returned many times to watch the play of its crest. in the little waterfall beyond, nature seems, as she often does, to have made a study for some larger design. she delights in this,--a sketch within a sketch, a dream within a dream. wherever we see it, the lines of the great buttress in the fragment of stone, the hues of the waterfall copied in the flowers that star its bordering mosses, we are delighted; for all the lineaments become fluent, and we mould the scene in congenial thought with its genius. people complain of the buildings at niagara, and fear to see it further deformed. i cannot sympathize with such an apprehension: the spectacle is capable of swallowing up all such objects; they are not seen in the great whole, more than an earthworm in a wide field. the beautiful wood on goat island is full of flowers; many of the fairest love to do homage here. the wake-robin and may-apple are in bloom now; the former, white, pink, green, purple, copying the rainbow of the fall, and fit to make a garland for its presiding deity when he walks the land, for they are of imperial size, and shaped like stones for a diadem. of the may-apple, i did not raise one green tent without finding a flower beneath. and now farewell. niagara. i have seen thee, and i think all who come here must in some sort see thee; thou art not to be got rid of as easily as the stars. i will be here again beneath some flooding july moon and sun. owing to the absence of light, i have seen the rainbow only two or three times by day; the lunar bow not at all. however, the imperial presence needs not its crown, though illustrated by it. general porter and jack downing were not unsuitable figures here. the former heroically planted the bridges by which we cross to goat island and the wake-robin-crowned genius has punished his temerity with deafness, which must, i think, have come upon him when he sunk the first stone in the rapids. jack seemed an acute and entertaining representative of jonathan, come to look at his great water-privilege. he told us all about the americanisms of the spectacle; that is to say, the battles that have been fought here. it seems strange that men could fight in such a place; but no temple can still the personal griefs and strifes in the breasts of its visitors. no less strange is the fact that, in this neighborhood, an eagle should be chained for a plaything. when a child, i used often to stand at a window from which i could see an eagle chained in the balcony of a museum. the people used to poke at it with sticks, and my childish heart would swell with indignation as i saw their insults, and the mien with which they were borne by the monarch-bird. its eye was dull, and its plumage soiled and shabby, yet, in its form and attitude, all the king was visible, though sorrowful and dethroned. i never saw another of the family till, when passing through the notch of the white mountains, at that moment glowing before us in all the panoply of sunset, the driver shouted, "look there!" and following with our eyes his upward-pointing finger, we saw, soaring slow in majestic poise above the highest summit, the bird of jove. it was a glorious sight, yet i know not that i felt more on seeing the bird in all its natural freedom and royalty, than when, imprisoned and insulted, he had filled my early thoughts with the byronic "silent rages" of misanthropy. now, again, i saw him a captive, and addressed by the vulgar with the language they seem to find most appropriate to such occasions,--that of thrusts and blows. silently, his head averted, he ignored their existence, as plotinus or sophocles might that of a modern reviewer. probably he listened to the voice of the cataract, and felt that congenial powers flowed free, and was consoled, though his own wing was broken. the story of the recluse of niagara interested me a little. it is wonderful that men do not oftener attach their lives to localities of great beauty,--that, when once deeply penetrated, they will let themselves so easily be borne away by the general stream of things, to live anywhere and anyhow. but there is something ludicrous in being the hermit of a show-place, unlike st. francis in his mountain-bed, where none but the stars and rising sun ever saw him. there is also a "guide to the falls," who wears his title labelled on his hat; otherwise, indeed, one might as soon think of asking for a gentleman usher to point out the moon. yet why should we wonder at such, when we have commentaries on shakespeare, and harmonies of the gospels? and now you have the little all i have to write. can it interest you? to one who has enjoyed the full life of any scene, of any hour, what thoughts can be recorded about it seem like the commas and semicolons in the paragraph,--mere stops. yet i suppose it is not so to the absent. at least, i have read things written about niagara, music, and the like, that interested _me_. once i was moved by mr. greenwood's remark, that he could not realize this marvel till, opening his eyes the next morning after he had seen it, his doubt as to the possibility of its being still there taught him what he had experienced. i remember this now with pleasure, though, or because, it is exactly the opposite to what i myself felt. for all greatness affects different minds, each in "its own particular kind," and the variations of testimony mark the truth of feeling.[a] [footnote a: "somewhat avails, in one regard, the mere sight of beauty without the union of feeling therewith. carried away in memory, it hangs there in the lonely hall as a picture, and may some time do its message. i trust it may be so in my case, for i _saw_ every object far more clearly than if i had been moved and filled with the presence, and my recollections are equally distinct and vivid." extracted from manuscript notes of this journey left by margaret fuller.--ed.] i will here add a brief narrative of the experience of another, as being much better than anything i could write, because more simple and individual. "now that i have left this 'earth-wonder,' and the emotions it excited are past, it seems not so much like profanation to analyze my feelings, to recall minutely and accurately the effect of this manifestation of the eternal. but one should go to such a scene prepared to yield entirely to its influences, to forget one's little self and one's little mind. to see a miserable worm creep to the brink of this falling world of waters, and watch the trembling of its own petty bosom, and fancy that this is made alone to act upon him excites--derision? no,--pity." as i rode up to the neighborhood of the falls, a solemn awe imperceptibly stole over me, and the deep sound of the ever-hurrying rapids prepared my mind for the lofty emotions to be experienced. when i reached the hotel, i felt a strange indifference about seeing the aspiration of my life's hopes. i lounged about the rooms, read the stage-bills upon the walls, looked over the register, and, finding the name of an acquaintance, sent to see if he was still there. what this hesitation arose from, i know not; perhaps it was a feeling of my unworthiness to enter this temple which nature has erected to its god. at last, slowly and thoughtfully i walked down to the bridge leading to goat island, and when i stood upon this frail support, and saw a quarter of a mile of tumbling, rushing rapids, and heard their everlasting roar, my emotions overpowered me, a choking sensation rose to my throat, a thrill rushed through my veins, "my blood ran rippling to my fingers' ends." this was the climax of the effect which the falls produced upon me,--neither the american nor the british fall moved me as did these rapids. for the magnificence, the sublimity of the latter, i was prepared by descriptions and by paintings. when i arrived in sight of them i merely felt, "ah, yes! here is the fall, just as i have seen it in a picture." when i arrived at the terrapin bridge, i expected to be overwhelmed, to retire trembling from this giddy eminence, and gaze with unlimited wonder and awe upon the immense mass rolling on and on; but, somehow or other, i thought only of comparing the effect on my mind with what i had read and heard. i looked for a short time, and then, with almost a feeling of disappointment, turned to go to the other points of view, to see if i was not mistaken in not feeling any surpassing emotion at this sight. but from the foot of biddle's stairs, and the middle of the river, and from below the table rock, it was still "barren, barren all." provoked with my stupidity in feeling most moved in the wrong place, i turned away to the hotel, determined to set off for buffalo that afternoon. but the stage did not go, and, after nightfall, as there was a splendid moon, i went down to the bridge, and leaned over the parapet, where the boiling rapids came down in their might. it was grand, and it was also gorgeous; the yellow rays of the moon made the broken waves appear like auburn tresses twining around the black rocks. but they did not inspire me as before. i felt a foreboding of a mightier emotion to rise up and swallow all others, and i passed on to the terrapin bridge. everything was changed, the misty apparition had taken off its many-colored crown which it had worn by day, and a bow of silvery white spanned its summit. the moonlight gave a poetical indefiniteness to the distant parts of the waters, and while the rapids were glancing in her beams, the river below the falls was black as night, save where the reflection of the sky gave it the appearance of a shield of blued steel. no gaping tourists loitered, eyeing with their glasses, or sketching on cards the hoary locks of the ancient river-god. all tended to harmonize with the natural grandeur of the scene. i gazed long. i saw how here mutability and unchangeableness were united. i surveyed the conspiring waters rushing against the rocky ledge to overthrow it at one mad plunge, till, like toppling ambition, o'er-leaping themselves, they fall on t' other side, expanding into foam ere they reach the deep channel where they creep submissively away. then arose in my breast a genuine admiration, and a humble adoration of the being who was the architect of this and of all. happy were the first discoverers of niagara, those who could come unawares upon this view and upon that, whose feelings were entirely their own. with what gusto does father hennepin describe "this great downfall of water," "this vast and prodigious cadence of water, which falls down after a surprising and astonishing manner, insomuch that the universe does not afford its parallel. 'tis true italy and swedeland boast of some such things, but we may well say that they be sorry patterns when compared with this of which we do now speak." chapter ii. the lakes.--chicago.--geneva.--a thunder-storm.--papaw grove. scene, steamboat.--_about to leave buffalo.--baggage coming on board.--passengers bustling for their berths.--little boys persecuting everybody with their newspapers and pamphlets.--j., s., and m. huddled up in a forlorn corner, behind a large trunk.--a heavy rain falling._ _m._ water, water everywhere. after niagara one would like a dry strip of existence. and at any rate it is quite enough for me to have it under foot without having it overhead in this way. _j._ ah, do not abuse the gentle element. it is hardly possible to have too much of it, and indeed, if i were obliged to choose amid the four, it would be the one in which i could bear confinement best. _s._ you would make a pretty undine, to be sure! _j._ nay. i only offered myself as a triton, a boisterous triton of the sounding shell. you, m., i suppose, would be a salamander, rather. _m._ no! that is too equivocal a position, whether in modern mythology, or hoffman's tales. i should choose to be a gnome. _j._ that choice savors of the pride that apes humility. _m._ by no means; the gnomes are the most important of all the elemental tribes. is it not they who make the money? _j._ and are accordingly a dark, mean, scoffing ---- _m._ you talk as if you had always lived in that wild, unprofitable element you are so fond of, where all things glitter, and nothing is gold; all show and no substance. my people work in the secret, and their works praise them in the open light; they remain in the dark because only there such marvels could be bred. you call them mean. they do not spend their energies on their own growth, or their own play, but to feed the veins of mother earth with permanent splendors, very different from what she shows on the surface. think of passing a life, not merely in heaping together, but _making_ gold. of all dreams, that of the alchemist is the most poetical, for he looked at the finest symbol. "gold," says one of our friends, "is the hidden light of the earth, it crowns the mineral, as wine the vegetable order, being the last expression of vital energy." _j._ have you paid for your passage? _j._ yes! and in gold, not in shells or pebbles. _j._ no really wise gnome would scoff at the water, the beautiful water. "the spirit of man is like the water." _s._ and like the air and fire, no less. _j._ yes, but not like the earth, this low-minded creature's chosen, dwelling. _m._ the earth is spirit made fruitful,--life. and its heartbeats are told in gold and wine. _j._ oh! it is shocking to hear such sentiments in these times. i thought that bacchic energy of yours was long since repressed. _m._ no! i have only learned to mix water with my wine, and stamp upon my gold the heads of kings, or the hieroglyphics of worship. but since i have learnt to mix with water, let's hear what you have to say in praise of your favorite. _j._ from water venus was born, what more would you have? it is the mother of beauty, the girdle of earth, and the marriage of nations. _s._ without any of that high-flown poetry, it is enough, i think, that it is the great artist, turning all objects that approach it to picture. _j._ true, no object that touches it, whether it be the cart that ploughs the wave for sea-weed, or the boat or plank that rides upon it, but is brought at once from the demesne of coarse utilities into that of picture. all trades, all callings, become picturesque by the water's side, or on the water. the soil, the slovenliness, is washed out of every calling by its touch. all river-crafts, sea-crafts, are picturesque, are poetical. their very slang is poetry. _m._ the reasons for that are complex. _j._ the reason is, that there can be no plodding, groping words and motions on my water as there are on your earth. there is no time, no chance for them where all moves so rapidly, though so smoothly; everything connected with water must be like itself, forcible, but clear. that is why sea-slang is so poetical; there is a word for everything and every act, and a thing and an act for every word. seamen must speak quick and bold, but also with utmost precision. they cannot reef and brace other than in a homeric dialect,-- therefore--(steamboat bell rings.) but i must say a quick good-by. _m._ what, going, going back to earth after all this talk upon the other side. well, that is nowise homeric, but truly modern. j. is borne off without time for any reply, but a laugh--at himself, of course. s. and m. retire to their state-rooms to forget the wet, the chill, and steamboat smell, in their just-bought new world of novels. next day, when we stopped at cleveland, the storm was just clearing up; ascending the bluff, we had one of the finest views of the lake that could have been wished. the varying depths of these lakes give to their surface a great variety of coloring, and beneath this wild sky and changeful light, the waters presented a kaleidoscopic variety of hues, rich, but mournful. i admire these bluffs of red, crumbling earth. here land and water meet under very different auspices from those of the rock-bound coast to which i have been accustomed. there they meet tenderly to challenge, and proudly to refuse, though, not in fact repel. but here they meet to mingle, are always rushing together, and changing places; a new creation takes place beneath the eye. the weather grew gradually clearer, but not bright; yet we could see the shore and appreciate the extent of these noble waters. coming up the river st. clair, we saw indians for the first time. they were camped out on the bank. it was twilight, and their blanketed forms, in listless groups or stealing along the bank, with a lounge and a stride so different in its wildness from the rudeness of the white settler, gave me the first feeling that i really approached the west. the people on the boat were almost all new-englanders, seeking their fortunes. they had brought with them their habits of calculation, their cautious manners, their love of polemics. it grieved me to hear these immigrants, who were to be the fathers of a new race, all, from the old man down to the little girl, talking, not of what they should do, but of what they should get in the new scene. it was to them a prospect, not of the unfolding nobler energies, but of more ease and larger accumulation. it wearied me, too, to hear trinity and unity discussed in the poor, narrow, doctrinal way on these free waters; but that will soon cease; there is not time for this clash of opinions in the west, where the clash of material interests is so noisy. they will need the spirit of religion more than ever to guide them, but will find less time than before for its doctrine. this change was to me, who am tired of the war of words on these subjects, and believe it only sows the wind to reap the whirlwind, refreshing, but i argue nothing from it; there is nothing real in the freedom of thought at the west,--it is from the position of men's lives, not the state of their minds. so soon as they have time, unless they grow better meanwhile, they will cavil and criticise, and judge other men by their own standard, and outrage the law of love every way, just as they do with us. we reached mackinaw the evening of the third day, but, to my great disappointment, it was too late and too rainy to go ashore. the beauty of the island, though seen under the most unfavorable circumstances, did not disappoint my expectations.[a] but i shall see it to more purpose on my return. [footnote a: "mackinaw, that long desired, sight, was dimly discerned under a thick fog, yet it soothed and cheered me. all looked mellow there; man seemed to have worked in harmony with nature instead of rudely invading her, as in most western towns. it seemed possible, on that spot, to lead a life of serenity and cheerfulness. some richly dressed indians came down to show themselves. their dresses were of blue broadcloth, with splendid leggings and knee-ties. on their heads were crimson scarfs adorned with beads and falling on one shoulder, their hair long and looking cleanly. near were one or two wild figures clad in the common white blankets." manuscript notes.--ed.] as the day has passed dully, a cold rain preventing us from keeping out in the air, my thoughts have been dwelling on a story told when we were off detroit, this morning, by a fellow-passenger, and whose moral beauty touched me profoundly. "some years ago," said mrs. l., "my father and mother stopped to dine at detroit. a short time before dinner my father met in the hall captain p., a friend of his youthful days. he had loved p. extremely, as did many who knew him, and had not been surprised to hear of the distinction and popular esteem which his wide knowledge, talents, and noble temper commanded, as he went onward in the world. p. was every way fitted to succeed; his aims were high, but not too high for his powers, suggested by an instinct of his own capacities, not by an ideal standard drawn from culture. though steadfast in his course, it was not to overrun others; his wise self-possession was no less for them than himself. he was thoroughly the gentleman, gentle because manly, and was a striking instance that, where there is strength for sincere courtesy, there is no need of other adaptation to the character of others, to make one's way freely and gracefully through the crowd. "my father was delighted to see him, and after a short parley in the hall, 'we will dine together,' he cried, 'then we shall have time to tell all our stories.' "p. hesitated a moment, then said, 'my wife is with me.' "'and mine with me,' said my father; 'that's well; they, too, will have an opportunity of getting acquainted, and can entertain one another, if they get tired of our college stories.' "p. acquiesced, with a grave bow, and shortly after they all met in the dining-room. my father was much surprised at the appearance of mrs. p. he had heard that his friend married abroad, but nothing further, and he was not prepared to see the calm, dignified p. with a woman on his arm, still handsome, indeed, but whose coarse and imperious expression showed as low habits of mind as her exaggerated dress and gesture did of education. nor could there be a greater contrast to my mother, who, though understanding her claims and place with the certainty of a lady, was soft and retiring in an uncommon degree. "however, there was no time to wonder or fancy; they sat down, and p. engaged in conversation, without much vivacity, but with his usual ease. the first quarter of an hour passed well enough. but soon it was observable that mrs. p. was drinking glass after glass of wine, to an extent few gentlemen did, even then, and soon that she was actually excited by it. before this, her manner had been brusque, if not contemptuous, towards her new acquaintance; now it became, towards my mother especially, quite rude. presently she took up some slight remark made by my mother, which, though, it did not naturally mean anything of the sort, could be twisted into some reflection upon england, and made it a handle, first of vulgar sarcasm, and then, upon my mother's defending herself with some surprise and gentle dignity, hurled upon her a volley of abuse, beyond billingsgate. "my mother, confounded by scenes and ideas presented to her mind equally new and painful, sat trembling; she knew not what to do; tears rushed into her eyes. my father, no less distressed, yet unwilling to outrage the feelings of his friend by doing or saying what his indignation prompted, turned an appealing look on p. "never, as he often said, was the painful expression of that sight effaced from his mind. it haunted his dreams and disturbed his waking thoughts. p. sat with his head bent forward, and his eyes cast down, pale, but calm, with a fixed expression, not merely of patient woe, but of patient shame, which it would not have been thought possible for that noble countenance to wear. 'yet,' said my father, 'it became him. at other times he was handsome, but then beautiful, though of a beauty saddened and abashed. for a spiritual light borrowed from the worldly perfection of his mien that illustration by contrast, which the penitence of the magdalen does from the glowing earthliness of her charms.' "seeing that he preserved silence, while mrs. p. grew still more exasperated, my father rose and led his wife to her own room. half an hour had passed, in painful and wondering surmises, when a gentle knock was heard at the door, and p. entered equipped for a journey. 'we are just going,' he said, and holding out his hand, but without looking at them, 'forgive.' "they each took his hand, and silently pressed it; then he went without a word more. "some time passed, and they heard now and then of p., as he passed from one army station to another, with his uncongenial companion, who became, it was said, constantly more degraded. whoever mentioned having seen them wondered at the chance which had yoked him to such a woman, but yet more at the silent fortitude with which he bore it. many blamed him for enduring it, apparently without efforts to check her; others answered that he had probably made such at an earlier period, and, finding them unavailing, had resigned himself to despair, and was too delicate to meet the scandal that, with such resistance as such a woman could offer, must attend a formal separation. "but my father, who was not in such haste to come to conclusions, and substitute some plausible explanation for the truth, found something in the look of p. at that trying moment to which, none of these explanations offered a key. there was in it, he felt, a fortitude, but not the fortitude of the hero; a religious submission, above the penitent, if not enkindled with the enthusiasm, of the martyr. "i have said that my father was not one of those who are ready to substitute specious explanations for truth, and those who are thus abstinent rarely lay their hand, on a thread without making it a clew. such a man, like the dexterous weaver, lets not one color go till ire finds that which matches it in the pattern,--he keeps on weaving, but chooses his shades; and my father found at last what he wanted to make out the pattern for himself. he met a lady who had been intimate with both himself and p. in early days, and, finding she had seen the latter abroad, asked if she knew the circumstances of the marriage. "'the circumstances of the act which sealed the misery of our friend, i know,' she said, 'though as much in the dark as any one about the motives that led to it. "'we were quite intimate with p. in london, and he was our most delightful companion. he was then in the full flower of the varied accomplishments which set off his fine manners and dignified character, joined, towards those he loved, with a certain soft willingness which gives the desirable chivalry to a man. none was more clear of choice where his personal affections were not touched, but where they were, it cost him pain to say no, on the slightest occasion. i have thought this must have had some connection with the mystery of his misfortunes. "'one day he called on me, and, without any preface, asked if i would be present next day at his marriage. i was so surprised, and so unpleasantly surprised, that i did not at first answer a word. we had been on terms so familiar, that i thought i knew all about him, yet had never dreamed of his having an attachment; and, though i had never inquired on the subject, yet this reserve where perfect openness had been supposed, and really, on my side, existed, seemed to me a kind of treachery. then it is never pleasant to know that a heart on which we have some claim is to be given to another. we cannot tell how it will affect our own relations with a person; it may strengthen or it may swallow up other affections; the crisis is hazardous, and our first thought, on such an occasion, is too often for ourselves,--at least mine was. seeing me silent, he repeated his question. "to whom," said i, "are you to be married?" "that," he replied, "i cannot tell you." he was a moment silent, then continued, with an impassive look of cold self-possession, that affected me with strange sadness: "the name of the person you will hear, of course, at the time, but more i cannot tell you. i need, however, the presence, not only of legal, but of respectable and friendly witnesses. i have hoped you and your husband would, do me this kindness. will you?" something in his manner made it impossible to refuse. i answered, before i knew i was going to speak, "we will," and he left me. "'i will not weary you with telling how i harassed myself and my husband, who was, however, scarce less interested, with doubts and conjectures. suffice it that, next morning, p. came and took us in a carriage to a distant church. we had just entered the porch, when a cart, such as fruit and vegetables are brought to market in, drove up, containing an elderly woman and a young girl. p. assisted them to alight, and advanced with the girl to the altar. "'the girl was neatly dressed and quite handsome, yet something in her expression displeased me the moment i looked upon her. meanwhile, the ceremony was going on, and, at its close, p. introduced us to the bride, and we all went to the door. "good by, fanny," said the elderly woman. the new-made mrs. p. replied without any token of affection or emotion. the woman got into the cart and drove away. "'from that time i saw but little of p. or his wife. i took our mutual friends to see her, and they were civil to her for his sake. curiosity was very much excited, but entirely baffled; no one, of course, dared speak to p. on the subject, and no other means could be found of solving the riddle. "'he treated his wife with grave and kind politeness, but it was always obvious that they had nothing in common between them. her manners and tastes were not at that time gross, but her character showed itself hard and material. she was fond of riding, and spent much time so. her style in this, and in dress, seemed the opposite of p.'s; but he indulged all her wishes, while, for himself, he plunged into his own pursuits. "'for a time he seemed, if not happy, not positively unhappy; but, after a few years, mrs. p. fell into the habit of drinking, and then such scenes as you witnessed grew frequent. i have often heard of them, and always that p. sat, as you describe him, his head bowed down and perfectly silent all through, whatever might be done or whoever be present, and always his aspect has inspired such sympathy that no person has questioned him or resented her insults, but merely got out of the way as soon as possible.' "'hard and long penance,' said my father, after some minutes musing, 'for an hour of passion, probably for his only error.' "'is that your explanation?' said the lady. 'o, improbable! p. might err, but not be led beyond himself.' "i know that his cool, gray eye and calm complexion seemed to say so, but a different story is told by the lip that could tremble, and showed what flashes might pierce those deep blue heavens; and when these over-intellectual beings do swerve aside, it is to fall down a precipice, for their narrow path lies over such. but he was not one to sin without making a brave atonement, and that it had become a holy one, was written on that downcast brow." the fourth day on these waters, the weather was milder and brighter, so that we could now see them to some purpose. at night the moon was clear, and, for the first time, from, the upper deck i saw one of the great steamboats come majestically up. it was glowing with lights, looking many-eyed and sagacious; in its heavy motion it seemed a dowager queen, and this motion, with its solemn pulse, and determined sweep, becomes these smooth waters, especially at night, as much as the dip of the sail-ship the long billows of the ocean. but it was not so soon that i learned to appreciate the lake scenery; it was only after a daily and careless familiarity that i entered into its beauty, for nature always refuses to be seen by being stared at. like bonaparte, she discharges her face of all expression when she catches the eye of impertinent curiosity fixed on her. but he who has gone to sleep in childish ease on her lap, or leaned an aching brow upon her breast, seeking there comfort with full trust as from a mother, will see all a mother's beauty in the look she bends upon him. later, i felt that i had really seen these regions, and shall speak of them again. in the afternoon we went on shore at the manitou islands, where the boat stops to wood. no one lives here except wood-cutters for the steamboats. i had thought of such a position, from its mixture of profound solitude with service to the great world, as possessing an ideal beauty. i think so still, even after seeing the wood-cutters and their slovenly huts. in times of slower growth, man did not enter a situation without a certain preparation or adaptedness to it. he drew from it, if not to the poetical extent, at least in some proportion, its moral and its meaning. the wood-cutter did not cut down so many trees a day, that the hamadryads had not time to make their plaints heard; the shepherd tended his sheep, and did no jobs or chores the while; the idyl had a chance to grow up, and modulate his oaten pipe. but now the poet must be at the whole expense of the poetry in describing one of these positions; the worker is a true midas to the gold he makes. the poet must describe, as the painter sketches irish peasant-girls and danish fishwives, adding the beauty, and leaving out the dirt. i come to the west prepared for the distaste i must experience at its mushroom growth. i know that, where "go ahead" is tire only motto, the village cannot grow into the gentle proportions that successive lives and the gradations of experience involuntarily give. in older countries the house of the son grew from that of the father, as naturally as new joints on a bough, and the cathedral crowned the whole as naturally as the leafy summit the tree. this cannot be here. the march of peaceful is scarce less wanton than that of warlike invasion. the old landmarks are broken down, and the land, for a season, bears none, except of the rudeness of conquest and the needs of the day, whose bivouac-fires blacken the sweetest forest glades. i have come prepared to see all this, to dislike it, but not with stupid narrowness to distrust or defame. on the contrary, while i will not be so obliging as to confound ugliness with beauty, discord with harmony, and laud and be contented with all i meet, when it conflicts with my best desires and tastes, i trust by reverent faith to woo the mighty meaning of the scene, perhaps to foresee the law by which a new order, a new poetry, is to be evoked from this chaos, and with a curiosity as ardent, but not so selfish, as that of macbeth, to call up the apparitions of future kings from the strange ingredients of the witch's caldron. thus i will not grieve that all the noble trees are gone already from this island to feed this caldron, but believe it will have medea's virtue, and reproduce them in the form of new intellectual growths, since centuries cannot again adorn the land with such as have been removed. on this most beautiful beach of smooth white pebbles, interspersed with agates and cornelians for those who know how to find them, we stepped, not like the indian, with some humble offering, which, if no better than an arrow-head or a little parched corn, would, he judged, please the manitou, who looks only at the spirit in which it is offered. our visit was so far for a religious purpose that one of our party went to inquire the fate of some unitarian tracts left among the wood-cutters a year or two before. but the old manitou, though, daunted like his children by the approach of the fire-ships, which he probably considered demons of a new dynasty, he had suffered his woods to be felled to feed their pride, had been less patient of an encroachment which did not to him seem so authorized by the law of the strongest, and had scattered those leaves as carelessly as the others of that year. but s. and i, like other emigrants, went, not to give, but to get, to rifle the wood of flowers for the service of the fire-ship. we returned with a rich booty, among which was the _uva-ursi_, whose leaves the indians smoke, with the _kinnikinnik_, and which had then just put forth its highly finished little blossoms, as pretty as those of the blueberry. passing along still further, i thought it would be well if the crowds assembled to stare from the various landings were still confined to the _kinnikinnik_, for almost all had tobacco written on their faces, their cheeks rounded with plugs, their eyes dull with its fumes. we reached chicago on the evening of the sixth day, having been out five days and a half, a rather longer passage than usual at a favorable season of the year. chicago, june . there can be no two places in the world more completely thoroughfares than this place and buffalo. they are the two correspondent valves that open and shut all the time, as the life-blood rushes from east to west, and back again from west to east. since it is their office thus to be the doors, and let in and out, it would be unfair to expect from them much character of their own. to make the best provisions for the transmission of produce is their office, and the people who live there are such as are suited for this,--active, complaisant, inventive, business people. there are no provisions for the student or idler; to know what the place can give, you should be at work with the rest; the mere traveller will not find it profitable to loiter there as i did. since circumstances made it necessary for me so to do, i read all the books i could find about the new region, which now began, to become real to me. especially i read all the books about the indians,--a paltry collection truly, yet which furnished material for many thoughts. the most narrow-minded and awkward recital still bears some lineaments of the great features of this nature, and the races of men that illustrated them. catlin's book is far the best. i was afterwards assured by those acquainted with the regions he describes, that he is not to be depended on for the accuracy of his facts, and indeed it is obvious, without the aid of such assertions, that he sometimes yields to the temptation of making out a story. they admitted, however, what from my feelings i was sure of, that he is true to the spirit of the scene, and that a far better view can be got from him than from any source at present existing, of the indian tribes of the far west, and of the country where their inheritance lay. murray's travels i read, and was charmed by their accuracy and clear, broad tone. he is the only englishman that seems to have traversed these regions as man simply, not as john bull. he deserves to belong to an aristocracy, for he showed his title to it more when left without a guide in the wilderness, than he can at the court of victoria. he has; himself, no poetic force at description, but it is easy to make images from his hints. yet we believe the indian cannot be locked at truly except by a poetic eye. the pawnees, no doubt, are such as he describes them, filthy in their habits, and treacherous in their character, but some would have seen, and seen truly, more beauty and dignity than he does with all his manliness and fairness of mind. however, his one fine old man is enough to redeem the rest, and is perhaps tire relic of a better day, a phocion among the pawnees. schoolcraft's algic researches is a valuable book, though a worse use could hardly have been made of such fine material. had the mythological or hunting stories of the indians been written down exactly as they were received from the lips of the narrators, the collection could not have been surpassed in interest? both for the wild charm they carry with them, and the light they throw on a peculiar modification of life and mind. as it is, though the incidents have an air of originality and pertinence to the occasion, that gives us confidence that they have not been altered, the phraseology in which they were expressed has been entirely set aside, and the flimsy graces, common to the style of annuals and souvenirs, substituted for the spartan brevity and sinewy grasp of indian speech. we can just guess what might have been there, as we can detect the fine proportions of the brave whom the bad taste of some white patron has arranged in frock-coat, hat, and pantaloons. the few stories mrs. jameson wrote out, though to these also a sentimental air has been given, offend much less in that way than is common in this book. what would we not give for a completely faithful version of some among them! yet, with all these drawbacks, we cannot doubt from internal evidence that they truly ascribe to the indian a delicacy of sentiment and of fancy that justifies cooper in such inventions as his uncas. it is a white man's view of a savage hero, who would be far finer in his natural proportions; still, through a masquerade figure, it implies the truth. irving's books i also read, some for the first, some for the second time, with increased interest, now that i was to meet such people as he received his materials from. though the books are pleasing from, their grace and luminous arrangement, yet, with the exception of the tour to the prairies, they have a stereotype, second-hand air. they lack the breath, the glow, the charming minute traits of living presence. his scenery is only fit to be glanced at from, dioramic distance; his indians are academic figures only. he would have made the best of pictures, if he could have used his own eyes for studies and sketches; as it is, his success is wonderful, but inadequate. mckenney's tour to the lakes is the dullest of books, yet faithful and quiet, and gives some facts not to be met with everywhere. i also read a collection of indian anecdotes and speeches, the worst compiled and arranged book possible, yet not without clews of some value. all these books i read in anticipation of a canoe-voyage on lake superior as far as the pictured rocks, and, though i was afterwards compelled to give up this project, they aided me in judging of what i subsequently saw and heard of the indians. in chicago i first saw the beautiful prairie-flowers. they were in their glory the first ten days we were there,-- "the golden and the flame-like flowers." the flame-like flower i was taught afterwards, by an indian girl, to call "wickapee"; and she told me, too, that its splendors had a useful side, for it was used by the indians as a remedy for an illness to which they were subject. beside these brilliant flowers, which gemmed and gilt the grass in a sunny afternoon's drive near the blue lake, between the low oak-wood and the narrow beach, stimulated, whether sensuously by the optic nerve, unused to so much gold and crimson with such tender green, or symbolically through some meaning dimly seen in the flowers, i enjoyed a sort of fairy-land exultation never felt before, and the first drive amid the flowers gave me anticipation of the beauty of the prairies. at first, the prairie seemed to speak of the very desolation of dulness. after sweeping over the vast monotony of the lakes to come to this monotony of land, with all around a limitless horizon,--to walk, and walk, and run, but never climb, oh! it was too dreary for any but a hollander to bear. how the eye greeted the approach of a sail, or the smoke of a steamboat; it seemed that anything so animated must come from a better land, where mountains gave religion to the scene. the only thing i liked at first to do was to trace with slow and unexpecting step the narrow margin of the lake. sometimes a heavy swell gave it expression; at others, only its varied coloring, which i found more admirable every day, and which gave it an air of mirage instead of the vastness of ocean. then there was a grandeur in the feeling that i might continue that walk, if i had any seven-leagued mode of conveyance to save fatigue, for hundreds of miles without an obstacle and without a change. but after i had ridden out, and seen the flowers, and observed the sun set with that calmness seen only in the prairies, and tire cattle winding slowly to their homes in the "island groves,"--most peaceful of sights,--i began to love, because i began to know tire scene, and shrank no longer from "the encircling vastness." it is always thus with the new form of life; we must learn to look at it by its own standard. at first, no doubt, my accustomed eye kept saying, if the mind did not, what! no distant mountains? what! no valleys? but after a while i would ascend the roof of the house where we lived, and pass many hours, needing no sight but the moon reigning in the heavens, or starlight falling upon the lake, till all the lights were out in the island grove of men beneath my feet, and felt nearer heaven that there was nothing but this lovely, still reception on the earth; no towering mountains, no deep tree-shadows, nothing but plain earth and water bathed in light. sunset, as seen from that place, presented most generally, low-lying, flaky clouds, of the softest serenity. one night a star "shot madly from, its sphere," and it had a fair chance to be seen, but that serenity could not be astonished. yes! it was a peculiar beauty, that of those sunsets and moonlights on the levels of chicago, which chamouny or the trosachs could not make me forget.[a] [footnote a: "from the prairie near chicago had i seen, some days before, the sun set with that calmness observed only on the prairies. i know not what it says, but something quite different from sunset at sea. there is no motion except of waving grasses,--the cattle move slowly homeward in the distance. that _home!_ where is it? it seems as if there was no home, and no need of one, and there is room enough to wander on for ever."--manuscript notes.] notwithstanding all the attractions i thus found out by degrees on the flat shores of the lake, i was delighted when i found myself really on my way into the country for an excursion of two or three weeks. we set forth in a strong wagon, almost as large, and with the look of those used elsewhere for transporting caravans of wild beasts, loaded with everything we might want, in case nobody would give it to us,--for buying and selling were no longer to be counted on,--with, a pair of strong horses, able and willing to force their way through mud-holes and amid stumps, and a guide, equally admirable as marshal and companion, who knew by heart the country and its history, both natural and artificial, and whose clear hunter's eye needed, neither road nor goal to guide it to all the spots where beauty best loves to dwell. add to this the finest weather, and such country as i had never seen, even in my dreams, although these dreams had been haunted by wishes for just such a one, and you may judge whether years of dulness might not, by these bright days, be redeemed, and a sweetness be shed over all thoughts of the west. the first day brought us through woods rich in the moccason-flower and lupine, and plains whose soft expanse was continually touched with expression by the slow moving clouds which "sweep over with their shadows, and beneath the surface rolls and fluctuates to the eye; dark hollows seem to glide along and chase the sunny ridges," to the banks of the fox river, a sweet and graceful stream. we readied geneva just in time to escape being drenched by a violent thunder-shower, whose rise and disappearance threw expression into all the features of the scene. geneva reminds me of a new england village, as indeed there, and in the neighborhood, are many new-englanders of an excellent stamp, generous, intelligent, discreet, and seeking to win from life its true values. such are much wanted, and seem like points of light among the swarms of settlers, whose aims are sordid, whose habits thoughtless and slovenly.[a] [footnote a: "we passed a portion of one day with mr. and mrs. ----, young, healthy, and, thank heaven, _gay_ people. in the general dulness that broods over this land where so little genius flows, and care, business, and fashionable frivolity are equally dull, unspeakable is the relief of some flashes of vivacity, some sparkles of wit. of course it is hard enough for those, most natively disposed that way, to strike fire. i would willingly be the tinder to promote the cheering blaze."--manuscript notes.] with great pleasure we heard, with his attentive and affectionate congregation, the unitarian clergyman, mr. conant, and afterward visited him in his house, where almost everything bore traces of his own handiwork or that of his father. he is just such a teacher as is wanted in this region, familiar enough, with the habits of those he addresses to come home to their experience and their wants; earnest and enlightened enough to draw the important inferences from the life of every day.[b] [footnote b: "let any who think men do not need or want the church, hear these people talk about it as if it were the only indispensable thing, and see what i saw in chicago. an elderly lady from philadelphia, who had been visiting her sons in the west, arrived there about one o'clock on a hot sunday noon. she rang the bell and requested a room immediately, as she wanted to get ready for afternoon service. some delay occurring, she expressed great regret, as she had ridden all night for the sake of attending church. she went to church, neither having dined nor taken any repose after her journey."--manuscript notes.] a day or two we remained here, and passed some happy hours in the woods that fringe the stream, where the gentlemen found a rich booty of fish. next day, travelling along the river's banks, was an uninterrupted pleasure. we closed our drive in the afternoon at the house of an english gentleman, who has gratified, as few men do, the common wish to pass the evening of an active day amid the quiet influences of country life. he showed us a bookcase filled with books about this country; these he had collected for years, and become so familiar with the localities, that, on coming here at last, he sought and found, at once, the very spot he wanted, and where he is as content as he hoped to be, thus realizing wordsworth's description of the wise man, who "sees what he foresaw." a wood surrounds the house, through which paths are cut in every direction. it is, for this new country, a large and handsome dwelling; but round it are its barns and farm-yard, with cattle and poultry. these, however, in the framework of wood, have a very picturesque and pleasing effect. there is that mixture of culture and rudeness in the aspect of things which gives a feeling of freedom, not of confusion. i wish, it were possible to give some idea of this scene, as viewed by the earliest freshness of dewy dawn. this habitation of man seemed like a nest in the grass, so thoroughly were the buildings and all the objects of human care harmonized with, what was natural. the tall trees bent and whispered all around, as if to hail with, sheltering love the men who had come to dwell among them. the young ladies were musicians, and spoke french fluently, having been educated in a convent. here in the prairie, they had learned to take care of the milk-room, and kill the rattlesnakes that assailed their poultry-yard. beneath the shade of heavy curtains you looked out from the high and large windows to see norwegian peasants at work in their national dress. in the wood grew, not only the flowers i had before seen, and wealth of tall, wild roses, but the splendid blue spiderwort, that ornament of our gardens. beautiful children strayed there, who were soon to leave these civilized regions for some really wild and western place, a post in the buffalo country. their no less beautiful mother was of welsh descent, and the eldest child bore the name of gwynthleon. perhaps there she will meet with some young descendants of madoc, to be her friends; at any rate, her looks may retain that sweet, wild beauty, that is soon made to vanish from eyes which look too much on shops and streets, and the vulgarities of city "parties." next day we crossed the river. we ladies crossed on a little foot-bridge, from which we could look down the stream, and see the wagon pass over at the ford. a black thunder-cloud was coming up; the sky and waters heavy with expectation. the motion of the wagon, with its white cover, and the laboring horses, gave just the due interest to the picture, because it seemed, as if they would not have time to cross before the storm came on. however, they did get across, and we were a mile or two on our way before the violent shower obliged us to take refuge in a solitary house upon the prairie. in this country it is as pleasant to stop as to go on, to lose your way as to find it, for the variety in the population gives you a chance for fresh entertainment in every hut, and the luxuriant beauty makes every path attractive. in this house we found a family "quite above the common," but, i grieve to say, not above false pride, for the father, ashamed of being caught barefoot, told us a story of a man, one of the richest men, he said, in one of the eastern cities, who went barefoot, from choice and taste. near the door grew a provence rose, then in blossom. other families we saw had brought with them and planted the locust. it was pleasant to see their old home loves, brought into connection with their new splendors. wherever there were traces of this tenderness of feeling, only too rare among americans, other things bore signs also of prosperity and intelligence, as if the ordering mind of man had some idea of home beyond a mere shelter beneath which to eat and sleep. no heaven need wear a lovelier aspect than earth did this afternoon, after the clearing up of the shower. we traversed the blooming plain, unmarked by any road, only the friendly track of wheels which bent, not broke, the grass. our stations were not from town to town, but from grove to grove. these groves first floated like blue islands in the distance. as we drew nearer, they seemed fair parks, and the little log-houses on the edge, with their curling smokes, harmonized beautifully with them. one of these groves, ross's grove, we reached just at sunset, it was of the noblest trees i saw during this journey, for generally the trees were not large or lofty, but only of fair proportions. here they were large enough to form with their clear stems pillars for grand cathedral aisles. there was space enough for crimson light to stream through upon the floor of water which the shower had left. as we slowly plashed through, i thought i was never in a better place for vespers. that night we rested, or rather tarried, at a grove some miles beyond, and there partook of the miseries, so often jocosely portrayed, of bedchambers for twelve, a milk dish for universal hand-basin, and expectations that you would use and lend your "hankercher" for a towel. but this was the only night, thanks to the hospitality of private families, that we passed thus; and it was well that we had this bit of experience, else might we have pronounced all trollopian records of the kind to be inventions of pure malice. with us was a young lady who showed herself to have been bathed in the britannic fluid, wittily described by a late french writer, by the impossibility she experienced of accommodating herself to the indecorums of the scene. we ladies were to sleep in the bar-room, from which its drinking visitors could be ejected only at a late hour. the outer door had no fastening to prevent their return. however, our host kindly requested we would call him, if they did, as he had "conquered them for us," and would do so again. we had also rather hard couches (mine was the supper-table); but we yankees, born to rove, were altogether too much fatigued to stand upon trifles, and slept as sweetly as we would in the "bigly bower" of any baroness. but i think england sat up all night, wrapped in her blanket-shawl, and with a neat lace cap upon her head,--so that she would have looked perfectly the lady, if any one had come in,--shuddering and listening. i know that she was very ill next day, in requital. she watched, as her parent country watches the seas, that nobody may do wrong in any case, and deserved to have met some interruption, she was so well prepared. however, there was none, other than from the nearness of some twenty sets of powerful lungs, which would not leave the night to a deathly stillness. in this house we had, if not good beds, yet good tea, good bread, and wild strawberries, and were entertained with most free communications of opinion and history from our hosts. neither shall any of us have a right to say again that we cannot find any who may be willing to hear all we may have to say. "a's fish that comes to the net," should be painted on the sign at papaw grove. chapter iii. rock river.--oregon.--ancient indian village.--ganymede to his eagle.--western fourth of july celebration.--women in the west.--kishwaukie.--belvidere.--farewell. in the afternoon of this day we reached the rock river, in whose neighborhood we proposed to make some stay, and crossed at dixon's ferry. this beautiful stream flows full and wide over a bed of rocks, traversing a distance of near two hundred miles, to reach the mississippi. great part of the country along its banks is the finest region of illinois, and the scene of some of the latest romance of indian warfare. to these beautiful regions black hawk returned with his band "to pass the summer," when he drew upon himself the warfare in which he was finally vanquished. no wonder he could not resist the longing, unwise though its indulgence might be, to return in summer to this home of beauty. of illinois, in general, it has often been remarked, that it bears the character of country which has been inhabited by a nation skilled like the english in all the ornamental arts of life, especially in landscape-gardening. the villas and castles seem to have been burnt, the enclosures taken down, but the velvet lawns, the flower-gardens, the stately parks, scattered at graceful intervals by the decorous hand of art, the frequent deer, and the peaceful herd of cattle that make picture of the plain, all suggest more of the masterly mind of man, than the prodigal, but careless, motherly love of nature. especially is this true of the rock river country. the river flows sometimes through these parks and lawns, then betwixt high bluffs, whose grassy ridges are covered with fine trees, or broken with crumbling stone, that easily assumes the forms of buttress, arch, and clustered columns. along the face of such crumbling rocks, swallows' nests are clustered, thick as cities, and eagles and deer do not disdain their summits. one morning, out in the boat along the base of these rocks, it was amusing, and affecting too, to see these swallows put their heads out to look at us. there was something very hospitable about it, as if man had never shown himself a tyrant near them. what a morning that was! every sight is worth twice as much by the early morning light. we borrow something of the spirit of the hour to look upon them. the first place where we stopped was one of singular beauty, a beauty of soft, luxuriant wildness. it was on the bend of the river, a place chosen by an irish gentleman, whose absenteeship seems of the wisest kind, since, for a sum which would have been but a drop of water to the thirsty fever of his native land, he commands a residence which has all that is desirable, in its independence, its beautiful retirement, and means of benefit to others. his park, his deer-chase, he found already prepared; he had only to make an avenue through it. this brought us to the house by a drive, which in the heat of noon seemed long, though afterwards, in the cool of morning and evening, delightful. this is, for that part of the world, a large and commodious dwelling. near it stands the log-cabin where its master lived while it was building, a very ornamental accessory. in front of the house was a lawn, adorned by the most graceful trees. a few of these had been taken out to give a full view of the river, gliding through banks such as i have described. on this bend the bank is high and bold, so from, the house or the lawn the view was very rich and commanding. but if you descended a ravine at the side to the water's edge, you found there a long walk on the narrow shore, with a wall above of the richest hanging wood, in which they said the deer lay hid. i never saw one but often fancied that i heard them rustling, at daybreak, by these bright, clear waters, stretching out in such smiling promise where no sound broke the deep and blissful seclusion, unless now and then this rustling, or the splash of some fish a little gayer than the others; it seemed not necessary to have any better heaven, or fuller expression of love and freedom, than in the mood of nature here. then, leaving the bank, you would walk far and yet farther through long, grassy paths, full of the most brilliant, also the most delicate flowers. the brilliant are more common on the prairie, but both kinds loved this place. amid the grass of the lawn, with a profusion of wild strawberries, we greeted also a familiar love, the scottish harebell, the gentlest and most touching form of the flower-world. the master of the house was absent, but with a kindness beyond thanks had offered us a resting-place there. here we were taken care of by a deputy, who would, for his youth, have been assigned the place of a page in former times, but in the young west, it seems, he was old enough for a steward. whatever be called his function, he did the honors of the place so much in harmony with it, as to leave the guests free to imagine themselves in elysium. and the three days passed here were days of unalloyed, spotless happiness. there was a peculiar charm in coming here, where the choice of location, and the unobtrusive good taste of all the arrangements, showed such intelligent appreciation of the spirit of the scene, after seeing so many dwellings of the new settlers, which showed plainly that they had no thought beyond satisfying the grossest material wants. sometimes they looked attractive, these little brown houses, the natural architecture of the country, in the edge of the timber. but almost always, when you came near the slovenliness of the dwelling, and the rude way in which objects around it were treated, when so little care would have presented a charming whole, were very repulsive. seeing the traces of the indians, who chose the most beautiful sites for their dwellings, and whose habits do not break in on that aspect of nature under which they were born, we feel as if they were the rightful lords of a beauty they forbore to deform. but most of these settlers do not see it at all; it breathes, it speaks in vain to those who are rushing into its sphere. their progress is gothic, not roman, and their mode of cultivation will, in the course of twenty, perhaps ten years, obliterate the natural expression of the country. this is inevitable, fatal; we must not complain, but look forward to a good result. still, in travelling through this country, i could not but be struck with the force of a symbol. wherever the hog comes, the rattlesnake disappears; the omnivorous traveller, safe in its stupidity, willingly and easily makes a meal of the most dangerous of reptiles, and one which the indian looks on with a mystic awe. even so the white settler pursues the indian, and is victor in the chase. but i shall say more upon the subject by and by. while we were here, we had one grand thunder-storm, which added new glory to the scene. one beautiful feature was the return of the pigeons every afternoon to their home. at this time they would come sweeping across the lawn, positively in clouds, and with a swiftness and softness of winged motion more beautiful than anything of the kind i ever knew. had i been a musician, such as mendelssohn, i felt that i could have improvised a music quite peculiar, from the sound they made, which should have indicated all the beauty over which their wings bore them. i will here insert a few lines left at this house on parting, which feebly indicate some of the features. the western eden. familiar to the childish mind were tales of rock-girt isles amid a desert sea, where unexpected stretch the flowery vales to soothe the shipwrecked sailor's misery. fainting, he lay upon a sandy shore, and fancied that all hope of life was o'er; but let him patient climb the frowning wall, within, the orange glows beneath the palm-tree tall, and all that eden boasted waits his call. almost these tales seem realized to-day, when the long dulness of the sultry way, where "independent" settlers' careless cheer made us indeed feel we were "strangers" here, is cheered by sudden sight of this fair spot, on which "improvement" yet has made no blot, but nature all-astonished stands, to find her plan protected by the human mind. blest be the kindly genius of the scene; the river, bending in unbroken grace, the stately thickets, with their pathways green, fair, lonely trees, each in its fittest place; those thickets haunted by the deer and fawn; those cloudlike flights of birds across the lawn! the gentlest breezes here delight to blow, and sun and shower and star are emulous to deck the show. wondering, as crusoe, we survey the land; happier than crusoe we, a friendly band. blest be the hand that reared this friendly home, the heart and mind of him to whom we owe hours of pure peace such as few mortals know; may he find such, should he be led to roam,-- be tended by such ministering sprites,-- enjoy such gayly childish days, such hopeful nights! and yet, amid the goods to mortals given, to give those goods again is most like heaven. hazelwood, rock river, june , . the only really rustic feature was of the many coops of poultry near the house, which i understood it to be one of the chief pleasures of the master to feed. leaving this place, we proceeded a day's journey along the beautiful stream, to a little town named oregon. we called at a cabin, from whose door looked out one of those faces which, once seen, are never forgotten; young, yet touched with many traces of feeling, not only possible, but endured; spirited, too, like the gleam of a finely tempered blade. it was a face that suggested a history, and many histories, but whose scene would have been in courts and camps. at this moment their circles are dull for want of that life which, is waning unexcited in this solitary recess. the master of the house proposed to show us a "short cut," by which we might, to especial advantage, pursue our journey. this proved to be almost perpendicular down a hill, studded with young trees and stumps. from these he proposed, with a hospitality of service worthy an oriental, to free our wheels whenever they should get entangled, also to be himself the drag, to prevent our too rapid descent. such generosity deserved trust; however, we women could not be persuaded to render it. we got out and admired, from afar, the process. left by our guide and prop, we found ourselves in a wide field, where, by playful quips and turns, an endless "creek," seemed to divert itself with our attempts to cross it. failing in this, the next best was to whirl down a steep bank, which feat our charioteer performed with an air not unlike that of rhesus, had he but been as suitably furnished with chariot and steeds! at last, after wasting some two or three hours on the "short cut," we got out by following an indian trail,--black hawk's! how fair the scene through which it led! how could they let themselves be conquered, with such a country to fight for! afterwards, in the wide prairie, we saw a lively picture of nonchalance (to speak in the fashion of clear ireland). there, in the wide sunny field, with neither tree nor umbrella above his head, sat a pedler, with his pack, waiting apparently for customers. he was not disappointed. we bought what hold, in regard to the human world, as unmarked, as mysterious, and as important an existence, as the infusoria to the natural, to wit, pins. this incident would have delighted those modern sages, who, in imitation of the sitting philosophers of ancient ind, prefer silence to speech, waiting to going, and scornfully smile, in answer to the motions of earnest life, "of itself will nothing come, that ye must still be seeking?" however, it seemed to me to-day, as formerly on these sublime occasions, obvious that nothing would, come, unless something would go; now, if we had been as sublimely still as the pedler, his pins would have tarried in the pack, and his pockets sustained an aching void of pence. passing through one of the fine, park-like woods, almost clear from underbrush and carpeted with thick grasses and flowers, we met (for it was sunday) a little congregation just returning from their service, which had been performed in a rude house in its midst. it had a sweet and peaceful air, as if such words and thoughts were very dear to them. the parents had with them, all their little children; but we saw no old people; that charm was wanting which exists in such scenes in older settlements, of seeing the silver bent in reverence beside the flaxen head. at oregon, the beauty of the scene was of even a more sumptuous character than at our former "stopping-place." here swelled the river in its boldest course, interspersed by halcyon isles on which nature had lavished all her prodigality in tree, vine, and flower, banked by noble bluffs, three hundred feet high, their sharp ridges as exquisitely definite as the edge of a shell; their summits adorned with those same beautiful trees, and with buttresses of rich rock, crested with old hemlocks, which wore a touching and antique grace amid, the softer and more luxuriant vegetation. lofty natural mounds rose amidst the rest, with the same lovely and sweeping outline, showing everywhere the plastic power of water,--water, mother of beauty,--which, by its sweet and eager flow, had left such lineaments as human genius never dreamt of. not far from the river was a high crag, called the pine rock, which looks out, as our guide observed, like a helmet above the brow of the country. it seems as if the water left here and there a vestige of forms and materials that preceded its course, just to set off its new and richer designs. the aspect of this country was to me enchanting, beyond any i have ever seen, from its fulness of expression, its bold and impassioned sweetness. here the flood of emotion has passed over and marked everywhere its course by a smile. the fragments of rock touch it with a wildness and liberality which give just the needed relief. i should never be tired here, though i have elsewhere seen country of more secret and alluring charms, better calculated to stimulate and suggest. here the eye and heart are filled. how happy the indians must have been here! it is not long since they were driven away, and the ground, above and below, is full of their traces. "the earth is full of men." you have only to turn up the sod to find arrowheads and indian pottery. on an island, belonging to our host, and nearly opposite his house, they loved to stay, and, no doubt, enjoyed its lavish beauty as much as the myriad wild pigeons that now haunt its flower-filled shades. here are still the marks of their tomahawks, the troughs in which they prepared their corn, their caches. a little way down the river is the site of an ancient indian village, with its regularly arranged mounds. as usual, they had chosen with the finest taste. when we went there, it was one of those soft, shadowy afternoons when nature seems ready to weep, not from grief, but from an overfull heart. two prattling, lovely little girls, and an african boy, with glittering eye and ready grin, made our party gay; but all were still as we entered the little inlet and trod those flowery paths. they may blacken indian life as they will, talk of its dirt, its brutality, i will ever believe that the men who chose that dwelling-place were able to feel emotions of noble happiness as they returned to it, and so were the women that received them. neither were the children sad or dull, who lived so familiarly with the deer and the birds, and swam that clear wave in the shadow of the seven sisters. the whole scene suggested to me a greek splendor, a greek sweetness, and i can believe that an indian brave, accustomed to ramble in such paths, and be bathed by such sunbeams, might be mistaken for apollo, as apollo was for him by west. two of the boldest bluffs are called the deer's walk, (not because deer do _not_ walk there,) and the eagle's nest. the latter i visited one glorious morning; it was that of the fourth of july, and certainly i think i had never felt so happy that i was born in america. woe to all country folks that never saw this spot, never swept an enraptured gaze over the prospect that stretched beneath. i do believe rome and florence are suburbs compared to this capital of nature's art. the bluff was decked with great bunches of a scarlet variety of the milkweed, like cut coral, and all starred with a mysterious-looking dark flower, whose cup rose lonely on a tall stem. this had, for two or three days, disputed the ground with the lupine and phlox. my companions disliked, i liked it. here i thought of, or rather saw, what the greek expresses under the form of jove's darling, ganymede, and the following stanzas took form. ganymede to his eagle. suggested by a work of thorwaldsen's. composed on the height called the eagle's nest, oregon, rock river, july th, . upon the rocky mountain stood the boy, a goblet of pure water in his hand; his face and form spoke him one made for joy, a willing servant to sweet love's command, but a strange pain was written on his brow, and thrilled throughout his silver accents now. "my bird," he cries, "my destined brother friend, o whither fleets to-day thy wayward flight? hast thou forgotten that i here attend, from the full noon until this sad twilight? a hundred times, at least, from the clear spring, since the fall noon o'er hill and valley glowed, i've filled the vase which our olympian king upon my care for thy sole use bestowed; that, at the moment when thou shouldst descend, a pure refreshment might thy thirst attend. "hast thou forgotten earth, forgotten me, thy fellow-bondsman in a royal cause, who, from the sadness of infinity, only with thee can know that peaceful pause in which we catch the flowing strain of love, which binds our dim fates to the throne of jove? "before i saw thee, i was like the may, longing for summer that must mar its bloom, or like the morning star that calls the day, whose glories to its promise are the tomb; and as the eager fountain rises higher to throw itself more strongly back to earth, still, as more sweet and full rose my desire, more fondly it reverted to its birth, for what the rosebud seeks tells not the rose, the meaning that the boy foretold the man cannot disclose. "i was all spring, for in my being dwelt eternal youth, where flowers are the fruit; full feeling was the thought of what was felt, its music was the meaning of the lute; but heaven and earth such life will still deny, for earth, divorced from heaven, still asks the question _why?_ "upon the highest mountains my young feet ached, that no pinions from their lightness grew, my starlike eyes the stars would fondly greet, yet win no greeting from the circling blue; fair, self-subsistent each in its own sphere, they had no care that there was none for me; alike to them that i was far or near, alike to them time and eternity. "but from the violet of lower air sometimes an answer to my wishing came; those lightning-births my nature seemed to share, they told the secrets of its fiery frame, the sudden messengers of hate and love, the thunderbolts that arm the hand of jove, and strike sometimes the sacred spire, and strike the sacred grove. "come in a moment, in a moment gone, they answered me, then left me still more lone; they told me that the thought which ruled the world as yet no sail upon its course had furled, that the creation was but just begun, new leaves still leaving from the primal one, but spoke not of the goal to which _my_ rapid wheels would run. "still, still my eyes, though tearfully, i strained to the far future which my heart contained, and no dull doubt my proper hope profaned. "at last, o bliss! thy living form i spied, then a mere speck upon a distant sky; yet my keen glance discerned its noble pride, and the full answer of that sun-filled eye; i knew it was the wing that must upbear my earthlier form into the realms of air. "thou knowest how we gained that beauteous height, where dwells the monarch, of the sons of light; thou knowest he declared us two to be the chosen servants of his ministry, thou as his messenger, a sacred sign of conquest, or, with omen more benign, to give its due weight to the righteous cause, to express the verdict of olympian laws. "and i to wait upon the lonely spring, which slakes the thirst of bards to whom 't is given the destined dues of hopes divine to sing, and weave the needed chain to bind to heaven. only from such could be obtained a draught for him who in his early home from jove's own cup has quaffed "to wait, to wait, but not to wait too long. till heavy grows the burden of a song; o bird! too long hast thou been gone to-day, my feet are weary of their frequent way, the spell that opes the spring my tongue no more can say. "if soon thou com'st not, night will fall around, my head with a sad slumber will be bound, and the pure draught be spilt upon the ground. "remember that i am not yet divine, long years of service to the fatal nine are yet to make a delphian vigor mine. "o, make them not too hard, thou bird of jove! answer the stripling's hope, confirm his love, receive the service in which he delights, and bear him often to the serene heights, where hands that were so prompt in serving thee shall be allowed the highest ministry, and rapture live with bright fidelity." the afternoon was spent in a very different manner. the family whose guests we were possessed a gay and graceful hospitality that gave zest to each moment. they possessed that rare politeness which, while fertile in pleasant expedients to vary the enjoyment of a friend, leaves him perfectly free the moment he wishes to be so. with such hosts, pleasure may be combined with repose. they lived on the bank opposite the town, and, as their house was full, we slept in the town, and passed three days with them, passing to and fro morning and evening in their boats. to one of these, called the fairy, in which a sweet little daughter of the house moved about lighter than any scotch ellen ever sung, i should indite a poem, if i had not been guilty of rhyme on this very page. at morning this boating was very pleasant; at evening, i confess, i was generally too tired with the excitements of the day to think it so. the house--a double log-cabin--was, to my eye, the model of a western villa. nature had laid out before it grounds which could not be improved. within, female taste had veiled every rudeness, availed itself of every sylvan grace. in this charming abode what laughter, what sweet thoughts, what pleasing fancies, did we not enjoy! may such never desert those who reared it, and made us so kindly welcome to all its pleasures! fragments of city life were dexterously crumbled into the dish prepared for general entertainment. ice-creams followed the dinner, which was drawn by the gentlemen from the river, and music and fireworks wound up the evening of days spent on the eagle's nest. now they had prepared a little fleet to pass over to the fourth of july celebration, which some queer drumming and fifing, from, the opposite bank, had announced to be "on hand." we found the free and independent citizens there collected beneath the trees, among whom many a round irish visage dimpled at the usual puffs of "ameriky." the orator was a new-englander, and the speech smacked loudly of boston, but was received with much applause and followed by a plentiful dinner, provided by and for the sovereign people, to which hail columbia served as grace. returning, the gay flotilla cheered the little flag which the children had raised from a log-cabin, prettier than any president ever saw, and drank the health of our country and all mankind, with a clear conscience. dance and song wound up the day. i know not when the mere local habitation has seemed to me to afford so fair a chance of happiness as this. to a person of unspoiled tastes, the beauty alone would afford stimulus enough. but with it would be naturally associated all kinds of wild sports, experiments, and the studies of natural history. in these regards, the poet, the sportsman, the naturalist, would alike rejoice in this wide range of untouched loveliness. then, with a very little money, a ducal estate may be purchased, and by a very little more, and moderate labor, a family be maintained upon it with raiment, food, and shelter. the luxurious and minute comforts of a city life are not yet to be had without effort disproportionate to their value. but, where there is so great a counterpoise, cannot these be given up once for all? if the houses are imperfectly built, they can afford immense fires and plenty of covering; if they are small, who cares,--with, such fields to roam in? in winter, it may be borne; in summer, is of no consequence. with plenty of fish, and game, and wheat, can they not dispense with a baker to bring "muffins hot" every morning to the door for their breakfast? a man need not here take a small slice from the landscape, and fence it in from the obtrusions of an uncongenial neighbor, and there cut down his fancies to miniature improvements which a chicken could run over in ten minutes. he may have water and wood and land enough, to dread no incursions on his prospect from some chance vandal that may enter his neighborhood. he need not painfully economize and manage how he may use it all; he can afford to leave some of it wild, and to carry out his own plans without obliterating those of nature. here, whole families might live together, if they would. the sons might return from their pilgrimages to settle near the parent hearth; the daughters might find room near their mother. those painful separations, which already desecrate and desolate the atlantic coast, are not enforced here by the stern need of seeking bread; and where they are voluntary, it is no matter. to me, too, used to the feelings which haunt a society of struggling men, it was delightful to look upon a scene where nature still wore her motherly smile, and seemed to promise room, not only for those favored or cursed with the qualities best adapting for the strifes of competition, but for the delicate, the thoughtful, even the indolent or eccentric. she did not say, fight or starve; nor even, work or cease to exist; but, merely showing that the apple was a finer fruit than the wild crab, gave both room to grow in the garden. a pleasant society is formed of the families who live along the banks of this stream upon farms. they are from various parts of the world, and have much to communicate to one another. many have cultivated minds and refined manners, all a varied experience, while they have in common the interests of a new country and a new life. they must traverse some space to get at one another, but the journey is through scenes that make it a separate pleasure. they must bear inconveniences to stay in one another's houses; but these, to the well-disposed, are only a source of amusement and adventure. the great drawback upon the lives of these settlers, at present, is the unfitness of the women for their new lot. it has generally been the choice of the men, and the women follow, as women will, doing their best for affection's sake, but too often in heartsickness and weariness. beside, it frequently not being a choice or conviction of their own minds that it is best to be here, their part is the hardest, and they are least fitted for it. the men can find assistance in field labor, and recreation with the gun and fishing-rod. their bodily strength is greater, and enables them to bear and enjoy both these forms of life. the women can rarely find any aid in domestic labor. all its various and careful tasks must often be performed, sick, or well, by the mother and daughters, to whom a city education has imparted neither the strength nor skill now demanded. the wives of the poorer settlers, having more hard work to do than before, very frequently become slatterns; but the ladies, accustomed to a refined neatness, feel that they cannot degrade themselves by its absence, and struggle under every disadvantage to keep up the necessary routine of small arrangements. with all these disadvantages for work, their resources for pleasure are fewer. when they can leave the housework, they have not learnt to ride, to drive, to row, alone. their culture has too generally been that given to women to make them "the ornaments of society." they can dance, but not draw; talk french, but know nothing of the language of flowers; neither in childhood were allowed to cultivate them, lest they should tan their complexions. accustomed to the pavement of broadway, they dare not tread the wild-wood paths for fear of rattlesnakes! seeing much of this joylessness, and inaptitude, both of body and mind, for a lot which would be full of blessings for those prepared for it, we could not but look with deep interest on the little girls, and hope they would grow up with the strength of body, dexterity, simple tastes, and resources that would fit them to enjoy and refine the western farmer's life. but they have a great deal to war with in the habits of thought acquired by their mothers from their own early life. everywhere the fatal spirit of imitation, of reference to european standards, penetrates, and threatens to blight whatever of original growth might adorn the soil. if the little girls grow up strong, resolute, able to exert their faculties, their mothers mourn over their want of fashionable delicacy. are they gay, enterprising, ready to fly about in the various ways that teach them so much, these ladies lament that "they cannot go to school, where they might learn to be quiet." they lament the want of "education" for their daughters, as if the thousand needs which call out their young energies, and the language of nature around, yielded no education. their grand ambition for their children is to send them to school in some eastern city, the measure most likely to make them useless and unhappy at home. i earnestly hope that, erelong, the existence of good schools near themselves, planned by persons of sufficient thought to meet the wants of the place and time, instead of copying new york or boston, will correct this mania. instruction the children want to enable them to profit by the great natural advantages of their position; but methods copied from the education of some english lady augusta are as ill suited to the daughter of an illinois farmer, as satin shoes to climb the indian mounds. an elegance she would diffuse around her, if her mind were opened to appreciate elegance; it might be of a kind new, original, enchanting, as different from that of the city belle as that of the prairie torch-flower from the shop-worn article that touches the cheek of that lady within her bonnet. to a girl really skilled to make home beautiful and comfortable, with bodily strength to enjoy plenty of exercise, the woods, the streams, a few studies, music, and the sincere and familiar intercourse, far more easily to be met with here than elsewhere, would afford happiness enough. her eyes would not grow dim, nor her cheeks sunken, in the absence of parties, morning visits, and milliners' shops. as to music, i wish i could see in such places the guitar rather than the piano, and good vocal more than instrumental music. the piano many carry with them, because it is the fashionable instrument in the eastern cities. even there, it is so merely from the habit of imitating europe, for not one in a thousand is willing to give the labor requisite to insure any valuable use of the instrument. but out here, where the ladies have so much less leisure, it is still less desirable. add to this, they never know how to tune their own instruments, and as persons seldom visit them who can do so, these pianos are constantly out of tune, and would spoil the ear of one who began by having any. the guitar, or some portable instrument which requires less practice, and could be kept in tune by themselves, would be far more desirable for most of these ladies. it would give all they want as a household companion to fill up the gaps of life with a pleasant stimulus or solace, and be sufficient accompaniment to the voice in social meetings. singing in parts is the most delightful family amusement, and those who are constantly together can learn to sing in perfect accord. all the practice it needs, after some good elementary instruction, is such as meetings by summer twilight and evening firelight naturally suggest. and as music is a universal language, we cannot but think a fine italian duet would be as much at home in the log cabin as one of mrs. gore's novels. the th of july we left this beautiful place. it was one of those rich days of bright sunlight, varied by the purple shadows of large, sweeping clouds. many a backward look we cast, and left the heart behind. our journey to-day was no less delightful than before, still all new, boundless, limitless. kinmont says, that limits are sacred; that the greeks were in the right to worship a god of limits. i say, that what is limitless is alone divine, that there was neither wall nor road in eden, that those who walked, there lost and found their way just as we did, and that all the gain from the fall was that we had a wagon to ride in. i do not think, either, that even the horses doubted whether this last was any advantage. everywhere the rattlesnake-weed grows in profusion. the antidote survives the bane. soon the coarser plantain, the "white man's footstep," shall take its place. we saw also the compass-plant, and the western tea-plant. of some of the brightest flowers an indian girl afterwards told me the medicinal virtues. i doubt not those students of the soil knew a use to every fair emblem, on which we could only look to admire its hues and shape. after noon we were ferried by a girl (unfortunately not of the most picturesque appearance) across the kishwaukie, the most graceful of streams, and on whose bosom rested many full-blown water-lilies,--twice as large as any of ours. i was told that, _en revanche_, they were scentless, but i still regret that i could not get at one of them to try. query, did the lilied fragrance which, in the miraculous times, accompanied visions of saints and angels, proceed from water or garden lilies? kishwaukie is, according to tradition, the scene of a famous battle, and its many grassy mounds contain the bones of the valiant. on these waved thickly the mysterious purple flower, of which i have spoken before. i think it springs from the blood of the indians, as the hyacinth did from that of apollo's darling. the ladies of our host's family at oregon, when they first went, there, after all the pains and plagues of building and settling, found their first pastime in opening one of these mounds, in which they found, i think, three of the departed, seated, in the indian fashion. one of these same ladies, as she was making bread one winter morning, saw from the window a deer directly before the house. she ran out, with her hands covered with dough, calling the others, and they caught him bodily before he had time to escape. here (at kiskwaukie) we received a visit from a ragged and barefooted, but bright-eyed gentleman, who seemed to be the intellectual loafer, the walking will's coffee-house, of the place. he told us many charming snake-stories; among others, of himself having seen seventeen young ones re-enter the mother snake, on the approach of a visitor. this night we reached belvidere, a flourishing town in boon county, where was the tomb, now despoiled, of big thunder. in this later day we felt happy to find a really good hotel. from this place, by two days of very leisurely and devious journeying, we reached chicago, and thus ended a journey, which one at least of the party might have wished unending. i have not been particularly anxious to give the geography of the scene, inasmuch as it seemed to me no route, nor series of stations, but a garden interspersed with cottages, groves, and flowery lawns, through which a stately river ran. i had no guide-book, kept no diary, do not know how many miles we travelled each day, nor how many in all. what i got from the journey was the poetic impression of the country at large; it is all i have aimed to communicate. the narrative might have been made much more interesting, as life was at the time, by many piquant anecdotes and tales drawn from private life. but here courtesy restrains the pen, for i know those who received the stranger with such frank kindness would feel ill requited by its becoming the means of fixing many spy-glasses, even though the scrutiny might be one of admiring interest, upon their private homes. for many of these anecdotes, too, i was indebted to a friend, whose property they more lawfully are. this friend was one of those rare beings who are equally at home in nature and with man. he knew a tale of all that ran and swam and flew, or only grew, possessing that extensive familiarity with things which shows equal sweetness of sympathy and playful penetration. most refreshing to me was his unstudied lore, the unwritten poetry which common life presents to a strong and gentle mind. it was a great contrast to the subtilties of analysis, the philosophic strainings of which i had seen too much. but i will not attempt to transplant it. may it profit others as it did me in the region where it was born, where it belongs. the evening of our return to chicago, the sunset was of a splendor and calmness beyond any we saw at the west. the twilight that succeeded was equally beautiful; soft, pathetic, but just so calm. when afterwards i learned this was the evening of allston's death, it seemed to me as if this glorious pageant was not without connection with that event; at least, it inspired similar emotions,--a heavenly gate closing a path adorned with shows well worthy paradise. farewell to rock river valley. farewell, ye soft and sumptuous solitudes! ye fairy distances, ye lordly woods, haunted, by paths like those that poussin knew, when after his all gazers' eyes he drew; i go,--and if i never more may steep an eager heart in your enchantments deep, yet ever to itself that heart may say, be not exacting; them hast lived one day,-- hast looked on that which matches with thy mood, impassioned sweetness of full being's flood, where nothing checked the bold yet gentle wave, where naught repelled the lavish love that gave. a tender blessing lingers o'er the scene, like some young mother's thought, fond, yet serene, and through its life new-born our lives have been. once more farewell,--a sad, a sweet farewell; and, if i never must behold you more, in other worlds i will not cease to tell the rosary i here have numbered o'er; and bright-haired hope will lend a gladdened ear, and love will free him from the grasp of fear, and gorgon critics, while the tale they hear, shall dew their stony glances with a tear, if i but catch one echo from your spell:-- and so farewell,--a grateful, sad farewell! chapter iv. a short chapter.--chicago again.--morris birkbeck. chicago had become interesting to me now, that i knew it as the portal to so fair a scene. i had become interested in the land, in the people, and looked sorrowfully on the lake on which i must soon embark, to leave behind what i had just begun to enjoy. now was the time to see the lake. the july moon was near its full, and night after night it rose in a cloudless sky above this majestic sea. the heat was excessive, so that there was no enjoyment of life, except in the night; but then the air was of that delicious temperature worthy of orange-groves. however, they were not wanted;--nothing was, as that full light fell on the faintly rippling waters, which then seemed, boundless. the most picturesque objects to be seen from chicago on the inland side were the lines of hoosier wagons. these rude farmers, the large first product of the soil, travel leisurely along, sleeping in their wagons by night, eating only what they bring with them. in the town they observe the same plan, and trouble no luxurious hotel for board and lodging. here they look like foreign peasantry, and contrast well with the many germans, dutch, and irish. in the country it is very pretty to see them prepared to "camp out" at night, their horses taken out of harness, and they lounging under the trees, enjoying the evening meal. on the lake-side it is fine to see the great boats come panting in from their rapid and marvellous journey. especially at night the motion of their lights is very majestic. when the favorite boats, the great western and illinois, are going out, the town is thronged with, people from the south and farther west, to go in them. these moonlight nights i would hear the french rippling and fluttering familiarly amid the rude ups and downs of the hoosier dialect. at the hotel table were daily to be seen new faces, and new stories to be learned. and any one who has a large acquaintance may be pretty sure of meeting some of them here in the course of a few days. at chicago i read again philip van artevelde, and certain passages in it will always be in my mind associated with the deep sound of the lake, as heard in the night. i used to read a short time at night, and then open the blind to look out. the moon would be full upon the lake, and the calm breath, pure light, and the deep voice harmonized well with the thought of the flemish hero. when will this country have such a man? it is what she needs; no thin idealist, no coarse realist, but a man whose eye reads the heavens, while his feet step firmly on the ground, and his hands are strong and dexterous for the use of human implements. a man religious, virtuous, and--sagacious; a man of universal sympathies, but self-possessed; a man who knows the region of emotion, though he is not its slave; a man to whom this world is no mere spectacle, or fleeting shadow, not a great, solemn game, to be played with, good heed, for its stakes are of eternal value, yet who, if his own play be true, heeds not what he loses by the falsehood of others;--a man who hives from the past, yet knows that its honey can but moderately avail him; whose comprehensive eye scans the present, neither infatuated by its golden lures, nor chilled by its many ventures; who possesses prescience, as the wise man must, but not so far as to be driven mad to-day by the gift which discerns to-morrow;--when there is such a man for america, the thought which urges her on will be expressed. * * * * * now that i am about to leave illinois, feelings of regret and admiration come over me, as in parting with a friend whom, we have not had the good sense to prize and study, while hours of association, never perhaps to return, were granted. i have fixed my attention almost exclusively on the picturesque beauty of this region; it was so new, so inspiring. but i ought to have been more interested in the housekeeping of this magnificent state, in the education she is giving her children, in their prospects. illinois is, at present, a by-word of reproach among the nations, for the careless, prodigal course by which, in early youth, she has endangered her honor. but you cannot look about you there, without seeing that there are resources abundant to retrieve, and soon to retrieve, far greater errors, if they are only directed with wisdom. would that the simple maxim, that honesty is the best policy, might be laid to heart; that a sense of the true aim of life might elevate the tone of politics and trade till public and private honor became identical; that the western man, in that crowded and exciting life which, develops his faculties so fully for to-day, might not forget that better part which could not be taken from him; that the western woman might take that interest and acquire that light for the education of the children, for which she alone has leisure! this is indeed the great problem of the place and time. if the next generation be well prepared for their work, ambitious of good and skilful to achieve it, the children of the present settlers may be leaven enough for the mass constantly increasing by immigration. and how much is this needed, where those rude foreigners can so little understand the best interests of the land they seek for bread and shelter! it would be a happiness to aid in this good work, and interweave the white and golden threads into the fate of illinois. it would be a work worthy the devotion of any mind. in the little that i saw was a large proportion of intelligence, activity, and kind feeling; but, if there was much serious laying to heart of the true purposes of life, it did not appear in the tone of conversation. having before me the illinois guide-book, i find there mentioned, as a "visionary," one of the men i should think of as able to be a truly valuable settler in a new and great country,--morris birkbeck, of england. since my return, i have read his journey to, and letters from, illinois. i see nothing promised there that will not surely belong to the man who knows how to seek for it. mr. birkbeck was an enlightened, philanthropist, the rather that he did not wish to sacrifice himself to his fellow-men, but to benefit them with all he had, and was, and wished. he thought all the creatures of a divine love ought to be happy and ought to be good, and that his own soul and his own life were not less precious than those of others; indeed, that to keep these healthy was his only means of a healthy influence. but his aims were altogether generous. freedom, the liberty of law, not license; not indolence, work for himself and children and all men, but under genial and poetic influences;--these were his aims. how different from those of the new settlers in general! and into his mind so long ago shone steadily the two thoughts, now so prevalent in thinking and aspiring minds, of "resist not evil," and "every man his own priest, and the heart the only true church." he has lost credit for sagacity from accidental circumstances. it does not appear that his position was ill chosen, or his means disproportioned to his ends, had he been sustained by funds from england, as he had a right to expect. but through the profligacy of a near relative, commissioned to collect these dues, he was disappointed of them, and his paper protested and credit destroyed in our cities, before he became aware of his danger. still, though more slowly and with more difficulty, he might have succeeded in his designs. the english farmer might have made the english settlement a model for good methods and good aims to all that region, had not death prematurely cut short his plans. i have wished to say these few words, because the veneration with which i have been inspired for his character by those who knew him well, makes me impatient of this careless blame being passed from mouth to mouth and book to book. success is no test of a man's endeavor, and illinois will yet, i hope, regard this man, who knew so well what _ought_ to be, as one of her true patriarchs, the abraham of a promised land. he was one too much before his time to be soon valued; but the time is growing up to him, and will understand his mild philanthropy, and clear, large views. i subjoin the account of his death, given me by a friend, as expressing, in fair picture, the character of the man. "mr. birkbeck was returning from the seat of government, whither he had been on public business, and was accompanied by his son bradford, a youth of sixteen or eighteen. it was necessary to cross a ford, which was rendered difficult by the swelling of the stream. mr. b.'s horse was unwilling to plunge into the water, so his son offered to go first, and he followed. bradford's horse had just gained footing on the opposite shore, when he looked back and perceived his father was dismounted, struggling in the water, and carried down by the current. "mr. birkbeck could not swim; bradford could; so he dismounted, and plunged into the stream to save his father. he got to him before he sunk, held him up above water, and told him to take hold of his collar, and he would swim ashore with him. mr. b. did so, and bradford exerted all his strength to stem the current and reach the shore at a point where they could land; but, encumbered by his own clothing and his father's weight, he made no progress; when mr. b. perceived this, he, with his characteristic calmness and resolution, gave up his hold of his son, and, motioning to him to save himself, resigned himself to his fate. his son reached the shore, but was too much overwhelmed by his loss to leave it. he was found by some travellers, many hours after, seated on the margin of the stream, with his face in his hands, stupefied with grief. "the body was found, and on the countenance was the sweetest smile; and bradford said, 'just so he smiled, upon me when he let go and pushed me away from him.'" many men can choose the right and best on a great occasion, but not many can, with such ready and serene decision, lay aside even life, when that is right and best. this little narrative touched my imagination in very early youth, and often has come up, in lonely vision, that face, serenely smiling above the current which bore him away to another realm of being. chapter v. thoughts and scenes in wisconsin.--society in milwaukie.--indian anecdote.--seeress of prevorst.--milwaukie. a territory, not yet a state;[a] still nearer the acorn than we were. [footnote a: wisconsin was not admitted into the union as a state till , after this volume was written.--ed.] it was very pleasant coming up. these large and elegant boats are so well arranged that every excursion may be a party of pleasure. there are many fair shows to see on the lake and its shores, almost always new and agreeable persons on board, pretty children playing about, ladies singing (and if not very well, there is room, to keep out of the way). you may see a great deal here of life, in the london sense, if you know a few people; or if you do not, and have the tact to look about you without seeming to stare. we came to milwaukie, where we were to pass a fortnight or more. this place is most beautifully situated. a little river, with romantic banks, passes up through the town. the bank of the lake is here a bold bluff, eighty feet in height. from its summit is enjoyed a noble outlook on the lake. a little narrow path winds along the edge of the lake below. i liked this walk much,--above me this high wall of rich earth, garlanded on its crest with trees, the long ripples of the lake coming up to my feet. here, standing in the shadow, i could appreciate better its magnificent changes of color, which are the chief beauties of the lake-waters; but these are indescribable. it was fine to ascend into the lighthouse, above this bluff, and thence watch the thunder-clouds which so frequently rose over the lake, or the great boats coming in. approaching the milwaukie pier, they made a bend, and seemed to do obeisance in the heavy style of some dowager duchess entering a circle she wishes to treat with especial respect. these boats come in and out every day, and still afford a cause for general excitement. the people swarm, down to greet them, to receive and send away their packages and letters. to me they seemed such mighty messengers, to give, by their noble motion, such an idea of the power and fulness of life, that they were worthy to carry despatches from king to king. it must be very pleasant for those who have an active share in carrying on the affairs of this great and growing world to see them approach, and pleasant to such as have dearly loved friends at the next station. to those who have neither business nor friends, it sometimes gives a desolating sense of insignificance. the town promises to be, some time, a fine one, as it is so well situated; and they have good building material,--a yellow brick, very pleasing to the eye. it seems to grow before you, and has indeed but just emerged from the thickets of oak and wild-roses. a few steps will take you into the thickets, and certainly i never saw so many wild-roses, or of so beautiful a red. of such a color were the first red ones the world ever saw, when, says the legend, venus flying to the assistance of adonis, the rose-bushes kept catching her to make her stay, and the drops of blood the thorns drew from her feet, as she tore herself a way, fell on the white roses, and turned them this beautiful red. one day, walking along the river's bank in search of a waterfall to be seen from one ravine, we heard tones from a band of music, and saw a gay troop shooting at a mark, on the opposite bank. between every shot the band played; the effect was very pretty. on this walk we found two of the oldest and most gnarled hemlocks that ever afforded study for a painter. they were the only ones we saw; they seemed the veterans of a former race. at milwaukie, as at chicago, are many pleasant people, drawn together from all parts of the world. a resident here would find great piquancy in the associations,--those he met having such dissimilar histories and topics. and several persons i saw, evidently transplanted from the most refined circles to be met in this country. there are lures enough in the west for people of all kinds;--the enthusiast and the cunning man; the naturalist, and the lover who needs to be rich for the sake of her he loves. the torrent of immigration swells very strongly towards this place. during the fine weather, the poor refugees arrive daily, in their national dresses, all travel-soiled and worn. the night they pass in rude shantees, in a particular quarter of the town, then walk off into the country,--the mothers carrying their infants, the fathers leading the little children by the hand, seeking a home where their hands may maintain them. one morning we set off in their track, and travelled a day's journey into this country,--fair, yet not, in that part which i saw, comparable, in my eyes, to the rock river region. rich fields, proper for grain, alternate with oak openings, as they are called; bold, various, and beautiful were the features of the scene, but i saw not those majestic sweeps, those boundless distances, those heavenly fields; it was not the same world. neither did we travel in the same delightful manner. we were now in a nice carriage, which must not go off the road, for fear of breakage, with a regular coachman, whose chief care was not to tire his horses, and who had no taste for entering fields in pursuit of wild-flowers, or tempting some strange wood-path, in search of whatever might befall. it was pleasant, but almost as tame as new england. but charming indeed was the place where we stopped. it was in the vicinity of a chain of lakes, and on the bank of the loveliest little stream, called, the bark river, which, flowed in rapid amber brightness, through fields, and dells, and stately knolls, of most poetic beauty. the little log-cabin where we slept, with its flower-garden in front, disturbed the scene no more than a stray lock on the fair cheek. the hospitality of that house i may well call princely; it was the boundless hospitality of the heart, which, if it has no aladdin's lamp to create a palace for the guest, does him still higher service by the freedom of its bounty to the very last drop of its powers. sweet were the sunsets seen in the valley of this stream, though, here, and, i grieve to say, no less near the rock river, the fiend, who has every liberty to tempt the happy in this world, appeared in the shape of mosquitos, and allowed us no bodily to enjoy our mental peace. one day we ladies gave, under the guidance of our host, to visiting all the beauties of the adjacent lakes,--nomabbin, silver, and pine lakes. on the shore of nomabbin had formerly been one of the finest indian villages. our host said, that once, as he was lying there beneath the bank, he saw a tall indian standing at gaze on the knoll. he lay a long time, curious to see how long the figure would maintain its statue-like absorption. but at last his patience yielded, and, in moving, he made a slight noise. the indian saw him, gave a wild, snorting sound of indignation and pain, and strode away. what feelings must consume their hearts at such moments! i scarcely see how they can forbear to shoot the white man where he stands. but the power of fate is with, the white man, and the indian feels it. this same gentleman told of his travelling through the wilderness with an indian guide. he had with him a bottle of spirit which he meant to give him in small quantities, but the indian, once excited, wanted the whole at once. "i would not," said mr. ----, "give it him, for i thought, if he got really drunk, there was an end to his services as a guide. but he persisted, and at last tried to take it from me. i was not armed; he was, and twice as strong as i. but i knew an indian could not resist the look of a white man, and i fixed my eye steadily on his. he bore it for a moment, then his eye fell; he let go the bottle. i took his gun and threw it to a distance. after a few moments' pause, i told him to go and fetch it, and left it in his hands. from that moment he was quite obedient, even servile, all the rest of the way." this gentleman, though in other respects of most kindly and liberal heart, showed the aversion that the white man soon learns to feel for the indian on whom he encroaches,--the aversion of the injurer for him he has degraded. after telling the anecdote of his seeing the indian gazing at the seat of his former home, "a thing for human feelings the most trying," and which, one would think, would have awakened soft compassion-- almost remorse--in the present owner of that fair hill, which contained for the exile the bones of his dead, the ashes of his hopes, he observed: "they cannot be prevented from straggling back here to their old haunts. i wish they could. they ought not to be permitted to drive away _our_ game." our game,--just heavens! the same gentleman showed, on a slight occasion, the true spirit of a sportsman, or perhaps i might say of man, when engaged in any kind of chase. showing us some antlers, he said: "this one belonged to a majestic creature. but this other was the beauty. i had been lying a long time at watch, when at last i heard them come crackling along. i lifted my head cautiously, as they burst through the trees. the first was a magnificent fellow; but then i saw coming one, the prettiest, the most graceful i ever beheld,--there was something so soft and beseeching in its look. i chose him at once, took aim, and shot him dead. you see the antlers are not very large; it was young, but the prettiest creature!" in the course of this morning's drive, we visited the gentlemen on their fishing party. they hailed us gayly, and rowed ashore to show us what fine booty they had. no disappointment there, no dull work. on the beautiful point of land from which we first saw them lived a contented woman, the only one i heard of out there. she was english, and said she had seen so much suffering in her own country, that the hardships of this seemed as nothing to her. but the others--even our sweet and gentle hostess--found their labors disproportioned to their strength, if not to their patience; and, while their husbands and brothers enjoyed the country in hunting or fishing, they found themselves confined to a comfortless and laborious in-door life. but it need not be so long. this afternoon, driving about on the banks of these lakes, we found the scene all of one kind of loveliness; wide, graceful woods, and then these fine sheets of water, with, fine points of land jutting out boldly into them. it was lovely, but not striking or peculiar. all woods suggest pictures. the european forest, with its long glades and green, sunny dells, naturally suggested the figures of armed knight on his proud steed, or maiden, decked in gold and pearl, pricking along them on a snow-white palfrey; the green dells, of weary palmer sleeping there beside the spring with his head upon his wallet. our minds, familiar with such, figures, people with them the new england woods, wherever the sunlight falls down a longer than usual cart-track, wherever a cleared spot has lain still enough for the trees to look friendly, with their exposed sides cultivated by the light, and the grass to look velvet warm, and be embroidered with flowers. these western woods suggest a different kind of ballad. the indian legends have often an air of the wildest solitude, as has the one mr. lowell has put into verse in his late volume. but i did not see those wild woods; only such as suggest to me little romances of love and sorrow, like this:-- gunhilda. a maiden sat beneath the tree, tear-bedewed her pale cheeks be, and she sigheth heavily. from forth the wood into the light a hunter strides, with carol light, and a glance so bold and bright. he careless stopped and eyed the maid; "why weepest thou?" he gently said; "i love thee well; be not afraid." he takes her hand, and leads her on; she should have waited there alone, for he was not her chosen one. he leans her head upon his breast, she knew 't was not her home of rest, but ah! she had been sore distrest. the sacred stars looked sadly down; the parting moon appeared to frown, to see thus dimmed the diamond crown. then from the thicket starts a deer, the huntsman, seizing on his spear, cries, "maiden, wait thou for me here." she sees him vanish into night, she starts from sleep in deep affright, for it was not her own true knight. though but in dream gunhilda failed. though but a fancied ill assailed, though she but fancied fault bewailed,-- yet thought of day makes dream of night: she is not worthy of the knight, the inmost altar burns not bright. if loneliness thou canst not bear, cannot the dragon's venom dare, of the pure meed thou shouldst despair. now sadder that lone maiden sighs, far bitterer tears profane her eyes, crushed, in the dust her heart's flower lies. on the bank of silver lake we saw an indian encampment. a shower threatened us, but we resolved to try if we could not visit it before it came on. we crossed a wide field on foot, and found the indians amid the trees on a shelving bank; just as we reached them, the rain began to fall in torrents, with frequent thunderclaps, and we had to take refuge in their lodges. these were very small, being for temporary use, and we crowded the occupants much, among whom were several sick, on the damp ground, or with only a ragged mat between them and it. but they showed all the gentle courtesy which, marks their demeanor towards the stranger, who stands in any need; though it was obvious that the visit, which inconvenienced them, could only have been caused by the most impertinent curiosity, they made us as comfortable as their extreme poverty permitted. they seemed to think we would not like to touch them; a sick girl in the lodge where i was, persisted in moving so as to give me the dry place; a woman, with the sweet melancholy eye of the race, kept off the children and wet dogs from even the hem of my garment. without, their fires smouldered, and black kettles, hung over them on sticks, smoked, and seethed in the rain. an old, theatrical-looking indian stood with arms folded, looking up to the heavens, from which the rain clashed and the thunder reverberated; his air was french-roman; that is, more romanesque than roman. the indian ponies, much excited, kept careering through the wood, around the encampment, and now and then, halting suddenly, would thrust in their intelligent, though amazed faces, as if to ask their masters when this awful pother would cease, and then, after a moment, rush and trample off again. at last we got away, well wetted, but with a picturesque scene for memory. at a house where we stopped to get dry, they told us that this wandering band (of pottawattamies), who had returned, on a visit, either from homesickness, or need of relief, were extremely destitute. the women had been there to see if they could barter for food their head-bands, with which they club their hair behind into a form not unlike a grecian knot. they seemed, indeed, to have neither food, utensils, clothes, nor bedding; nothing but the ground, the sky, and their own strength. little wonder if they drove off the game! part of the same band i had seen in milwaukee, on a begging dance. the effect of this was wild and grotesque. they wore much paint and feather head-dresses. "indians without paint are poor coots," said a gentleman who had been a great deal with, and really liked, them; and i like the effect of the paint on them; it reminds of the gay fantasies of nature. with them in milwaukie was a chief, the finest indian figure i saw, more than six feet in height, erect, and of a sullen, but grand gait and gesture. he wore a deep-red blanket, which fell in large folds from his shoulders to his feet, did not join in the dance, but slowly strode about through the streets, a fine sight, not a french-roman, but a real roman. he looked unhappy, but listlessly unhappy, as if he felt it was of no use to strive or resist. while in the neighborhood of these lakes, we visited also a foreign settlement of great interest. here were minds, it seemed, to "comprehend the trust" of their new life; and, if they can only stand true to them, will derive and bestow great benefits therefrom. but sad and sickening to the enthusiast who comes to these shores, hoping the tranquil enjoyment of intellectual blessings, and the pure happiness of mutual love, must be a part of the scene that he encounters at first. he has escaped from the heartlessness of courts, to encounter the vulgarity of the mob; he has secured solitude, but it is a lonely, a deserted solitude. amid the abundance of nature, he cannot, from petty, but insuperable obstacles, procure, for a long time, comforts or a home. but let him come sufficiently armed with patience to learn the new spells which the new dragons require, (and this can only be done on the spot,) he will not finally be disappointed of the promised treasure; the mob will resolve itself into men, yet crude, but of good dispositions, and capable of good character; the solitude will become sufficiently enlivened, and home grow up at last from the rich sod. in this transition state we found one of these homes. as we approached, it seemed the very eden which earth might still afford to a pair willing to give up the hackneyed pleasures of the world for a better and more intimate communion with one another and with beauty: the wild road led through wide, beautiful woods, to the wilder and more beautiful shores of the finest lake we saw. on its waters, glittering in the morning sun, a few indians were paddling to and fro in their light canoes. on one of those fair knolls i have so often mentioned stood the cottage, beneath trees which stooped as if they yet felt brotherhood with its roof-tree. flowers waved, birds fluttered round, all had the sweetness of a happy seclusion; all invited to cry to those who inhabited it, all hail, ye happy ones! but on entrance to those evidently rich in personal beauty, talents, love, and courage, the aspect of things was rather sad. sickness had been with them, death, care, and labor; these had not yet blighted them, but had turned their gay smiles grave. it seemed that hope and joy had given place to resolution. how much, too, was there in them, worthless in this place, which would have been so valuable elsewhere! refined graces, cultivated powers, shine in vain before field-laborers, as laborers are in this present world; you might as well cultivate heliotropes to present to an ox. oxen and heliotropes are both good, but not for one another. with them were some of the old means of enjoyment, the books, the pencil, the guitar; but where the wash-tub and the axe are so constantly in requisition, there is not much time and pliancy of hand for these. in the inner room, the master of the house was seated; he had been sitting there long, for he had injured his foot on ship-board, and his farming had to be done by proxy. his beautiful young wife was his only attendant and nurse, as well as a farm, housekeeper. how well she performed hard and unaccustomed duties, the objects of her care showed; everything that belonged to the house was rude, but neatly arranged. the invalid, confined to an uneasy wooden chair, (they had not been able to induce any one to bring them an easy-chair from the town,) looked as neat and elegant as if he had been dressed by the valet of a duke. he was of northern blood, with clear, full blue eyes, calm features, a tempering of the soldier, scholar, and man of the world, in his aspect. either various intercourses had given him that thoroughbred look never seen in americans, or it was inherited from a race who had known all these disciplines. he formed a great but pleasing contrast to his wife, whose glowing complexion and dark yellow eye bespoke an origin in some climate more familiar with the sun. he looked as if he could sit there a great while patiently, and live on his own mind, biding his time; she, as if she could bear anything for affection's sake, but would feel the weight of each moment as it passed. seeing the album full of drawings and verses, which bespoke the circle of elegant and affectionate intercourse they had left behind, we could not but see that the young wife sometimes must need a sister, the husband a companion, and both must often miss that electricity which sparkles from the chain of congenial minds. for mankind, a position is desirable in some degree proportioned to education. mr. birkbeck was bred a farmer, but these were nurslings of the court and city; they may persevere, for an affectionate courage shone in their eyes, and, if so, become true lords of the soil, and informing geniuses to those around; then, perhaps, they will feel that they have not paid too clear for the tormented independence of the new settler's life. but, generally, damask roses will not thrive in the wood, and a ruder growth, if healthy and pure, we wish rather to see there. i feel about these foreigners very differently from what i do about americans. american men and women are inexcusable if they do not bring up children so as to be fit for vicissitudes; the meaning of our star is, that here all men being free and equal, every man should be fitted for freedom and an independence by his own resources wherever the changeful wave of our mighty stream may take him. but the star of europe brought a different horoscope, and to mix destinies breaks the thread of both. the arabian horse will not plough well, nor can the plough-horse be rode to play the jereed. yet a man is a man wherever he goes, and something precious cannot fail to be gained by one who knows how to abide by a resolution of any kind, and pay the cost without a murmur. returning, the fine carriage at last fulfilled its threat of breaking down. we took refuge in a farm-house. here was a pleasant scene,--a rich and beautiful estate, several happy families, who had removed together, and formed a natural community, ready to help and enliven one another. they were farmers at home, in western new york, and both men and women knew how to work. yet even here the women did not like the change, but they were willing, "as it might be best for the young folks." their hospitality was great: the houseful of women and pretty children seemed all of one mind. returning to milwaukie much fatigued, i entertained myself: for a day or two with reading. the book i had brought with me was in strong contrast with, the life around, me. very strange was this vision of an exalted and sensitive existence, which seemed to invade the next sphere, in contrast with the spontaneous, instinctive life, so healthy and so near the ground i had been surveying. this was the german book entitled:-- "the seeress of prevorst.--revelations concerning the inward life of man, and the projection of a world of spirits into ours, communicated by justinus kerner." this book, published in germany some twelve years since, and which called forth there plenteous dews of admiration, as plenteous hail-storms of jeers and scorns, i never saw mentioned in any english publication till some year or two since. then a playful, but not sarcastic account of it, in the dublin magazine, so far excited my curiosity, that i procured the book, intending to read it so soon as i should have some leisure days, such as this journey has afforded. dr. kerner, its author, is a man of distinction in his native land, both as a physician and a thinker, though always on the side of reverence, marvel, and mysticism. he was known to me only through two or three little poems of his in catholic legends, which i much admired for the fine sense they showed of the beauty of symbols. he here gives a biography, mental and physical, of one of the most remarkable cases of high nervous excitement that the age, so interested in such, yet affords, with all its phenomena of clairvoyance and susceptibility of magnetic influences. as to my own mental positron on these subjects, it may be briefly expressed by a dialogue between several persons who honor me with a portion of friendly confidence and criticism, and myself, personified as _free hope_. the others may be styled _old church_, _good sense_, and _self-poise_. dialogue. _good sense._ i wonder you can take any interest in such observations or experiments. don't you see how almost impossible it is to make them with any exactness, how entirely impossible to know anything about them unless made by yourself, when the least leaven of credulity, excited fancy, to say nothing of willing or careless imposture, spoils the whole loaf? beside, allowing the possibility of some clear glimpses into a higher state of being, what do we want of it now? all around us lies what we neither understand nor use. our capacities, our instincts for this our present sphere, are but half developed. let us confine ourselves to that till the lesson be learned; let us be completely natural, before we trouble ourselves with the supernatural. i never see any of these things but i long to get away and lie under a green tree, and let the wind blow on me. there is marvel and charm enough in that for me. _free hope._ and for me also. nothing is truer than the wordsworthian creed, on which carlyle lays such stress, that we need only look on the miracle of every day, to sate ourselves with thought and admiration every day. but how are our faculties sharpened to do it? precisely by apprehending the infinite results of every day. who sees the meaning of the flower uprooted in the ploughed field? the ploughman who does not look beyond its boundaries and does not raise his eyes from the ground? no,--but the poet who sees that field in its relations with the universe, and looks oftener to the sky than on the ground. only the dreamer shall understand realities, though, in truth, his dreaming must be not out of proportion to his waking! the mind, roused powerfully by this existence, stretches of itself into what the french sage calls the "aromal state." from the hope thus gleaned it forms the hypothesis, under whose banner it collects its facts. long before these slight attempts were made to establish, as a science what is at present called animal magnetism, always, in fact, men were occupied more or less with this vital principle,--principle of flux and influx,--dynamic of our mental mechanics,--human phase of electricity. poetic observation was pure, there was no quackery in its free course, as there is so often in this wilful tampering with the hidden springs of life, for it is tampering unless done in a patient spirit and with severe truth; yet it may be, by the rude or greedy miners, some good ore is unearthed. and some there are who work in the true temper, patient and accurate in trial, not rushing to conclusions, feeling there is a mystery, not eager to call it by name till they can know it as a reality: such may learn, such may teach. subject to the sudden revelations, the breaks in habitual existence, caused by the aspect of death, the touch of love, the flood of music, i never lived, that i remember, what you call a common natural day. all my days are touched by the supernatural, for i feel the pressure of hidden causes, and the presence, sometimes the communion, of unseen powers. it needs not that i should ask the clairvoyant whether "a spirit-world projects into ours." as to the specific evidence, i would not tarnish my mind by hasty reception. the mind is not, i know, a highway, but a temple, and its doors should not be carelessly left open. yet it were sin, if indolence or coldness excluded what had a claim to enter; and i doubt whether, in the eyes of pure intelligence, an ill-grounded hasty rejection be not a greater sign of weakness than an ill-grounded and hasty faith. i will quote, as my best plea, the saying of a man old in years, but not in heart, and whose long life has been distinguished by that clear adaptation of means to ends which gives the credit of practical wisdom. he wrote to his child, "i have lived too long, and seen too much, to be _in_ credulous." noble the thought, no less so its frank expression, instead of saws of caution, mean advices, and other modern instances. such was the romance of socrates when he bade his disciples "sacrifice a cock to �sculapius." _old church._ you are always so quick-witted and voluble, free hope, you don't get time to see how often you err, and even, perhaps, sin and blaspheme. the author of all has intended to confine our knowledge within certain boundaries, has given us a short span of time for a certain probation, for which our faculties are adapted. by wild speculation and intemperate curiosity we violate his will, and incur dangerous, perhaps fatal, consequences. we waste our powers, and, becoming morbid and visionary, are unfitted to obey positive precepts, and perform positive duties. _free hope._ i do not see how it is possible to go further beyond the results of a limited human experience than those do who pretend to settle the origin and nature of sin, the final destiny of souls, and the whole plan of the causal spirit with regard to them. i think those who take your view have not examined themselves, and do not know the ground on which they stand. i acknowledge no limit, set up by man's opinion, as to the capacities of man. "care is taken," i see it, "that the trees grow not up into heaven"; but, to me it seems, the more vigorously they aspire, the better. only let it be a vigorous, not a partial or sickly aspiration. let not the tree forget its root. so long as the child insists on knowing where its dead parent is, so long as bright eyes weep at mysterious pressures, too heavy for the life, so long as that impulse is constantly arising which made the roman emperor address his soul in a strain of such touching softness, vanishing from, the thought, as the column of smoke from the eye, i know of no inquiry which the impulse of man suggests that is forbidden to the resolution of man to pursue. in every inquiry, unless sustained by a pure and reverent spirit, he gropes in the dark, or falls headlong. _self-poise._ all this may be very true, but what is the use of all this straining? far-sought is dear-bought. when we know that all is in each, and that the ordinary contains the extraordinary, why should we play the baby, and insist upon having the moon for a toy when a tin dish will do as well? our deep ignorance is a chasm that we can only fill up by degrees, but the commonest rubbish will help us as well as shred silk. the god brahma, while on earth, was set to fill up a valley, but he had only a basket given him in which to fetch earth for this purpose; so is it with us all. no leaps, no starts, will avail us; by patient crystallization alone, the equal temper of wisdom is attainable. sit at home, and the spirit-world will look in at your window with moonlit eyes; run out to find it, and rainbow and golden cup will have vanished, and left you the beggarly child you were. the better part of wisdom is a sublime prudence, a pure and patient truth, that will receive nothing it is not sure it can permanently lay to heart. of our study, there should be in proportion two thirds of rejection to one of acceptance. and, amid the manifold infatuations and illusions of this world of emotion, a being capable of clear intelligence can do no better service than to hold himself upright, avoid nonsense, and do what chores lie in his way, acknowledging every moment that primal truth, which no fact exhibits, nor, if pressed by too warm a hope, will even indicate. i think, indeed, it is part of our lesson to give a formal consent to what is farcical, and to pick up our living and our virtue amid what is so ridiculous, hardly deigning a smile, and certainly not vexed. the work is done through all, if not by every one. _free hope._ thou art greatly wise, my friend, and ever respected by me, yet i find not in your theory or your scope room enough for the lyric inspirations or the mysterious whispers of life. to me it seems that it is madder never to abandon one's self, than often to be infatuated; better to be wounded, a captive, and a slave, than always to walk in armor. as to magnetism, that is only a matter of fancy. you sometimes need just such a field in which to wander vagrant, and if it bear a higher name, yet it may be that, in last result, the trance of pythagoras might be classed with the more infantine transports of the seeress of prevorst. what is done interests me more than what is thought and supposed. every fact is impure, but every fact contains in it the juices of life. every fact is a clod, from which may grow an amaranth or a palm. climb you the snowy peaks whence come the streams, where the atmosphere is rare, where you can see the sky nearer, from which you can get a commanding view of the landscape? i see great disadvantages as well as advantages in this dignified position. i had rather walk myself through all kinds of places, even at the risk of being robbed in the forest, half drowned at the ford, and covered with dust in the street. i would beat with the living heart of the world, and understand all the moods, even the fancies or fantasies, of nature. i dare to trust to the interpreting spirit to bring me out all right at last,--establish truth through error. whether this be the best way is of no consequence, if it be the one individual character points out. for one, like me, it would be vain from glittering heights the eyes to strain; i the truth can only know, tested by life's most fiery glow. seeds of thought will never thrive, till dews of love shall bid them live. let me stand in my age with all its waters flowing round me. if they sometimes subdue, they must finally upbear me, for i seek the universal,--and that must be the best. the spirit, no doubt, leads in every movement of my time: if i seek the how, i shall find it, as well as if i busied myself more with the why. whatever is, is right, if only men are steadily bent to make it so, by comprehending and fulfilling its design. may not i have an office, too, in my hospitality and ready sympathy? if i sometimes entertain guests who cannot pay with gold coin, with "fair rose nobles," that is better than to lose the chance of entertaining angels unawares. you, my three friends, are held, in heart-honor, by me. you, especially, good sense, because where you do not go yourself, you do not object to another's going, if he will. you are really liberal. you, old church, are of use, by keeping unforgot the effigies of old religion, and reviving the tone of pure spenserian sentiment, which this time is apt to stifle in its childish haste. but you are very faulty in censuring and wishing to limit others by your own standard. you, self-poise, fill a priestly office. could but a larger intelligence of the vocations of others, and a tender sympathy with their individual natures, be added, had you more of love, or more of apprehensive genius, (for either would give you the needed expansion and delicacy,) you would command my entire reverence. as it is, i must at times deny and oppose you, and so must others, for you tend, by your influence, to exclude us from our full, free life. we must be content when you censure, and rejoiced when you approve; always admonished to good by your whole being, and sometimes by your judgment. * * * * * do not blame me that i have written so much suggested by the german seeress, while you were looking for news of the west. here on the pier, i see disembarking the germans, the norwegians, the swedes, the swiss. who knows how much of old legendary lore, of modern wonder, they have already planted amid the wisconsin forests? soon, their tales of the origin of things, and the providence which rules them, will be so mingled with those of the indian, that the very oak-tree will not know them apart,--will not know whether itself be a runic, a druid, or a winnebago oak. some seeds of all growths that have ever been known in this world might, no doubt, already be found in these western wilds, if we had the power to call them to life. i saw, in the newspaper, that the american tract society boasted of their agent's having exchanged, at a western cabin door, tracts for the "devil on two sticks," and then burnt that more entertaining than edifying volume. no wonder, though, they study it there. could one but have the gift of reading the dreams dreamed by men of such various birth, various history, various mind, it would afford much, more extensive amusement than did the chambers of one spanish city! could i but have flown at night through such mental experiences, instead of being shut up in my little bedroom at the milwaukie boarding-house, this chapter would have been worth reading. as it is, let us hasten to a close. had i been rich in money, i might have built a house, or set up in business, during my fortnight's stay at milwaukie, matters move on there at so rapid a rate. but being only rich in curiosity, i was obliged to walk the streets and pick up what i could in casual intercourse. when i left the street, indeed, and walked on the bluffs, or sat beside the lake in their shadow, my mind was rich in dreams congenial to the scene, some time to be realized, though not by me. a boat was left, keel up, half on the sand, half in the water, swaying with each swell of the lake. it gave a picturesque grace to that part of the shore, as the only image of inaction,--only object of a pensive character to be seen. near this i sat, to dream my dreams and watch the colors of the lake, changing hourly, till the sun sank. these hours yielded impulses, wove webs, such as life will not again afford. returning to the boarding-house, which was also a boarding-school, we were sure to be greeted by gay laughter. this school was conducted by two girls of nineteen and seventeen years; their pupils were nearly as old as themselves. the relation seemed very pleasant between them; the only superiority--that of superior knowledge--was sufficient to maintain authority,--all the authority that was needed to keep daily life in good order. in the west, people are not respected merely because they are old in years; people there have not time to keep up appearances in that way; when persons cease to have a real advantage in wisdom, knowledge, or enterprise, they must stand back, and let those who are oldest in character "go ahead," however few years they may count. there are no banks of established respectability in which to bury the talent there; no napkin of precedent in which to wrap it. what cannot be made to pass current, is not esteemed coin of the realm. to the windows of this house, where the daughter of a famous "indian fighter," i.e. fighter against the indians, was learning french, and the piano, came wild, tawny figures, offering for sale their baskets of berries. the boys now, instead of brandishing the tomahawk, tame their hands to pick raspberries. here the evenings were much lightened by the gay chat of one of the party, who with the excellent practical sense of mature experience, and the kindest heart, united a _naïveté_ and innocence such as i never saw in any other who had walked so long life's tangled path. like a child, she was everywhere at home, and, like a child, received and bestowed entertainment from all places, all persons. i thanked her for making me laugh, as did the sick and poor, whom she was sure to find out in her briefest sojourn in any place, for more substantial aid. happy are those who never grieve, and so often aid and enliven their fellow-men! this scene, however, i was not sorry to exchange for the much celebrated beauties of the island of mackinaw. chapter vi. mackinaw.--indians.--indian women.--everett's reception of chiefs.--unfitness of indian missionaries.--our duties toward this race. late at night we reached this island of mackinaw, so famous for its beauty, and to which i proposed a visit of some length. it was the last week in august, at which, time a large representation from the chippewa and ottawa tribes are here to receive their annual payments from the american government. as their habits make travelling easy and inexpensive to them, neither being obliged to wait for steamboats, or write to see whether hotels are full, they come hither by thousands, and those thousands in families, secure of accommodation on the beach, and food from the lake, to make a long holiday out of the occasion. there were near two thousand encamped on the island already, and more arriving every day. as our boat came in, the captain had some rockets let off. this greatly excited the indians, and their yells and wild cries resounded along the shore. except for the momentary flash of the rockets, it was perfectly dark, and my sensations as i walked with a stranger to a strange hotel, through the midst of these shrieking savages, and heard the pants and snorts of the departing steamer, which carried, away all my companions, were somewhat of the dismal sort; though it was pleasant, too, in the way that everything strange is; everything that breaks in upon the routine that so easily incrusts us. i had reason to expect a room to myself at the hotel, but found none, and was obliged to take up my rest in the common parlor and eating-room, a circumstance which insured my being an early riser. with the first rosy streak, i was out among my indian neighbors, whose lodges honeycombed the beautiful beach, that curved away in long, fair outline on either side the house. they were already on the alert, the children creeping out from beneath the blanket door of the lodge, the women pounding corn in their rude mortars, the young men playing on their pipes. i had been much amused, when the strain proper to the winnebago courting flute was played to me on another instrument, at any one fancying it a melody; but now, when i heard the notes in their true tone and time, i thought it not unworthy comparison, in its graceful sequence, and the light flourish at the close, with the sweetest bird-song; and this, like the bird-song, is only practised to allure a mate. the indian, become a citizen and a husband, no more thinks of playing the flute, than one of the "settled-down" members of our society would, of choosing the "purple light of love" as dye-stuff for a surtout. mackinaw has been fully described by able pens, and i can only add my tribute to the exceeding beauty of the spot and its position. it is charming to be on an island so small that you can sail round it in an afternoon, yet large enough to admit of long, secluded walks through its gentle groves. you can go round it in your boat; or, on foot, you can tread its narrow beach, resting, at times, beneath the lofty walls of stone, richly wooded, which rise from it in various architectural forms. in this stone, caves are continually forming, from the action of the atmosphere; one of these is quite deep, and a rocky fragment left at its mouth, wreathed with little creeping plants, looks, as you sit within, like a ruined pillar. the arched rock surprised me, much as i had heard of it, from, the perfection of the arch. it is perfect, whether you look up through it from the lake, or down through it to the transparent waters. we both ascended and descended--no very easy matter--the steep and crumbling path, and rested at the summit, beneath the trees, and at the foot, upon the cool, mossy stones beside the lapsing wave. nature has carefully decorated all this architecture with shrubs that take root within the crevices, and small creeping vines. these natural ruins may vie for beautiful effect with the remains of european grandeur, and have, beside, a charm as of a playful mood in nature. the sugar-loaf rock is a fragment in the same kind as the pine rock we saw in illinois. it has the same air of a helmet, as seen from an eminence at the side, which you descend by a long and steep path. the rock itself may be ascended by the bold and agile: half-way up is a niche, to which those who are neither can climb by a ladder. a very handsome young officer and lady who were with us did so, and then, facing round, stood there side by side, looking in the niche, if not like saints or angels wrought by pious hands in stone, as romantically, if not as holily, worthy the gazer's eye. the woods which adorn the central ridge of the island are very full in foliage, and, in august, showed the tender green and pliant leaf of june elsewhere. they are rich in beautiful mosses and the wild raspberry. from fort holmes, the old fort, we had the most commanding view of the lake and straits, opposite shores, and fair islets. mackinaw itself is best seen from the water. its peculiar shape is supposed to have been the origin of its name, michilimackinac, which means the great turtle. one person whom i saw wished to establish another etymology, which he fancied to be more refined; but, i doubt not, this is the true one, both because the shape might suggest such a name, and the existence of an island of such form in this commanding position would seem a significant fact to the indians. for henry gives the details of peculiar worship paid to the great turtle, and the oracles received from this extraordinary apollo of the indian delphos. it is crowned, most picturesquely, by the white fort, with its gay flag. from this, on one side, stretches the town. how pleasing a sight, after the raw, crude, staring assemblage of houses everywhere else to be met in this country, is an old french town, mellow in its coloring, and with the harmonious effect of a slow growth, which assimilates, naturally, with objects round it! the people in its streets, indian, french, half-breeds, and others, walked with a leisure step, as of those who live a life of taste and inclination, rather than of the hard press of business, as in american towns elsewhere. on the other side, along the fair, curving beach, below the white houses scattered on the declivity, clustered the indian lodges, with their amber-brown matting, so soft and bright of hue, in the late afternoon sun. the first afternoon i was there, looking down from a near height, i felt that i never wished to see a more fascinating picture. it was an hour of the deepest serenity; bright blue and gold, with rich shadows. every moment the sunlight fell more mellow. the indians were grouped and scattered among the lodges; the women preparing food, in the kettle or frying-pan, over the many small fires; the children, half naked, wild as little goblins, were playing both in and out of the water. here and there lounged a young girl, with a baby at her back, whose bright eyes glanced, as if born into a world of courage and of joy, instead of ignominious servitude and slow decay. some girls were cutting wood, a little way from me, talking and laughing, in the low musical tone, so charming in the indian women. many bark canoes were upturned upon the beach, and, by that light, of almost the same amber as the lodges; others coming in, their square sails set, and with almost arrowy speed, though heavily laden with dusky forms, and all the apparatus of their household. here and there a sail-boat glided by, with a different but scarce less pleasing motion. it was a scene of ideal loveliness, and these wild forms adorned it, as looking so at home in it. all seemed happy, and they were happy that day, for they had no fire-water to madden them, as it was sunday, and the shops were shut. from my window, at the boarding-house, my eye was constantly attracted by these picturesque groups. i was never tired of seeing the canoes come in, and the new arrivals set up their temporary dwellings. the women ran to set up the tent-poles, and spread the mats on the ground. the men brought the chests, kettles, &c.; the mats were then laid on the outside, the cedar-boughs strewed on the ground, the blanket hung up for a door, and all was completed in less than twenty minutes. then they began to prepare the night meal, and to learn of their neighbors the news of the day. the habit of preparing food out of doors gave all the gypsy charm and variety to their conduct. continually i wanted sir walter scott to have been there. if such romantic sketches were suggested to him, by the sight of a few gypsies, not a group near one of these fires but would have furnished him material for a separate canvas. i was so taken up with the spirit of the scene, that i could not follow out the stories suggested by these weather-beaten, sullen, but eloquent figures. they talked a great deal, and with much, variety of gesture, so that i often had a good guess at the meaning of their discourse. i saw that, whatever the indian may be among the whites, he is anything but taciturn with his own people; and he often would declaim, or narrate at length. indeed, it is obvious, if only from the fables taken from their stores by mr. schoolcraft, that these tribes possess great power that way. i liked very much, to walk or sit among them. with, the women i held much communication by signs. they are almost invariably coarse and ugly, with the exception of their eyes, with a peculiarly awkward gait, and forms bent by burdens. this gait, so different from the steady and noble step of the men, marks the inferior position they occupy. i had heard much eloquent contradiction of this. mrs. schoolcraft had maintained to a friend, that they were in fact as nearly on a par with their husbands as the white woman with hers. "although," said she, "on account of inevitable causes, the indian woman is subjected to many hardships of a peculiar nature, yet her position, compared with that of the man, is higher and freer than that of the white woman. why will people look only on one side? they either exalt the red man into a demigod, or degrade him into a beast. they say that he compels his wife to do all the drudgery, while he does nothing but hunt and amuse himself; forgetting that upon his activity and power of endurance as a hunter depends the support of his family; that this is labor of the most fatiguing kind, and that it is absolutely necessary that he should keep his frame unbent by burdens and unworn by toil, that he may be able to obtain the means of subsistence. i have witnessed scenes of conjugal and parental love in the indian's wigwam, from, which i have often, often thought the educated white man, proud of his superior civilization, might learn a useful lesson. when he returns from hunting, worn out with, fatigue, having tasted nothing since dawn, his wife, if she is a good wife, will take off his moccasons and replace them with dry ones, and will prepare his game for their repast, while his children will climb upon him, and he will caress them, with all the tenderness of a woman; and in the evening the indian wigwam is the scene of the purest domestic pleasures. the father will relate, for the amusement of the wife and for the instruction of the children, all the events of the day's hunt, while they will treasure up every word that falls, and thus learn the theory of the art whose practice is to be the occupation of their lives." mrs. grant speaks thus of the position of woman amid the mohawk indians:-- "lady mary montague says, that the court of vienna was the paradise of old women, and that there is no other place in the world where a woman past fifty excites the least interest. had her travels extended to the interior of north america, she would have seen another instance of this inversion of the common mode of thinking. here a woman never was of consequence, till sire had a son old enough to fight the battles of his country. from, that date she held a superior rank in society; was allowed to live at ease, and even called to consultations on national affairs. in savage and warlike countries, the reign of beauty is very short, and its influence comparatively limited. the girls in childhood had a very pleasing appearance; but excepting their fine hair, eyes, and teeth, every external grace was soon banished by perpetual drudgery, carrying burdens too heavy to be borne, and other slavish employments, considered beneath the dignity of the men. these walked before, erect and graceful, decked with ornaments which set off to advantage the symmetry of their well-formed persons, while the poor women followed, meanly attired, bent under the weight of the children and the utensils, which they carried everywhere with, them, and disfigured and degraded by ceaseless toils. they were very early married, for a mohawk had no other servant but his wife; and whenever he commenced hunter, it was requisite he should have some one to carry his load, cook his kettle, make his moccasons, and, above all, produce the young warriors who were to succeed him in the honors of the chase and of the tomahawk. wherever man is a mere hunter, woman is a mere slave. it is domestic intercourse that softens man, and elevates woman; and of that there can be but little, where the employments and amusements are not in common. the ancient caledonians honored the fair; but then it is to be observed, they were fair huntresses, and moved in the light of their beauty to the hill of roes; and the culinary toils were entirely left to the rougher sex. when the young warrior made his appearance, it softened the cares of his mother, who well knew that, when he grew up, every deficiency in tenderness to his wife would be made up in superabundant duty and affection to her. if it were possible to carry filial veneration to excess, it was done here; for all other charities were absorbed in it. i wonder this system of depressing the sex in their early years, to exalt them, when all their juvenile attractions are flown, and when mind alone can distinguish them, has not occurred to our modern reformers. the mohawks took good care not to admit their women to share their prerogatives, till they approved themselves good wives and mothers." the observations of women upon the position of woman are always more valuable than those of men; but, of these two, mrs. grant's seem much, nearer the truth than mrs. schoolcraft's, because, though her opportunities for observation did not bring her so close, she looked more at both sides to find the truth. carver, in his travels among the winnebagoes, describes two queens, one nominally so, like queen victoria; the other invested with a genuine royalty, springing from her own conduct. in the great town of the winnebagoes, he found a queen presiding over the tribe, instead of a sachem. he adds, that, in some tribes, the descent is given to the female line in preference to the male, that is, a sister's son will succeed to the authority, rather than a brother's son. the position of this winnebago queen reminded me forcibly of queen victoria's. "she sat in the council, but only asked a few questions, or gave some trifling directions in matters relative to the state, for women are never allowed to sit in their councils, except they happen to be invested with the supreme authority, and then it is not customary for them to make any formal speeches, as the chiefs do. she was a very ancient woman, small in stature, and not much distinguished by her dress from several young women that attended her. these, her attendants, seemed greatly pleased whenever i showed any tokens of respect to their queen, especially when i saluted her, which i frequently did to acquire her favor." the other was a woman, who, being taken captive, found means to kill her captor, and make her escape; and the tribe were so struck with admiration at the courage and calmness she displayed on the occasion, as to make her chieftainess in her own light. notwithstanding the homage paid to women, and the consequence allowed them in some cases, it is impossible to look upon the indian women without feeling that they _do_ occupy a lower place than women among the nations of european civilization. the habits of drudgery expressed in their form and gesture, the soft and wild but melancholy expression of their eye, reminded me of the tribe mentioned by mackenzie, where the women destroy their female children, whenever they have a good opportunity; and of the eloquent reproaches addressed by the paraguay woman to her mother, that she had not, in the same way, saved her from the anguish and weariness of her lot. more weariness than anguish, no doubt, falls to the lot of most of these women. they inherit submission, and the minds of the generality accommodate themselves more or less to any posture. perhaps they suffer less than their white sisters, who have more aspiration and refinement, with little power of self-sustenance. but their place is certainly lower, and their share of the human inheritance less. their decorum and delicacy are striking, and show that, when these are native to the mind, no habits of life make any difference. their whole gesture is timid, yet self-possessed. they used to crowd round me, to inspect little things i had to show them, but never press near; on the contrary, would reprove and keep off the children. anything they took from my hand was held with care, then shut or folded, and returned with an air of lady-like precision. they would not stare, however curious they might be, but cast sidelong glances. a locket that i wore was an object of untiring interest; they seemed to regard it as a talisman. my little sun-shade was still more fascinating to them; apparently they had never before seen one. for an umbrella they entertained profound regard, probably looking upon it as the most luxurious superfluity a person can possess, and therefore a badge of great wealth. i used to see an old squaw, whose sullied skin and coarse, tanned locks told that she had braved sun and storm, without a doubt or care, for sixty years at least, sitting gravely at the door of her lodge, with an old green umbrella over her head, happy for hours together in the dignified shade. for her happiness pomp came not, as it so often does, too late; she received it with grateful enjoyment. one day, as i was seated on one of the canoes, a woman came and sat beside me, with her baby in its cradle set up at her feet. she asked me by a gesture to let her take my sun-shade, and then to show her how to open it. then she put it into her baby's hand, and held it over its head, looking at me the while with a sweet, mischievous laugh, as much, as to say, "you carry a thing that is only fit for a baby." her pantomime was very pretty. she, like the other women, had a glance, and shy, sweet expression in the eye; the men have a steady gaze. that noblest and loveliest of modern preux, lord edward fitzgerald, who came through buffalo to detroit and mackinaw, with brant, and was adopted into the bear tribe by the name of eghnidal, was struck in the same way by the delicacy of manners in women. he says: "notwithstanding the life they lead, which would make most women rough and masculine, they are as soft, meek, and modest as the best brought up girls in england. somewhat coquettish too! imagine the manners of mimi in a poor _squaw_, that has been carrying packs in the woods all her life." mckenney mentions that the young wife, during the short bloom of her beauty, is an object of homage and tenderness to her husband. one indian woman, the flying pigeon, a beautiful and excellent person, of whom he gives some particulars, is an instance of the power uncommon characters will always exert of breaking down the barriers custom has erected round them. she captivated by her charms, and inspired her husband and son with, reverence for her character. the simple praise with which the husband indicates the religion, the judgment, and the generosity he saw in her, are as satisfying as count zinzendorf's more labored eulogium on his "noble consort." the conduct of her son, when, many years after her death, he saw her picture at washington, is unspeakably affecting. catlin gives anecdotes of the grief of a chief for the loss of a daughter, and the princely gifts he offers in exchange for her portrait, worthy not merely of european, but of troubadour sentiment. it is also evident that, as mrs. schoolcraft says, the women have great power at home. it can never be otherwise, men being dependent upon them for the comfort of their lives. just so among ourselves, wives who are neither esteemed nor loved by their husbands have great power over their conduct by the friction of every day, and over the formation of their opinions by the daily opportunities so close a relation affords of perverting testimony and instilling doubts. but these sentiments should not come in brief flashes, but burn as a steady flame; then there would be more women worthy to inspire them. this power is good for nothing, unless the woman be wise to use it aright. has the indian, has the white woman, as noble a feeling of life and its uses, as religious a self-respect, as worthy a field of thought and action, as man? if not, the white woman, the indian woman, occupies a position inferior to that of man. it is not so much a question of power, as of privilege. the men of these subjugated tribes, now accustomed to drunkenness and every way degraded, bear but a faint impress of the lost grandeur of the race. they are no longer strong, tall, or finely proportioned. yet, as you see them stealing along a height, or striding boldly forward, they remind you of what _was_ majestic in the red man. on the shores of lake superior, it is said, if you visit them at home, you may still see a remnant of the noble blood. the pillagers (pilleurs), a band celebrated by the old travellers, are still existent there. "still some, 'the eagles of their tribe,' may rush." i have spoken of the hatred felt by the white man for the indian: with white women it seems to amount to disgust, to loathing. how i could endure the dirt, the peculiar smell, of the indians, and their dwellings, was a great marvel in the eyes of my lady acquaintance; indeed, i wonder why they did not quite give me up, as they certainly looked on me with great distaste for it. "get you gone, you indian dog," was the felt, if not the breathed, expression towards the hapless owners of the soil;--all their claims, all their sorrows quite forgot, in abhorrence of their dirt, their tawny skins, and the vices the whites have taught them. a person who had seen them during great part of a life expressed his prejudices to me with such violence, that i was no longer surprised that the indian children threw sticks at him, as he passed. a lady said: "do what you will for them, they will be ungrateful. the savage cannot be washed out of them. bring up an indian child, and see if you can attach it to you." the next moment, she expressed, in the presence of one of those children whom she was bringing up, loathing at the odor left by one of her people, and one of the most respected, as he passed through the room. when the child is grown, she will be considered basely ungrateful not to love the lady, as she certainly will not; and this will be cited as an instance of the impossibility of attaching the indian. whether the indian could, by any efforts of love and intelligence from, the white man, have been civilized and made a valuable ingredient in the new state, i will not say; but this we are sure of,--the french catholics, at least, did not harm them, nor disturb their minds merely to corrupt them. the french, they loved. but the stern presbyterian, with his dogmas and his task-work, the city circle and the college, with their niggard concessions and unfeeling stare, have never tried the experiment. it has not been tried. our people and our government have sinned alike against the first-born of the soil, and if they are the fated agents of a new era, they have done nothing,--have invoked no god to keep them sinless while they do the hest of fate. worst of all is it, when they invoke the holy power only to mask their iniquity; when the felon trader, who, all the week, has been besotting and degrading the indian with rum mixed with red pepper, and damaged tobacco, kneels with him on sunday before a common altar, to tell the rosary which recalls the thought of him crucified for love of suffering men, and to listen to sermons in praise of "purity"!! "my savage friends," cries the old, fat priest, "you must, above all things, aim at _purity_." oh! my heart swelled when i saw them in a christian church. better their own dog-feasts and bloody rites than such mockery of that other faith. "the dog," said an indian, "was once a spirit; he has fallen for his sin, and was given by the great spirit, in this shape, to man, as his most intelligent companion. therefore we sacrifice it in highest honor to our friends in this world,--to our protecting geniuses in another." there was religion in that thought. the white man sacrifices his own brother, and to mammon, yet he turns in loathing from, the dog-feast. "you say," said the indian of the south to the missionary, "that christianity is pleasing to god. how can that be?--those men at savannah are christians." yes! slave-drivers and indian traders are called christians, and the indian is to be deemed less like the son of mary than they! wonderful is the deceit of man's heart! i have not, on seeing something of them in their own haunts, found reason to change the sentiments expressed in the following lines, when a deputation of the sacs and foxes visited boston in , and were, by one person at least, received in a dignified and courteous manner. governor everett receiving the indian chiefs, november, . who says that poesy is on the wane, and that the muses tune their lyres in vain? 'mid all the treasures of romantic story, when thought was fresh and fancy in her glory, has ever art found out a richer theme, more dark a shadow, or more soft a gleam, than fall upon the scene, sketched carelessly, in the newspaper column of to-day? american romance is somewhat stale. talk of the hatchet, and the faces pale, wampum and calumets and forests dreary, once so attractive, now begins to weary. uncas and magawisca please us still, unreal, yet idealized with skill; but every poetaster, scribbling witling, from the majestic oak his stylus whittling, has helped to tire us, and to make us fear the monotone in which so much we hear of "stoics of the wood," and "men without a tear." yet nature, ever buoyant, ever young, if let alone, will sing as erst she sung; the course of circumstance gives back again the picturesque, erewhile pursued in vain; shows us the fount of romance is not wasted,-- the lights and shades of contrast not exhausted. shorn of his strength, the samson now must sue for fragments from the feast his fathers gave; the indian dare not claim what is his due, but as a boon his heritage must crave; his stately form shall soon be seen no more through all his father's land, the atlantic shore; beneath the sun, to _us_ so kind, _they_ melt, more heavily each day our rule is felt. the tale is old,--we do as mortals must: might makes right here, but god and time are just. though, near the drama hastens to its close, on this last scene awhile your eyes repose; the polished greek and scythian meet again, the ancient life is lived by modern men; the savage through our busy cities walks, he in his untouched, grandeur silent stalks. unmoved by all our gayeties and shows, wonder nor shame can touch him as he goes; he gazes on the marvels we have wrought, but knows the models from whence all was brought; in god's first temples he has stood so oft, and listened to the natural organ-loft, has watched the eagle's flight, the muttering thunder heard. art cannot move him to a wondering word. perhaps he sees that all this luxury brings less food to the mind than to the eye; perhaps a simple sentiment has brought more to him than your arts had ever taught. what are the petty triumphs _art_ has given, to eyes familiar with the naked heaven? all has been seen,--dock, railroad, and canal, fort, market, bridge, college, and arsenal, asylum, hospital, and cotton-mill, the theatre, the lighthouse, and the jail. the braves each novelty, reflecting, saw, and now and then growled out the earnest "_yaw_." and now the time is come, 'tis understood, when, having seen and thought so much, a _talk_ may do some good. a well-dressed mob have thronged the sight to greet, and motley figures throng the spacious street; majestical and calm through all they stride, wearing the blanket with a monarch's pride; the gazers stare and shrug, but can't deny their noble forms and blameless symmetry. if the great spirit their _morale_ has slighted, and wigwam smoke their mental culture blighted, yet the _physique_, at least, perfection reaches, in wilds where neither combe nor spurzheim teaches; where whispering trees invite man to the chase, and bounding deer allure him to the race. would thou hadst seen it! that dark, stately band, whose ancestors enjoyed all this fair land, whence they, by force or fraud, were made to flee, are brought, the white man's victory to see. can kind emotions in their proud hearts glow, as through these realms, now decked by art, they go? the church, the school, the railroad, and the mart,-- can these a pleasure to their minds impart? all once was theirs,--earth, ocean, forest, sky,-- how can they joy in what now meets the eye? not yet religion has unlocked the soul, nor each has learned to glory in the whole! must they not think, so strange and sad their lot, that they by the great spirit are forgot? from the far border to which they are driven, they might look up in trust to the clear heaven; but _here_,--what tales doth every object tell where massasoit sleeps, where philip fell! we take our turn, and the philosopher sees through the clouds a hand which cannot err an unimproving race, with all their graces and all their vices, must resign their places; and human culture rolls its onward flood over the broad plains steeped in indian blood such thoughts steady our faith; yet there will rise some natural tears into the calmest eyes,-- which gaze where forest princes haughty go, made for a gaping crowd a raree-show. but _this_ a scene seems where, in courtesy, the pale face with the forest prince could vie, for one presided, who, for tact and grace, in any age had held an honored place,-- in beauty's own dear day had shone a polished phidian vase! oft have i listened to his accents bland, and owned the magic of his silvery voice, in all the graces which life's arts demand, delighted by the justness of his choice. not his the stream of lavish, fervid thought,-- the rhetoric by passion's magic wrought; not his the massive style, the lion port, which with the granite class of mind assort; but, in a range of excellence his own, with all the charms to soft persuasion known, amid our busy people we admire him,--"elegant and lone." he scarce needs words: so exquisite the skill which modulates the tones to do his will, that the mere sound enough would charm the ear, and lap in its elysium all who hear. the intellectual paleness of his cheek, the heavy eyelids and slow, tranquil smile, the well-cut lips from which the graces speak, pit him alike to win or to beguile; then those words so well chosen, fit, though few, their linked sweetness as our thoughts pursue, we deem them spoken pearls, or radiant diamond dew. and never yet did i admire the power which makes so lustrous every threadbare theme,-- which won for la fayette one other hour, and e'en on july fourth could cast a gleam,-- as now, when i behold him play the host, with all the dignity which red men boast,-- with all the courtesy the whites have lost; assume the very hue of savage mind, yet in rude accents show the thought refined; assume the _naïveté_ of infant age, and in such prattle seem still more a sage; the golden mean with tact unerring seized, a courtly critic shone, a simple savage pleased. the stoic of the woods his skill confessed, as all the father answered in his breast; to the sure mark the silver arrow sped, the "man without a tear" a tear has shed; and them hadst wept, hadst thou been there, to see how true one sentiment must ever be, in court or camp, the city or the wild,-- to rouse the father's heart, you need but name his child. the speech of governor everett on that occasion was admirable; as i think, the happiest attempt ever made to meet the indian in his own way, and catch the tone of his mind. it was said, in the newspapers, that keokuck did actually shed tears when addressed as a father. if he did not with his eyes, he well might in his heart. not often have they been addressed with such intelligence and tact. the few who have not approached them with sordid rapacity, but from love to them, as men having souls to be redeemed, have most frequently been persons intellectually too narrow, too straitly bound in sects or opinions, to throw themselves into the character or position of the indians, or impart to them anything they can make available. the christ shown them by these missionaries is to them but a new and more powerful manito; the signs of the new religion, but the fetiches that have aided the conquerors. here i will copy some remarks made by a discerning observer, on the methods used by the missionaries, and their natural results. "mr. ---- and myself had a very interesting conversation, upon the subject of the indians, their character, capabilities, &c. after ten years' experience among them, he was forced to acknowledge that the results of the missionary efforts had produced nothing calculated to encourage. he thought that there was an intrinsic disability in them to rise above, or go beyond, the sphere in which they had so long moved. he said, that even those indians who had been converted, and who had adopted the habits of civilization, were very little improved in their real character; they were as selfish, as deceitful, and as indolent, as those who were still heathens. they had repaid the kindnesses of the missionaries with the basest ingratitude, killing their cattle and swine, and robbing them of their harvests, which, they wantonly destroyed. he had abandoned the idea of effecting any general good to the indians. he had conscientious scruples as to promoting an enterprise so hopeless as that of missions among the indians, by sending accounts to the east that might induce philanthropic individuals to contribute to their support. in fact, the whole experience of his intercourse with them seemed to have convinced him of the irremediable degradation of the race. their fortitude under suffering he considered the result of physical and mental insensibility; their courage, a mere animal excitement, which they found it necessary to inflame, before daring to meet a foe. they have no constancy of purpose; and are, in fact, but little superior to the brutes in point of moral development. it is not astonishing, that one looking upon the indian character from mr. ----'s point of view should entertain such sentiments. the object of his intercourse with them was, to make them apprehend the mysteries of a theology, which, to the most enlightened, is an abstruse, metaphysical study; and it is not singular they should prefer their pagan superstitions, which address themselves more directly to the senses. failing in the attempt to christianize before civilizing them, he inferred that in the intrinsic degradation of their faculties the obstacle was to be found." thus the missionary vainly attempts, by once or twice holding up the cross, to turn deer and tigers into lambs; vainly attempts to convince the red man that a heavenly mandate takes from him his broad lands. he bows his head, but does not at heart acquiesce. he cannot. it is not true; and if it were, the descent of blood through the same channels, for centuries, has formed habits of thought not so easily to be disturbed. amalgamation would afford the only true and profound means of civilization. but nature seems, like all else, to declare that this race is fated to perish. those of mixed blood fade early, and are not generally a fine race. they lose what is best in either type, rather than enhance the value of each, by mingling. there are exceptions,--one or two such i know of,--but this, it is said, is the general rule. a traveller observes, that the white settlers who live in the woods soon become sallow, lanky, and dejected; the atmosphere of the trees does not agree with caucasian lungs; and it is, perhaps, in part an instinct of this which causes the hatred of the new settlers towards trees. the indian breathed the atmosphere of the forests freely; he loved their shade. as they are effaced from the land, he fleets too; a part of the same manifestation, which cannot linger behind its proper era. the chippewas have lately petitioned the state of michigan, that they may be admitted as citizens; but this would be vain, unless they could be admitted, as brothers, to the heart of the white man. and while the latter feels that conviction of superiority which enabled our wisconsin friend to throw away the gun, and send the indian to fetch it, he needs to be very good, and very wise, not to abuse his position. but the white man, as yet, is a half-tamed pirate, and avails himself as much as ever of the maxim, "might makes right." all that civilization does for the generality is to cover up this with a veil of subtle evasions and chicane, and here and there to rouse the individual mind to appeal to heaven against it. i have no hope of liberalizing the missionary, of humanizing the sharks of trade, of infusing the conscientious drop into the flinty bosom of policy, of saving the indian from immediate degradation and speedy death. the whole sermon may be preached from the text, "needs be that offences must come, yet woe onto them by whom they come." yet, ere they depart, i wish there might be some masterly attempt to reproduce, in art or literature, what is proper to them,--a kind of beauty and grandeur which few of the every-day crowd have hearts to feel, yet which ought to leave in the world its monuments, to inspire the thought of genius through all ages. nothing in this kind has been done masterly; since it was clevengers's ambition, 't is pity he had not opportunity to try fully his powers. we hope some other mind may be bent upon it, ere too late. at present the only lively impress of their passage through the world is to be found in such books as catlin's, and some stories told by the old travellers. let me here give another brief tale of the power exerted by the white man over the savage in a trying case; but in this case it was righteous, was moral power. "we were looking over mckenney's tour to the lakes, and, on observing the picture of key-way-no-wut, or the going cloud, mr. b. observed, 'ah, that is the fellow i came near having a fight with'; and he detailed at length the circumstances. this indian was a very desperate character, and of whom, all the leech lake band stood in fear. he would shoot down any indian who offended him, without the least hesitation, and had become quite the bully of that part of the tribe. the trader at leech lake warned mr. b. to beware of him, and said that he once, when he (the trader) refused to give up to him his stock of wild-rice, went and got his gun and tomahawk, and shook the tomahawk over his head, saying, '_now_, give me your wild-rice.' the trader complied with his exaction, but not so did mr. b. in the adventure which i am about to relate. key-way-no-wut came frequently to him with furs, wishing him to give for them, cotton-cloth, sugar, flour, &c. mr. b. explained to him that he could not trade for furs, as he was sent there as a teacher, and that it would be like putting his hand into the fire to do so, as the traders would inform against him, and he would be sent out of the country. at the same time, he _gave_ him the articles which he wished. key-way-no-wut found this a very convenient way of getting what he wanted, and followed up this sort of game, until, at last, it became insupportable. one day the indian brought a very large otter-skin, and said, 'i want to get for this ten pounds of sugar, and some flour and cloth,' adding, 'i am not like other indians, _i_ want to pay for what i get.' mr. b. found that he must either be robbed of all he had by submitting to these exactions, or take a stand at once. he thought, however, he would try to avoid a scrape, and told his customer he had not so much sugar to spare. 'give me, then,' said he, 'what you can spare'; and mr. b., thinking to make him back out, told him he would, give him five pounds of sugar for his skin. 'take it,' said the indian. he left the skin, telling mr. b. to take good care of it. mr. b. took it at once to the trader's store, and related the circumstance, congratulating himself that he had got rid of the indian's exactions. but in about a month key-way-no-wut appeared, bringing some dirty indian sugar, and said, 'i have brought back the sugar that i borrowed of you, and i want my otter-skin back.' mr. b. told him, 'i _bought_ an otter-skin of you, but if you will return the other articles you have got for it, perhaps i can get it for you.' 'where is the skin?' said he very quickly; 'what have you done with it?' mr. b. replied it was in the trader's store, where he (the indian) could not get it. at this information he was furious, laid his hands on his knife and tomahawk, and commanded mr. b. to bring it at once. mr. b. found this was the crisis, where he must take a stand or be 'rode over rough-shod' by this man. his wife, who was present was much alarmed, and begged he would get the skin for the indian, but he told her that 'either he or the indian would soon be master of his house, and if she was afraid to see it decided which was to be so, she had better retire,' he turned to key-way-no-wut, and addressed him in a stern voice as follows: 'i will _not_ give you the skin. how often have you come to my house, and i have shared with you what i had. i gave you tobacco when you were well, and medicine when you were sick, and you never went away from my wigwam with your hands empty. and this is the way you return my treatment to you. i had thought you were a man and a chief, but you are not, you are nothing but an old woman. leave this house, and never enter it again.' mr. b. said he expected the indian would attempt his life when he said this, but that he had placed himself in a position so that he could defend himself, and looked straight into the indian's eye, and, like other wild beasts, he quailed before the glance of mental and moral courage. he calmed down at once, and soon began to make apologies. mr. b. then told him kindly, but firmly, that, if he wished to walk in the same path with him, he must walk as straight as the crack on the floor before them; adding, that he would not walk with anybody who would jostle him by walking so crooked as he had done. he was perfectly tamed, and mr. b. said he never had any more trouble with him." the conviction here livingly enforced of the superiority on the side of the white man, was thus expressed by the indian orator at mackinaw while we were there. after the customary compliments about sun, dew, &c., "this," said he, "is the difference between the white and the red man; the white man looks to the future and paves the way for posterity. the red man never thought of this." this is a statement uncommonly refined for an indian; but one of the gentlemen present, who understood the chippewa, vouched for it as a literal rendering of his phrases; and he did indeed touch the vital point of difference. but the indian, if he understands, cannot make use of his intelligence. the fate of his people is against it, and pontiac and philip have no more chance than julian in the times of old. the indian is steady to that simple creed which forms the basis of all his mythology; that there is a god and a life beyond this; a right and wrong which each man can see, betwixt which each man should choose; that good brings with it its reward, and vice its punishment. his moral code, if not as refined as that of civilized nations, is clear and noble in the stress laid upon truth and fidelity. and all unprejudiced observers bear testimony, that the indians, until broken from their old anchorage by intercourse with the whites,--who offer them, instead, a religion of which they furnish neither interpretation nor example,--were singularly virtuous, if virtue be allowed to consist in a man's acting up to his own ideas of right. my friend, who joined me at mackinaw, happened, on the homeward journey, to see a little chinese girl, who had been sent over by one of the missionaries, and observed that, in features, complexion, and gesture, she was a counterpart to the little indian girls she had just seen playing about on the lake shore. the parentage of these tribes is still an interesting subject of speculation, though, if they be not created for this region, they have become so assimilated to it as to retain little trace of any other. to me it seems most probable, that a peculiar race was bestowed on each region,[a] as the lion on one latitude and the white bear on another. as man has two natures,--one, like that of the plants and animals, adapted to the uses and enjoyments of this planet, another which presages and demands a higher sphere,--he is constantly breaking bounds, in proportion as the mental gets the better of the mere instinctive existence. as yet, he loses in harmony of being what he gains in height and extension; the civilized man is a larger mind, but a more imperfect nature, than the savage. [footnote a: professor agassiz has recently published some able scientific papers tending to enforce this theory.--ed.] we hope there will be a national institute, containing all the remains of the indians, all that has been preserved by official intercourse at washington, catlin's collection, and a picture-gallery as complete as can be made, with a collection of skulls from all parts of the country. to this should be joined the scanty library that exists on the subject. a little pamphlet, giving an account of the massacre at chicago, has lately; been published, which i wish much i had seen while there, as it would have imparted an interest to spots otherwise barren. it is written with animation, and in an excellent style, telling just what we want to hear, and no more. the traits given of indian generosity are as characteristic as those of indian cruelty. a lady, who was saved by a friendly chief holding her under the waters of the lake, at the moment the balls endangered her, received also, in the heat of the conflict, a reviving draught from a squaw, who saw she was exhausted; and as she lay down, a mat was hung up between her and the scene of butchery, so that she was protected from the sight, though she could not be from sounds full of horror. i have not wished to write sentimentally about the indians, however moved by the thought of their wrongs and speedy extinction. i know that the europeans who took possession of this country felt themselves justified by their superior civilization and religious ideas. had they been truly civilized or christianized, the conflicts which sprang from the collision of the two races might have been avoided; but this cannot be expected in movements made by masses of men. the mass has never yet been humanized, though the age may develop a human thought. since those conflicts and differences did arise, the hatred which sprang from terror and suffering, on the european side, has naturally warped the whites still further from justice. the indian, brandishing the scalps of his wife and friends, drinking their blood, and eating their hearts, is by him viewed as a fiend, though, at a distant day, he will no doubt be considered as having acted the roman or carthaginian part of heroic and patriotic self-defence, according to the standard of right and motives prescribed by his religious faith and education. looked at by his own standard, he is virtuous when he most injures his enemy, and the white, if he be really the superior in enlargement of thought, ought to cast aside his inherited prejudices enough to see this, to look on him in pity and brotherly good-will, and do all he can to mitigate the doom of those who survive his past injuries. in mckenney's book is proposed a project for organizing the indians under a patriarchal government; but it does not look feasible, even on paper. could their own intelligent men be left to act unimpeded in their behalf, they would do far better for them than the white thinker, with all his general knowledge. but we dare not hope the designs of such will not always be frustrated by barbarous selfishness, as they were in georgia. _there_ was a chance of seeing what might have been done, now lost for ever. yet let every man look to himself how far this blood shall be required at his hands. let the missionary, instead of preaching to the indian, preach to the trader who ruins him, of the dreadful account which will be demanded of the followers of cain, in a sphere where the accents of purity and love come on the ear more decisively than in ours. let every legislator take the subject to heart, and, if he cannot undo the effects of past sin, try for that clear view and right sense that may save us from sinning still more deeply. and let every man and every woman, in their private dealings with the subjugated race, avoid all share in embittering, by insult or unfeeling prejudice, the captivity of israel. chapter vii. sault st. marie.--st. joseph's island.--the land of music.--rapids.--homeward.--general hull.--the book to the reader. nine days i passed alone at mackinaw, except for occasional visits from kind and agreeable residents at the fort, and mr. and mrs. a. mr. a., long engaged in the fur-trade, is gratefully remembered by many travellers. from mrs. a., also, i received kind attentions, paid in the vivacious and graceful manner of her nation. the society at the boarding-house entertained, being of a kind entirely new to me. there were many traders from the remote stations, such as la pointe, arbre croche,--men who had become half wild and wholly rude by living in the wild; but good-humored, observing, and with a store of knowledge to impart, of the kind proper to their place. there were two little girls here, that were pleasant companions for me. one gay, frank, impetuous, but sweet and winning. she was an american, fair, and with bright brown hair. the other, a little french canadian, used to join me in my walks, silently take my hand, and sit at my feet when i stopped in beautiful places. she seemed to understand without a word; and i never shall forget her little figure, with its light, but pensive motion, and her delicate, grave features, with the pale, clear complexion and soft eye. she was motherless, and much left alone by her father and brothers, who were boatmen. the two little girls were as pretty representatives of allegro and penseroso as one would wish to see. i had been wishing that a boat would come in to take me to the sault st. marie, and several times started to the window at night in hopes that the pant and dusky-red light crossing the waters belonged to such an one; but they were always boats for chicago or buffalo, till, on the th of august, allegro, who shared my plans and wishes, rushed in to tell me that the general scott had come; and in this little steamer, accordingly, i set off the next morning. i was the only lady, and attended in the cabin by a dutch girl and an indian woman. they both spoke english fluently, and entertained me much by accounts of their different experiences. the dutch girl told me of a dance among the common people at amsterdam, called the shepherd's dance. the two leaders are dressed as shepherd and shepherdess; they invent to the music all kinds of movements, descriptive of things that may happen in the field, and the rest are obliged to follow. i have never heard of any dance which gave such free play to the fancy as this. french dances merely describe the polite movements of society; spanish and neapolitan, love; the beautiful mazurkas, &c. are war-like or expressive of wild scenery. but in this one is great room both for fun and fancy. the indian was married, when young, by her parents, to a man she did not love. he became dissipated, and did not maintain her. she left him, taking with her their child, for whom and herself she earns a subsistence by going as chambermaid in these boats. now and then, she said, her husband called on her, and asked if he might live with her again; but she always answered, no. here she was far freer than she would have been in civilized life. i was pleased by the nonchalance of this woman, and the perfectly national manner she had preserved after so many years of contact with all kinds of people. the two women, when i left the boat, made me presents of indian work, such as travellers value, and the manner of the two was characteristic of their different nations. the indian brought me hers, when i was alone, looked bashfully down when she gave it, and made an almost sentimental little speech. the dutch girl brought hers in public, and, bridling her short chin with a self-complacent air, observed she had _bought_ it for me. but the feeling of affectionate regard was the same in the minds of both. island after island we passed, all fairly shaped and clustering in a friendly way, but with little variety of vegetation. in the afternoon the weather became foggy, and we could not proceed after dark. that was as dull an evening as ever fell. the next morning the fog still lay heavy, but the captain took me out in his boat on an exploring expedition, and we found the remains of the old english fort on point st. joseph's. all around was so wholly unmarked by anything but stress of wind and weather, the shores of these islands and their woods so like one another, wild and lonely, but nowhere rich and majestic, that there was some charm, in the remains of the garden, the remains even of chimneys and a pier. they gave feature to the scene. here i gathered many flowers, but they were the same as at mackinaw. the captain, though he had been on this trip hundreds of times, had never seen this spot, and never would but for this fog, and his desire to entertain me. he presented a striking instance how men, for the sake of getting a living, forget to live. it is just the same in the most romantic as the most dull and vulgar places. men get the harness on so fast, that they can never shake it off, unless they guard against this danger from the very first. in chicago, how many men live who never find time to see the prairies, or learn anything unconnected with the business of the day, or about the country they are living in! so this captain, a man of strong sense and good eyesight, rarely found time to go off the track or look about him on it. he lamented, too, that there had been no call which, induced him to develop his powers of expression, so that he might communicate what he had seen for the enjoyment or instruction of others. this is a common fault among the active men, the truly living, who could tell what life is. it should not be so. literature should not be left to the mere literati,--eloquence to the mere orator; every cæsar should be able to write his own commentary. we want a more equal, more thorough, more harmonious development, and there is nothing to hinder the men of this country from it, except their own supineness, or sordid views. when the weather did clear, our course up the river was delightful. long stretched before us the island of st. joseph's, with its fair woods of sugar-maple. a gentleman on board, who belongs to the fort at the sault, said their pastime was to come in the season of making sugar, and pass some time on this island,--the days at work, and the evening in dancing and other amusements. work of this kind done in the open air, where everything is temporary, and every utensil prepared on the spot, gives life a truly festive air. at such times, there is labor and no care,--energy with gayety, gayety of the heart. i think with the same pleasure of the italian vintage, the scotch harvest-home, with its evening dance in the barn, the russian cabbage-feast even, and our huskings and hop-gatherings. the hop-gatherings, where the groups of men and girls are pulling down and filling baskets with the gay festoons, present as graceful pictures as the italian vintage. how pleasant is the course along a new river, the sight of new shores! like a life, would but life flow as fast, and upbear us with as full a stream. i hoped we should come in sight of the rapids by daylight; but the beautiful sunset was quite gone, and only a young moon trembling over the scene, when we came within hearing of them. i sat up long to hear them merely. it was a thoughtful hour. these two days, the th and th of august, are memorable in my life; the latter is the birthday of a near friend. i pass them alone, approaching lake superior; but i shall not enter into that truly wild and free region; shall not have the canoe voyage, whose daily adventure, with the camping out at night beneath the stars, would have given an interlude of such value to my existence. i shall not see the pictured rocks, their chapels and urns. it did not depend on me; it never has, whether such things shall be done or not. my friends! may they see, and do, and be more; especially those who have before them a greater number of birthdays, and a more healthy and unfettered existence! i should like to hear some notes of earthly music to-night. by the faint moonshine i can hardly see the banks; how they look i have no guess, except that there are trees, and, now and then, a light lets me know there are homes, with their various interests. i should like to hear some strains of the flute from beneath those trees, just to break the sound of the rapids. the land of music. when no gentle eyebeam charms; no fond hope the bosom warms; of thinking the lone mind is tired,-- naught seems bright to be desired. music, be thy sails unfurled; bear me to thy better world; o'er a cold and weltering sea, blow thy breezes warm and free. by sad sighs they ne'er were chilled, by sceptic spell were never stilled. take me to that far-off shore, where lovers meet to part no more. there doubt and fear and sin are o'er; the star of love shall set no more. with the first light of dawn i was up and out, and then was glad i had not seen all the night before, it came upon me with such power in its dewy freshness. o, they are beautiful indeed, these rapids! the grace is so much more obvious than the power. i went up through the old chippewa burying-ground to their head, and sat down on a large stone to look. a little way off was one of the home-lodges, unlike in shape to the temporary ones at mackinaw, but these have been described by mrs. jameson. women, too, i saw coming home from the woods, stooping under great loads of cedar-boughs, that were strapped upon their backs. but in many european countries women carry great loads, even of wood, upon their backs. i used to hear the girls singing and laughing as they were cutting down boughs at mackinaw; this part of their employment, though laborious, gives them the pleasure of being a great deal in the free woods. i had ordered a canoe to take me down the rapids, and presently i saw it coming, with the two indian canoe-men in pink calico shirts, moving it about with their long poles, with a grace and dexterity worthy fairy-land. now and then they cast the scoop-net;--all looked just as i had fancied, only far prettier. when they came to me, they spread a mat in the middle of the canoe; i sat down, and in less than four minutes we had descended the rapids, a distance of more than three quarters of a mile. i was somewhat disappointed in this being no more of an exploit than i found it. having heard such expressions used as of "darting," or "shooting down," these rapids, i had fancied there was a wall of rock somewhere, where descent would somehow be accomplished, and that there would come some one gasp of terror and delight, some sensation entirely new to me; but i found myself in smooth water, before i had time to feel anything but the buoyant pleasure of being carried so lightly through this surf amid the breakers. now and then the indians spoke to one another in a vehement jabber, which, however, had no tone that expressed other than pleasant excitement. it is, no doubt, an act of wonderful dexterity to steer amid these jagged rocks, when one rude touch would tear a hole in the birch canoe; but these men are evidently so used to doing it, and so adroit, that the silliest person could not feel afraid. i should like to have come down twenty times, that i might have had leisure to realize the pleasure. but the fog which had detained us on the way shortened the boat's stay at the sault, and i wanted my time to walk about. while coming down the rapids, the indians caught a white-fish for my breakfast; and certainly it was the best of breakfasts. the white-fish i found quite another thing caught on the spot, and cooked immediately, from what i had found it at chicago or mackinaw. before, i had had the bad taste to prefer the trout, despite the solemn and eloquent remonstrances of the _habitués_, to whom the superiority of white-fish seemed a cardinal point of faith. i am here reminded that i have omitted that indispensable part of a travelling journal, the account of what we found to eat. i cannot hope to make up, by one bold stroke, all my omissions of daily record; but that i may show myself not destitute of the common feelings of humanity, i will observe that he whose affections turn in summer towards vegetables should not come to this region, till the subject of diet be better understood; that of fruit, too, there is little yet, even at the best hotel tables; that the prairie chickens require no praise from me, and that the trout and white-fish are worthy the transparency of the lake waters. in this brief mention i by no means intend to give myself an air of superiority to the subject. if a dinner in the illinois woods, on dry bread and drier meat, with water from the stream that flowed hard by, pleased me best of all, yet, at one time, when living at a house where nothing was prepared for the table fit to touch, and even the bread could not be partaken of without a headache in consequence, i learnt to understand and sympathize with the anxious tone in which fathers of families, about to take their innocent children into some scene of wild beauty, ask first of all, "is there a good, table?" i shall ask just so in future. only those whom the powers have furnished with small travelling cases of ambrosia can take exercise all day, and be happy without even bread morning or night. our voyage back was all pleasure. it was the fairest day. i saw the river, the islands, the clouds, to the greatest advantage. on board was an old man, an illinois farmer, whom i found a most agreeable companion. he had just been with his son, and eleven other young men, on an exploring expedition to the shores of lake superior. he was the only old man of the party, but he had enjoyed most of any the journey. he had been the counsellor and playmate, too, of the young ones. he was one of those parents--why so rare?--who understand and live a new life in that of their children, instead of wasting time and young happiness in trying to make them conform to an object and standard of their own. the character and history of each child may be a new and poetic experience to the parent, if he will let it. our farmer was domestic, judicious, solid; the son, inventive, enterprising, superficial, full of follies, full of resources, always liable to failure, sure to rise above it. the father conformed to, and learnt from, a character he could not change, and won the sweet from the bitter. his account of his life at home, and of his late adventures among the indians, was very amusing, but i want talent to write it down, and i have not heard the slang of these people intimately enough. there is a good book about indiana, called the new purchase, written by a person who knows the people of the country well enough to describe them in their own way. it is not witty, but penetrating, valuable for its practical wisdom and good-humored fun. there were many sportsman-stories told, too, by those from illinois and wisconsin. i do not retain any of these well enough, nor any that i heard earlier, to write them down, though they always interested me from bringing wild natural scenes before the mind. it is pleasant for the sportsman to be in countries so alive with game; yet it is so plenty that one would think shooting pigeons or grouse would seem more like slaughter, than the excitement of skill to a good sportsman. hunting the deer is full of adventure, and needs only a scrope to describe it to invest the western woods with _historic_ associations. how pleasant it was to sit and hear rough men tell pieces out of their own common lives, in place of the frippery talk of some fine circle with its conventional sentiment, and timid, second-hand criticism. free blew the wind, and boldly flowed the stream, named for mary mother mild. a fine thunder-shower came on in the afternoon. it cleared at sunset, just as we came in sight of beautiful mackinaw, over which, a rainbow bent in promise of peace. i have always wondered, in reading travels, at the childish joy travellers felt at meeting people they knew, and their sense of loneliness when they did not, in places where there was everything new to occupy the attention. so childish, i thought, always to be longing for the new in the old, and the old in the new. yet just such sadness i felt, when i looked on the island glittering in the sunset, canopied by the rainbow, and thought no friend would welcome me there; just such childish joy i felt to see unexpectedly on the landing the face of one whom i called friend. the remaining two or three days were delightfully spent, in walking or boating, or sitting at the window to see the indians go. this was not quite so pleasant as their coming in, though accomplished with the same rapidity; a family not taking half an hour to prepare for departure, and the departing canoe a beautiful object. but they left behind, on all the shore, the blemishes of their stay,--old rags, dried boughs, fragments of food, the marks of their fires. nature likes to cover up and gloss over spots and scars, but it would take her some time to restore that beach to the state it was in before they came. s. and i had a mind for a canoe excursion, and we asked one of the traders to engage us two good indians, that would not only take us out, but be sure and bring us back, as we could not hold converse with them. two others offered their aid, beside the chief's son, a fine-looking youth of about sixteen, richly dressed in blue broadcloth, scarlet sash and leggins, with a scarf of brighter red than the rest, tied around his head, its ends falling gracefully on one shoulder. they thought it, apparently, fine amusement to be attending two white women; they carried us into the path of the steamboat, which was going out, and paddled with all their force,--rather too fast, indeed, for there was something of a swell on the lake, and they sometimes threw water into the canoe. however, it flew over the waves, light as a seagull. they would say, "pull away," and "ver' warm," and, after these words, would laugh gayly. they enjoyed the hour, i believe, as much as we. the house where we lived belonged to the widow of a french trader, an indian by birth, and wearing the dress of her country she spoke french fluently, and was very ladylike in her manners. she is a great character among them. they were all the time coming to pay her homage, or to get her aid and advice; for she is, i am told, a shrewd woman of business. my companion carried about her sketch-book with her, and the indians were interested when they saw her using her pencil, though less so than about the sun-shade. this lady of the tribe wanted to borrow the sketches of the beach, with its lodges and wild groups, "to show to the _savages_" she said. of the practical ability of the indian women, a good specimen is given by mckenney, in an amusing story of one who went to washington, and acted her part there in the "first circles," with a tact and sustained dissimulation worthy of cagliostro. she seemed to have a thorough love of intrigue for its own sake, and much dramatic talent. like the chiefs of her nation, when on an expedition among the foe, whether for revenge or profit, no impulses of vanity or way-side seductions had power to turn her aside from carrying out her plan as she had originally projected it. although i have little to tell, i feel that i have learnt a great deal of the indians, from observing them even in this broken and degraded condition. there is a language of eye and motion which cannot be put into words, and which teaches what words never can. i feel acquainted with the soul of this race; i read its nobler thought in their defaced figures. there _was_ a greatness, unique and precious, which he who does not feel will never duly appreciate the majesty of nature in this american continent. i have mentioned that the indian orator, who addressed the agents on this occasion, said, the difference between the white man and the red man is this: "the white man no sooner came here, than he thought of preparing the way for his posterity; the red man never thought of this." i was assured this was exactly his phrase; and it defines the true difference. we get the better because we do "look before and after." but, from, the same cause, we "pine for what is not." the red man, when happy, was thoroughly happy; when good, was simply good. he needed the medal, to let him know that he _was_ good. these evenings we were happy, looking over the old-fashioned garden, over the beach, over the waters and pretty island opposite, beneath the growing moon. we did not stay to see it full at mackinaw; at two o'clock one night, or rather morning, the great western came snorting in, and we must go; and mackinaw, and all the northwest summer, is now to me no more than picture and dream:-- "a dream within a dream." these last days at mackinaw have been pleasanter than the "lonesome" nine, for i have recovered the companion with whom i set out from the east,--one who sees all, prizes all, enjoys much, interrupts never. at detroit we stopped for half a day. this place is famous in our history, and the unjust anger at its surrender is still expressed by almost every one who passes there. i had always shared the common feeling on this subject; for the indignation at a disgrace to our arms that seemed so unnecessary has been handed down from father to child, and few of us have taken the pains to ascertain where the blame lay. but now, upon the spot, having read all the testimony, i felt convinced that it should rest solely with the government, which, by neglecting to sustain general hull, as he had a right to expect they would, compelled him to take this step, or sacrifice many lives, and of the defenceless inhabitants, not of soldiers, to the cruelty of a savage foe, for the sake of his reputation. i am a woman, and unlearned in such affairs; but, to a person with common sense and good eyesight, it is clear, when viewing the location, that, under the circumstances, he had no prospect of successful defence, and that to attempt it would have been an act of vanity, not valor. i feel that i am not biassed in this judgment by my personal relations, for i have always heard both sides, and though my feelings had been moved by the picture of the old man sitting in the midst of his children, to a retired and despoiled old age, after a life of honor and happy intercourse with the public, yet tranquil, always secure that justice must be done at last, i supposed, like others, that he deceived himself, and deserved to pay the penalty for failure to the responsibility he had undertaken. now, on the spot, i change, and believe the country at large must, erelong, change from this opinion. and i wish to add my testimony, however trifling its weight, before it be drowned in the voice of general assent, that i may do some justice to the feelings which possess me here and now. a noble boat, the wisconsin, was to be launched this afternoon; the whole town was out in many-colored array, the band playing. our boat swept round to a good position, and all was ready but--the wisconsin, which could not be made to stir. this was quite a disappointment. it would have been an imposing sight. in the boat many signs admonished that we were floating eastward. a shabbily-dressed phrenologist laid his hand on every head which would bend, with half-conceited, half-sheepish expression, to the trial of his skill. knots of people gathered here and there to discuss points of theology. a bereaved lover was seeking religious consolation in--butler's analogy, which he had purchased for that purpose. however, he did not turn over many pages before his attention was drawn aside by the gay glances of certain damsels that came on board at detroit, and, though butler might afterwards be seen sticking from his pocket, it had not weight to impede him from many a feat of lightness and liveliness. i doubt if it went with him from the boat. some there were, even, discussing the doctrines of fourier. it seemed pity they were not going to, rather than from, the rich and free country where it would be so much easier than with us to try the great experiment of voluntary association, and show beyond a doubt that "an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure," a maxim of the "wisdom of nations" which has proved of little practical efficacy as yet. better to stop before landing at buffalo, while i have yet the advantage over some of my readers. the book to the reader, who opens, as american readers often do,--at the end. to see your cousin in her country home, if at the time of blackberries you come, "welcome, my friends," she cries with ready glee, "the fruit is ripened, and the paths are free. but, madam, you will tear that handsome gown; the little boy be sure to tumble down; and, in the thickets where they ripen best, the matted ivy, too, its bower has drest. and then the thorns your hands are sure to rend, unless with heavy gloves you will defend; amid most thorns the sweetest roses blow, amid most thorns the sweetest berries grow." if, undeterred, you to the fields must go, you tear your dresses and you scratch your hands; but, in the places where the berries grow, a sweeter fruit the ready sense commands, of wild, gay feelings, fancies springing sweet,-- of bird-like pleasures, fluttering and fleet. another year, you cannot go yourself, to win the berries from the thickets wild, and housewife skill, instead, has filled the shelf with blackberry jam, "by best receipts compiled,-- not made with country sugar, for too strong the flavors that to maple-juice belong; but foreign sugar, nicely mixed 'to suit the taste,' spoils not the fragrance of the fruit." "'tis pretty good," half-tasting, you reply, "i scarce should know it from fresh blackberry. but the best pleasure such a fruit can yield is to be gathered in the open field; if only as an article of food, cherry or crab-apple is quite as good; and, for occasions of festivity, west india sweetmeats you had better buy." thus, such a dish of homely sweets as these in neither way may chance the taste to please. yet try a little with the evening-bread; bring a good needle for the spool of thread; take fact with fiction, silver with the lead, and, at the mint, you can get gold instead; in fine, read me, even as you would be read. part ii. things and thoughts in europe. letter i. passage in the cambria.--lord and lady falkland.--captain judkins.--liverpool.--manchester.--mechanics' institute.--"the dial."--peace and war.--the working-men of england.--their tribute to sir robert peel.--the royal institute.--statues.--chester.--bathing. ambleside, westmoreland, d august, . i take the first interval of rest and stillness to be filled up by some lines for the tribune. only three weeks have passed since leaving new york, but i have already had nine days of wonder in england, and, having learned a good deal, suppose i may have something to tell. long before receiving this, you know that we were fortunate in the shortest voyage ever made across the atlantic,[a]--only ten days and sixteen hours from boston to liverpool. the weather and all circumstances were propitious; and, if some of us were weak of head enough to suffer from the smell and jar of the machinery, or other ills by which the sea is wont to avenge itself on the arrogance of its vanquishers, we found no pity. the stewardess observed that she thought "any one tempted god almighty who complained on a voyage where they did not even have to put guards to the dishes"! [footnote a: true at the time these letters were written.--ed.] as many contradictory counsels were given us with regard to going in one of the steamers in preference to a sailing vessel, i will mention here, for the benefit of those who have not yet tried one, that he must be fastidious indeed who could complain of the cambria. the advantage of a quick passage and certainty as to the time of arrival, would, with us, have outweighed many ills; but, apart from this, we found more space than we expected and as much as we needed for a very tolerable degree of convenience in our sleeping-rooms, better ventilation than americans in general can be persuaded to accept, general cleanliness, and good attendance. in the evening, when the wind was favorable, and the sails set, so that the vessel looked like a great winged creature darting across the apparently measureless expanse, the effect was very grand, but ah! for such a spectacle one pays too dear; i far prefer looking out upon "the blue and foaming sea" from a firm green shore. our ship's company numbered several pleasant members, and that desire prevailed in each to contribute to the satisfaction of all, which, if carried out through the voyage of life, would make this earth as happy as it is a lovely abode. at halifax we took in the governor of nova scotia, returning from his very unpopular administration. his lady was with, him, a daughter of william the fourth and the celebrated mrs. jordan. the english on board, and the americans, following their lead, as usual, seemed to attach much importance to her left-handed alliance with one of the dullest families that ever sat upon a throne, (and that is a bold word, too,) none to her descent from one whom nature had endowed with her most splendid regalia,--genius that fascinated the attention of all kinds and classes of men, grace and winning qualities that no heart could resist. was the cestus buried with her, that no sense of its pre-eminent value lingered, as far as i could perceive, in the thoughts of any except myself? we had a foretaste of the delights of living under an aristocratical government at the custom-house, where our baggage was detained, and we waiting for it weary hours, because of the preference given to the mass of household stuff carried back by this same lord and lady falkland. captain judkins of the cambria, an able and prompt commander, is the man who insisted upon douglass being admitted to equal rights upon his deck with the insolent slave-holders, and assumed a tone toward their assumptions, which, if the northern states had had the firmness, good sense, and honor to use, would have had the same effect, and put our country in a very different position from that she occupies at present. he mentioned with pride that he understood the new york herald called him "the nigger captain," and seemed as willing to accept the distinction as colonel mckenney is to wear as his last title that of "the indian's friend." at the first sight of the famous liverpool docks, extending miles on each side of our landing, we felt ourselves in a slower, solider, and not on that account less truly active, state of things than at home. that impression is confirmed. there is not as we travel that rushing, tearing, and swearing, that snatching of baggage, that prodigality of shoe-leather and lungs, which attend the course of the traveller in the united states; but we do not lose our "goods," we do not miss our car. the dinner, if ordered in time, is cooked properly, and served punctually, and at the end of the day more that is permanent seems to have come of it than on the full-drive system. but more of this, and with a better grace, at a later day. the day after our arrival we went to manchester. there we went over the magnificent warehouse of ---- phillips, in itself a bazaar ample to furnish provision for all the wants and fancies of thousands. in the evening we went to the mechanics' institute, and saw the boys and young men in their classes. i have since visited the mechanics' institute at liverpool, where more than seventeen hundred pupils are received, and with more thorough educational arrangements; but the excellent spirit, the desire for growth in wisdom and enlightened benevolence, is the same in both. for a very small fee, the mechanic, clerk, or apprentice, and the women of their families, can receive various good and well-arranged instruction, not only in common branches of an english education, but in mathematics, composition, the french and german, languages, the practice and theory of the fine arts, and they are ardent in availing themselves of instruction in the higher branches. i found large classes, not only in architectural drawing, which may be supposed to be followed with a view to professional objects, but landscape also, and as large in german as in french. they can attend many good lectures and concerts without additional charge, for a due place is here assigned to music as to its influence on the whole mind. the large and well-furnished libraries are in constant requisition, and the books in most constant demand are not those of amusement, but of a solid and permanent interest and value. only for the last year in manchester, and for two in liverpool, have these advantages been extended to girls; but now that part of the subject is looked upon as it ought to be, and begins to be treated more and more as it must and will be wherever true civilization is making its way. one of the handsomest houses in liverpool has been purchased for the girls' school, and room and good arrangement been afforded for their work and their play. among other things they are taught, as they ought to be in all american schools, to cut out and make dresses. i had the pleasure of seeing quotations made from our boston "dial," in the address in which the director of the liverpool institute, a very benevolent and intelligent man, explained to his disciples and others its objects, and which concludes thus:-- "but this subject of self-improvement is inexhaustible. if traced to its results in action, it is, in fact, 'the whole duty of man.' what of detail it involves and implies, i know that you will, each and all, think out for yourselves. beautifully has it been said: 'is not the difference between spiritual and material things just this,--that in the one case we must watch details, in the other, keep alive the high resolve, and the details will take care of themselves? keep the sacred central fire burning, and throughout the system, in each of its acts, will be warmth and glow enough.'[a] [footnote a: the dial, vol. i. p. , october, , "musings of a recluse."] "for myself, if i be asked what my purpose is in relation to you, i would briefly reply, it is that i may help, be it ever so feebly, to train up a race of young men, who shall escape vice by rising above it; who shall love truth because it is truth, not because it brings them wealth or honor; who shall regard life as a solemn thing, involving too weighty responsibilities to be wasted in idle or frivolous pursuits; who shall recognize in their daily labors, not merely a tribute to the "hard necessity of daily bread," but a field for the development of their better nature by the discharge of duty; who shall judge in all things for themselves, bowing the knee to no sectarian or party watchwords of any kind; and who, while they think for themselves, shall feel for others, and regard their talents, their attainments, their opportunities, their possessions, as blessings held in trust for the good of their fellow-men." i found that the dial had been read with earnest interest by some of the best minds in these especially practical regions, that it had been welcomed as a representative of some sincere and honorable life in america, and thought the fittest to be quoted under this motto:-- "what are noble deeds but noble thoughts realized?" among other signs of the times we bought bradshaw's railway guide, and, opening it, found extracts from the writings of our countrymen, elihu burritt and charles sumner, on the subject of peace, occupying a leading place in the "collect," for the month, of this little hand-book, more likely, in an era like ours, to influence the conduct of the day than would an illuminated breviary. now that peace is secured for the present between our two countries, the spirit is not forgotten that quelled the storm. greeted on every side with expressions of feeling about the blessings of peace, the madness and wickedness of war, that would be deemed romantic in our darker land, i have answered to the speakers, "but you are mightily pleased, and illuminate for your victories in china and ireland, do you not?" and they, unprovoked by the taunt, would mildly reply, "_we_ do not, but it is too true that a large part of the nation fail to bring home the true nature and bearing of those events, and apply principle to conduct with as much justice as they do in the case of a nation nearer to them by kindred and position. but we are sure that feeling is growing purer on the subject day by day, and that there will soon be a large majority against war on any occasion or for any object." i heard a most interesting letter read from a tradesman in one of the country towns, whose daughters are self-elected instructors of the people in the way of cutting out from books and pamphlets fragments on the great subjects of the day, which they send about in packages, or paste on walls and doors. he said that one such passage, pasted on a door, he had seen read with eager interest by hundreds to whom such thoughts were, probably, quite new, and with some of whom it could scarcely fail to be as a little seed of a large harvest. another good omen i found in written tracts by joseph barker, a working-man of the town of wortley, published through his own printing-press. how great, how imperious the need of such men, of such deeds, we felt more than ever, while compelled to turn a deaf ear to the squalid and shameless beggars of liverpool, or talking by night in the streets of manchester to the girls from the mills, who were strolling bareheaded, with coarse, rude, and reckless air, through the streets, or seeing through the windows of the gin-palaces the women seated drinking, too dull to carouse. the homes of england! their sweetness is melting into fable; only the new spirit in its holiest power can restore to those homes their boasted security of "each man's castle," for woman, the warder, is driven into the street, and has let fall the keys in her sad plight. yet darkest hour of night is nearest dawn, and there seems reason to believe that "there's a good time coming." blest be those who aid, who doubt not that "smallest helps, if rightly given, make the impulse stronger; 'twill be strong enough one day." other things we saw in liverpool,--the royal institute, with the statue of roscoe by chantrey, and in its collection from the works of the early italian artists, and otherwise, bearing traces of that liberality and culture by which the man, happy enough to possess them, and at the same time engaged with his fellow-citizens in practical life, can do so much more to enlighten and form them, than prince or noble possibly can with far larger pecuniary means. we saw the statue of huskisson in the cemetery. it is fine as a portrait statue, but as a work of art wants firmness and grandeur. i say it is fine as a portrait statue, though we were told it is not like the original; but it is a good conception of an individuality which might exist, if it does not yet. it is by gibson, who received his early education in liverpool. i saw there, too, the body of an infant borne to the grave by women; for it is a beautiful custom, here, that those who have fulfilled all other tender offices to the little being should hold to it the same relation to the very last. from liverpool we went to chester, one of the oldest cities in england, a roman station once, and abode of the "twentieth legion," "the victorious." tiles bearing this inscription, heads of jupiter, and other marks of their occupation, have, not long ago, been detected beneath the sod. the town also bears the marks of welsh invasion and domestic struggles. the shape of a cross in which it is laid out, its walls and towers, its four arched gateways, its ramparts and ruined, towers, mantled with ivy, its old houses with biblical inscriptions, its cathedral,--in which tall trees have grown up amid the arches, a fresh garden-plot, with flowers, bright green and red, taken place of the altar, and a crowd of revelling swallows supplanted the sallow choirs of a former priesthood,--present a _tout-ensemble_ highly romantic in itself, and charming, indeed, to transatlantic eyes. yet not to all eyes would it have had charms, for one american traveller, our companion on the voyage, gravely assured us that we should find the "castles and that sort of thing all humbug," and that, if we wished to enjoy them, it would "be best to sit at home and read some _handsome_ work on the subject." at the hotel in liverpool and that in manchester i had found no bath, and asking for one at chester, the chambermaid said, with earnest good-will, that "they had none, but she thought she could get me a note from her master to the infirmary (!!) if i would go there." luckily i did not generalize quite as rapidly as travellers in america usually do, and put in the note-book,--"_mem._: none but the sick ever bathe in england"; for in the next establishment we tried, i found the plentiful provision for a clean and healthy day, which i had read would be met _everywhere_ in this country. all else i must defer to my next, as the mail is soon to close. letter ii. chester.--its museum.--travelling companions.--a bengalese.-- westmoreland.--ambleside.--cobden and bright.--a scotch lady.--wordsworth.--his flowers.--miss martineau. ambleside. westmoreland, th august, . i forgot to mention, in writing of chester, an object which gave me pleasure. i mentioned, that the wall which enclosed the old town was two miles in circumference; far beyond this stretches the modern part of chester, and the old gateways now overarch the middle of long streets. this wall is now a walk for the inhabitants, commanding a wide prospect, and three persons could walk abreast on its smooth flags. we passed one of its old picturesque towers, from whose top charles the first, poor, weak, unhappy king, looked down and saw his troops defeated by the parliamentary army on the adjacent plain. a little farther on, one of these picturesque towers is turned to the use of a museum, whose stock, though scanty, i examined with singular pleasure, for it had been made up by truly filial contributions from, all who had derived benefit from chester, from the marquis of westminster--whose magnificent abode, eton hall, lies not far off--down to the merchant's clerk, who had furnished it in his leisure hours with a geological chart, the soldier and sailor, who sent back shells, insects, and petrifactions from their distant wanderings, and a boy of thirteen, who had made, in wood, a model of its cathedral, and even furnished it with a bell to ring out the evening chimes. many women had been busy in filling these magazines for the instruction and the pleasure of their fellow-townsmen. lady ----, the wife of the captain of the garrison, grateful for the gratuitous admission of the soldiers once a month,--a privilege of which the keeper of the museum (a woman also, who took an intelligent pleasure in her task) assured me that they were eager to avail themselves,--had given a fine collection of butterflies, and a ship. an untiring diligence had been shown in adding whatever might stimulate or gratify imperfectly educated minds. i like to see women perceive that there are other ways of doing good besides making clothes for the poor or teaching sunday-school; these are well, if well directed, but there are many other ways, some as sure and surer, and which benefit the giver no less than the receiver. i was waked from sleep at the chester inn by a loud dispute between the chambermaid and an unhappy elderly gentleman, who insisted that he had engaged the room in which i was, had returned to sleep in it, and consequently must do so. to her assurances that the lady was long since in possession, he was deaf; but the lock, fortunately for me, proved a stronger defence. with all a chambermaid's morality, the maiden boasted to me, "he said he had engaged , and would not believe me when i assured him it was ; indeed, how could he? i did not believe myself." to my assurance that, if i had known the room, was his, i should not have wished for it, but preferred taking a worse, i found her a polite but incredulous listener. passing from liverpool to lancaster by railroad, that convenient but most unprofitable and stupid way of travelling, we there took the canal-boat to kendal, and passed pleasantly through a country of that soft, that refined and cultivated loveliness, which, however much we have heard of it, finds the american eye--accustomed to so much wildness, so much rudeness, such a corrosive action of man upon nature--wholly unprepared. i feel all the time as if in a sweet dream, and dread to be presently awakened by some rude jar or glare; but none comes, and here in westmoreland--but wait a moment, before we speak of that. in the canal-boat we found two well-bred english gentlemen, and two well-informed german gentlemen, with whom we had some agreeable talk. with one of the former was a beautiful youth, about eighteen, whom i supposed, at the first glance, to be a type of that pure east-indian race whose beauty i had never seen represented before except in pictures; and he made a picture, from which i could scarcely take my eyes a moment, and from it could as ill endure to part. he was dressed in a broadcloth robe richly embroidered, leaving his throat and the upper part of his neck bare, except that he wore a heavy gold chain. a rich shawl was thrown gracefully around him; the sleeves of his robe were loose, with white sleeves below. he wore a black satin cap. the whole effect of this dress was very fine yet simple, setting off to the utmost advantage the distinguished beauty of his features, in which there was a mingling of national pride, voluptuous sweetness in that unconscious state of reverie when it affects us as it does in the flower, and intelligence in its newly awakened purity. as he turned his head, his profile was like one i used to have of love asleep, while psyche leans over him with the lamp; but his front face, with the full, summery look of the eye, was unlike that. he was a bengalese, living in england for his education, as several others are at present. he spoke english well, and conversed on several subjects, literary and political, with grace, fluency, and delicacy of thought. passing from kendal to ambleside, we found a charming abode furnished us by the care of a friend in one of the stone cottages of this region, almost the only one _not_ ivy-wreathed, but commanding a beautiful view of the mountains, and truly an english home in its neatness, quiet, and delicate, noiseless attention to the wants of all within its walls. here we have passed eight happy days, varied by many drives, boating excursions on grasmere and winandermere, and the society of several agreeable persons. as the lake district at this season draws together all kinds of people, and a great variety beside come from, all quarters to inhabit the charming dwellings that adorn its hill-sides and shores, i met and saw a good deal of the representatives of various classes, at once. i found here two landed proprietors from other parts of england, both "travelled english," one owning a property in greece, where he frequently resides, both warmly engaged in reform measures, anti-corn-law, anti-capital-punishment,--one of them an earnest student of emerson's essays. both of them had wives, who kept pace with their projects and their thoughts, active and intelligent women, true ladies, skilful in drawing and music; all the better wives for the development of every power. one of them told me, with a glow of pride, that it was not long since her husband had been "cut" by all his neighbors among the gentry for the part he took against the corn laws; but, she added, he was now a favorite with them all. verily, faith will remove mountains, if only you do join with it any fair portion of the dove and serpent attributes. i found here, too, a wealthy manufacturer, who had written many valuable pamphlets on popular subjects. he said: "now that the progress of public opinion was beginning to make the church and the army narrower fields for the younger sons of 'noble' families, they sometimes wish to enter into trade; but, beside the aversion which had been instilled into them for many centuries, they had rarely patience and energy for the apprenticeship requisite to give the needed knowledge of the world and habits of labor." of cobden he said: "he is inferior in acquirements to very many of his class, as he is self-educated and had everything to learn after he was grown up; but in clear insight there is none like him." a man of very little education, whom i met a day or two after in the stage-coach, observed to me: "bright is far the more eloquent of the two, but cobden is more felt, just _because_ his speeches are so plain, so merely matter-of-fact and to the point." we became acquainted also with dr. gregory, professor of chemistry at edinburgh, a very enlightened and benevolent man, who in many ways both instructed and benefited us. he is the friend of liebig, and one of his chief representatives here. we also met a fine specimen of the noble, intelligent scotchwoman, such as walter scott and burns knew how to prize. seventy-six years have passed over her head, only to prove in her the truth of my theory, that we need never grow old. she was "brought up" in the animated and intellectual circle of edinburgh, in youth an apt disciple, in her prime a bright ornament of that society. she had been an only child, a cherished wife, an adored mother, unspoiled by love in any of these relations, because that love was founded on knowledge. in childhood she had warmly sympathized in the spirit that animated the american revolution, and washington had been her hero; later, the interest of her husband in every struggle for freedom had cherished her own; she had known in the course of her long life many eminent men, knew minutely the history of efforts in that direction, and sympathized now in the triumph of the people over the corn laws, as she had in the american victories, with as much ardor as when a girl, though with a wiser mind. her eye was full of light, her manner and gesture of dignity; her voice rich, sonorous, and finely modulated; her tide of talk marked by candor, justice, and showing in every sentence her ripe experience and her noble, genial nature. dear to memory will be the sight of her in the beautiful seclusion of her home among the mountains, a picturesque, flower-wreathed dwelling, where affection, tranquillity, and wisdom were the gods of the hearth, to whom was offered no vain oblation. grant us more such women, time! grant to men the power to reverence, to seek for such! our visit to mr. wordsworth was very pleasant. he also is seventy-six, but his is a florid, fair old age. he walked with us to all his haunts about the house. its situation is beautiful, and the "rydalian laurels" are magnificent. still i saw abodes among the hills that i should have preferred for wordsworth, more wild and still, more romantic; the fresh and lovely rydal mount seems merely the retirement of a gentleman, rather than the haunt of a poet. he showed his benignity of disposition in several little things, especially in his attentions to a young boy we had with us. this boy had left the circus, exhibiting its feats of horsemanship in ambleside "for that day only," at his own desire to see wordsworth, and i feared he would be disappointed, as i know i should have been at his age, if, when called to see a poet, i had found no apollo, flaming with youthful glory, laurel-crowned and lyre in hand, but, instead, a reverend old man clothed in black, and walking with cautious step along the level garden-path; however, he was not disappointed, but seemed in timid reverence to recognize the spirit that had dictated "laodamia" and "dion,"--and wordsworth, in his turn, seemed to feel and prize a congenial nature in this child. taking us into the house, he showed us the picture of his sister, repeating with much expression some lines of hers, and those so famous of his about her, beginning, "five years," &c.; also his own picture, by inman, of whom he spoke with esteem. mr. wordsworth is fond of the hollyhock, a partiality scarcely deserved by the flower, but which marks the simplicity of his tastes. he had made a long avenue of them of all colors, from the crimson-brown to rose, straw-color, and white, and pleased himself with having made proselytes to a liking for them among his neighbors. i never have seen such magnificent fuchsias as at ambleside, and there was one to be seen in every cottage-yard. they are no longer here under the shelter of the green-house, as with us, and as they used to be in england. the plant, from its grace and finished elegance, being a great favorite of mine, i should like to see it as frequently and of as luxuriant a growth at home, and asked their mode of culture, which i here mark down, for the benefit of all who may be interested. make a bed of bog-earth and sand, put down slips of the fuchsia, and give them a great deal of water,--this is all they need. people have them out here in winter, but perhaps they would not bear the cold of our januaries. mr. wordsworth spoke with, more liberality than we expected of the recent measures about the corn laws, saying that "the principle was certainly right, though as to whether existing interests had been as carefully attended to as was just, he was not prepared to say." his neighbors were pleased to hear of his speaking thus mildly, and hailed it as a sign that he was opening his mind to more light on these subjects. they lament that his habits of seclusion keep him much ignorant of the real wants of england and the world. living in this region, which is cultivated by small proprietors, where there is little poverty, vice, or misery, he hears not the voice which cries so loudly from other parts of england, and will not be stilled by sweet poetic suasion or philosophy, for it is the cry of men in the jaws of destruction. it was pleasant to find the reverence inspired by this great and pure mind warmest nearest home. our landlady, in heaping praises upon him, added, constantly, "and mrs. wordsworth, too." "do the people here," said i, "value mr. wordsworth most because he is a celebrated writer?" "truly, madam," said she, "i think it is because he is so kind a neighbor." "true to the kindred points of heaven and home." dr. arnold, too,--who lived, as his family still live, here,--diffused the same ennobling and animating spirit among those who knew him in private, as through the sphere of his public labors. miss martineau has here a charming residence; it has been finished only a few months, but all about it is in unexpectedly fair order, and promises much beauty after a year or two of growth. here we found her restored to full health and activity, looking, indeed, far better than she did when in the united states. it was pleasant to see her in this home, presented to her by the gratitude of england for her course of energetic and benevolent effort, and adorned by tributes of affection and esteem from many quarters. from the testimony of those who were with her in and since her illness, her recovery would seem to be of as magical quickness and sure progress as has been represented. at the house of miss martineau i saw milman, the author, i must not say poet,--a specimen of the polished, scholarly man of the world. we passed one most delightful day in a visit to langdale,--the scene of "the excursion,"--and to dungeon-ghyll force. i am finishing my letter at carlisle on my way to scotland, and will give a slight sketch of that excursion, and one which occupied another day, from keswick to buttermere and crummock water, in my next. letter iii. westmoreland.--langdale.--dungeon-ghyll force.--keswick.--carlisle.-- branxholm.--scott.--burns. edinburgh, th september, . i have too long delayed writing up my journal.--many interesting observations slip from recollection if one waits so many days: yet, while travelling, it is almost impossible to find an hour when something of value to be seen will not be lost while writing. i said, in closing my last, that i would write a little more about westmoreland; but so much, has happened since, that i must now dismiss that region with all possible brevity. the first day of which i wished to speak was passed in visiting langdale, the scene of wordsworth's "excursion." our party of eight went in two of the vehicles called cars or droskas,--open carriages, each drawn by one horse. they are rather fatiguing to ride in, but good to see from. in steep and stony places all alight, and the driver leads the horse: so many of these there are, that we were four or five hours in going ten miles, including the pauses when we wished to _look_. the scenes through which we passed are, indeed, of the most wild and noble character. the wildness is not savage, but very calm. without recurring to details, i recognized the tone and atmosphere of that noble poem, which was to me, at a feverish period in my life, as pure waters, free breezes, and cold blue sky, bringing a sense of eternity that gave an aspect of composure to the rudest volcanic wrecks of time. we dined at a farm-house of the vale, with its stone floors, old carved cabinet (the pride of a house of this sort), and ready provision of oaten cakes. we then ascended a near hill to the waterfall called dungeon-ghyll force, also a subject touched by wordsworth's muse. you wind along a path for a long time, hearing the sound of the falling water, but do not see it till, descending by a ladder the side of the ravine, you come to its very foot. you find yourself then in a deep chasm, bridged over by a narrow arch of rock; the water falls at the farther end in a narrow column. looking up, you see the sky through a fissure so narrow as to make it look very pure and distant. one of our party, passing in, stood some time at the foot of the waterfall, and added much to its effect, as his height gave a measure by which to appreciate that of surrounding objects, and his look, by that light so pale and statuesque, seemed to inform the place with the presence of its genius. our circuit homeward from this grand scene led us through some lovely places, and to an outlook upon the most beautiful part of westmoreland. passing over to keswick we saw derwentwater, and near it the fall of lodore. it was from keswick that we made the excursion of a day through borrowdale to buttermere and crummock water, which i meant to speak of, but find it impossible at this moment. the mind does not now furnish congenial colors with which to represent the vision of that day: it must still wait in the mind and bide its time, again to emerge to outer air. at keswick we went to see a model of the lake country which gives an excellent idea of the relative positions of all objects. its maker had given six years to the necessary surveys and drawings. he said that he had first become acquainted with the country from his taste for fishing, but had learned to love its beauty, till the thought arose of making this model; that while engaged in it, he visited almost every spot amid the hills, and commonly saw both sunrise and sunset upon them; that he was happy all the time, but almost too happy when he saw one section of his model coming out quite right, and felt sure at last that he should be quite successful in representing to others the home of his thoughts. i looked upon him as indeed an enviable man, to have a profession so congenial with his feelings, in which he had been so naturally led to do what would be useful and pleasant for others. passing from keswick through a pleasant and cultivated country, we paused at "fair carlisle," not voluntarily, but because we could not get the means of proceeding farther that day. so, as it was one in which "the sun shone fair on carlisle wall," we visited its cathedral and castle, and trod, for the first time, in some of the footsteps of the unfortunate queen of scots. passing next day the border, we found the mosses all drained, and the very existence of sometime moss-troopers would have seemed problematical, but for the remains of gilnockie,--the tower of johnnie armstrong, so pathetically recalled in one of the finest of the scottish ballads. its size, as well as that of other keeps, towers, and castles, whose ruins are reverentially preserved in scotland, gives a lively sense of the time when population was so scanty, and individual manhood grew to such force. ten men in gilnockie were stronger then in proportion to the whole, and probably had in them more of intelligence, resource, and genuine manly power, than ten regiments now of red-coats drilled to act out manoeuvres they do not understand, and use artillery which needs of them no more than the match to go off and do its hideous message. farther on we saw branxholm, and the water in crossing which the goblin page was obliged to resume his proper shape and fly, crying, "lost, lost, lost!" verily these things seem more like home than one's own nursery, whose toys and furniture could not in actual presence engage the thoughts like these pictures, made familiar as household words by the most generous, kindly genius that ever blessed this earth. on the coach with us was a gentleman coming from london to make his yearly visit to the neighborhood of burns, in which he was born. "i can now," said he, "go but once a year; when a boy, i never let a week pass without visiting the house of burns." he afterward observed, as every step woke us to fresh recollections of walter scott, that scott, with all his vast range of talent, knowledge, and activity, was a poet of the past only, and in his inmost heart wedded to the habits of a feudal aristocracy, while burns is the poet of the present and the future, the man of the people, and throughout a genuine man. this is true enough; but for my part i cannot endure a comparison which by a breath of coolness depreciates either. both were wanted; each acted the important part assigned him by destiny with a wonderful thoroughness and completeness. scott breathed the breath just fleeting from the forms of ancient scottish heroism and poesy into new,--he made for us the bridge by which we have gone into the old ossianic hall and caught the meaning just as it was about to pass from us for ever. burns is full of the noble, genuine democracy which seeks not to destroy royalty, but to make all men kings, as he himself was, in nature and in action. they belong to the same world; they are pillars of the same church, though they uphold its starry roof from opposite sides. burns was much the rarer man; precisely because he had most of common nature on a grand scale; his humor, his passion, his sweetness, are all his own; they need no picturesque or romantic accessories to give them due relief: looked at by all lights they are the same. since adam, there has been none that approached nearer fitness to stand up before god and angels in the naked majesty of manhood than robert burns;--but there was a serpent in his field also! yet but for his fault we could never have seen brought out the brave and patriotic modesty with which he owned it. shame on him who could bear to think of fault in this rich jewel, unless reminded by such confession. we passed abbotsford without stopping, intending to go there on our return. last year five hundred americans inscribed their names in its porter's book. a raw-boned scotsman, who gathered his weary length into our coach on his return from a pilgrimage thither, did us the favor to inform us that "sir walter was a vara intelligent mon," and the guide-book mentions "the american washington" as "a worthy old patriot." lord safe us, cummers, what news be there! this letter, meant to go by the great britain, many interruptions force me to close, unflavored by one whiff from the smoke of auld reekie. more and better matter shall my next contain, for here and in the highlands i have passed three not unproductive weeks, of which more anon. letter iv. edinburgh, old and new.--scott and burns.--dr. andrew combe.--american re-publishing.--the bookselling trade.--the messrs. chambers.--de quincey the opium-eater.--dr. chalmers. edinburgh, september d, . the beautiful and stately aspect of this city has been the theme of admiration so general that i can only echo it. we have seen it to the greatest advantage both from calton hill and arthur's seat, and our lodgings in princess street allow us a fine view of the castle, always impressive, but peculiarly so in the moonlit evenings of our first week here, when a veil of mist added to its apparent size, and at the same time gave it the air with which martin, in his illustrations of "paradise lost," has invested the palace which "rose like an exhalation." on this our second visit, after an absence of near a fortnight in the highlands, we are at a hotel nearly facing the new monument to scott, and the tallest buildings of the old town. from my windows i see the famous kirk, the spot where the old tolbooth was, and can almost distinguish that where porteous was done to death, and other objects described in the most dramatic part of "the heart of mid-lothian." in one of these tall houses hume wrote part of his history of england, and on this spot still nearer was the home of allan ramsay. a thousand other interesting and pregnant associations present themselves every time i look out of the window. in the open square between us and the old town is to be the terminus of the railroad, but as the building will be masked with trees, it is thought it will not mar the beauty of the place; yet scott could hardly have looked without regret upon an object that marks so distinctly the conquest of the new over the old, and, appropriately enough, his statue has its back turned that way. the effect of the monument to scott is pleasing, though without strict unity of thought or original beauty of design. the statue is too much hid within the monument, and wants that majesty of repose in the attitude and drapery which a sitting figure should have, and which might well accompany the massive head of scott. still the monument is an ornament and an honor to the city. this is now the fourth that has been erected within two years to commemorate the triumphs of genius. monuments that have risen from the same idea, and in such quick succession, to schiller, to goethe, to beethoven, and to scott, signalize the character of the new era still more happily than does the railroad coming up almost to the foot of edinburgh castle. the statue of burns has been removed from the monument erected in his honor, to one of the public libraries, as being there more accessible to the public. it is, however, entirely unworthy its subject, giving the idea of a smaller and younger person, while we think of burns as of a man in the prime of manhood, one who not only promised, but _was_, and with a sunny glow and breadth, of character of which this stone effigy presents no sign. a scottish gentleman told me the following story, which would afford the finest subject for a painter capable of representing the glowing eye and natural kingliness of burns, in contrast to the poor, mean puppets he reproved. burns, still only in the dawn of his celebrity, was invited to dine with one of the neighboring so-called gentry (unhappily quite void of true gentle blood). on arriving he found his plate set in the servants' room!! after dinner he was invited into a room where guests were assembled, and, a chair being placed for him at the lower end of the board, a glass of wine was offered, and he was requested to sing one of his songs for the entertainment of the company. he drank off the wine, and thundered forth in reply his grand song, "for a' that and a' that," with which it will do no harm to refresh the memories of our readers, for we doubt there may be, even in republican america, those who need the reproof as much, and with far less excuse, than had that scottish company. "is there, for honest poverty, that hangs his head, and a' that? the coward slave, we pass him by, we dare be poor for a' that! for a' that, and a' that, our toils obscure, and a' that, the rank is but the guinea's stamp, the man's the gowd for a' that. "what tho' on hamely fare we dine, wear hoddin gray, and a' that; gie fools their silks, and knaves their wine, a man's a man for a' that! for a' that, and a' that, their tinsel show, and a' that, the honest man, though, e'er sae poor is king o' men for a' that. "ye see yon birkie, ca'd a lord, wha struts, and stares, and a' that; tho' hundreds worship at his word, he's but a coof for a' that; for a' that, and a' that, his ribbon, star, and a' that, the man of independent mind, he looks and laughs at a' that. "a prince can make a belted knight, a marquis, duke, and a' that; but an honest man's aboon his might guid faith, he maunna fa' that! for a' that, and a' that, their dignities, and a' that, the pith o' sense and pride o' worth are higher ranks than a' that. "then let us pray that, come it may, as come it will for a' that, that sense and worth, o'er a' the earth, may bear the gree, and a' that; for a' that, and a' that, it's coming yet for a' that, that man to man, the wide warld o'er, shall brothers be for a' that." and, having finished this prophecy and prayer, nature's nobleman left his churlish entertainers to hide their diminished heads in the home they had disgraced. we have seen all the stock lions. the regalia people still crowd to see, though the old natural feelings from which they so long lay hidden seem almost extinct. scotland grows english day by day. the libraries of the advocates, writers to the signet, &c., are fine establishments. the university and schools are now in vacation; we are compelled by unwise postponement of our journey to see both edinburgh and london at the worst possible season. we should have been here in april, there in june. there is always enough to see, but now we find a majority of the most interesting persons absent, and a stagnation in the intellectual movements of the place. we had, however, the good fortune to find dr. andrew combe, who, though a great invalid, was able and disposed for conversation at this time. i was impressed with great and affectionate respect by the benign and even temper of his mind, his extensive and accurate knowledge, accompanied, as such should naturally be, by a large and intelligent liberality. of our country he spoke very wisely and hopefully, though among other stories with which we, as americans, are put to the blush here, there is none worse than that of the conduct of some of our publishers toward him. one of these stories i had heard in new york, but supposed it to be exaggerated till i had it from the best authority. it is of one of our leading houses who were publishing on their own account and had stereotyped one of his works from an early edition. when this work had passed through other editions and he had for years been busy in reforming and amending it, he applied to this house to republish from the later and better edition. they refused. in vain he urged that it was not only for his own reputation as an author that he was anxious, but for the good of the great country through which writings on such, important subjects were to be circulated, that they might have the benefit of his labors and best knowledge. such arguments on the stupid and mercenary tempers of those addressed fell harmless as on a buffalo's hide might a gold-tipped arrow. the book, they thought, answered their purpose sufficiently, for it sells. other purpose for a book they knew none. and as to the natural rights of an author over the fruits of his mind, the distilled essence of a life consumed in the severities of mental labor, they had never heard of such a thing. his work was in the market, and he had no more to do with it, that they could see, than the silkworm with the lining of one of their coats. mr. greeley, the more i look at this subject, the more i must maintain, in opposition to your views, that the publisher cannot, if a mere tradesman, be a man of honor. it is impossible in the nature of things. he _must_ have some idea of the nature and value of literary labor, or he is wholly unfit to deal with its products. he cannot get along by occasional recourse to paid critics or readers; he must himself have some idea what he is about. one partner, at least, in the firm, must be a man of culture. all must understand enough to appreciate their position, and know that he who, for his sordid aims, circulates poisonous trash amid a great and growing people, and makes it almost impossible for those whom heaven has appointed as its instructors to do their office, are the worst of traitors, and to be condemned at the bar of nations under a sentence no less severe than false statesmen and false priests. this matter should and must be looked to more conscientiously. dr. combe, repelled by all this indifference to conscience and natural equity in the firm who had taken possession of his work, applied to others. but here he found himself at once opposed by the invisible barrier that makes this sort of tyranny so strong and so pernicious. "it was the understanding among the trade that they were not to interfere with one another; indeed, they could have no chance," &c., &c. when at last he did get the work republished in another part of the country less favorable for his purposes, the bargain made as to the pecuniary part of the transaction was in various ways so evaded, that, up to this time, he has received no compensation from that widely-circulated work, except a lock of spurzheim's hair!! i was pleased to hear the true view expressed by one of the messrs. chambers. these brothers have worked their way up to wealth and influence by daily labor and many steps. one of them is more the business man, the other the literary curator of their journal. of this journal they issue regularly eighty thousand copies, and it is doing an excellent work, by awakening among the people a desire for knowledge, and, to a considerable extent, furnishing them with good materials. i went over their fine establishment, where i found more than a hundred and fifty persons, in good part women, employed, all in well-aired, well-lighted rooms, seemingly healthy and content. connected with the establishment is a savings bank, and evening instruction in writing, singing, and arithmetic. there was also a reading-room, and the same valuable and liberal provision we had found attached to some of the manchester warehouses. such accessories dignify and gladden all kinds of labor, and show somewhat of the true spirit of human brotherhood in the employer. mr. chambers said he trusted they should never look on publishing _chiefly_ as _business_, or a lucrative and respectable employment, but as the means of mental and moral benefit to their countrymen. to one so wearied and disgusted as i have been by vulgar and base avowals on such subjects, it was very refreshing to hear this from the lips of a successful publisher. dr. combe spoke with high praise of mr. hurlbart's book, "human rights and their political guaranties," which was published at the tribune office. he observed that it was the work of a real thinker, and extremely well written. it is to be republished here. dr. combe said that it must make its way slowly, as it could interest those only who were willing to read thoughtfully; but its success was sure at last. he also spoke with, great interest and respect of mrs. farnham, of whose character and the influence she has exerted on the female prisoners at sing sing he had heard some account. a person of a quite different character and celebrity is de quincey, the english opium-eater, and who lately has delighted us again with the papers in blackwood headed "suspiria de profundis." i had the satisfaction, not easily attainable now, of seeing him for some hours, and in the mood of conversation. as one belonging to the wordsworth, and coleridge constellation, (he too is now seventy-six years of age,) the thoughts and knowledge of mr. de quincey lie in the past; and oftentimes he spoke of matters now become trite to one of a later culture. but to all that fell from his lips, his eloquence, subtile and forcible as the wind, full and gently falling as the evening dew, lent a peculiar charm. he is an admirable narrator, not rapid, but gliding along like a rivulet through a green meadow, giving and taking a thousand little beauties not absolutely required to give his story due relief, but each, in itself, a separate boon. i admired, too, his urbanity, so opposite to the rapid, slang, vivian-greyish style current in the literary conversation of the day. "sixty years since," men had time to do things better and more gracefully than now. with dr. chalmers we passed a couple of hours. he is old now, but still full of vigor and fire. we had an opportunity of hearing a fine burst of indignant eloquence from him. "i shall blush to my very bones," said he, "if the _chaarrch_"--(sound these two _rr_'s with as much burr as possible and you will get at an idea of his mode of pronouncing that unweariable word)--"if the chaarrch yields to the storm." he alluded to the outcry now raised against the free church by the abolitionists, whose motto is, "send back the money," i.e. money taken from the american slaveholders. dr. chalmers felt that, if they did not yield from conviction, they must not to assault. his manner of speaking on this subject gave me an idea of the nature of his eloquence. he seldom preaches now. a fine picture was presented by the opposition of figure and lineaments between a young indian, son of the celebrated dwarkanauth tagore, who happened to be there that morning, and dr. chalmers, as they were conversing together. the swarthy, half-timid, yet elegant face and form of the indian made a fine contrast with the florid, portly, yet intellectually luminous appearance of the doctor; half shepherd, half orator, he looked a shepherd king opposed to some arabian story-teller. i saw others in edinburgh of a later date who haply gave more valuable as well as fresher revelations of the spirit, and whose names may be by and by more celebrated than those i have cited; but for the present this must suffice. it would take a week, if i wrote half i saw or thought in edinburgh, and i must close for to-day. letter v. perth.--travelling by coach.--loch leven.--queen mary.--loch katrine.--the trosachs.--rowardennan.--a night on ben lomond.--scotch peasantry. birmingham, september th, . i was obliged to stop writing at edinburgh before the better half of my tale was told, and must now begin there again, to speak of an excursion into the highlands, which occupied about a fortnight. we left edinburgh, by coach for perth, and arrived there about three in the afternoon. i have reason to be very glad that i visit this island before the reign of the stage-coach is quite over. i have been constantly on the top of the coach, even one day of drenching rain, and enjoy it highly. nothing can be more inspiring than this swift, steady progress over such smooth roads, and placed so high as to overlook the country freely, with the lively flourish of the horn preluding every pause. travelling by railroad is, in my opinion, the most stupid process on earth; it is sleep without the refreshment of sleep, for the noise of the train makes it impossible either to read, talk, or sleep to advantage. but here the advantages are immense; you can fly through this dull trance from one beautiful place to another, and stay at each during the time that would otherwise be spent on the road. already the artists, who are obliged to find their home in london, rejoice that all england is thrown open to them for sketching-ground, since they can now avail themselves of a day's leisure at a great distance, and with choice of position, whereas formerly they were obliged to confine themselves to a few "green, and bowery" spots in the neighborhood of the metropolis. but while in the car, it is to me that worst of purgatories, the purgatory of dulness. well, on the coach we went to perth, and passed through kinross, and saw loch leven, and the island where queen mary passed those sorrowful months, before her romantic escape under care of the douglas. as this unhappy, lovely woman stands for a type in history, death, time, and distance do not destroy her attractive power. like cleopatra, she has still her adorers; nay, some are born to her in each new generation of men. lately she has for her chevalier the russian prince labanoff, who has spent fourteen years in studying upon all that related to her, and thinks now that he can make out a story and a picture about the mysteries of her short reign, which shall satisfy the desire of her lovers to find her as pure and just as she was charming. i have only seen of his array of evidence so much, as may be found in the pages of chambers's journal, but that much does not disturb the original view i have taken of the case; which is, that from a princess educated under the medici and guise influence, engaged in the meshes of secret intrigue to favor the roman catholic faith, her tacit acquiescence, at least, in the murder of darnley, after all his injurious conduct toward her, was just what was to be expected. from a poor, beautiful young woman, longing to enjoy life, exposed both by her position and her natural fascinations to the utmost bewilderment of flattery, whether prompted by interest or passion, her other acts of folly are most natural, and let all who feel inclined harshly to condemn her remember to "gently scan your brother man, still gentler sister woman." surely, in all the stern pages of life's account-book there is none on which a more terrible price is exacted for every precious endowment. her rank and reign only made her powerless to do good, and exposed her to danger; her talents only served to irritate her foes and disappoint her friends. this most charming of women was the destruction of her lovers: married three times, she had never any happiness as a wife, but in both the connections of her choice found that she had either never possessed or could not retain, even for a few weeks, the love of the men she had chosen, so that darnley was willing to risk her life and that of his unborn child to wreak his wrath upon rizzio, and after a few weeks with bothwell she was heard "calling aloud for a knife to kill herself with." a mother twice, and of a son and daughter, both the children were brought forth in loneliness and sorrow, and separated from her early, her son educated to hate her, her daughter at once immured in a convent. add the eighteen years of her imprisonment, and the fact that this foolish, prodigal world, when there was in it one woman fitted by her grace and loveliness to charm all eyes and enliven all fancies, suffered her to be shut up to water with her tears her dull embroidery during all the full rose-blossom of her life, and you will hardly get beyond this story for a tragedy, not noble, but pallid and forlorn. such were the bootless, best thoughts i had while looking at the dull blood-stain and blocked-up secret stair of holyrood, at the ruins of loch leven castle, and afterward at abbotsford, where the picture of queen mary's head, as it lay on the pillow when severed from the block, hung opposite to a fine caricature of "queen elizabeth dancing high and disposedly." in this last the face is like a mask, so frightful is the expression of cold craft, irritated, vanity, and the malice of a lonely breast in contrast with the attitude and elaborate frippery of the dress. the ambassador looks on dismayed; the little page can scarcely control the laughter which swells his boyish cheeks. such can win the world which, better hearts (and such mary's was, even if it had a large black speck in it) are most like to lose. that was a most lovely day on which we entered perth, and saw in full sunshine its beautiful meadows, among them the north-inch, the famous battle-ground commemorated in "the fair maid of perth," adorned with graceful trees like those of the new england country towns. in the afternoon we visited the modern kinfauns, the stately home of lord grey. the drive to it is most beautiful, on the one side the park, with noble heights that skirt it, on the other through a belt of trees was seen the river and the sweep of that fair and cultivated country. the house is a fine one, and furnished with taste, the library large, and some good works in marble. among the family pictures one arrested my attention,--the face of a girl full of the most pathetic sensibility, and with no restraint of convention upon its ardent, gentle expression. she died young. returning, we were saddened, as almost always on leaving any such place, by seeing such swarms of dirty women and dirtier children at the doors of the cottages almost close by the gate of the avenue. to the horrors and sorrows of the streets in such places as liverpool, glasgow, and, above all, london, one has to grow insensible or die daily; but here in the sweet, fresh, green country, where there seems to be room for everybody, it is impossible to forget the frightful inequalities between the lot of man and man, or believe that god can smile upon a state of things such as we find existent here. can any man who has seen these things dare blame the associationists for their attempt to find prevention against such misery and wickedness in our land? rather will not every man of tolerable intelligence and good feeling commend, say rather revere, every earnest attempt in that direction, nor dare interfere with any, unless he has a better to offer in its place? next morning we passed on to crieff, in whose neighborhood we visited drummond castle, the abode, or rather one of the abodes, of lord willoughby d'eresby. it has a noble park, through which you pass by an avenue of two miles long. the old keep is still ascended to get the fine view of the surrounding country; and during queen victoria's visit, her guards were quartered there. but what took my fancy most was the old-fashioned garden, full of old shrubs and new flowers, with its formal parterres in the shape of the family arms, and its clipped yew and box trees. it was fresh from a shower, and now glittering and fragrant in bright sunshine. this afternoon we pursued our way, passing through the plantations of ochtertyre, a far more charming place to my taste than drummond castle, freer and more various in its features. five or six of these fine places lie in the neighborhood of crieff, and the traveller may give two or three days to visiting them with a rich reward of delight. but we were pressing on to be with the lakes and mountains rather, and that night brought us to st. fillan's, where we saw the moon shining on loch earn. all this region, and that of loch katrine and the trosachs, which we reached next day, scott has described exactly in "the lady of the lake"; nor is it possible to appreciate that poem, without going thither, neither to describe the scene better than he has done after you have seen it. i was somewhat disappointed in the pass of the trosachs itself; it is very grand, but the grand part lasts so little while. the opening view of loch katrine, however, surpassed, expectation. it was late in the afternoon when we launched our little boat there for ellen's isle. the boatmen recite, though not _con molto espressione_, the parts of the poem which describe these localities. observing that they spoke of the personages, too, with the same air of confidence, we asked if they were sure that all this really happened. they replied, "certainly; it had been told from father to son through so many generations." such is the power of genius to interpolate what it will into the regular log-book of time's voyage. leaving loch katrine the following day, we entered rob roy's country, and saw on the way the house where helen macgregor was born, and rob roy's sword, which is shown in a house by the way-side. we came in a row-boat up loch katrine, though both on that and loch lomond you _may_ go in a hateful little steamer with a squeaking fiddle to play rob roy macgregor o. i walked almost all the way through the pass from loch katrine to loch lomond; it was a distance of six miles; but you feel as if you could walk sixty in that pure, exhilarating air. at inversnaid we took boat again to go down loch lomond to the little inn of rowardennan, from which the ascent is made of ben lomond, the greatest elevation in these parts. the boatmen are fine, athletic men; one of those with us this evening, a handsome young man of two or three and twenty, sang to us some gaelic songs. the first, a very wild and plaintive air, was the expostulation of a girl whose lover has deserted her and married another. it seems he is ashamed, and will not even look at her when they meet upon the road. she implores him, if he has not forgotten all that scene of bygone love, at least to lift up his eyes and give her one friendly glance. the sad _crooning_ burden of the stanzas in which she repeats this request was very touching. when the boatman had finished, he hung his head and seemed ashamed of feeling the song too much; then, when we asked for another, he said he would sing another about a girl that was happy. this one was in three parts. first, a tuneful address from a maiden to her absent lover; second, his reply, assuring her of his fidelity and tenderness; third, a strain which expresses their joy when reunited. i thought this boatman had sympathies which would prevent his tormenting any poor women, and perhaps make some one happy, and this was a pleasant thought, since probably in the highlands, as elsewhere, "maidens lend an ear too oft to the careless wooer; maidens' hearts are _always soft_; would that men's were truer!" i don't know that i quote the words correctly, but that is the sum and substance of a masculine report on these matters. the first day at rowardennan not being propitious for ascending the mountain, we went down the lake to sup, and got very tired in various ways, so that we rose very late next morning. their we found a day of ten thousand for our purpose; but unhappily a large party had come with the sun and engaged all the horses, so that, if we went, it must be on foot. this was something of an enterprise for me, as the ascent is four miles, and toward the summit quite fatiguing; however, in the pride of newly gained health and strength, i was ready, and set forth with mr. s. alone. we took no guide,--and the people of the house did not advise it, as they ought. they told us afterward they thought the day was so clear that there was no probability of danger, and they were afraid of seeming mercenary about it. it was, however, wrong, as they knew what we did not, that even the shepherds, if a mist comes on, can be lost in these hills; that a party of gentlemen were so a few weeks before, and only by accident found their way to a house on the other side; and that a child which had been lost was not found for five days, long after its death. we, however, nothing doubting, set forth, ascending slowly, and often stopping to enjoy the points of view, which are many, for ben lomond consists of a congeries of hills, above which towers the true ben, or highest peak, as the head of a many-limbed body. on reaching the peak, the night was one of beauty and grandeur such as imagination never painted. you see around you no plain ground, but on every side constellations or groups of hills exquisitely dressed in the soft purple of the heather, amid which gleam the lakes, like eyes that tell the secrets of the earth and drink in those of the heavens. peak beyond peak caught from the shifting light all the colors of the prism, and on the farthest, angel companies seemed hovering in their glorious white robes. words are idle on such subjects; what can i say, but that it was a noble vision, that satisfied the eye and stirred the imagination in all its secret pulses? had that been, as afterward seemed likely, the last act of my life, there could not have been a finer decoration painted on the curtain which was to drop upon it. about four o'clock we began our descent. near the summit the traces of the path are not distinct, and i said to mr. s., after a while, that we had lost it. he said, he thought that was of no consequence, we could find oar way down. i thought however it was, as the ground was full of springs that were bridged over in the pathway. he accordingly went to look for it, and i stood still because so tired that i did not like to waste any labor. soon he called to me that he had found it, and i followed in the direction where he seemed to be. but i mistook, overshot it, and saw him no more. in about ten minutes i became alarmed, and called him many times. it seems he on his side did the same, but the brow of some hill was between us, and we neither saw nor heard one another. i then thought i would make the best of my way down, and i should find him upon my arrival. but in doing so i found the justice of my apprehension about the springs, as, so soon as i got to the foot of the hills, i would sink up to my knees in bog, and have to go up the hills again, seeking better crossing-places. thus i lost much time; nevertheless, in the twilight i saw at last the lake and the inn of rowardennan on its shore. between me and it lay direct a high heathery hill, which i afterward found is called "the tongue," because hemmed in on three sides by a watercourse. it looked as if, could i only get to the bottom of that, i should be on comparatively level ground. i then attempted to descend in the watercourse, but, finding that impracticable, climbed on the hill again and let myself down by the heather, for it was very steep and full of deep holes. with great fatigue i got to the bottom, but when about to cross the watercourse there, it looked so deep in the dim twilight that i felt afraid. i got down as far as i could by the root of a tree, and threw down a stone; it sounded very hollow, and made me afraid to jump. the shepherds told me afterward, if i had, i should probably have killed myself, it was so deep and the bed of the torrent full of sharp stones. i then tried to ascend the hill again, for there was no other way to get off it, but soon sunk down utterly exhausted. when able to get up again and look about me, it was completely dark. i saw far below me a light, that looked about as big as a pin's head, which i knew to be from the inn at rowardennan, but heard no sound except the rush of the waterfall, and the sighing of the night-wind. for the first few minutes after i perceived i had got to my night's lodging, such as it was, the prospect seemed appalling. i was very lightly clad,--my feet and dress were very wet,--i had only a little shawl to throw round me, and a cold autumn wind had already come, and the night-mist was to fall on me, all fevered and exhausted as i was. i thought i should not live through the night, or, if i did, live always a miserable invalid. there was no chance to keep myself warm by walking, for, now it was dark, it would be too dangerous to stir. my only chance, however, lay in motion, and my only help in myself, and so convinced was i of this, that i did keep in motion the whole of that long night, imprisoned as i was on such a little perch of that great mountain. _how_ long it seemed under such circumstances only those can guess who may have been similarly circumstanced. the mental experience of the time, most precious and profound,--for it was indeed a season lonely, dangerous, and helpless enough for the birth of thoughts beyond what the common sunlight will ever call to being,--may be told in another place and time. for about two hours i saw the stars, and very cheery and companionable they looked; but then the mist fell, and i saw nothing more, except such apparitions as visited ossian on the hill-side when he went out by night and struck the bosky shield and called to him the spirits of the heroes and the white-armed maids with their blue eyes of grief. to me, too, came those visionary shapes; floating slowly and gracefully, their white robes would unfurl from the great body of mist in which they had been engaged, and come upon me with a kiss pervasively cold as that of death. what they might have told me, who knows, if i had but resigned myself more passively to that cold, spirit-like breathing! at last the moon rose. i could not see her, but the silver light filled the mist. then i knew it was two o'clock, and that, having weathered out so much of the night, i might the rest; and the hours hardly seemed long to me more. it may give an idea of the extent of the mountain to say that, though i called every now and then with all my force, in case by chance some aid might be near, and though no less than twenty men with their dogs were looking for me, i never heard a sound except the rush of the waterfall and the sighing of the night-wind, and once or twice the startling of the grouse in the heather. it was sublime indeed,--a never-to-be-forgotten presentation of stern, serene realities. at last came the signs of day, the gradual clearing and breaking up; some faint sounds, from i know not what. the little flies, too, arose from their bed amid the purple heather, and bit me; truly they were very welcome to do so. but what was my disappointment to find the mist so thick, that i could see neither lake nor inn, nor anything to guide me. i had to go by guess, and, as it happened, my yankee method served me well. i ascended the hill, crossed the torrent in the waterfall, first drinking some of the water, which was as good at that time as ambrosia. i crossed in that place because the waterfall made steps, as it were, to the next hill; to be sure they were covered with water, but i was already entirely wet with the mist, so that it did not matter. i then kept on scrambling, as it happened, in the right direction, till, about seven, some of the shepherds found me. the moment they came, all my feverish strength departed, though, if unaided, i dare say it would have kept me up during the day; and they carried me home, where my arrival relieved my friends of distress far greater than i had undergone, for i had had my grand solitude, my ossianic visions, and the pleasure of sustaining myself while they had only doubt amounting to anguish and a fruitless search through the night. entirely contrary to my expectations, i only suffered for this a few days, and was able to take a parting look at my prison, as i went down the lake, with feelings of complacency. it was a majestic-looking hill, that tongue, with the deep ravines on either side, and the richest robe of heather i have seen anywhere. mr. s. gave all the men who were looking for me a dinner in the barn, and he and mrs. s. ministered to them, and they talked of burns, really the national writer, and known by them, apparently, as none other is, and of hair-breadth escapes by flood and fell. afterwards they were all brought up to see me, and it was pleasing indeed to observe the good breeding and good, feeling with which they deported themselves on the occasion. indeed, this adventure created quite an intimate feeling between us and the people there. i had been much pleased, with them before, in attending one of their dances, on account of the genuine independence and politeness of their conduct. they were willing and pleased to dance their highland flings and strathspeys for our amusement, and did it as naturally and as freely as they would have offered the stranger the best chair. all the rest must wait a while. i cannot economize time to keep up my record in any proportion with what happens, nor can i get out of scotland on this page, as i had intended, without utterly slighting many gifts and graces. letter vi. inverary.--the argyle family.--dumbarton.--sunset on the clyde.--glasgow.--dirt and intellect.--stirling.--"the scottish chiefs."--stirling castle.--the tournament ground.--edinburgh.--james simpson.--infant schools.--free baths.--melrose.--abbotsford.--walter scott.--dryburgh abbey.--scott's tomb. paris, november, . i am very sorry to leave such a wide gap between my letters, but i was inevitably prevented from finishing one that was begun for the steamer of the th of november. i then hoped to prepare one after my arrival here in time for the hibernia, but a severe cold, caught on the way, unfitted me for writing. it is now necessary to retrace my steps a long way, or lose sight of several things it has seemed desirable to mention to friends in america, though i shall make out my narrative more briefly than if nearer the time of action. if i mistake not, my last closed just as i was looking back on the hill where i had passed the night in all the miserable chill and amid the ghostly apparitions of a scotch mist, but which looked in the morning truly beautiful, and (had i not known it too well to be deceived) alluring, in its mantle of rich pink heath, the tallest and most full of blossoms we anywhere saw, and with, the waterfall making music by its side, and sparkling in the morning sun. passing from tarbet, we entered the grand and beautiful pass of glencoe,--sublime with purple shadows with bright lights between, and in one place showing an exquisitely silent and lonely little lake. the wildness of the scene was heightened by the black highland cattle feeding here and there. they looked much at home, too, in the park at inverary, where i saw them next day. in inverary i was disappointed. i found, indeed, the position of every object the same as indicated in the "legend of montrose," but the expression of the whole seemed unlike what i had fancied. the present abode of the argyle family is a modern structure, and boasts very few vestiges of the old romantic history attached to the name. the park and look-out upon the lake are beautiful, but except from the brief pleasure derived from these, the old cross from iona that stands in the market-place, and the drone of the bagpipe which lulled me to sleep at night playing some melancholy air, there was nothing to make me feel that it was "a far cry to lochawe," but, on the contrary, i seemed in the very midst of the prosaic, the civilized world. leaving inverary, we left that day the highlands too, passing through. hell glen, a very wild and grand defile. taking boat then on loch levy, we passed down the clyde, stopping an hour or two on our way at dumbarton. nature herself foresaw the era of picture when she made and placed this rock: there is every preparation for the artist's stealing a little piece from her treasures to hang on the walls of a room. here i saw the sword of "wallace wight," shown by a son of the nineteenth century, who said that this hero lived about fifty years ago, and who did not know the height of this rock, in a cranny of which he lived, or at least ate and slept and "donned his clothes." from the top of the rock i saw sunset on the beautiful clyde, animated that day by an endless procession of steamers, little skiffs, and boats. in one of the former, the cardiff castle, we embarked as the last light of day was fading, and that evening found ourselves in glasgow. i understand there is an intellectual society of high merit in glasgow, but we were there only a few hours, and did not see any one. certainly the place, as it may be judged of merely from the general aspect of the population and such objects as may be seen in the streets, more resembles an _inferno_ than any other we have yet visited. the people are more crowded together, and the stamp of squalid, stolid misery and degradation more obvious and appalling. the english and scotch do not take kindly to poverty, like those of sunnier climes; it makes them fierce or stupid, and, life presenting no other cheap pleasure, they take refuge in drinking. i saw here in glasgow persons, especially women, dressed in dirty, wretched tatters, worse than none, and with an expression of listless, unexpecting woe upon their faces, far more tragic than the inscription over the gate of dante's _inferno_. to one species of misery suffered here to the last extent, i shall advert in speaking of london. but from all these sorrowful tokens i by no means inferred the falsehood of the information, that here was to be found a circle rich in intellect and in aspiration. the manufacturing and commercial towns, burning focuses of grief and vice, are also the centres of intellectual life, as in forcing-beds the rarest flowers and fruits are developed by use of impure and repulsive materials. where evil comes to an extreme, heaven seems busy in providing means for the remedy. glaring throughout scotland and england is the necessity for the devoutest application of intellect and love to the cure of ills that cry aloud, and, without such application, erelong help _must_ be sought by other means than words. yet there is every reason to hope that those who ought to help are seriously, though, slowly, becoming alive to the imperative nature of this duty; so we must not cease to hope, even in the streets of glasgow, and the gin-palaces of manchester, and the dreariest recesses of london. from glasgow we passed to stirling, like dumbarton endeared to the mind which cherishes the memory of its childhood more by association with miss porter's scottish chiefs, than with "snowdon's knight and scotland's king." we reached the town too late to see the castle before the next morning, and i took up at the inn "the scottish chiefs," in which i had not read a word since ten or twelve years old. we are in the habit now of laughing when this book is named, as if it were a representative of what is most absurdly stilted or bombastic, but now, in reading, my maturer mind was differently impressed from what i expected, and the infatuation with which childhood and early youth regard this book and its companion, "thaddeus of warsaw," was justified. the characters and dialogue are, indeed, out of nature, but the sentiment that animates them is pure, true, and no less healthy than noble. here is bad drawing, bad drama, but good music, to which the unspoiled heart will always echo, even when the intellect has learned to demand a better organ for its communication. the castle of stirling is as rich as any place in romantic associations. we were shown its dungeons and its court of lions, where, says tradition, wild animals, kept in the grated cells adjacent, were brought out on festival occasions to furnish entertainment for the court. so, while lords and ladies gay danced and sang above, prisoners pined and wild beasts starved below. this, at first blush, looks like a very barbarous state of things, but, on reflection, one does not find that we have outgrown it in our present so-called state of refined civilization, only the present way of expressing the same facts is a little different. still lords and ladies dance and sing, unknowing or uncaring that the laborers who minister to their luxuries starve or are turned into wild beasts. man need not boast his condition, methinks, till he can weave his costly tapestry without the side that is kept under looking thus sadly. the tournament ground is still kept green and in beautiful order, near stirling castle, as a memento of the olden time, and as we passed away down the beautiful firth, a turn of the river gave us a very advantageous view of it. so gay it looked, so festive in the bright sunshine, one almost seemed to see the graceful forms of knight and noble pricking their good steeds to the encounter, or the stalwart douglas, vindicating his claim to be indeed a chief by conquest in the rougher sports of the yeomanry. passing along the firth to edinburgh, we again passed two or three days in that beautiful city, which i could not be content to leave so imperfectly seen, if i had not some hope of revisiting it when the bright lights that adorn it are concentred there. in summer almost every one is absent. i was very fortunate to see as many interesting persons as i did. on this second visit i saw james simpson, a well-known philanthropist, and leader in the cause of popular education. infant schools have been an especial care of his, and america as well as scotland has received the benefit of his thoughts on this subject. his last good work has been to induce the erection of public baths in edinburgh, and the working people of that place, already deeply in his debt for the lectures he has been unwearied in delivering for their benefit, have signified their gratitude by presenting him with a beautiful model of a fountain in silver as an ornament to his study. never was there a place where such a measure would be more important; if cleanliness be akin to godliness, edinburgh stands at great disadvantage in her devotions. the impure air, the terrific dirt which surround the working people, must make all progress in higher culture impossible; and i saw nothing which seemed to me so likely to have results of incalculable good, as this practical measure of the simpsons in support of the precept, "wash and be clean every whit." we returned into england by the way of melrose, not content to leave scotland without making our pilgrimage to abbotsford. the universal feeling, however, has made this pilgrimage so common that there is nothing left for me to say; yet, though i had read a hundred descriptions, everything seemed new as i went over this epitome of the mind and life of scott. as what constitutes the great man is more commonly some extraordinary combination and balance of qualities, than the highest development of any one, so you cannot but here be struck anew by the singular combination in scott's mind of love for the picturesque and romantic with the plainest common sense,--a delight in heroic excess with the prudential habit of order. here the most pleasing order pervades emblems of what men commonly esteem disorder and excess. amid the exquisite beauty of the ruins of dryburgh, i saw with regret that scott's body rests in almost the only spot that is not green, and cannot well be made so, for the light does not reach it. that is not a fit couch for him who dressed so many dim and time-worn relics with living green. always cheerful and beneficent, scott seemed to the common eye in like measure prosperous and happy, up to the last years, and the chair in which, under the pressure of the sorrows which led to his death, he was propped up to write when brain and eye and hand refused their aid, the product remaining only as a guide to the speculator as to the workings of the mind in case of insanity or approaching imbecility, would by most persons be viewed as the only saddening relic of his career. yet when i recall some passages in the lady of the lake, and the address to his harp, i cannot doubt that scott had the full share of bitter in his cup, and feel the tender hope that we do about other gentle and generous guardians and benefactors of our youth, that in a nobler career they are now fulfilling still higher duties with serener mind. doubtless too they are trusting in us that we will try to fill their places with kindly deeds, ardent thoughts, nor leave the world, in their absence, "a dim, vast vale of tears, vacant and desolate." letter vii. newcastle.--descent into a coal-mine.--york with its minster.-- sheffield.--chatsworth.--warwick castle.--leamington and stratford.--shakespeare.--birmingham.--george dawson.--james martineau.--w.j. fox.--w.h. charming and theodore parker.--london and paris. paris, . we crossed the moorland in a heavy rain, and reached newcastle late at night. next day we descended into a coal-mine; it was quite an odd sensation to be taken off one's feet and dropped down into darkness by the bucket. the stables under ground had a pleasant gil-blas air, though the poor horses cannot like it much; generally they see the light of day no more after they have once been let down into these gloomy recesses, but pass their days in dragging cars along the rails of the narrow passages, and their nights in eating hay and dreaming of grass!! when we went down, we meant to go along the gallery to the place where the miners were then at work, but found this was a walk of a mile and a half, and, beside the weariness of picking one's steps slowly along by the light of a tallow candle, too wet and dirty an enterprise to be undertaken by way of amusement; so, after proceeding half a mile or so, we begged to be restored to our accustomed level, and reached it with minds slightly edified and face and hands much blackened. passing thence we saw york with its minster, that dream of beauty realized. from, its roof i saw two rainbows, overarching that lovely country. through its aisles i heard grand music pealing. but how sorrowfully bare is the interior of such a cathedral, despoiled of the statues, the paintings, and the garlands that belong to the catholic religion! the eye aches for them. such a church is ruined by protestantism; its admirable exterior seems that of a sepulchre; there is no correspondent life within. within the citadel, a tower half ruined and ivy-clad, is life that has been growing up while the exterior bulwarks of the old feudal time crumbled to ruin. george fox, while a prisoner at york for obedience to the dictates of his conscience, planted here a walnut, and the tall tree that grew from it still "bears testimony" to his living presence on that spot. the tree is old, but still bears nuts; one of them was taken away by my companions, and may perhaps be the parent of a tree somewhere in america, that shall shade those who inherit the spirit, if they do not attach importance to the etiquettes, of quakerism. in sheffield i saw the sooty servitors tending their furnaces. i saw them, also on saturday night, after their work was done, going to receive its poor wages, looking pallid and dull, as if they had spent on tempering the steel that vital force that should have tempered themselves to manhood. we saw, also, chatsworth, with its park and mock wilderness, and immense conservatory, and really splendid fountains and wealth of marbles. it is a fine expression of modern luxury and splendor, but did not interest me; i found little there of true beauty or grandeur. warwick castle is a place entirely to my mind, a real representative of the english aristocracy in the day of its nobler life. the grandeur of the pile itself, and its beauty of position, introduce you fitly to the noble company with which the genius of vandyke has peopled its walls. but a short time was allowed to look upon these nobles, warriors, statesmen, and ladies, who gaze upon us in turn with such a majesty of historic association, yet was i very well satisfied. it is not difficult to see men through the eyes of vandyke. his way of viewing character seems superficial, though commanding; he sees the man in his action on the crowd, not in his hidden life; he does not, like some painters, amaze and engross us by his revelations as to the secret springs of conduct. i know not by what hallucination i forebore to look at the picture i most desired to see,--that of lucy, countess of carlisle. i was looking at something else, and when the fat, pompous butler announced her, i did not recognize her name from his mouth. afterward it flashed across me, that i had really been standing before her and forgotten to look. but repentance was too late; i had passed the castle gate to return no more. pretty leamington and stratford are hackneyed ground. of the latter i only observed what, if i knew, i had forgotten, that the room where shakespeare was born has been an object of devotion only for forty years. england has learned much of her appreciation of shakespeare from the germans. in the days of innocence, i fondly supposed that every one who could understand english, and was not a cannibal, adored shakespeare and read him on sundays always for an hour or more, and on week days a considerable portion of the time. but i have lived to know some hundreds of persons in my native land, without finding ten who had any direct acquaintance with their greatest benefactor, and i dare say in england as large an experience would not end more honorably to its subjects. so vast a treasure is left untouched, while men are complaining of being poor, because they have not toothpicks exactly to their mind. at stratford i handled, too, the poker used to such good purpose by geoffrey crayon. the muse had fled, the fire was out, and the poker rusty, yet a pleasant influence lingered even in that cold little room, and seemed to lend a transient glow to the poker under the influence of sympathy. in birmingham i heard two discourses from one of the rising lights of england, george dawson, a young man of whom i had earlier heard much in praise. he is a friend of the people, in the sense of brotherhood, not of a social convenience or patronage; in literature catholic; in matters of religion antisectarian, seeking truth in aspiration and love. he is eloquent, with good method in his discourse, fire and dignity when wanted, with a frequent homeliness in enforcement and illustration which offends the etiquettes of england, but fits him the better for the class he has to address. his powers are uncommon and unfettered in their play; his aim is worthy. he is fulfilling and will fulfil an important task as an educator of the people, if all be not marred by a taint of self-love and arrogance now obvious in his discourse. this taint is not surprising in one so young, who has done so much, and in order to do it has been compelled to great self-confidence and light heed of the authority of other minds, and who is surrounded almost exclusively by admirers; neither is it, at present, a large speck; it may be quite purged from him by the influence of nobler motives and the rise of his ideal standard; but, on the other hand, should it spread, all must be vitiated. let us hope the best, for he is one that could ill be spared from the band who have taken up the cause of progress in england. in this connection i may as well speak of james martineau, whom i heard in liverpool, and w.j. fox, whom i heard in london. mr. martineau looks like the over-intellectual, the partially developed man, and his speech confirms this impression. he is sometimes conservative, sometimes reformer, not in the sense of eclecticism, but because his powers and views do not find a true harmony. on the conservative side he is scholarly, acute,--on the other, pathetic, pictorial, generous. he is no prophet and no sage, yet a man full of fine affections and thoughts, always suggestive, sometimes satisfactory; he is well adapted to the wants of that class, a large one in the present day, who love the new wine, but do not feel that they can afford to throw away _all_ their old bottles. mr. fox is the reverse of all this: he is homogeneous in his materials and harmonious in the results he produces. he has great persuasive power; it is the persuasive power of a mind warmly engaged in seeking truth for itself. he sometimes carries homeward convictions with great energy, driving in the thought as with golden nails. a glow of kindly human sympathy enlivens his argument, and the whole presents thought in a well-proportioned, animated body. but i am told he is far superior in speech on political or social problems, than on such as i heard him discuss. i was reminded, in hearing all three, of men similarly engaged in our country, w.h. charming and theodore parker. none of them compare in the symmetrical arrangement of extempore discourse, or in pure eloquence and communication of spiritual beauty, with charming, nor in fulness and sustained flow with parker, but, in power of practical and homely adaptation of their thought to common wants, they are superior to the former, and all have more variety, finer perceptions, and are more powerful in single passages, than parker. and now my pen has run to st october, and still i have such notabilities as fell to my lot to observe while in london, and these that are thronging upon me here in paris to record for you. i am sadly in arrears, but 't is comfort to think that such meats as i have to serve up are as good cold as hot. at any rate, it is just impossible to do any better, and i shall comfort myself, as often before, with the triplet which i heard in childhood from a sage (if only sages wear wigs!):-- "as said the great prince fernando, what _can_ a man do, more than he can do?" letter viii. recollections of london.--the english gentleman.--london climate.--out of season.--luxury and misery.--a difficult problem.--terrors of poverty.--joanna baillie and madame roland.--hampstead.--miss berry.--female artists.--margaret gillies.--the people's journal.--the times.--the howitts.--south wood smith.--houses for the poor.--skeleton of jeremy bentham.--cooper the poet.--thom. paris, december, . i sit down here in paris to narrate some recollections of london. the distance in space and time is not great, yet i seem in wholly a different world. here in the region of wax-lights, mirrors, bright wood fires, shrugs, vivacious ejaculations, wreathed smiles, and adroit courtesies, it is hard to remember john bull, with his coal-smoke, hands in pockets, except when extended for ungracious demand of the perpetual half-crown, or to pay for the all but perpetual mug of beer. john, seen on that side, is certainly the most churlish of clowns, and the most clownish of churls. but then there are so many other sides! when a gentleman, he is so truly the gentleman, when a man, so truly the man of honor! his graces, when he has any, grow up from his inmost heart. not that he is free from humbug; on the contrary, he is prone to the most solemn humbug, generally of the philanthrophic or otherwise moral kind. but he is always awkward beneath the mask, and can never impose upon anybody--but himself. nature meant him to be noble, generous, sincere, and has furnished him with no faculties to make himself agreeable in any other way or mode of being. 'tis not so with your frenchman, who can cheat you pleasantly, and move with grace in the devious and slippery path. you would be almost sorry to see him quite disinterested and straightforward, so much of agreeable talent and naughty wit would thus lie hid for want of use. but john, o john, we must admire, esteem, or be disgusted with thee. as to climate, there is not much to choose at this time of year. in london, for six weeks, we never saw the sun for coal-smoke and fog. in paris we have not been blessed with its cheering rays above three or four days in the same length of time, and are, beside, tormented with an oily and tenacious mud beneath the feet, which makes it almost impossible to walk. this year, indeed, is an uncommonly severe one at paris; but then, if they have their share of dark, cold days, it must be admitted that they do all they can to enliven them. but to dwell first on london,--london, in itself a world. we arrived at a time which the well-bred englishman considers as no time at all,--quite out of "the season," when parliament is in session, and london thronged with the equipages of her aristocracy, her titled wealthy nobles. i was listened to with a smile of contempt when i declared that the stock shows of london would yield me amusement and employment more than sufficient for the time i had to stay. but i found that, with my way of viewing things, it would be to me an inexhaustible studio, and that, if life were only long enough, i would live there for years obscure in some corner, from which i could issue forth day by day to watch unobserved the vast stream of life, or to decipher the hieroglyphics which ages have been inscribing on the walls of this vast palace (i may not call it a temple), which human effort has reared for means, not yet used efficaciously, of human culture. and though i wish to return to london in "the season," when that city is an adequate representative of the state of things in england, i am glad i did not at first see all that pomp and parade of wealth and luxury in contrast with the misery, squalid, agonizing, ruffianly, which stares one in the face in every street of london, and hoots at the gates of her palaces more ominous a note than ever was that of owl or raven in the portentous times when empires and races have crumbled and fallen from inward decay. it is impossible, however, to take a near view of the treasures created by english genius, accumulated by english industry, without a prayer, daily more fervent, that the needful changes in the condition of this people may be effected by peaceful revolution, which shall destroy nothing except the shocking inhumanity of exclusiveness, which now prevents their being used, for the benefit of all. may their present possessors look to it in time! a few already are earnest in a good spirit. for myself, much as i pitied the poor, abandoned, hopeless wretches that swarm in the roads and streets of england, i pity far more the english noble, with this difficult problem before him, and such need of a speedy solution. sad is his life, if a conscientious man; sadder still, if not. poverty in england has terrors of which i never dreamed at home. i felt that it would be terrible to be poor there, but far more so to be the possessor of that for which so many thousands are perishing. and the middle class, too, cannot here enjoy that serenity which the sages have described as naturally their peculiar blessing. too close, too dark throng the evils they cannot obviate, the sorrows they cannot relieve. to a man of good heart, each day must bring purgatory which he knows not how to bear, yet to which he fears to become insensible. from these clouds of the present, it is pleasant to turn the thoughts to some objects which have cast a light upon the past, and which, by the virtue of their very nature, prescribe hope for the future. i have mentioned with satisfaction seeing some persons who illustrated the past dynasty in the progress of thought here: wordsworth, dr. chalmers, de quincey, andrew combe. with a still higher pleasure, because to one of my own sex, whom i have honored almost above any, i went to pay my court to joanna baillie. i found on her brow, not indeed a coronal of gold, but a serenity and strength undimmed and unbroken by the weight of more than fourscore years, or by the scanty appreciation which her thoughts have received. i prize joanna baillie and madame roland as the best specimens which have been hitherto offered of women of a roman strength and singleness of mind, adorned by the various culture and capable of the various action opened to them by the progress of the christian idea. they are not sentimental; they do not sigh and write of withered flowers of fond affection, and woman's heart born to be misunderstood by the object or objects of her fond, inevitable choice. love (the passion), when spoken of at all by them, seems a thing noble, religious, worthy to be felt. they do not write of it always; they did not think of it always; they saw other things in this great, rich, suffering world. in superior delicacy of touch, they show the woman, but the hand is firm; nor was all their speech, one continued utterance of mere personal experience. it contained things which are good, intellectually, universally. i regret that the writings of joanna baillie are not more known in the united states. the plays on the passions are faulty in their plan,--all attempts at comic, even at truly dramatic effect, fail; but there are masterly sketches of character, vigorous expressions of wise thought, deep, fervent ejaculations of an aspiring soul! we found her in her little calm retreat at hampstead, surrounded by marks of love and reverence from distinguished and excellent friends. near her was the sister, older than herself, yet still sprightly and full of active kindness, whose character and their mutual relation she has, in one of her last poems, indicated with such a happy mixture of sagacity, humor, and tender pathos, and with so absolute a truth of outline. although no autograph collector, i asked for theirs, and when the elder gave hers as "sister to joanna baillie," it drew a tear from my eye,--a good tear, a genuine pearl,--fit homage to that fairest product of the soul of man, humble, disinterested tenderness. hampstead has still a good deal of romantic beauty. i was told it was the favorite sketching-ground of london artists, till the railroads gave them easy means of spending a few hours to advantage farther off. but, indeed, there is a wonderful deal of natural beauty lying in untouched sweetness near london. near one of our cities it would all have been grabbed up the first thing. but we, too, are beginning to grow wiser. at richmond i went to see another lady of more than threescore years' celebrity, more than fourscore in age, miss berry the friend of horace walpole, and for her charms of manner and conversation long and still a reigning power. she has still the vivacity, the careless nature, or refined art, that made her please so much in earlier days,--still is girlish, and gracefully so. verily, with her was no sign of labor or sorrow. from the older turning to the young, i must speak with pleasure of several girls i know in london, who are devoting themselves to painting as a profession. they have really wise and worthy views of the artist's avocation; if they remain true to them, they will enjoy a free, serene existence, unprofaned by undue care or sentimental sorrow. among these, margaret gillies has attained some celebrity; she may be known to some in america by engravings in the "people's journal" from her pictures; but, if i remember right, these are coarse things, and give no just notion of her pictures, which are distinguished for elegance and refinement; a little mannerized, but she is improving in that respect. the "people's journal" comes nearer being a fair sign of the times than any other publication of england, apparently, if we except punch. as for the times, on which you all use your scissors so industriously, it is managed with vast ability, no doubt, but the blood would tingle many a time to the fingers' ends of the body politic, before that solemn organ which claims to represent the heart would dare to beat in unison. still it would require all the wise management of the times, or wisdom enough to do without it, and a wide range and diversity of talent, indeed, almost sweeping the circle, to make a people's journal for england. the present is only a bud of the future flower. mary and william howitt are its main support. i saw them several times at their cheerful and elegant home. in mary howitt i found the same engaging traits of character we are led to expect from her books for children. her husband is full of the same agreeable information, communicated in the same lively yet precise manner we find in his books; it was like talking with old friends, except that now the eloquence of the eye was added. at their house i became acquainted with dr. southwood smith, the well-known philanthropist. he is at present engaged on the construction of good tenements calculated to improve the condition of the working people. his plans look promising, and should they succeed, you shall have a detailed account of them. on visiting him, we saw an object which i had often heard celebrated, and had thought would be revolting, but found, on the contrary, an agreeable sight; this is the skeleton of jeremy bentham. it was at bentham's request that the skeleton, dressed in the same dress he habitually wore, stuffed out to an exact resemblance of life, and with a portrait mark in wax, the best i ever saw, sits there, as assistant to dr. smith in the entertainment of his guests and companion of his studies. the figure leans a little forward, resting the hands on a, stout stick which bentham always carried, and had named "dapple"; the attitude is quite easy, the expression of the whole quite mild, winning, yet highly individual. it is a pleasing mark of that unity of aim and tendency to be expected throughout the life of such a mind, that bentham, while quite a young man, had made a will, in which, to oppose in the most convincing manner the prejudice against dissection of the human subject, he had given his body after death to be used in service of the cause of science. "i have not yet been able," said the will, "to do much service to my fellow-men by my life, but perhaps i may in this manner by my death." many years after, reading a pamphlet by dr. smith on the same subject, he was much pleased with it, became his friend, and bequeathed his body to his care and use, with directions that the skeleton should finally be disposed of in the way i have described. the countenance of dr. smith has an expression of expansive, sweet, almost childlike goodness. miss gillies has made a charming picture of him, with a favorite little granddaughter nestling in his arms. another marked figure that i encountered on this great showboard was cooper, the author of "the purgatory of luicides," a very remarkable poem, of which, had there been leisure before my departure, i should have made a review, and given copious extracts in the tribune. cooper is as strong a man, and probably a milder one, than when in the prison where that poem was written. the earnestness in seeking freedom and happiness for all men, which drew upon him that penalty, seems unabated; he is a very significant type of the new era, and also an agent in bringing it near. one of the poets of the people, also, i saw,--the sweetest singer of them all,--thom. "a chieftain unknown to the queen" is again exacting a cruel tribute from him. i wish much that some of those of new york who have taken an interest in him would provide there a nook in which he might find refuge and solace for the evening of his days, to sing or to work as likes him best, and where he could bring up two fine boys to happier prospects than the parent land will afford them. could and would america but take from other lands more of the talent, as well as the bone and sinew, she would be rich. but the stroke of the clock warns me to stop now, and begin to-morrow with fresher eye and hand on some interesting topics. my sketches are slight; still they cannot be made without time, and i find none to be had in this europe except late at night. i believe it is what all the inhabitants use, but i am too sleepy a genius to carry the practice far. letter ix. writing at night.--london.--national gallery.--murillo.--the flower girl.--nursery-maids and working-men.--hampton court.--zo�logical gardens.--king of animals.--english piety.--eagles.--sir john soane's museum.--kew gardens.--the great cactus.--the reform club house.--men cooks.--orderly kitchen.--a gilpin excursion.--the bell at edmonton.-- omnibus.--cheapside.--english slowness.--freiligrath.--arcadia.-- italian school.--mazzini.--italy.--italian refugees.--correggio.-- hope of italians.--addresses.--supper.--carlyle, his appearance, conversation, &c. again i must begin to write late in the evening. i am told it is the custom of the literati in these large cities to work in the night. it is easy to see that it must be almost impossible to do otherwise; yet not only is the practice very bad for the health, and one that brings on premature old age, but i cannot think this night-work will prove as firm in texture and as fair of hue as what is done by sunlight. give me a lonely chamber, a window from which through the foliage you can catch glimpses of a beautiful prospect, and the mind finds itself tuned to action. but london, london! i have yet some brief notes to make on london. we had scarcely any sunlight by which to see pictures, and i postponed all visits to private collections, except one, in the hope of being in england next time in the long summer days. in the national gallery i saw little except the murillos; they were so beautiful, that with me, who had no true conception of his kind of genius before, they took away the desire to look into anything else at the same time. they did not affect me much either, except with a sense of content in this genius, so rich and full and strong. it was a cup of sunny wine that refreshed but brought no intoxicating visions. there is something very noble in the genius of spain, there is such an intensity and singleness; it seems to me it has not half shown itself, and must have an important part to play yet in the drama of this planet. at the dulwich gallery i saw the flower girl of murillo, an enchanting picture, the memory of which must always "cast a light upon the day, a light that will not pass away, a sweet forewarning." who can despair when he thinks of a form like that, so full of life and bliss! nature, that made such human forms to match the butterfly and the bee on june mornings when the lime-trees are in blossom, has surely enough of happiness in store to satisfy us all, somewhere, some time. it was pleasant, indeed, to see the treasures of those galleries, of the british museum, and of so charming a place as hampton court, open to everybody. in the national gallery one finds a throng of nursery-maids, and men just come from their work; true, they make a great deal of noise thronging to and fro on the uncarpeted floors in their thick boots, and noise from which, when penetrated by the atmosphere of art, men in the thickest boots would know how to refrain; still i felt that the sight of such objects must be gradually doing them a great deal of good. the british museum would, in itself, be an education for a man who should go there once a week, and think and read at his leisure moments about what he saw. hampton court i saw in the gloom, and rain, and my chief recollections are of the magnificent yew-trees beneath whose shelter--the work of ages--i took refuge from the pelting shower. the expectations cherished from childhood about the cartoons were all baffled; there was no light by which they could be seen. but i must hope to visit hampton court again in the time of roses. the zoölogical gardens are another pleasure of the million, since, although something is paid there, it is so little that almost all can afford it. to me, it is a vast pleasure to see animals where they can show out their habits or instincts, and to see them assembled from, all climates and countries, amid verdure and with room enough, as they are here, is a true poem. they have a fine lion, the first i ever saw that realized the idea we have of the king of the animal world; but the groan and roar of this one were equally royal. the eagles were fine, but rather disgraced themselves. it is a trait of english piety, which would, no doubt, find its defenders among ourselves, not to feed the animals on sunday, that their keepers may have rest; at least this was the explanation given us by one of these men of the state of ravenous hunger in which we found them on the monday. i half hope he was jesting with us. certain it is that the eagles were wild with famine, and even the grandest of them, who had eyed us at first as if we were not fit to live in the same zone with him, when the meat came round, after a short struggle to maintain his dignity, joined in wild shriek and scramble with the rest. sir john soane's museum i visited, containing the sarcophagus described by dr. waagen, hogarth's pictures, a fine canaletto, and a manuscript of tasso. it fills the house once the residence of his body, still of his mind. it is not a mind with which i have sympathy; i found there no law of harmony, and it annoyed me to see things all jumbled together as if in an old curiosity-shop. nevertheless it was a generous bequest, and much may perhaps be found there of value to him who takes time to seek. the gardens at kew delighted me, thereabouts all was so green, and still one could indulge at leisure in the humorous and fantastic associations that cluster around the name of kew, like the curls of a "big wig" round the serene and sleepy face of its wearer. here are fourteen green-houses: in one you find all the palms; in another, the productions of the regions of snow; in another, those squibs and humorsome utterances of nature, the cactuses,--ay! there i saw the great-grandfather of all the cactuses, a hoary, solemn plant, declared to be a thousand years old, disdaining to say if it is not really much, older; in yet another, the most exquisitely minute plants, delicate as the tracery of frostwork, too delicate for the bowers of fairies, such at least as visit the gross brains of earthly poets. the reform club was the only one of those splendid establishments that i visited. certainly the force of comfort can no farther go, nor can anything be better contrived to make dressing, eating, news-getting, and even sleeping (for there are bedrooms as well as dressing-rooms for those who will), as comfortable as can be imagined. yet to me this palace of so many "single gentlemen rolled into one" seemed _stupidly_ comfortable, in the absence of that elegant arrangement and vivacious atmosphere which only women can inspire. in the kitchen, indeed, i met them, and on that account it seemed the pleasantest part of the building,--though even there they are but the servants of servants. there reigned supreme a genius in his way, who has published a work on cookery, and around him his pupils,--young men who pay a handsome yearly fee for novitiate under his instruction. i was not sorry, however, to see men predominant in the cooking department, as i hope to see that and washing transferred to their care in the progress of things, since they are "the stronger sex." the arrangements of this kitchen were very fine, combining great convenience with neatness, and even elegance. fourier himself might have taken pleasure in them. thence we passed into the private apartments of the artist, and found them full of pictures by his wife, an artist in another walk. one or two of them had been engraved. _she_ was an englishwoman. a whimsical little excursion we made on occasion of the anniversary of the wedding-day of two of my friends. they had often enjoyed reading the account of john gilpin's in america, and now thought that, as they were in england and near enough, they would celebrate theirs also at "the bell at edmonton." i accompanied them with "a little foot-page," to eke out the train, pretty and graceful and playful enough for the train of a princess. but our excursion turned out somewhat of a failure, in an opposite way to gilpin's. whereas he went too fast, we went too slow. first we took coach and went through cheapside to take omnibus at (strange misnomer!) the flower-pot. but gilpin could never have had his race through cheapside as it is in its present crowded state; we were obliged to proceed at a funeral pace. we missed the omnibus, and when we took the next one it went with the slowness of a "family horse" in the old chaise of a new england deacon, and, after all, only took us half-way. at the half-way house a carriage was to be sought. the lady who let it, and all her grooms, were to be allowed time to recover from their consternation at so unusual a move as strangers taking a carriage to dine at the little inn at edmonton, now a mere alehouse, before we could be allowed to proceed. the english stand lost in amaze at "yankee notions," with their quick come and go, and it is impossible to make them "go ahead" in the zigzag chain-lightning path, unless you push them. a rather old part of the plan had been a pilgrimage to the grave of lamb, with a collateral view to the rural beauties of edmonton, but night had fallen on all such hopes two hours at least before we reached the bell. _there_, indeed, we found them somewhat more alert to comprehend our wishes; they laughed when we spoke of gilpin, showed us a print of the race and the window where mrs. gilpin must have stood,--balcony, alas! there was none; allowed us to make our own fire, and provided us a wedding dinner of tough meat and stale bread. nevertheless we danced, dined, paid (i believe), and celebrated the wedding quite to our satisfaction, though in the space of half an hour, as we knew friends were even at that moment expecting us to _tea_ at some miles' distance. but it is always pleasant in this world of routine to act out a freak. "such a one," said an english gentleman, "one of _us_ would rarely have dreamed of, much, less acted." "why, was it not pleasant?" "oh, _very_! but _so_ out of the way!" returning, we passed the house where freiligrath finds a temporary home, earning the bread, of himself and his family in a commercial house. england houses the exile, but not without house-tax, window-tax, and head-tax. where is the arcadia that dares invite all genius to her arms, and change her golden wheat for their green laurels and immortal flowers? arcadia?--would the name were america! and now returns naturally to my mind one of the most interesting things i have seen here or elsewhere,--the school for poor italian boys, sustained and taught by a few of their exiled compatriots, and especially by the mind and efforts of mazzini. the name of joseph mazzini is well known to those among us who take an interest in the cause of human freedom, who, not content with the peace and ease bought for themselves by the devotion and sacrifices of their fathers, look with anxious interest on the suffering nations who are preparing for a similar struggle. those who are not, like the brutes that perish, content with the enjoyment of mere national advantages, indifferent to the idea they represent, cannot forget that the human family is one, "and beats with one great heart." they know that there can be no genuine happiness, no salvation for any, unless the same can be secured for all. to this universal interest in all nations and places where man, understanding his inheritance, strives to throw off an arbitrary rule and establish a state of things where he shall be governed as becomes a man, by his own conscience and intelligence,--where he may speak the truth as it rises in his mind, and indulge his natural emotions in purity,--is added an especial interest in italy, the mother of our language and our laws, our greatest benefactress in the gifts of genius, the garden of the world, in which our best thoughts have delighted to expatiate, but over whose bowers now hangs a perpetual veil of sadness, and whose noblest plants are doomed to removal,--for, if they cannot bear their ripe and perfect fruit in another climate, they are not permitted to lift their heads to heaven in their own. some of these generous refugees our country has received kindly, if not with a fervent kindness; and the word _correggio_ is still in my ears as i heard it spoken in new york by one whose heart long oppression could not paralyze. _speranza_ some of the italian youth now inscribe on their banners, encouraged by some traits of apparent promise in the new pope. however, their only true hope is in themselves, in their own courage, and in that wisdom winch may only be learned through many disappointments as to how to employ it so that it may destroy tyranny, not themselves. mazzini, one of these noble refugees, is not only one of the heroic, the courageous, and the faithful,--italy boasts many such,--but he is also one of the wise;--one of those who, disappointed in the outward results of their undertakings, can yet "bate no jot of heart and hope," but _must_ "steer right onward "; for it was no superficial enthusiasm, no impatient energies, that impelled him, but an understanding of what _must_ be the designs of heaven with regard to man, since god is love, is justice. he is one who can live fervently, but steadily, gently, every day, every hour, as well as on great, occasions, cheered by the light of hope; for, with schiller, he is sure that "those who live for their faith shall behold it living." he is one of those same beings who, measuring all things by the ideal standard, have yet no time to mourn over failure or imperfection; there is too much to be done to obviate it. thus mazzini, excluded from publication in his native language, has acquired the mastery both of french and english, and through his expressions in either shine the thoughts which animated his earlier effort with mild and steady radiance. the misfortunes of his country have only widened the sphere of his instructions, and made him an exponent of the better era to europe at large. those who wish to form an idea of his mind could not do better than to read his sketches of the italian martyrs in the "people's journal." they will find there, on one of the most difficult occasions, an ardent friend speaking of his martyred friends with, the purity of impulse, warmth of sympathy, largeness and steadiness of view, and fineness of discrimination which must belong to a legislator for a christian commonwealth. but though i have read these expressions with great delight, this school was one to me still more forcible of the same ideas. here these poor boys, picked up from the streets, are redeemed from bondage and gross ignorance by the most patient and constant devotion of time and effort. what love and sincerity this demands from minds capable of great thoughts, large plans, and rapid progress, only their peers can comprehend, yet exceeding great shall he the reward; and as among the fishermen, and poor people of judæa were picked up those who have become to modern europe a leaven that leavens the whole mass, so may these poor italian boys yet become more efficacious as missionaries to their people than would an orphic poet at this period. these youths have very commonly good faces, and eyes from which that italian fire that has done so much to warm the world glows out. we saw the distribution of prizes to the school, heard addresses from mazzini, pistracci, mariotti (once a resident in our country), and an english gentleman who takes a great interest in the work, and then adjourned to an adjacent room, where a supper was provided for the boys and other guests, among whom we saw some of the exiled poles. the whole evening gave a true and deep pleasure, though tinged with sadness. we saw a planting of the kingdom of heaven, though now no larger than a grain of mustard-seed, and though perhaps none of those who watch the spot may live to see the birds singing in its branches. i have not yet spoken of one of _our_ benefactors, mr. carlyle, whom i saw several times. i approached him with more reverence after a little experience of england and scotland had taught me to appreciate the strength and height of that wall of shams and conventions which he more than any man, or thousand men,--indeed, he almost alone,--has begun to throw down. wherever there was fresh thought, generous hope, the thought of carlyle has begun the work. he has torn off the veils from hideous facts; he has burnt away foolish illusions; he has awakened thousands to know what it is to be a man,--that we must live, and not merely pretend to others that we live. he has touched the rocks and they have given forth musical answer; little more was wanting to begin to construct the city. but that little was wanting, and the work of construction is left to those that come after him: nay, all attempts of the kind he is the readiest to deride, fearing new shams worse than the old, unable to trust the general action of a thought, and finding no heroic man, no natural king, to represent it and challenge his confidence. accustomed to the infinite wit and exuberant richness of his writings, his talk is still an amazement and a splendor scarcely to be faced with steady eyes. he does not converse,--only harangues. it is the usual misfortune of such marked men (happily not one invariable or inevitable) that they cannot allow other minds room to breathe and show themselves in their atmosphere, and thus miss the refreshment and instruction, which the greatest never cease to need from the experience of the humblest. carlyle allows no one a chance, but bears down all opposition, not only by his wit and onset of words, resistless in their sharpness as so many bayonets, but by actual physical superiority, raising his voice and rushing on his opponent with a torrent of sound. this is not the least from unwillingness to allow freedom to others; on the contrary, no man would more enjoy a manly resistance to his thought; but it is the impulse of a mind accustomed to follow out its own impulse as the hawk its prey, and which knows not how to stop in the chase. carlyle, indeed, is arrogant and overbearing, but in his arrogance there is no littleness or self-love: it is the heroic arrogance of some old scandinavian conqueror,--it is his nature and the untamable impulse that has given him power to crush the dragons. you do not love him, perhaps, nor revere, and perhaps, also, he would only laugh at you if you did; but you like him heartily, and like to see him the powerful smith, the siegfried, melting all the old iron in his furnace till it glows to a sunset red, and burns you if you senselessly go too near. he seemed to me quite isolated, lonely as the desert; yet never was man more fitted to prize a man, could he find one to match his mood. he finds such, but only in the past. he sings rather than talks. he pours upon you a kind of satirical, heroical, critical poem, with regular cadences, and generally catching up near the beginning some singular epithet, which, serves as a _refrain_ when his song is full, or with which as with a knitting-needle he catches up the stitches if he has chanced now and then to let fall a row. for the higher kinds of poetry he has no sense, and his talk on that subject is delightfully and gorgeously absurd; he sometimes stops a minute to laugh at it himself, then begins anew with fresh vigor; for all the spirits he is driving before him seem to him as fata morganas, ugly masks, in fact, if he can but make them turn about, but he laughs that they seem to others such dainty ariels. he puts out his chin sometimes till it looks like the beak of a bird, and his eyes flash bright instinctive meanings like jove's bird; yet he is not calm and grand enough for the eagle: he is more like the falcon, and yet not of gentle blood enough for that either. he is not exactly like anything but himself, and therefore you cannot see him without the most hearty refreshment and good-will, for he is original, rich, and strong enough to afford a thousand, faults; one expects some wild land in a rich kingdom. his talk, like his books, is full of pictures, his critical strokes masterly; allow for his point of view, and his survey is admirable. he is a large subject; i cannot speak more or wiselier of him now, nor needs it; his works are true, to blame and praise him, the siegfried of england, great and powerful, if not quite invulnerable, and of a might rather to destroy evil than legislate for good. at all events, he seems to be what destiny intended, and represents fully a certain side; so we make no remonstrance as to his being and proceeding for himself, though we sometimes must for us. i had meant some remarks on some fine pictures, and the little i saw of the theatre in england; but these topics must wait till my next, where they may connect themselves naturally enough with what i have to say of paris. letter x. more of london.--the model prison at pentonville.--bathing establishment for the poor.--also one for washing clothes.--the cr�ches of paris, for poor people's children.--old drury in london.--sadler's wells.--english and french acting compared.-- mademoiselle rachel.--french tragedy.--rose cheny.--dumas.--guizot.-- the presentation at court of the young duchess.--ball at the tuileries.--american and french women.--leverrier.--the sorbonne.-- arago.--discussions on suicide and the crusades.--r�musat.--the academy.--la mennais.--b�ranger.--reflections. paris. when i wrote last i could not finish with london, and there remain yet two or three things i wish to speak of before passing to my impressions of this wonder-full paris. i visited the model prison at pentonville; but though in some respects an improvement upon others i have seen,--though there was the appearance of great neatness and order in the arrangements of life, kindness and good judgment in the discipline of the prisoners,--yet there was also an air of bleak forlornness about the place, and it fell far short of what my mind demands of such abodes considered as redemption schools. but as the subject of prisons is now engaging the attention of many of the wisest and best, and the tendency is in what seems to me the true direction, i need not trouble myself to make prude and hasty suggestions; it is a subject to which persons who would be of use should give the earnest devotion of calm and leisurely thought. the same day i went to see an establishment which gave me unmixed pleasure; it is a bathing establishment put at a very low rate to enable the poor to avoid one of thee worst miseries of their lot, and which yet promises _to pay_. joined with this is an establishment for washing clothes, where the poor can go and hire, for almost nothing, good tubs, water ready heated, the use of an apparatus for rinsing, drying, and ironing, all so admirably arranged that a poor woman can in three hours get through an amount of washing and ironing that would, under ordinary circumstances, occupy three or four days. especially the drying closets i contemplated with great satisfaction, and hope to see in our own country the same arrangements throughout the cities, and even in the towns and villages. hanging out the clothes is a great exposure for women, even when they have a good place for it; but when, as is so common in cities, they must dry them in the house, how much they suffer! in new york, i know, those poor women who take in washing endure a great deal of trouble and toil from this cause; i have suffered myself from being obliged to send back what had cost them so much toil, because it had been, perhaps inevitably, soiled in the drying or ironing, or filled with the smell of their miscellaneous cooking. in london it is much worse. an eminent physician told me he knew of two children whom he considered to have died because their mother, having but one room to live in, was obliged to wash and dry clothes close to their bed when they were ill. the poor people in london naturally do without washing all they can, and beneath that perpetual fall of soot the result may be guessed. all but the very poor in england put out their washing, and this custom ought to be universal in civilized countries, as it can be done much better and quicker by a few regular laundresses than by many families, and "the washing day" is so malignant a foe to the peace and joy of households that it ought to be effaced from the calendar. but as long as we are so miserable as to have any very poor people in this world, _they_ cannot put out their washing, because they cannot earn enough money to pay for it, and, preliminary to something better, washing establishments like this of london are desirable. one arrangement that they have here in paris will be a good one, even when we cease to have any very poor people, and, please heaven, also to have any very rich. these are the _crèches_,--houses where poor women leave their children to be nursed during the day while they are at work. i must mention that the superintendent of the washing establishment observed, with a legitimate triumph, that it had been built without giving a single dinner or printing a single puff,--an extraordinary thing, indeed, for england! to turn to something a little gayer,--the embroidery on this tattered coat of civilized life,--i went into only two theatres; one the old drury, once the scene of great glories, now of execrable music and more execrable acting. if anything can be invented more excruciating than an english opera, such as was the fashion at the time i was in london, i am sure no sin of mine deserves the punishment of bearing it. at the sadler's wells theatre i saw a play which i had much admired in reading it, but found still better in actual representation; indeed, it seems to me there can be no better acting play: this is "the patrician's daughter," by j.w. marston. the movement is rapid, yet clear and free; the dialogue natural, dignified, and flowing; the characters marked with few, but distinct strokes. where the tone of discourse rises with manly sentiment or passion, the audience applauded with bursts of generous feeling that gave me great pleasure, for this play is one that, in its scope and meaning, marks the new era in england; it is full of an experience which is inevitable to a man of talent there, and is harbinger of the day when the noblest commoner shall be the only noble possible in england. but how different all this acting to what i find in france! here the theatre is living; you see something really good, and good throughout. not one touch of that stage strut and vulgar bombast of tone, which the english actor fancies indispensable to scenic illusion, is tolerated here. for the first time in my life i saw something represented in a style uniformly good, and should have found sufficient proof, if i had needed any, that all men will prefer what is good to what is bad, if only a fair opportunity for choice be allowed. when i came here, my first thought was to go and see mademoiselle rachel. i was sure that in her i should find a true genius, absolutely the diamond, and so it proved. i went to see her seven or eight times, always in parts that required great force of soul and purity of taste even to conceive them, and only once had reason to find fault with her. on one single occasion i saw her violate the harmony of the character to produce effect at a particular moment; but almost invariably i found her a true artist, worthy greece, and worthy at many moments to have her conceptions immortalized in marble. her range even in high tragedy is limited. she can only express the darker passions, and grief in its most desolate aspects. nature has not gifted her with those softer and more flowery attributes that lend to pathos its utmost tenderness. she does not melt to tears, or calm or elevate the heart by the presence of that tragic beauty that needs all the assaults of fate to make it show its immortal sweetness. her noblest aspect is when sometimes she expresses truth in some severe shape, and rises, simple and austere, above the mixed elements around her. on the dark side, she is very great in hatred and revenge. i admired her more in phedre than in any other part in which i saw her. the guilty love inspired by the hatred of a goddess was expressed in all its symptoms with a force and terrible naturalness that almost suffocated the beholder. after she had taken the poison, the exhaustion and paralysis of the system, the sad, cold, calm submission to fate, were still more grand. i had heard so much about the power of her eye in one fixed look, and the expression she could concentrate in a single word, that the utmost results could only satisfy my expectations. it is, indeed, something magnificent to see the dark cloud give out such sparks, each one fit to deal a separate death; but it was not that i admired most in her: it was the grandeur, truth, and depth of her conception of each part, and the sustained purity with which she represented it. for the rest, i shall write somewhere a detailed _critique_ upon the parts in which i saw her. it is she who has made me acquainted with the true way of viewing french tragedy. i had no idea of its powers and symmetry till now, and have received from the revelation high pleasure and a crowd of thoughts. the french language from her lips is a divine dialect; it is stripped of its national and personal peculiarities, and becomes what any language must, moulded by such a genius, the pure music of the heart and soul. i never could remember her tone in speaking any word; it was too perfect; you had received the thought quite direct. yet, had i never heard her speak a word, my mind would, be filled by her attitudes. nothing more graceful can be conceived, nor could the genius of sculpture surpass her management of the antique drapery. she has no beauty except in the intellectual severity of her outline, and bears marks of age which will grow stronger every year, and make her ugly before long. still it will be a _grandiose_, gypsy, or rather sibylline ugliness, well adapted to the expression of some tragic parts. only it seems as if she could not live long; she expends force enough upon a part to furnish out a dozen common lives. though the french tragedy is well acted throughout, yet unhappily there is no male actor now with a spark of fire, and these men seem the meanest pigmies by the side of rachel;--so on the scene, beside the tragedy intended by the author, you see also that common tragedy, a woman of genius who throws away her precious heart, lives and dies for one unworthy of her. in parts this effect is productive of too much pain. i saw rachel one night with her brother and sister. the sister imitated her so closely that you could not help seeing she had a manner, and an imitable manner. her brother was in the play her lover,--a wretched automaton, and presenting the most unhappy family likeness to herself. since then i have hardly cared to go and see her. we could wish with geniuses, as with the phoenix, to see only one of the family at a time. in the pathetic or sentimental drama paris boasts another young actress, nearly as distinguished in that walk as rachel in hers. this is rose cheny, whom we saw in her ninety-eighth personation of clarissa harlowe, and afterward in genevieve and the _protégé sans le savoir_,--a little piece written expressly for her by scribe. the "miss clarisse" of the french drama is a feeble and partial reproduction of the heroine of richardson; indeed, the original in all its force of intellect and character would have been too much for the charming rose cheny, but to the purity and lovely tenderness of clarissa she does full justice. in the other characters she was the true french girl, full of grace and a mixture of _naïveté_ and cunning, sentiment and frivolity, that is winning and _piquant_, if not satisfying. only grief seems very strange to those bright eyes; we do not find that they can weep much and bear the light of day, and the inhaling of charcoal seems near at hand to their brightest pleasures. at the other little theatres you see excellent acting, and a sparkle of wit unknown to the world out of france. the little pieces in which all the leading topics of the day are reviewed are full of drolleries that make you laugh at each instant. _poudre-colon_ is the only one of these i have seen; in this, among other jokes, dumas, in the character of monte-christo and in a costume half oriental, half juggler, is made to pass the other theatres in review while seeking candidates for his new one. dumas appeared in court yesterday, and defended his own cause against the editors who sue him for evading some of his engagements. i was very desirous to hear him speak, and went there in what i was assured would be very good season; but a french audience, who knew the ground better, had slipped in before me, and i returned, as has been too often the case with me in paris, having seen nothing but endless staircases, dreary vestibules, and _gens d'armes_. the hospitality of _le grande nation_ to the stranger is, in many respects, admirable. galleries, libraries, cabinets of coins, museums, are opened in the most liberal manner to the stranger, warmed, lighted, ay, and guarded, for him almost all days in the week; treasures of the past are at his service; but when anything is happening in the present, the french run quicker, glide in more adroitly, and get possession of the ground. i find it not the most easy matter to get to places even where there is nothing going on, there is so much tiresome fuss of getting _billets_ from one and another to be gone through; but when something is happening it is still worse. i missed hearing m. guizot in his speech on the montpensier marriage, which would have given a very good idea of his manner, and which, like this defence of m. dumas, was a skilful piece of work as regards evasion of the truth. the good feeling toward england which had been fostered with so much care and toil seems to have been entirely dissipated by the mutual recriminations about this marriage, and the old dislike flames up more fiercely for having been hid awhile beneath the ashes. i saw the little duchess, the innocent or ignorant cause of all this disturbance, when presented at court. she went round the circle on the arm of the queen. though only fourteen, she looks twenty, but has something fresh, engaging, and girlish about her. i fancy it will soon be rubbed out under the drill of the royal household. i attended not only at the presentation, but at the ball given at the tuileries directly after. these are fine shows, as the suite of apartments is very handsome, brilliantly lighted, and the french ladies surpass all others in the art of dress; indeed, it gave me much, pleasure to see them. certainly there are many ugly ones, but they are so well dressed, and have such an air of graceful vivacity, that the general effect was that of a flower-garden. as often happens, several american women were among the most distinguished for positive beauty; one from philadelphia, who is by many persons considered the prettiest ornament of the dress circle at the italian opera, was especially marked by the attention of the king. however, these ladies, even if here a long time, do not attain the air and manner of french women; the magnetic atmosphere that envelops them is less brilliant and exhilarating in its attractions. it was pleasant to my eye, which has always been so wearied in our country by the sombre masses of men that overcloud our public assemblies, to see them now in so great variety of costume, color, and decoration. among the crowd wandered leverrier, in the costume of academician, looking as if he had lost, not found, his planet. french _savants_ are more generally men of the world, and even men of fashion, than those of other climates; but, in his case, he seemed not to find it easy to exchange the music of the spheres for the music of fiddles. speaking of leverrier leads to another of my disappointments. i went to the sorbonne to hear him lecture, nothing dreaming that the old pedantic and theological character of those halls was strictly kept up in these days of light. an old guardian of the inner temple, seeing me approach, had his speech all ready, and, manning the entrance, said with a disdainful air, before we had time to utter a word, "monsieur may enter if he pleases, but madame must remain here" (i.e. in the court-yard). after some exclamations of surprise, i found an alternative in the hotel de clugny, where i passed an hour very delightfully while waiting for my companion. the rich remains of other centuries are there so arranged that they can be seen to the best advantage; many of the works in ivory, china, and carved wood are truly splendid or exquisite. i saw a dagger with jewelled hilt which talked whole poems to my mind. in the various "adorations of the magi," i found constantly one of the wise men black, and with the marked african lineaments. before i had half finished, my companion came and wished me at least to visit the lecture-rooms of the sorbonne, now that the talk, too good for female ears, was over. but the guardian again interfered to deny me entrance. "you can go, madame," said he, "to the college of france; you can go to this and t'other place, but you cannot enter here." "what, sir," said i, "is it your institution alone that remains in a state of barbarism?" "que voulez vous, madame?" he replied, and, as he spoke, his little dog began to bark at me,--"que voulez vous, madame? c'est la regle,"--"what would you have, madam? it is the rule,"--a reply which makes me laugh even now, as i think how the satirical wits of former days might have used it against the bulwarks of learned dulness. i was more fortunate in hearing arago, and he justified all my expectations. clear, rapid, full and equal, his discourse is worthy its celebrity, and i felt repaid for the four hours one is obliged to spend in going, in waiting, and in hearing; for the lecture begins at half past one, and you must be there before twelve to get a seat, so constant and animated is his popularity. i have attended, with some interest, two discussions at the athenée,--one on suicide, the other on the crusades. they are amateur affairs, where, as always at such times, one hears much, nonsense and vanity, much making of phrases and sentimental grimace; but there was one excellent speaker, adroit and rapid as only a frenchman could be. with admirable readiness, skill, and rhetorical polish, he examined the arguments of all the others, and built upon their failures a triumph for himself. his management of the language, too, was masterly, and french is the best of languages for such a purpose,--clear, flexible, full of sparkling points and quick, picturesque turns, with a subtile blandness that makes the dart tickle while it wounds. truly he pleased the fancy, filled the ear, and carried us pleasantly along over the smooth, swift waters; but then came from the crowd a gentleman, not one of the appointed orators of the evening, but who had really something in his heart to say,--a grave, dark man, with spanish eyes, and the simple dignity of honor and earnestness in all his gesture and manner. he said in few and unadorned words his say, and the sense of a real presence filled the room, and those charms of rhetoric faded, as vanish the beauties of soap-bubbles from the eyes of astonished childhood. i was present on one good occasion at the academy the day that m. rémusat was received there in the place of royer-collard. i looked down from one of the tribunes upon the flower of the celebrities of france, that is to say, of the celebrities which are authentic, _comme il faut_. among them were many marked faces, many fine heads; but in reading the works of poets we always fancy them about the age of apollo himself, and i found with pain some of my favorites quite old, and very unlike the company on parnassus as represented by raphael. some, however, were venerable, even noble, to behold. indeed, the literary dynasty of france is growing old, and here, as in england and germany, there seems likely to occur a serious gap before the inauguration of another, if indeed another is coming. however, it was an imposing sight; there are men of real distinction now in the academy, and molière would have a fair chance if he were proposed to-day. among the audience i saw many ladies of fine expression and manner, as well as one or two _precieuses ridicules_, a race which is never quite extinct. m. rémusat, as is the custom on these occasions, painted the portrait of his predecessor; the discourse was brilliant and discriminating in the details, but the orator seemed to me to neglect drawing some obvious inferences which would have given a better point of view for his subject. a _séance_ to me much more impressive find interesting was one which borrowed nothing from dress, decorations, or the presence of titled pomp. i went to call on la mennais, to whom i had a letter, i found him in a little study; his secretary was writing in a larger room through which i passed. with him was a somewhat citizen-looking, but vivacious, elderly man, whom i was at first sorry to see, having wished for half an hour's undisturbed visit to the apostle of democracy. but how quickly were those feelings displaced by joy when he named to me the great national lyrist of france, the unequalled béranger. i had not expected to see him at all, for he is not one to be seen in any show place; he lives in the hearts of the people, and needs no homage from their eyes. i was very happy in that little study in presence of these two men, whose influence has been so great, so real. to me béranger has been much; his wit, his pathos, his exquisite lyric grace, have made the most delicate strings vibrate, and i can feel, as well as see, what he is in his nation and his place. i have not personally received anything from la mennais, as, born under other circumstances, mental facts which he, once the pupil of rome, has learned by passing through severe ordeals, are at the basis of all my thoughts. but i see well what he has been and is to europe, and of what great force of nature and spirit. he seems suffering and pale, but in his eyes is the light of the future. these are men who need no flourish of trumpets to announce their coming,--no band of martial music upon their steps,--no obsequious nobles in their train. they are the true kings, the theocratic kings, the judges in israel. the hearts of men make music at their approach; the mind of the age is the historian of their passage; and only men of destiny like themselves shall be permitted to write their eulogies, or fill their vacant seats. wherever there is a genius like his own, a germ of the finest fruit still hidden beneath the soil, the "_chante pauvre petit_" of béranger shall strike, like a sunbeam, and give it force to emerge, and wherever there is the true crusade,--for the spirit, not the tomb of christ,--shall be felt an echo of the "_que tes armes soient benis jeune soldat_" of la mennais. letter xi. france and her artistic excellence.--the pictures of horace vernet.--de la roche.--leopold robert.--contrast between the french and english schools of art.--the general appreciation of turner's pictures.--botanical models in wax.--music.--the opera.--duprez.-- lablache.--ronconi.--grisi.--persiana.--"semiramide" as performed by the new york and paris operas.--mario.--coletti.--gardini.-- "don giovanni."--the writer's trial of the "letheon."--its effects. it needs not to speak in this cursory manner of the treasures of art, pictures, sculptures, engravings, and the other riches which france lays open so freely to the stranger in her musées. any examination worth writing of such objects, or account of the thoughts they inspire, demands a place by itself, and an ample field in which to expatiate. the american, first introduced to some good pictures by the truly great geniuses of the religious period in art, must, if capable at all of mental approximation to the life therein embodied, be too deeply affected, too full of thoughts, to be in haste to say anything, and for me, i bide my time. no such great crisis, however, is to be apprehended from acquaintance with the productions of the modern french school. they are, indeed, full of talent and of vigor, but also melodramatic and exaggerated to a degree that seems to give the nightmare passage through the fresh and cheerful day. they sound no depth of soul, and are marked with the signet of a degenerate age. thus speak i generally. to the pictures of horace vernet one cannot but turn a gracious eye, they are so faithful a transcript of the life which circulates around us in the present state of things, and we are willing to see his nobles and generals mounted on such excellent horses. de la roche gives me pleasure; there is in his pictures a simple and natural poesy; he is a man who has in his own heart a well of good water, whence he draws for himself when the streams are mixed with strange soil and bear offensive marks of the bloody battles of life. the pictures of leopold robert i find charming. they are full of vigor and nobleness; they express a nature where all is rich, young, and on a large scale. those that i have seen are so happily expressive of the thoughts and perceptions of early manhood, i can hardly regret he did not live to enter on another stage of life, the impression now received is so single. the effort of the french school in art, as also its main tendency in literature, seems to be to turn the mind inside out, in the coarsest acceptation of such a phrase. art can only be truly art by presenting an adequate outward symbol of some fact in the interior life. but then it _is_ a symbol that art seeks to present, and not the fact itself. these french painters seem to have no idea of this; they have not studied the method of nature. with the true artist, as with nature herself, the more full the representation, the more profound and enchanting is the sense of mystery. we look and look, as on a flower of which we cannot scrutinize the secret life, yet b; looking seem constantly drawn nearer to the soul that causes and governs that life. but in the french pictures suffering is represented by streams of blood,--wickedness by the most ghastly contortions. i saw a movement in the opposite direction in england; it was in turner's pictures of the later period. it is well known that turner, so long an idol of the english public, paints now in a manner which has caused the liveliest dissensions in the world of connoisseurs. there are two parties, one of which maintains, not only that the pictures of the late period are not good, but that they are not pictures at all,--that it is impossible to make out the design, or find what turner is aiming at by those strange blotches of color. the other party declare that these pictures are not only good, but divine,--that whoever looks upon them in the true manner will not fail to find there somewhat ineffably and transcendently admirable,--the soul of art. books have been written to defend this side of the question. i had become much interested about this matter, as the fervor of feeling on either side seemed to denote that there was something real and vital going on, and, while time would not permit my visiting other private collections in london and its neighborhood, i insisted on taking it for one of turner's pictures. it was at the house of one of his devoutest disciples, who has arranged everything in the rooms to harmonize with them. there were a great many of the earlier period; these seemed to me charming, but superficial, views of nature. they were of a character that he who runs may read,--obvious, simple, graceful. the later pictures were quite a different matter; mysterious-looking things,--hieroglyphics of picture, rather than picture itself. sometimes you saw a range of red dots, which, after long looking, dawned on you as the roofs of houses,--shining streaks turned out to be most alluring rivulets, if traced with patience and a devout eye. above all, they charmed the eye and the thought. still, these pictures, it seems to me, cannot be considered fine works of art, more than the mystical writing common to a certain class of minds in the united states can be called good writing. a great work of art demands a great thought, or a thought of beauty adequately expressed. neither in art nor literature more than in life can an ordinary thought be made interesting because well dressed. but in a transition state, whether of art or literature, deeper thoughts are imperfectly expressed, because they cannot yet be held and treated masterly. this seems to be the case with turner. he has got beyond the english gentleman's conventional view of nature, which implies a _little_ sentiment and a _very_ cultivated taste; he has become awake to what is elemental, normal, in nature,--such, for instance, as one sees in the working of water on the sea-shore. he tries to represent these primitive forms. in the drawings of piranesi, in the pictures of rembrandt, one sees this grand language exhibited more truly. it is not picture, but certain primitive and leading effects of light and shadow, or lines and contours, that captivate the attention. i saw a picture of rembrandt's at the louvre, whose subject i do not know and have never cared to inquire. i cannot analyze the group, but i understand and feel the thought it embodies. at something similar turner seems aiming; an aim so opposed to the practical and outward tendency of the english mind, that, as a matter of course, the majority find themselves mystified, and thereby angered, but for the same reason answering to so deep and seldom satisfied a want in the minds of the minority, as to secure the most ardent sympathy where any at all can be elicited. upon this topic of the primitive forms and operations of nature, i am reminded of something interesting i was looking at yesterday. these are botanical models in wax, with microscopic dissections, by an artist from florence, a pupil of calamajo, the director of the wax-model museum there. i saw collections of ten different genera, embracing from fifty to sixty species, of fungi, mosses, and lichens, detected and displayed in all the beautiful secrets of their lives; many of them, as observed by dr. leveillé of paris. the artist told me that a fisherman, introduced to such acquaintance with the marvels of love and beauty which we trample under foot or burn in the chimney each careless day, exclaimed, "'tis the good god who protects us on the sea that made all these"; and a similar recognition, a correspondent feeling, will not be easily evaded by the most callous observer. this artist has supplied many of these models to the magnificent collection of the _jardin des plantes_, to edinburgh, and to bologna, and would furnish them, to our museums at a much cheaper rate than they can elsewhere be obtained. i wish the universities of cambridge, new york, and other leading institutions of our country, might avail themselves of the opportunity. in paris i have not been very fortunate in hearing the best music. at the different opera-houses, the orchestra is always good, but the vocalization, though far superior to what i have heard at home, falls so far short of my ideas and hopes that--except to the italian opera--i have not been often. the _opera comique_ i visited only once; it was tolerably well, and no more, and, for myself, i find the tolerable intolerable in music. at the grand opera i heard _robert le diable_ and _guillaume tell_ almost with ennui; the decorations and dresses are magnificent, the instrumental performance good, but not one fine singer to fill these fine parts. duprez has had a great reputation, and probably has sung better in former days; still he has a vulgar mind, and can never have had any merit as an artist. at present i find him unbearable. he forces his voice, sings in the most coarse, showy style, and aims at producing effects without regard to the harmony of his part; fat and vulgar, he still takes the part of the lover and young chevalier; to my sorrow i saw him in ravenswood, and he has well-nigh disenchanted for me the bride of lammermoor. the italian opera is here as well sustained, i believe, as anywhere in the world at present; all about it is certainly quite good, but alas! nothing excellent, nothing admirable. yet no! i must not say nothing: lablache is excellent,--voice, intonation, manner of song, action. ronconi i found good in the doctor of "_l'elisire d'amore_". for the higher parts grisi, though now much too large for some of her parts, and without a particle of poetic grace or dignity, has certainly beauty of feature, and from nature a fine voice. but i find her conception of her parts equally coarse and shallow. her love is the love of a peasant; her anger, though having the italian picturesque richness and vigor, is the anger of an italian fishwife, entirely unlike anything in the same rank elsewhere; her despair is that of a person with the toothache, or who has drawn a blank in the lottery. the first time i saw her was in _norma_; then the beauty of her outline, which becomes really enchanting as she recalls the first emotions of love, the force and gush of her song, filled my ear, and charmed the senses, so that i was pleased, and did not perceive her great defects; but with each time of seeing her i liked her less, and now i do not like her at all. persiani is more generally a favorite here; she is indeed skilful both as an actress and in the management of her voice, but i find her expression meretricious, her singing mechanical. neither of these women is equal to pico in natural force, if she had but the same advantages of culture and environment. in hearing _semiramide_ here, i first learned to appreciate the degree of talent with which it was cast in new york. grisi indeed is a far better semiramis than borghese, but the best parts of the opera lost all their charm from the inferiority of brambilla, who took pico's place. mario has a charming voice, grace and tenderness; he fills very well the part of the young, chivalric lover, but he has no range of power. coletti is a very good singer; he has not from nature a fine voice or personal beauty; but he has talent, good taste, and often surpasses the expectation he has inspired. gardini, the new singer, i have only heard once, and that was in a lovesick-shepherd part; he showed delicacy, tenderness, and tact. in fine, among all these male singers there is much to please, but little to charm; and for the women, they never fail absolutely to fill their parts, but no ray of the muse has fallen on them. _don giovanni_ conferred on me a benefit, of which certainly its great author never dreamed. i shall relate it,--first begging pardon of mozart, and assuring him i had no thought of turning his music to the account of a "vulgar utility." it was quite by accident. after suffering several days very much with the toothache, i resolved to get rid of the cause of sorrow by the aid of ether; not sorry, either, to try its efficacy, after all the marvellous stories i had heard. the first time i inhaled it, i did not for several seconds feel the effect, and was just thinking, "alas! this has not power to soothe nerves so irritable as mine," when suddenly i wandered off, i don't know where, but it was a sensation like wandering in long garden-walks, and through many alleys of trees,--many impressions, but all pleasant and serene. the moment the tube was removed, i started into consciousness, and put my hand to my cheek; but, sad! the throbbing tooth was still there. the dentist said i had not seemed to him insensible. he then gave me the ether in a stronger dose, and this time i quitted the body instantly, and cannot remember any detail of what i saw and did; but the impression was as in the oriental tale, where the man has his head in the water an instant only, but in his vision a thousand years seem to have passed. i experienced that same sense of an immense length of time and succession of impressions; even, now, the moment my mind was in that state seems to me a far longer period in time than my life on earth does as i look back upon it. suddenly i seemed to see the old dentist, as i had for the moment before i inhaled the gas, amid his plants, in his nightcap and dressing-gown; in the twilight the figure had somewhat of a faust-like, magical air, and he seemed to say, "_c'est inutile._" again i started up, fancying that once more he had not dared to extract the tooth, but it was gone. what is worth, noticing is the mental translation i made of his words, which, my ear must have caught, for my companion tells me he said, "_c'est le moment_," a phrase of just as many syllables, but conveying just the opposite sense. ah! i how i wished then, that you had settled, there in the united states, who really brought this means of evading a portion of the misery of life into use. but as it was, i remained at a loss whom to apostrophize with my benedictions, whether dr. jackson, morton, or wells, and somebody thus was robbed of his clue;--neither does europe know to whom to address her medals. however, there is no evading the heavier part of these miseries. you avoid the moment of suffering, and escape the effort of screwing up your courage for one of these moments, but not the jar to the whole system. i found the effect of having taken the ether bad for me. i seemed to taste it all the time, and neuralgic pain continued; this lasted three days. for the evening of the third, i had taken a ticket to _don giovanni_, and could not bear to give up this opera, which i had always been longing to hear; still i was in much suffering, and, as it was the sixth day i had been so, much weakened. however, i went, expecting to be obliged to come out; but the music soothed the nerves at once. i hardly suffered at all during the opera; however, i supposed the pain would return as soon as i came out; but no! it left me from that time. ah! if physicians only understood the influence of the mind over the body, instead of treating, as they so often do, their patients like machines, and according to precedent! but i must pause here for to-day. letter xii. adieu to paris.--its scenes.--the procession of the fat ox.--destitution of the poorer classes.--need of a reform.--the doctrines of fourier making progress.--review of fourier's life and character.--the parisian press on the spanish marriage.--guizot's policy.--napoleon.--the manuscripts of rousseau in the chamber of deputies.--his character.--speech of m. berryer in the chamber.--american and french oratory.--the affair of cracow.--dull speakers in the chamber.--french vivacity.--amusing scene.--guizot speaking.--international exchange of books.--the evening school of the _fr�res chretiens_.--the great good accomplished by them.--suggestions for the like in america.--the institution of the deaconesses.--the new york "home."--school for idiots near paris.--the reclamation of idiots. i bade adieu to paris on the th of february, just as we had had one fine day. it was the only one of really delightful weather, from morning till night, that i had to enjoy all the while i was at paris, from the th of november till the th of february. let no one abuse our climate; even in winter it is delightful, compared to the parisian winter of mud and mist. this one day brought out the parisian world in its gayest colors. i never saw anything more animated or prettier, of the kind, than the promenade that day in the _champs elysées_. such crowds of gay equipages, with _cavaliers_ and their _amazons_ flying through their midst on handsome and swift horses! on the promenade, what groups of passably pretty ladies, with excessively pretty bonnets, announcing in their hues of light green, peach-blossom, and primrose the approach of spring, and charming children, for french children are charming! i cannot speak with equal approbation of the files of men sauntering arm in arm. one sees few fine-looking men in paris: the air, half-military, half-dandy, of self-esteem and _savoir-faire_, is not particularly interesting; nor are the glassy stare and fumes of bad cigars exactly what one most desires to encounter, when the heart is opened by the breath of spring zephyrs and the hope of buds and blossoms. but a french crowd is always gay, full of quick turns and drolleries; most amusing when most petulant, it represents what is so agreeable in the character of the nation. we have now seen it on two good occasions, the festivities of the new year, and just after we came was the procession of the _fat ox_, described, if i mistake not, by eugene sue. an immense crowd thronged the streets this year to see it, but few figures and little invention followed the emblem of plenty; indeed, few among the people could have had the heart for such a sham, knowing how the poorer classes have suffered from hunger this winter. all signs of this are kept out of sight in paris. a pamphlet, called "the voice of famine," stating facts, though in the tone of vulgar and exaggerated declamation, unhappily common to productions on the radical side, was suppressed almost as soon as published; but the fact cannot be suppressed, that the people in the provinces have suffered most terribly amid the vaunted prosperity of france. while louis philippe lives, the gases, compressed by his strong grasp, may not burst up to light; but the need of some radical measures of reform is not less strongly felt in france than elsewhere, and the time will come before long when such will be imperatively demanded. the doctrines of fourier are making considerable progress, and wherever they spread, the necessity of some practical application of the precepts of christ, in lieu of the mummeries of a worn-out ritual, cannot fail to be felt. the more i see of the terrible ills which infest the body politic of europe, the more indignation i feel at the selfishness or stupidity of those in my own country who oppose an examination of these subjects,--such as is animated by the hope of prevention. the mind of fourier was, in many respects, uncongenial to mine. educated in an age of gross materialism, he was tainted by its faults. in attempts to reorganize society, he commits the error of making soul the result of health of body, instead of body the clothing of soul; but his heart was that of a genuine lover of his kind, of a philanthropist in the sense of jesus,--his views were large and noble. his life was one of devout study on these subjects, and i should pity the person who, after the briefest sojourn in manchester and lyons,--the most superficial acquaintance with the population of london and paris,--could seek to hinder a study of his thoughts, or be wanting in reverence for his purposes. but always, always, the unthinking mob has found stones on the highway to throw at the prophets. amid so many great causes for thought and anxiety, how childish has seemed the endless gossip of the parisian press on the subject of the spanish marriage,--how melancholy the flimsy falsehoods of m. guizot,--more melancholy the avowal so naïvely made, amid those falsehoods, that to his mind expediency is the best policy! this is the policy, said he, that has made france so prosperous. indeed, the success is correspondent with the means, though in quite another sense than that he meant. i went to the _hotel des invalides_, supposing i should be admitted to the spot where repose the ashes of napoleon, for though i love not pilgrimages to sepulchres, and prefer paying my homage to the living spirit rather than to the dust it once animated, i should have liked to muse a moment beside his urn; but as yet the visitor is not admitted there. in the library, however, one sees the picture of napoleon crossing the alps, opposite to that of the present king of the french. just as they are, these should serve as frontispieces to two chapters of history. in the first, the seed was sown in a field of blood indeed, yet was it the seed of all that is vital in the present period. by napoleon the career was really laid open to talent, and all that is really great in france now consists in the possibility that talent finds of struggling to the light. paris is a great intellectual centre, and there is a chamber of deputies to represent the people, very different from the poor, limited assembly politically so called. their tribune is that of literature, and one needs not to beg tickets to mingle with the audience. to the actually so-called chamber of deputies i was indebted for two pleasures. first and greatest, a sight of the manuscripts of rousseau treasured in their library. i saw them and touched them,--those manuscripts just as he has celebrated them, written on the fine white paper, tied with ribbon. yellow and faded age has made them, yet at their touch i seemed to feel the fire of youth, immortally glowing, more and more expansive, with which his soul has pervaded this century. he was the precursor of all we most prize. true, his blood was mixed with madness, and the course of his actual life made some detours through villanous places, but his spirit was intimate with the fundamental truths of human nature, and fraught with prophecy. there is none who has given birth to more life for this age; his gifts are yet untold; they are too present with us; but he who thinks really must often think with rousseau, and learn of him even more and more: such is the method of genius, to ripen fruit for the crowd of those rays of whose heat they complain. the second pleasure was in the speech of m. berryer, when the chamber was discussing the address to the king. those of thiers and guizot had been, so far, more interesting, as they stood for more that was important; but m. berryer is the most eloquent speaker of the house. his oratory is, indeed, very good; not logical, but plausible, full and rapid, with occasional bursts of flame and showers of sparks, though indeed no stone of size and weight enough to crush any man was thrown out of the crater. although the oratory of our country is very inferior to what might be expected from the perfect freedom and powerful motive for development of genius in this province, it presents several examples of persons superior in both force and scope, and equal in polish, to m. berryer. nothing can be more pitiful than the manner in which the infamous affair of cracow is treated on all hands. there is not even the affectation of noble feeling about it. la mennais and his coadjutors published in _la reforme_ an honorable and manly protest, which the public rushed to devour the moment it was out of the press;--and no wonder! for it was the only crumb of comfort offered to those who have the nobleness to hope that the confederation of nations may yet be conducted on the basis of divine justice and human right. most men who touched the subject apparently weary of feigning, appeared in their genuine colors of the calmest, most complacent selfishness. as described by körner in the prayer of such a man:-- "o god, save me, my wife, child, and hearth, then my harvest also; then will i bless thee, though thy lightning scorch to blackness all the rest of human kind." a sentiment which finds its paraphrase in the following vulgate of our land:-- "o lord, save me, my wife, child, and brother sammy, us four, _and no more_." the latter clause, indeed, is not quite frankly avowed as yet by politicians. it is very amusing to be in the chamber of deputies when some dull person is speaking. the french have a truly greek vivacity; they cannot endure to be bored. though their conduct is not very dignified, i should like a corps of the same kind of sharp-shooters in our legislative assemblies when honorable gentlemen are addressing their constituents and not the assembly, repeating in lengthy, windy, clumsy paragraphs what has been the truism of the newspaper press for months previous, wickedly wasting the time that was given us to learn something for ourselves, and help our fellow-creatures. in the french chamber, if a man who has nothing to say ascends the tribune, the audience-room is filled with the noise as of myriad beehives; the president rises on his feet, and passes the whole time of the speech in taking the most violent exercise, stretching himself to look imposing, ringing his bell every two minutes, shouting to the representatives of the nation to be decorous and attentive. in vain: the more he rings, the more they won't be still. i saw an orator in this situation, fighting against the desires of the audience, as only a frenchman could,--certainly a man of any other nation would have died of embarrassment rather,--screaming out his sentences, stretching out both arms with an air of injured dignity, panting, growing red in the face; but the hubbub of voices never stopped an instant. at last he pretended to be exhausted, stopped, and took out his snuff-box. instantly there was a calm. he seized the occasion, and shouted out a sentence; but it was the only one he was able to make heard. they were not to be trapped so a second time. when any one is speaking that commands interest, as berryer did, the effect of this vivacity is very pleasing, the murmur of feeling that rushes over the assembly is so quick and electric,--light, too, as the ripple on the lake. i heard guizot speak one day for a short time. his manner is very deficient in dignity,--has not even the dignity of station; you see the man of cultivated intellect, but without inward strength; nor is even his panoply of proof. i saw in the library of the deputies some books intended to be sent to our country through m. vattemare. the french have shown great readiness and generosity with regard to his project, and i earnestly hope that our country, if it accept these tokens of good-will, will show both energy and judgment in making a return. i do not speak from myself alone, but from others whose opinion is entitled to the highest respect, when i say it is not by sending a great quantity of documents of merely local interest, that would be esteemed lumber in our garrets at home, that you pay respect to a nation able to look beyond, the binding of a book. if anything is to be sent, let persons of ability be deputed to make a selection honorable to us and of value to the french. they would like documents from our congress,--what is important as to commerce and manufactures; they would also like much what can throw light on the history and character of our aborigines. this project of international exchange could not be carried on to any permanent advantage without accredited agents on either side, but in its present shape it wears an aspect of good feeling that is valuable, and may give a very desirable impulse to thought and knowledge. m. vattemare has given himself to the plan with indefatigable perseverance, and i hope our country will not be backward to accord him that furtherance he has known how to conquer from his countrymen. to his complaisance i was indebted for opportunity of a leisurely survey of the _imprimeri royale_, which gave me several suggestions i shall impart at a more favorable time, and of the operations of the mint also. it was at his request that the librarian of the chamber showed me the manuscripts of rousseau, which are not always seen by the traveller. he also introduced me to one of the evening schools of the _frères chretiens_, where i saw, with pleasure, how much can be done for the working classes only by evening lessons. in reading and writing, adults had made surprising progress, and still more so in drawing. i saw with the highest pleasure, excellent copies of good models, made by hard-handed porters and errand-boys with their brass badges on their breasts. the benefits of such an accomplishment are, in my eyes, of the highest value, giving them, by insensible degrees, their part in the glories of art and science, and in the tranquil refinements of home. visions rose in my mind of all that might be done in our country by associations of men and women who have received the benefits of literary culture, giving such evening lessons throughout our cities and villages. should i ever return, i shall propose to some of the like-minded an association for such a purpose, and try the experiment of one of these schools of christian brothers, with the vow of disinterestedness, but without the robe and the subdued priestly manner, which even in these men, some of whom seemed to me truly good, i could not away with. i visited also a protestant institution, called that of the deaconesses, which pleased me in some respects. beside the regular _crèche_, they take the sick children of the poor, and nurse them till they are well. they have also a refuge like that of the home which, the ladies of new york have provided, through which members of the most unjustly treated class of society may return to peace and usefulness. there are institutions of the kind in paris, but too formal,--and the treatment shows ignorance of human nature. i see nothing that shows so enlightened a spirit as the home, a little germ of good which i hope flourishes and finds active aid in the community. i have collected many facts with regard to this suffering class of women, both in england and in france. i have seen them under the thin veil of gayety, and in the horrible tatters of utter degradation. i have seen the feelings of men with regard to their condition, and the general heartlessness in women of more favored and protected lives, which i can only ascribe to utter ignorance of the facts. if a proclamation of some of these can remove it, i hope to make such a one in the hour of riper judgment, and after a more extensive survey. sad as are many features of the time, we have at least the satisfaction of feeling that if something true can be revealed, if something wise and kind shall be perseveringly tried, it stands a chance of nearer success than ever before; for much light has been let in at the windows of the world, and many dark nooks have been touched by a consoling ray. the influence of such a ray i felt in visiting the school for idiots, near paris,--idiots, so called long time by the impatience of the crowd; yet there are really none such, but only beings so below the average standard, so partially organized, that it is difficult for them to learn or to sustain themselves. i wept the whole time i was in this place a shower of sweet and bitter tears; of joy at what had been done, of grief for all that i and others possess and cannot impart to these little ones. but patience, and the father of all will give them all yet. a good angel these of paris have in their master. i have seen no man that seemed to me more worthy of envy, if one could envy happiness so pure and tender. he is a man of seven or eight and twenty, who formerly came there only to give lessons in writing, but became so interested in his charge that he came at last to live among them and to serve them. they sing the hymns he writes for them, and as i saw his fine countenance looking in love on those distorted and opaque vases of humanity, where he had succeeded in waking up a faint flame, i thought his heart could never fail to be well warmed and buoyant. they sang well, both in parts and in chorus, went through gymnastic exercises with order and pleasure, then stood in a circle and kept time, while several danced extremely well. one little fellow, with whom the difficulty seemed to be that an excess of nervous sensibility paralyzed instead of exciting the powers, recited poems with a touching, childish grace and perfect memory. they write well, draw well, make shoes, and do carpenter's work. one of the cases most interesting to the metaphysician is that of a boy, brought there about two years and a half ago, at the age of thirteen, in a state of brutality, and of ferocious brutality. i read the physician's report of him at that period. he discovered no ray of decency or reason; entirely beneath the animals in the exercise of the senses, he discovered a restless fury beyond that of beasts of prey, breaking and throwing down whatever came in his way; was a voracious glutton, and every way grossly sensual. many trials and vast patience were necessary before an inlet could be obtained to his mind; then it was through the means of mathematics. he delights in the figures, can draw and name them all, detects them by the touch when blindfolded. each, mental effort of the kind he still follows up with an imbecile chuckle, as indeed his face and whole manner are still that of an idiot; but he has been raised from his sensual state, and can now discriminate and name colors and perfumes which before were all alike to him. he is partially redeemed; earlier, no doubt, far more might have been done for him, but the degree of success is an earnest which must encourage to perseverance in the most seemingly hopeless cases. i thought sorrowfully of the persons of this class whom i have known in our country, who might have been so raised and solaced by similar care. i hope ample provision may erelong be made for these pariahs of the human race; every case of the kind brings its blessings with it, and observation on these subjects would be as rich in suggestion for the thought, as such acts of love are balmy for the heart. letter xiii. music in paris.--chopin and the chevalier neukomm.--adieu to paris.--a midnight drive in a diligence.--lyons and its weavers.--their manner of life.--a young wife.--the weavers' children.--the banks of the rhone.--dreary weather for southern france.--the old roman amphitheatre at arles.--the women of arles.--marseilles.--passage to genoa.--italy.--genoa and naples.--bai�.--vesuvius.--the italian character at home.--passage from leghorn in a small steamer.--narrow escape.--a confusion of languages.--degradation of the neapolitans. naples. in my last days at paris i was fortunate in hearing some delightful music. a friend of chopin's took me to see him, and i had the pleasure, which the delicacy of iris health makes a rare one for the public, of hearing him play. all the impressions i had received from hearing his music imperfectly performed were justified, for it has marked traits, which can be veiled, but not travestied; but to feel it as it merits, one must hear himself; only a person as exquisitely organized as he can adequately express these subtile secrets of the creative spirit. it was with, a very different sort of pleasure that i listened to the chevalier neukomm, the celebrated composer of "david," which has been so popular in our country. i heard him improvise on the _orgue expressif_, and afterward on a great organ which has just been built here by cavaille for the cathedral of ajaccio. full, sustained, ardent, yet exact, the stream, of his thought bears with it the attention of hearers of all characters, as his character, full of _bonhommie_, open, friendly, animated, and sagacious, would seem to have something to present for the affection and esteem of all kinds of men. chopin is the minstrel, neukomm the orator of music: we want them both,--the mysterious whispers and the resolute pleadings from the better world, which calls us not to slumber here, but press daily onward to claim our heritage. paris! i was sad to leave thee, thou wonderful focus, where ignorance ceases to be a pain, because there we find such means daily to lessen it. it is the only school where i ever found abundance of teachers who could bear being examined by the pupil in their special branches. i must go to this school more before i again cross the atlantic, where often for years i have carried about some trifling question without finding the person who could answer it. really deep questions we must all answer for ourselves; the more the pity, then, that we get not quickly through with a crowd of details, where the experience of others might accelerate our progress. leaving by _diligence_, we pursued our way from twelve o'clock on thursday till twelve at night on friday, thus having a large share of magnificent moonlight upon the unknown fields we were traversing. at chalons we took boat and reached lyons betimes that afternoon. so soon as refreshed, we sallied out to visit some of the garrets of the weavers. as we were making inquiries about these, a sweet little girl who heard us offered to be our guide. she led us by a weary, winding way, whose pavement was much easier for her feet in their wooden _sabots_ than for ours in paris shoes, to the top of a hill, from which we saw for the first time "the blue and arrowy rhone." entering the light buildings on this high hill, i found each chamber tenanted by a family of weavers,--all weavers; wife, husband, sons, daughters,--from nine years old upward,--each was helping. on one side were the looms; nearer the door the cooking apparatus; the beds were shelves near the ceiling: they climbed up to them on ladders. my sweet little girl turned out to be a wife of six or seven years' standing, with two rather sickly-looking children; she seemed to have the greatest comfort that is possible amid the perplexities of a hard and anxious lot, to judge by the proud and affectionate manner in which she always said "_mon mari_," and by the courteous gentleness of his manner toward her. she seemed, indeed, to be one of those persons on whom "the graces have smiled in their cradle," and to whom a natural loveliness of character makes the world as easy as it can be made while the evil spirit is still so busy choking the wheat with tares. i admired her graceful manner of introducing us into those dark little rooms, and she was affectionately received by all her acquaintance. but alas! that voice, by nature of such bird-like vivacity, repeated again and again, "ah! we are all very unhappy now." "do you sing together, or go to evening schools?" "we have not the heart. when we have a piece of work, we do not stir till it is finished, and then we run to try and get another; but often we have to wait idle for weeks. it grows worse and worse, and they say it is not likely to be any better. we can think of nothing, but whether we shall be able to pay our rent. ah! the workpeople are very unhappy now." this poor, lovely little girl, at an age when the merchant's daughters of boston and new york are just gaining their first experiences of "society," knew to a farthing the price of every article of food and clothing that is wanted by such a household. her thought by day and her dream by night was, whether she should long be able to procure a scanty supply of these, and nature had gifted her with precisely those qualities, which, unembarrassed by care, would have made her and all she loved really happy; and she was fortunate now, compared with many of her sex in lyons,--of whom a gentleman who knows the class well said: "when their work fails, they have no resource except in the sale of their persons. there are but these two ways open to them, weaving or prostitution, to gain their bread." and there are those who dare to say that such a state of things is _well enough_, and what providence intended for man,--who call those who have hearts to suffer at the sight, energy and zeal to seek its remedy, visionaries and fanatics! to themselves be woe, who have eyes and see not, ears and hear not, the convulsions and sobs of injured humanity! my little friend told me she had nursed both her children,--though almost all of her class are obliged to put their children out to nurse; "but," said she, "they are brought back so little, so miserable, that i resolved, if possible, to keep mine with me." next day in the steamboat i read a pamphlet by a physician of lyons in which he recommends the establishment of _crèches_, not merely like those of paris, to keep the children by day, but to provide wet-nurses for them. thus, by the infants receiving nourishment from more healthy persons, and who under the supervision of directors would treat them well, he hopes to counteract the tendency to degenerate in this race of sedentary workers, and to save the mothers from too heavy a burden of care and labor, without breaking the bond between them and their children, whom, under such circumstances, they could visit often, and see them taken care of as they, brought up to know nothing except how to weave, cannot take care of them. here, again, how is one reminded of fourier's observations and plans, still more enforced by the recent developments at manchester as to the habit of feeding children on opium, which has grown out of the position of things there. descending next day to avignon, i had the mortification of finding the banks of the rhone still sheeted with white, and there waded through melting snow to laura's tomb. we did not see mr. dickens's tower and goblin,--it was too late in the day,--but we saw a snowball fight between two bands of the military in the castle yard that was gay enough to make a goblin laugh. and next day on to arles, still snow,--snow and cutting blasts in the south of france, where everybody had promised us bird-songs and blossoms to console us for the dreary winter of paris. at arles, indeed, i saw the little saxifrage blossoming on the steps of the amphitheatre, and fruit-trees in flower amid the tombs. here for the first time i saw the great handwriting of the romans in its proper medium of stone, and i was content. it looked us grand and solid as i expected, as if life in those days was thought worth the having, the enjoying, and the using. the sunlight was warm this day; it lay deliciously still and calm upon the ruins. one old woman sat knitting where twenty-five thousand persons once gazed down in fierce excitement on the fights of men and lions. coming back, we were refreshed all through the streets by the sight of the women of arles. they answered to their reputation for beauty; tall, erect, and noble, with high and dignified features, and a full, earnest gaze of the eye, they looked as if the eagle still waved its wings over their city. even the very old women still have a degree of beauty, because when the colors are all faded, and the skin wrinkled, the face retains this dignity of outline. the men do not share in these characteristics; some priestess, well beloved of the powers of old religion, must have called down an especial blessing on her sex in this town. hence to marseilles,--where is little for the traveller to see, except the mixture of oriental blood in the crowd of the streets. thence by steamer to genoa. of this transit, he who has been on the mediterranean in a stiff breeze well understands i can have nothing to say, except "i suffered." it was all one dull, tormented dream to me, and, i believe, to most of the ship's company,--a dream too of thirty hours' duration, instead of the promised sixteen. the excessive beauty of genoa is well known, and the impression upon the eye alone was correspondent with what i expected; but, alas! the weather was still so cold i could not realize that i had actually touched those shores to which i had looked forward all my life, where it seemed that the heart would expand, and the whole nature be turned to delight. seen by a cutting wind, the marble palaces, the gardens, the magnificent water-view of genoa, failed to charm,--"i _saw, not felt_, how beautiful they were." only at naples have i found _my_ italy, and here not till after a week's waiting,--not till i began to believe that all i had heard in praise of the climate of italy was fable, and that there is really no spring anywhere except in the imagination of poets. for the first week was an exact copy of the miseries of a new england spring; a bright sun came for an hour or two in the morning, just to coax you forth without your cloak, and then came up a villanous, horrible wind, exactly like the worst east wind of boston, breaking the heart, racking the brain, and turning hope and fancy to an irrevocable green and yellow hue, in lieu of their native rose. however, here at naples i _have_ at last found _my_ italy; i have passed through the grotto of pausilippo, visited cuma, baiæ, and capri, ascended vesuvius, and found all familiar, except the sense of enchantment, of sweet exhilaration, this scene conveys. "behold how brightly breaks the morning!" and yet all new, as if never yet described, for nature here, most prolific and exuberant in her gifts, has touched them all with a charm unhackneyed, unhackneyable, which the boots of english dandies cannot trample out, nor the raptures of sentimental tourists daub or fade. baiæ had still a hid divinity for me, vesuvius a fresh baptism of fire, and sorrento--o sorrento was beyond picture, beyond poesy, for the greatest artist had been at work there in a temper beyond the reach of human art. beyond this, reader, my old friend and valued acquaintance on other themes, i shall tell you nothing of naples, for it is a thing apart in the journey of life, and, if represented at all, should be so in a fairer form than offers itself at present. now the actual life here is over, i am going to rome, and expect to see that fane of thought the last day of this week. at genoa and leghorn, i saw for the first time italians in their homes. very attractive i found them, charming women, refined men, eloquent and courteous. if the cold wind hid italy, it could not the italians. a little group of faces, each so full of character, dignity, and, what is so rare in an american face, the capacity for pure, exalting passion, will live ever in my memory,--the fulfilment of a hope! we started from leghorn in an english boat, highly recommended, and as little deserving of such praise as many another bepuffed article. in the middle of a fine, clear night, she was run into by the mail steamer, which all on deck clearly saw coming upon her, for no reason that could be ascertained, except that the man at the wheel said _he_ had turned the right way, and it never seemed to occur to him that he could change when he found the other steamer had taken the same direction. to be sure, the other steamer was equally careless, but as a change on our part would have prevented an accident that narrowly missed sending us all to the bottom, it hardly seemed worth while to persist, for the sake of convicting them of error. neither the captain nor any of his people spoke french, and we had been much amused before by the chambermaid acting out the old story of "will you lend me the loan of a gridiron?" a polish lady was on board, with a french waiting-maid, who understood no word of english. the daughter of john bull would speak to the lady in english, and, when she found it of no use, would say imperiously to the _suivante_, "go and ask your mistress what she will have for breakfast." and now when i went on deck there was a parley between the two steamers, which the captain was obliged to manage by such interpreters as he could find; it was a long and confused business. it ended at last in the neapolitan steamer taking us in tow for an inglorious return to leghorn. when she had decided upon this she swept round, her lights glancing like sagacious eyes, to take us. the sea was calm as a lake, the sky full of stars; she made a long detour, with her black hull, her smoke and lights, which look so pretty at night, then came round to us like the bend of an arm embracing. it was a pretty picture, worth the stop and the fright,--perhaps the loss of twenty-four hours, though i did not think so at the time. at leghorn we changed the boat, and, retracing our steps, came now at last to naples,--to this priest-ridden, misgoverned, full of dirty, degraded men and women, yet still most lovely naples,--of which the most i can say is that the divine aspect of nature _can_ make you forget the situation of man in this region, which was surely intended for him as a princely child, angelic in virtue, genius, and beauty, and not as a begging, vermin-haunted, image kissing lazzarone. letter xiv. italy.--misfortune of travellers.--english travellers.-- cockneyism.--macdonald the sculptor.--british aristocracy.-- tenerani.--wolff's diana and seasons.--gott.--crawford.--overbeck the painter.--american painters in rome.--terry.--granch.--hicks.-- remains of the antique.--italian painters.--domenichimo and titian.--frescos of raphael.--michel angelo.--the colosseum.--holy week.--st. peter's.--pius ix. and his measures.--popular enthusiasm.--public dinner at the baths of titus.--austrian jealousy.--the "contemporaneo." rome, may, . there is very little that i can like to write about italy. italy is beautiful, worthy to be loved and embraced, not talked about. yet i remember well that, when afar, i liked to read what was written about her; now, all thought of it is very tedious. the traveller passing along the beaten track, vetturinoed from inn to inn, ciceroned from gallery to gallery, thrown, through indolence, want of tact, or ignorance of the language, too much into the society of his compatriots, sees the least possible of the country; fortunately, it is impossible to avoid seeing a great deal. the great features of the part pursue and fill the eye. yet i find that it is quite out of the question to know italy; to say anything of her that is full and sweet, so as to convey any idea of her spirit, without long residence, and residence in the districts untouched by the scorch and dust of foreign invasion (the invasion of the _dilettanti_ i mean), and without an intimacy of feeling, an abandonment to the spirit of the place, impossible to most americans. they retain too much, of their english blood; and the travelling english, as a class, seem to me the most unseeing of all possible animals. there are exceptions; for instance, the perceptions and pictures of browning seem as delicate and just here on the spot as they did at a distance; but, take them as a class, they have the vulgar familiarity of mrs. trollope without her vivacity, the cockneyism of dickens without his graphic power and love of the odd corners of human nature. i admired the english at home in their island; i admired their honor, truth, practical intelligence, persistent power. but they do not look well in italy; they are not the figures for this landscape. i am indignant at the contempt they have presumed to express for the faults of our semi-barbarous state. what is the vulgarity expressed in our tobacco-chewing, and way of eating eggs, compared to that which elbows the greek marbles, guide-book in hand,--chatters and sneers through the miserere of the sistine chapel, beneath the very glance of michel angelo's sibyls,--praises st. peter's as "_nice_"--talks of "_managing_" the colosseum by moonlight,--and snatches "_bits_" for a "_sketch_" from the sublime silence of the campagna. yet i was again reconciled with them, the other day, in visiting the studio of macdonald. there i found a complete gallery of the aristocracy of england; for each lord and lady who visits rome considers it a part of the ceremony to sit to him for a bust. and what a fine race! how worthy the marble! what heads of orators, statesmen, gentlemen! of women chaste, grave, resolute, and tender! unfortunately, they do not look as well in flesh and blood; then they show the habitual coldness of their temperament, the habitual subservience to frivolous conventionalities. they need some great occasion, some exciting crisis, in order to make them look as free and dignified as these busts; yet is the beauty there, though, imprisoned, and clouded, and such a crisis would show us more then one boadicea, more than one alfred. tenerani has just completed a statue which is highly-spoken of; it is called the angel of the resurrection. i was not so fortunate as to find it in his studio. in that of wolff i saw a diana, ordered by the emperor of russia. it is modern and sentimental; as different from, the antique diana as the trance of a novel-read young lady of our day from the thrill with which the ancient shepherds deprecated the magic pervasions of hecate, but very beautiful and exquisitely wrought. he has also lately finished the four seasons, represented as children. of these, winter is graceful and charming. among the sculptors i delayed longest in the work-rooms of gott. i found his groups of young figures connected with animals very refreshing after the grander attempts of the present time. they seem real growths of his habitual mind,--fruits of nature, full of joy and freedom. his spaniels and other frisky poppets would please apollo far better than most of the marble nymphs and muses of the present day. our crawford has just finished a bust of mrs. crawford, which is extremely beautiful, full of grace and innocent sweetness. all its accessaries are charming,--the wreaths, the arrangement of drapery, the stuff of which the robe is made. i hope it will be much seen on its arrival in new york. he has also an herodias in the clay, which is individual in expression, and the figure of distinguished elegance. i liked the designs of crawford better than those of gibson, who is estimated as highest in the profession now. among the studios of the european painters i have visited only that of overbeck. it is well known in the united states what his pictures are. i have much to say at a more favorable time of what they represented to me. he himself looks as if he had just stepped out of one of them,--a lay monk, with a pious eye and habitual morality of thought which limits every gesture. painting is not largely represented here by american artists at present. terry has two pleasing pictures on the easel: one is a costume picture of italian life, such as i saw it myself, enchanted beyond my hopes, on coming to naples on a day of grand festival in honor of santa agatha. cranch sends soon to america a picture of the campagna, such as i saw it on my first entrance into rome, all light and calmness; hicks, a charming half-length of an italian girl, holding a mandolin: it will be sure to please. his pictures are full of life, and give the promise of some real achievement in art. of the fragments of the great time, i have now seen nearly all that are treasured up here: i have, however, as yet nothing of consequence to say of them. i find that others have often given good hints as to how they _look_; and as to what they _are_, it can only be known by approximating to the state of soul out of which they grew. they should not be described, but reproduced. they are many and precious, yet is there not so much of high excellence as i had expected: they will not float the heart on a boundless sea of feeling, like the starry night on our western prairies. yet i love much to see the galleries of marbles, even when there are not many separately admirable, amid the cypresses and ilexes of roman villas; and a picture that is good at all looks very good in one of these old palaces. the italian painters whom i have learned most to appreciate, since i came abroad, are domenichino and titian. of others one may learn something by copies and engravings: but not of these. the portraits of titian look upon me from the walls things new and strange. they are portraits of men such as i have not known. in his picture, absurdly called _sacred and profane love_, in the borghese palace, one of the figures has developed my powers of gazing to an extent unknown before. domenichino seems very unequal in his pictures; but when he is grand and free, the energy of his genius perfectly satisfies. the frescos of caracci and his scholars in the farnese palace have been to me a source of the purest pleasure, and i do not remember to have heard of them. i loved guercino much before i came here, but i have looked too much at his pictures and begin to grow sick of them; he is a very limited genius. leonardo i cannot yet like at all, but i suppose the pictures are good for some people to look at; they show a wonderful deal of study and thought. that is not what i can best appreciate in a work of art. i hate to see the marks of them. i want a simple and direct expression of soul. for the rest, the ordinary cant of connoisseur-ship on these matters seems in italy even more detestable than elsewhere. i have not yet so sufficiently recovered from my pain at finding the frescos of raphael in such a state, as to be able to look at them, happily. i had heard of their condition, but could not realize it. however, i have gained nothing by seeing his pictures in oil, which are well preserved. i find i had before the full impression of his genius. michel angelo's frescos, in like manner, i seem to have seen as far as i can. but it is not the same with the sculptures: my thought had not risen to the height of the moses. it is the only thing in europe, so far, which has entirely outgone my hopes. michel angelo was my demigod before; but i find no offering worthy to cast at the feet of his moses. i like much, too, his christ. it is a refreshing contrast with all the other representations of the same subject. i like it even as contrasted with raphael's christ of the transfiguration, or that of the cartoon of _feed my lambs_. i have heard owls hoot in the colosseum by moonlight, and they spoke more to the purpose than i ever heard any other voice upon that subject. i have seen all the pomps and shows of holy week in the church of st. peter, and found them less imposing than an habitual acquaintance with the place, with processions of monks and nuns stealing in now and then, or the swell of vespers from some side chapel. i have ascended the dome, and seen thence rome and its campagna, its villas with, their cypresses and pines serenely sad as is nothing else in the world, and the fountains of the vatican garden gushing hard by. i have been in the subterranean to see a poor little boy introduced, much to his surprise, to the bosom of the church; and then i have seen by torch-light the stone popes where they lie on their tombs, and the old mosaics, and virgins with gilt caps. it is all rich, and full,--very impressive in its way. st. peter's must be to each one a separate poem. the ceremonies of the church, have been numerous and splendid during our stay here; and they borrow unusual interest from the love and expectation inspired by the present pontiff. he is a man of noble and good aspect, who, it is easy to see, has set his heart upon doing something solid for the benefit of man. but pensively, too, must one feel how hampered and inadequate are the means at his command to accomplish these ends. the italians do not feel it, but deliver themselves, with all the vivacity of their temperament, to perpetual hurras, vivas, rockets, and torch-light processions. i often think how grave and sad must the pope feel, as he sits alone and hears all this noise of expectation. a week or two ago the cardinal secretary published a circular inviting the departments to measures which would give the people a sort of representative council. nothing could seem more limited than this improvement, but it was a great measure for rome. at night the corso in which, we live was illuminated, and many thousands passed through it in a torch-bearing procession. i saw them first assembled in the piazza del popolo, forming around its fountain a great circle of fire. then, as a river of fire, they streamed slowly through the corso, on their way to the quirinal to thank the pope, upbearing a banner on which the edict was printed. the stream, of fire advanced slowly, with a perpetual surge-like sound of voices; the torches flashed on the animated italian faces. i have never seen anything finer. ascending the quirinal they made it a mount of light. bengal fires were thrown up, which cast their red and white light on the noble greek figures of men and horses that reign over it. the pope appeared on his balcony; the crowd shouted three vivas; he extended his arms; the crowd fell on their knees and received his benediction; he retired, and the torches were extinguished, and the multitude dispersed in an instant. the same week came the natal day of rome. a great dinner was given at the baths of titus, in the open air. the company was on the grass in the area; the music at one end; boxes filled with the handsome roman women occupied the other sides. it was a new thing here, this popular dinner, and the romans greeted it in an intoxication of hope and pleasure. sterbini, author of "the vestal," presided: many others, like him, long time exiled and restored to their country by the present pope, were at the tables. the colosseum, and triumphal arches were in sight; an effigy of the roman wolf with her royal nursling was erected on high; the guests, with shouts and music, congratulated themselves on the possession, in pius ix., of a new and nobler founder for another state. among the speeches that of the marquis d'azeglio, a man of literary note in italy, and son-in-law of manzoni, contained this passage (he was sketching the past history of italy):-- "the crown passed to the head of a german monarch; but he wore it not to the benefit, but the injury, of christianity,--of the world. the emperor henry was a tyrant who wearied out the patience of god. god said to rome, 'i give you the emperor henry'; and from these hills that surround us, hildebrand, pope gregory vii., raised his austere and potent voice to say to the emperor, 'god did not give you italy that you might destroy her,' and italy, germany, europe, saw her butcher prostrated at the feet of gregory in penitence. italy, germany, europe, had then kindled in the heart the first spark of liberty." the narrative of the dinner passed the censor, and was published: the ambassador of austria read it, and found, with a modesty and candor truly admirable, that this passage was meant to allude to his emperor. he must take his passports, if such home thrusts are to be made. and so the paper was seized, and the account of the dinner only told from, mouth to mouth, from those who had already read it. also the idea of a dinner for the pope's fête-day is abandoned, lest something too frank should again be said; and they tell me here, with a laugh, "i fancy you have assisted at the first and last popular dinner." thus we may see that the liberty of rome does not yet advance with seven-leagued boots; and the new romulus will need to be prepared for deeds at least as bold as his predecessor, if he is to open a new order of things. i cannot well wind up my gossip on this subject better than by translating a passage from the programme of the _contemporaneo_, which represents the hope of rome at this moment. it is conducted by men of well-known talent. "the _contemporaneo_ (contemporary) is a journal of progress, but tempered, as the good and wise think best, in conformity with the will of our best of princes, and the wants and expectations of the public.... "through discussion it desires to prepare minds to receive reforms so soon and far as they are favored by the law of _opportunity_. "every attempt which is made contrary to this social law must fail. it is vain to hope fruits from a tree out of season, and equally in vain to introduce the best measures into a country not prepared to receive them." and so on. i intended to have translated in full the programme, but time fails, and the law of opportunity does not favor, as my "opportunity" leaves for london this afternoon. i have given enough to mark the purport of the whole. it will easily be seen that it was not from the platform assumed by the _contemporaneo_ that lycurgus legislated, or socrates taught,--that the christian religion was propagated, or the church, was reformed by luther. the opportunity that the martyrs found here in the colosseum, from whose blood grew up this great tree of papacy, was not of the kind waited for by these moderate progressists. nevertheless, they may be good schoolmasters for italy, and are not to be disdained in these piping times of peace. more anon, of old and new, from tuscany. letter xv. italy.--fruits and flowers on the route from florence to rome.--the plain of umbria.--assisi.--the saints.--tuition in schools.--pius ix.--the etrurian tomb.--perugia and its stores of early art.--portraits of raphael.--florence.--the grand duke and his policy.--the liberty of the press and its influence.--the american sculptors.--greenough and his new works.--powers.--his statue of calhoun.--review of his endeavors.--the festivals of st. john at florence.--bologna.--female professors in its university.--matilda tambroni and others.--milan and her female mathematician.--the state of woman in italy.--ravenna and byron.--venice.--the adda.--milan and its neighborhood, and manzoni.--excitements.--national affairs. milan, august , . since leaving rome, i have not been able to steal a moment from the rich and varied objects before me to write about them. i will, therefore, take a brief retrospect of the ground. i passed from florence to rome by the perugia route, and saw for the first time the italian vineyards. the grapes hung in little clusters. when i return, they will be full of light and life, but the fields will not be so enchantingly fresh, nor so enamelled with flowers. the profusion of red poppies, which dance on every wall and glitter throughout the grass, is a great ornament to the landscape. in full sunlight their vermilion is most beautiful. well might ceres gather _such_ poppies to mingle with her wheat. we climbed the hill to assisi, and my ears thrilled as with many old remembered melodies, when an old peasant, in sonorous phrase, bade me look out and see the plain of umbria. i looked back and saw the carriage toiling up the steep path, drawn by a pair of those light-colored oxen shelley so much admired. i stood near the spot where goethe met with a little adventure, which he has described with even more than his usual delicate humor. who can ever be alone for a moment in italy? every stone has a voice, every grain of dust seems instinct with spirit from the past, every step recalls some line, some legend of long-neglected lore. assisi was exceedingly charming to me. so still!--all temporal noise and bustle seem hushed down yet by the presence of the saint. so clean!--the rains of heaven wash down all impurities into the valley. i must confess that, elsewhere, i have shared the feelings of dickens toward st. francis and st. sebastian, as the "mounseer tonsons" of catholic art. st. sebastian i have not been so tired of, for the beauty and youth of the figure make the monotony with which the subject of his martyrdom is treated somewhat less wearisome. but st. francis is so sad, and so ecstatic, and so brown, so entirely the monk,--and st. clara so entirely the nun! i have been very sorry for her that he was able to draw her from the human to the heavenly life; she seems so sad and so worn out by the effort. but here at assisi, one cannot help being penetrated by the spirit that flowed from that life. here is the room where his father shut up the boy to punish his early severity of devotion. here is the picture which represents him despoiled of all outward things, even his garments,--devoting himself, body and soul, to the service of god in the way he believed most acceptable. here is the underground chapel, where rest those weary bones, saluted by the tears of so many weary pilgrims who have come hither to seek strength from his example. here are the churches above, full of the works of earlier art, animated by the contagion of a great example. it is impossible not to bow the head, and feel how mighty an influence flows from a single soul, sincere in its service of truth, in whatever form that truth comes to it. a troop of neat, pretty school-girls attended us about, going with us into the little chapels adorned with pictures which open at every corner of the streets, smiling on us at a respectful distance. some of them were fourteen or fifteen years old. i found reading, writing, and sewing were all they learned at their school; the first, indeed, they knew well enough, if they could ever get books to use it on. tranquil as assisi was, on every wall was read _viva pio ix.!_ and we found the guides and workmen in the shop full of a vague hope from him. the old love which has made so rich this aerial cradle of st. francis glows warm as ever in the breasts of men; still, as ever, they long for hero-worship, and shout aloud at the least appearance of an object. the church at the foot of the hill, santa maria degli angeli, seems tawdry after assisi. it also is full of records of st. francis, his pains and his triumphs. here, too, on a little chapel, is the famous picture by overbeck; too exact a copy, but how different in effect from the early art we had just seen above! harmonious but frigid, grave but dull; childhood is beautiful, but not when continued, or rather transplanted, into the period where we look for passion, varied means, and manly force. before reaching perugia, i visited an etrurian tomb, which is a little way off the road; it is said to be one of the finest in etruria. the hill-side is full of them, but excavations are expensive, and not frequent. the effect of this one was beyond my expectations; in it were several female figures, very dignified and calm, as the dim lamp-light fell on them by turns. the expression of these figures shows that the position of woman in these states was noble. their eagles' nests cherished well the female eagle who kept watch in the eyrie. perugia too is on a noble hill. what a daily excitement such a view, taken at every step! life is worth ten times as much in a city so situated. perugia is full, overflowing, with the treasures of early art. i saw them so rapidly it seems now as if in a trance, yet certainly with a profit, a manifold gain, such as mahomet thought he gained from his five minutes' visits to other spheres. here are two portraits of raphael as a youth: it is touching to see what effect this angel had upon all that surrounded him from the very first. florence! i was there a month, and in a sense saw florence: that is to say, i took an inventory of what is to be seen there, and not without great intellectual profit. there is too much that is really admirable in art,--the nature of its growth lies before you too clearly to be evaded. of such things more elsewhere. i do not like florence as i do cities more purely italian. the natural character is ironed out here, and done up in a french pattern; yet there is no french vivacity, nor italian either. the grand duke--more and more agitated by the position in which he finds himself between the influence of the pope and that of austria--keeps imploring and commanding his people to keep still, and they _are_ still and glum as death. this is all on the outside; within, tuscany burns. private culture has not been in vain, and there is, in a large circle, mental preparation for a very different state of things from the present, with an ardent desire to diffuse the same amid the people at large. the sovereign has been obliged for the present to give more liberty to the press, and there is an immediate rush of thought to the new vent; if it is kept open a few months, the effect on the body of the people cannot fail to be great. i intended to have translated some passages from the programme of the _patria_, one of the papers newly started at florence, but time fails. one of the articles in the same number by lambruschini, on the duties of the clergy at this juncture, contains views as liberal as can be found in print anywhere in the world. more of these things when i return to rome in the autumn, when i hope to find a little leisure to think over what i have seen, and, if found worthy, to put the result in writing. i visited the studios of our sculptors; greenough has in clay a david which promises high beauty and nobleness, a bass-relief, full of grace and tender expression; he is also modelling a head of napoleon, and justly enthusiastic in the study. his great group i did not see in such a state as to be secure of my impression. the face of the pioneer is very fine, the form of the woman graceful and expressive; but i was not satisfied with the indian. i shall see it more as a whole on my return to florence. as to the eve and the greek slave, i could only join with the rest of the world in admiration of their beauty and the fine feeling of nature which they exhibit. the statue of calhoun is full of power, simple, and majestic in attitude and expression. in busts powers seems to me unrivalled; still, he ought not to spend his best years on an employment which cannot satisfy his ambition nor develop his powers. if our country loves herself, she will order from him some great work before the prime of his genius has been frittered away, and his best years spent on lesser things. i saw at florence the festivals of st. john, but they are poor affairs to one who has seen the neapolitan and roman people on such occasions. passing from florence, i came to bologna,--learned bologna; indeed an italian city, full of expression, of physiognomy, so to speak. a woman should love bologna, for there has the spark of intellect in woman been cherished with reverent care. not in former ages only, but in this, bologna raised a woman who was worthy to the dignities of its university, and in their certosa they proudly show the monument to matilda tambroni, late greek professor there. her letters, preserved by her friends, are said to form a very valuable collection. in their anatomical hall is the bust of a woman, professor of anatomy. in art they have had properzia di rossi, elizabetta sirani, lavinia fontana, and delight to give their works a conspicuous place. in other cities the men alone have their _casino dei nobili_, where they give balls, _conversazioni_, and similar entertainments. here women have one, and are the soul of society. in milan, also, i see in the ambrosian library the bust of a female mathematician. these things make me feel that, if the state of woman in italy is so depressed, yet a good-will toward a better is not wholly wanting. still more significant is the reverence to the madonna and innumerable female saints, who, if, like st. teresa, they had intellect as well as piety, became counsellors no less than comforters to the spirit of men. ravenna, too, i saw, and its old christian art, the pineta, where byron loved to ride, and the paltry apartments where, cheered by a new affection, in which was more of tender friendship than of passion, he found himself less wretched than at beautiful venice or stately genoa. all the details of this visit to ravenna are pretty. i shall write them out some time. of padua, too, the little to be said should be said in detail. of venice and its enchanted life i could not speak; it should only be echoed back in music. there only i began to feel in its fulness venetian art. it can only be seen in its own atmosphere. never had i the least idea of what is to be seen at venice. it seems to me as if no one ever yet had seen it,--so entirely wanting is any expression of what i felt myself. venice! on this subject i shall not write much till time, place, and mode agree to make it fit. venice, where all is past, is a fit asylum for the dynasties of the past. the duchesse de berri owns one of the finest palaces on the grand canal; the duc de bordeaux rents another; mademoiselle taglioni has bought the famous casa d'oro, and it is under repair. thanks to the fashion which has made venice a refuge of this kind, the palaces, rarely inhabited by the representatives of their ancient names, are valuable property, and the noble structures will not be suffered to lapse into the sea, above which they rose so proudly. the restorations, too, are made with excellent taste and judgment,--nothing is spoiled. three of these fine palaces are now hotels, so that the transient visitor can enjoy from their balconies all the wondrous shows of the venetian night and day as much as any of their former possessors did. i was at the europa, formerly the giustiniani palace, with better air than those on the grand canal, and a more unobstructed view than danieli's. madame de berri gave an entertainment on the birthnight of her son, and the old duchesse d'angoulême came from vienna to attend it. 't was a scene of fairy-land, the palace full of light, so that from the canal could be seen even the pictures on the walls. landing from the gondolas, the elegantly dressed ladies and gentlemen seemed to rise from the water; we also saw them glide up the great stair, rustling their plumes, and in the reception-rooms make and receive the customary grimaces. a fine band stationed on the opposite side of the canal played the while, and a flotilla of gondolas lingered there to listen. i, too, amid, the mob, a pleasant position in venice alone, thought of the stuarts, bourbons, bonapartes, here in italy, and offered up a prayer that other names, when the possessors have power without the heart to use it for the emancipation of mankind, might he added to the list, and other princes, more rich in blood than brain, might come to enjoy a perpetual _villeggiatura_ in italy. it did not seem to me a cruel wish. the show of greatness will satisfy every legitimate desire of such minds. a gentle punishment for the distributors of _letters de cachet_ and spielberg dungeons to their fellow-men. having passed more than a fortnight at venice, i have come here, stopping at vicenza, verona, mantua, lago di garda, brescia. certainly i have learned more than ever in any previous ten days of my existence, and have formed an idea what is needed for the study of art and its history in these regions. to be sure, i shall never have time to follow it up, but it is a delight to look up those glorious vistas, even when there is no hope of entering them. a violent shower obliged me to stop on the way. it was late at night, and i was nearly asleep, when, roused by the sound of bubbling waters, i started up and asked, "is that the adda?" and it was. so deep is the impression made by a simple natural recital, like that of renzo's wanderings in the _promessi sposi_, that the memory of his hearing the adda in this way occurred to me at once, and the adda seemed familiar as if i had been a native of this region. as the scottish lakes seem the domain of walter scott, so does milan and its neighborhood in the mind of a foreigner belong to manzoni. i have seen him since, the gentle lord of this wide domain; his hair is white, but his eyes still beam as when he first saw the apparitions of truth, simple tenderness, and piety which he has so admirably recorded for our benefit. those around lament that the fastidiousness of his taste prevents his completing and publishing more, and that thus a treasury of rare knowledge and refined thought will pass from us without our reaping the benefit. we, indeed, have no title to complain, what we do possess from his hand is so excellent. at this moment there is great excitement in italy. a supposed spy of austria has been assassinated at ferrara, and austrian troops are marched there. it is pretended that a conspiracy has been discovered in rome; the consequent disturbances have been put down. the national guard is forming. all things seem to announce that some important change is inevitable here, but what? neither radicals nor moderates dare predict with confidence, and i am yet too much a stranger to speak with assurance of impressions i have received. but it is impossible not to hope. letter xvi. review of past and present.--the merits of italian literature.--manzoni.--italian dialects.--milan, the milanese, and the simplicity of their language.--the north of italy, and a tour to switzerland.--italian lakes.--maggiore, como, and lugano.--lago di garda.--the boatmen of the lakes and the gondoliers.--lady franklin, widow of the navigator.--return to and festivals at milan.--the archbishop.--austrian rule and austrian policy.--the future hopes of italy.--a glance at pavia, florence, parma, and bologna, and the works of the masters. rome, october, . i think my last letter was from milan, and written after i had seen manzoni. this was to me a great pleasure. i have now seen the most important representatives who survive of the last epoch in thought. our age has still its demonstrations to make, its heroes and poets to crown. although the modern italian literature is not poor, as many persons at a distance suppose, but, on the contrary, surprisingly rich in tokens of talent, if we consider the circumstances under which it struggles to exist, yet very few writers have or deserve a european or american reputation. where a whole country is so kept down, her best minds cannot take the lead in the progress of the age; they have too much to suffer, too much to explain. but among the few who, through depth of spiritual experience and the beauty of form in which it is expressed, belong not only to italy, but to the world, manzoni takes a high rank. the passive virtues he teaches are no longer what is wanted; the manners he paints with so delicate a fidelity are beginning to change; but the spirit of his works,--the tender piety, the sensibility to the meaning of every humblest form of life, the delicate humor and satire so free from disdain,--these are immortal. young italy rejects manzoni, though not irreverently; young italy prizes his works, but feels that the doctrine of "pray and wait" is not for her at this moment,--that she needs a more fervent hope, a more active faith. she is right. it is well known that the traveller, if he knows the italian language as written in books, the standard tuscan, still finds himself a stranger in many parts of italy, unable to comprehend the dialects, with their lively abbreviations and witty slang. that of venice i had understood somewhat, and could enter into the drollery and _naïveté_ of the gondoliers, who, as a class, have an unusual share of character. but the milanese i could not at first understand at all. their language seemed to me detestably harsh, and their gestures unmeaning. but after a friend, who possesses that large and ready sympathy easier found in italy than anywhere else, had translated for me verbatim into french some of the poems written in the milanese, and then read them aloud in the original, i comprehended the peculiar inflection of voice and idiom in the people, and was charmed with it, as one is with the instinctive wit and wisdom of children. there is very little to see at milan, compared with any other italian city; and this was very fortunate for me, allowing an interval of repose in the house, which i cannot take when there is so much without, tempting me to incessant observation and study. i went through, the north of italy with a constantly increasing fervor of interest. when i had thought of italy, it was always of the south, of the roman states, of tuscany. but now i became deeply interested in the history, the institutions, the art of the north. the fragments of the past mark the progress of its waves so clearly, i learned to understand, to prize them every day more, to know how to make use of the books about them. i shall have much to say on these subjects some day. leaving milan, i went on the lago maggiore, and afterward into switzerland. of this tour i shall not speak here; it was a beautiful little romance by itself, and infinitely refreshing to be so near nature in these grand and simple forms, after so much exciting thought of art and man. the day passed in the st. bernardin, with its lofty peaks and changing lights upon the distant snows,--its holy, exquisite valleys and waterfalls, its stories of eagles and chamois, was the greatest refreshment i ever experienced: it was bracing as a cold bath after the heat of a crowd amid which one has listened to some most eloquent oration. returning from switzerland, i passed a fortnight on the lake of como, and afterward visited lugano. there is no exaggeration in the enthusiastic feeling with which artists and poets have viewed these italian lakes. their beauties are peculiar, enchanting, innumerable. the titan of richter, the wanderjahre of goethe, the elena of taylor, the pictures of turner, had not prepared me for the visions of beauty that daily entranced the eyes and heart in those regions. to our country nature has been most bounteous; but we have nothing in the same kind that can compare with these lakes, as seen under the italian heaven. as to those persons who have pretended to discover that the effects of light and atmosphere were no finer than they found in our own lake scenery, i can only say that they must be exceedingly obtuse in organization,--a defect not uncommon among americans. nature seems to have labored to express her full heart in as many ways as possible, when she made these lakes, moulded and planted their shores. lago maggiore is grand, resplendent in its beauty; the view of the alps gives a sort of lyric exaltation to the scene. lago di garda is so soft and fair,--so glittering sweet on one side, the ruins of ancient palaces rise so softly with the beauties of that shore; but at the other end, amid the tyrol, it is sublime, calm, concentrated in its meaning. como cannot be better described in general than in the words of taylor: "softly sublime, profusely fair." lugano is more savage, more free in its beauty. i was on it in a high gale; there was a little clanger, just enough to exhilarate; its waters were wild, and clouds blowing across the neighboring peaks. i like very much the boatmen on these lakes; they have strong and prompt character. of simple features, they are more honest and manly than italian men are found in the thoroughfares; their talk is not so witty as that of the venetian gondoliers, but picturesque, and what the french call _incisive_. very touching were some of their histories, as they told them to me while pausing sometimes on the lake. on this lake, also, i met lady franklin, wife of the celebrated navigator. she has been in the united states, and showed equal penetration and candor in remarks on what she had seen there. she gave me interesting particulars as to the state of things in van diemen's land, where she passed seven years when her husband was in authority there. i returned to milan for the great feast of the madonna, th september, and those made for the archbishop's entry, which took place the same week. these excited as much feeling as the milanese can have a chance to display, this archbishop being much nearer tire public heart than his predecessor, who was a poor servant of austria. the austrian rule is always equally hated, and time, instead of melting away differences, only makes them more glaring. the austrian race have no faculties that can ever enable them to understand the italian character; their policy, so well contrived to palsy and repress for a time, cannot kill, and there is always a force at work underneath which shall yet, and i think now before long, shake off the incubus. the italian nobility have always kept the invader at a distance; they have not been at all seduced or corrupted by the lures of pleasure or power, but have shown a passive patriotism highly honorable to them. in the middle class ferments much thought, and there is a capacity for effort; in the present system it cannot show itself, but it is there; thought ferments, and will yet produce a wine that shall set the lombard veins on fire when the time for action shall arrive. the lower classes of the population are in a dull state indeed. the censorship of the press prevents all easy, natural ways of instructing them; there are no public meetings, no free access to them by more instructed and aspiring minds. the austrian policy is to allow them a degree of material well-being, and though so much wealth is drained from, the country for the service of the foreigners, jet enough must remain on these rich plains comfortably to feed and clothe the inhabitants. yet the great moral influence of the pope's action, though obstructed in their case, does reach and rouse them, and they, too, felt the thrill of indignation at the occupation of ferrara. the base conduct of the police toward the people, when, at milan, some youths were resolute to sing tire hymn in honor of pius ix., when the feasts for the archbishop afforded so legitimate an occasion, roused all the people to unwonted feeling. the nobles protested, and austria had not courage to persist as usual. she could not sustain her police, who rushed upon a defenceless crowd, that had no share in what excited their displeasure, except by sympathy, and, driving them like sheep, wounded them _in the backs_. austria feels that there is now no sympathy for her in these matters; that it is not the interest of the world to sustain her. her policy is, indeed, too thoroughly organized to change except by revolution; its scope is to serve, first, a reigning family instead of the people; second, with the people to seek a physical in preference to an intellectual good; and, third, to prefer a seeming outward peace to an inward life. this policy may change its opposition from the tyrannical to the insidious; it can know no other change. yet do i meet persons who call themselves americans,--miserable, thoughtless esaus, unworthy their high birthright,--who think that a mess of pottage can satisfy the wants of man, and that the viennese listening to strauss's waltzes, the lombard peasant supping full of his polenta, is _happy enough_. alas: i have the more reason to be ashamed of my countrymen that it is not among the poor, who have so much, toil that there is little time to think, but those who are rich, who travel,--in body that is, they do not travel in mind. absorbed at home by the lust of gain, the love of show, abroad they see only the equipages, the fine clothes, the food,--they have no heart for the idea, for the destiny of our own great nation: how can they feel the spirit that is struggling now in this and others of europe? but of the hopes of italy i will write more fully in another letter, and state what i have seen, what felt, what thought. i went from milan, to pavia, and saw its magnificent certosa, i passed several hours in examining its riches, especially the sculptures of its façade, full of force and spirit. i then went to florence by parma and bologna. in parma, though ill, i went to see all the works of the masters. a wonderful beauty it is that informs them,--not that which is the chosen food of my soul, yet a noble beauty, and which did its message to me also. those works are failing; it will not be useless to describe them in a book. beside these pictures, i saw nothing in parma and modena; these states are obliged to hold their breath while their poor, ignorant sovereigns skulk in corners, hoping to hide from the coming storm. of all this more in my next. letter xvii. first impressions of rome in the spring.--the pope.--rome as a capital.--tuscany.--the liberty of the press there just established.--the enlightened minds and available instructors of tuscany.--italian estimation of pius ix., and the influence, present and future, of his labors.--foreign intrusion the curse of italy.--irruption of the austrians into italy, and its effects.--louis philippe's apostasy turned to the advantage of freedom.--the great f�te at florence in honor of the grant of a national guard.--the american sculptors, greenough, crawford, and their participation in the f�te.--americans generally in italy.--hymns in florence in honor of pius ix.--happy augury to be drawn from the wise docility of the people.--an expression of sympathy from america toward italy earnestly hoped for. rome, october , . in the spring, when i came to rome, the people were in the intoxication of joy at the first serious measures of reform taken by the pope. i saw with pleasure their childlike joy and trust. with equal pleasure i saw the pope, who has not in his expression the signs of intellectual greatness so much as of nobleness and tenderness of heart, of large and liberal sympathies. heart had spoken to heart between the prince and the people; it was beautiful to see the immediate good influence exerted by human feeling and generous designs, on the part of a ruler. he had wished to be a father, and the italians, with that readiness of genius that characterizes them, entered at once into the relation; they, the roman people, stigmatized by prejudice as so crafty and ferocious, showed themselves children, eager to learn, quick to obey, happy to confide. still doubts were always present whether all this joy was not premature. the task undertaken by the pope seemed to present insuperable difficulties. it is never easy to put new wine into old bottles, and our age is one where all things tend to a great crisis; not merely to revolution, but to radical reform. from the people themselves the help must come, and not from princes; in the new state of things, there will be none but natural princes, great men. from the aspirations of the general heart, from the teachings of conscience in individuals, and not from an old ivy-covered church long since undermined, corroded by time and gnawed by vermin, the help must come. rome, to resume her glory, must cease to be an ecclesiastical capital; must renounce all this gorgeous mummery, whose poetry, whose picture, charms no one more than myself, but whose meaning is all of the past, and finds no echo in the future. although i sympathized warmly with the warm love of the people, the adulation of leading writers, who were so willing to take all from the hand of the prince, of the church, as a gift and a bounty, instead of implying steadily that it was the right of the people, was very repulsive to me. the moderate party, like all who, in a transition state, manage affairs with a constant eye to prudence, lacks dignity always in its expositions; it is disagreeable and depressing to read them. passing into tuscany, i found the liberty of the press just established, and a superior preparation to make use of it. the _alba_, the _patria_, were begun, and have been continued with equal judgment and spirit. their aim is to educate the youth, to educate the lower people; they see that this is to be done by promoting thought fearlessly, yet urge temperance in action, while the time is yet so difficult, and many of its signs dubious. they aim at breaking down those barriers between the different states of italy, relics of a barbarous state of polity, artificially kept up by the craft of her foes. while anxious not to break down what is really native to the italian character,--defences and differences that give individual genius a chance to grow and the fruits of each region to ripen in their natural way,--they aim at a harmony of spirit as to measures of education and for the affairs of business, without which italy can never, as one nation, present a front strong enough to resist foreign robbery, and for want of which so much time and talent are wasted here, and internal development almost wholly checked. there is in tuscany a large corps of enlightened minds, well prepared to be the instructors, the elder brothers and guardians, of the lower people, and whose hearts burn to fulfil that noble office. before, it had been almost impossible to them, for the reasons i have named in speaking of lombardy; but during these last four months that the way has been opened by the freedom of the press, and establishment of the national guard,--so valuable, first of all, as giving occasion for public meetings and free interchange of thought between the different classes,--it is surprising how much light they have been able to diffuse. a bolognese, to whom i observed, "how can you be so full of trust when all your hopes depend, not on the recognition of principles and wants throughout the people, but on the life of one mortal man?" replied: "ah! but you don't consider that his life gives us a chance to effect that recognition. if pius ix. be spared to us five years, it will be impossible for his successors ever to take a backward course. our nation is of a genius so vivacious,--we are unhappy, but not stupid, we italians,--we can learn as much in two months as other nations in twenty years." this seemed to me no brag when i returned to tuscany and saw the great development and diffusion of thought that had taken place during my brief absence. the grand duke, a well-intentioned, though dull man, had dared, to declare himself "_an_ italian _prince_" and the heart of tuscany had bounded with hope. it is now deeply as justly felt that _the_ curse of italy is foreign intrusion; that if she could dispense with foreign aid, and be free from foreign aggression, she would find the elements of salvation within herself. all her efforts tend that way, to re-establish the natural position of things; may heaven grant them success! for myself, i believe they will attain it. i see more reason for hope, as i know more of the people. their rash and baffled struggles have taught them prudence; they are wanted in the civilized world as a peculiar influence; their leaders are thinking men, their cause is righteous. i believe that italy will revive to new life, and probably a greater, one more truly rich and glorious, than at either epoch of her former greatness. during the period of my absence, the austrians had entered ferrara. it is well that they hazarded this step, for it showed them the difficulties in acting against a prince of the church who is at the same time a friend to the people. the position was new, and they were probably surprised at the result,--surprised at the firmness of the pope, surprised at the indignation, tempered by calm resolve, on the part of the italians. louis philippe's mean apostasy has this time turned to the advantage of freedom. he renounced the good understanding with england which it had been one of the leading features of his policy to maintain, in the hope of aggrandizing and enriching his family (not france, he did not care for france); he did not know that he was paving the way for italian freedom. england now is led to play a part a little nearer her pretensions as the guardian of progress than she often comes, and the ghost of la fayette looks down, not unappeased, to see the "constitutional king" decried by the subjects he has cheated and lulled so craftily. the king of sardinia is a worthless man, in whom nobody puts any trust so far as regards his heart or honor; but the stress of things seems likely to keep him on the right side. the little sovereigns blustered at first, then ran away affrighted when they found there was really a spirit risen at last within the charmed circle,--a spirit likely to defy, to transcend, the spells of haggard premiers and imbecile monarchs. i arrived in florence, unhappily, too late for the great fête of the th of september, in honor of the grant of a national guard. but i wept at the mere recital of the events of that day, which, if it should lead to no important results, must still be hallowed for ever in the memory of italy, for the great and beautiful emotions that flooded the hearts of her children. the national guard is hailed with no undue joy by italians, as the earnest of progress, the first step toward truly national institutions and a representation of the people. gratitude has done its natural work in their hearts; it has made them better. some days before the fête were passed in reconciling all strifes, composing all differences between cities, districts, and individuals. they wished to drop all petty, all local differences, to wash away all stains, to bathe and prepare for a new great covenant of brotherly love, where each should act for the good of all. on that day they all embraced in sign of this,--strangers, foes, all exchanged the kiss of faith and love; they exchanged banners, as a token that they would fight for, would animate, one another. all was done in that beautiful poetic manner peculiar to this artist people; but it was the spirit, so great and tender, that melts my heart to think of. it was the spirit of true religion,--such, my country! as, welling freshly from some great hearts in thy early hours, won for thee all of value that thou canst call thy own, whose groundwork is the assertion, still sublime though thou hast not been true to it, that all men have equal rights, and that these are _birth_-rights, derived from god alone. i rejoice to say that the americans took their share on this occasion, and that greenough--one of the few americans who, living in italy, takes the pains to know whether it is alive or dead, who penetrates beyond the cheats of tradesmen and the cunning of a mob corrupted by centuries of slavery, to know the real mind, the vital blood, of italy--took a leading part. i am sorry to say that a large portion of my countrymen here take the same slothful and prejudiced view as the english, and, after many years' sojourn, betray entire ignorance of italian literature and italian life, beyond what is attainable in a month's passage through the thoroughfares. however, they did show, this time, a becoming spirit, and erected the american eagle where its cry ought to be heard from afar,--where a nation is striving for independent existence, and a government representing the people. crawford here in rome has had the just feeling to join the guard, and it is a real sacrifice for an artist to spend time on the exercises; but it well becomes the sculptor of orpheus,--of him who had such faith, such music of divine thought, that he made the stones move, turned the beasts from their accustomed haunts, and shamed hell itself into sympathy with the grief of love. i do not deny that such a spirit is wanted here in italy; it is everywhere, if anything great, anything permanent, is to be done. in reference to what i have said of many americans in italy, i will only add, that they talk about the corrupt and degenerate state of italy as they do about that of our slaves at home. they come ready trained to that mode of reasoning which affirms that, because men are degraded by bad institutions, they are not fit for better. as to the english, some of them are full of generous, intelligent sympathy;--indeed what is more solidly, more wisely good than the right sort of englishmen!--but others are like a gentleman i travelled with the other day, a man of intelligence and refinement too as to the details of life and outside culture, who observed, that he did not see what the italians wanted of a national guard, unless to wear these little caps. he was a man who had passed five years in italy, but always covered with that non-conductor called by a witty french writer "the britannic fluid." very sweet to my ear was the continual hymn in the streets of florence, in honor of pius ix. it is the roman hymn, and none of the new ones written in tuscany have been able to take its place. the people thank the grand duke when he does them good, but they know well from whose mind that good originates, and all their love is for the pope. time presses, or i would fain describe in detail the troupe of laborers of the lower class, marching home at night, keeping step as if they were in the national guard, filling the air, and cheering the melancholy moon, by the patriotic hymns sung with the mellow tone and in the perfect time which belong to italians. i would describe the extempore concerts in the streets, the rejoicings at the theatres, where the addresses of liberal souls to the people, through that best vehicle, the drama, may now be heard. but i am tired; what i have to write would fill volumes, and my letter must go. i will only add some words upon the happy augury i draw from the wise docility of the people. with what readiness they listened to wise counsel, and the hopes of the pope that they would give no advantage to his enemies, at a time when they were so fevered by the knowledge that conspiracy was at work in their midst! that was a time of trial. on all these occasions of popular excitement their conduct is like music, in such order, and with such union of the melody of feeling with discretion where to stop; but what is wonderful is that they acted in the same manner on that difficult occasion. the influence of the pope here is without bounds; he can always calm the crowd at once. but in tuscany, where they have no such idol, they listened in the same way on a very trying occasion. the first announcement of the regulation for the tuscan national guard terribly disappointed the people; they felt that the grand duke, after suffering them to demonstrate such trust and joy on the feast of the th, did not really trust, on his side; that he meant to limit them all he could. they felt baffled, cheated; hence young men in anger tore down at once the symbols of satisfaction and respect; but the leading men went among the people, begged them to be calm, and wait till a deputation had seen the grand duke. the people, listening at once to men who, they were sure, had at heart their best good, waited; the grand duke became convinced, and all ended without disturbance. if they continue to act thus, their hopes cannot be baffled. certainly i, for one, do not think that the present road will suffice to lead italy to her goal. but it _is_ an onward, upward road, and the people learn as they advance. now they can seek and think fearless of prisons and bayonets, a healthy circulation of blood begins, and the heart frees itself from disease. i earnestly hope for some expression of sympathy from my country toward italy. take a good chance and do something; you have shown much good feeling toward the old world in its physical difficulties,--you ought to do still more in its spiritual endeavor. this cause is ours, above all others; we ought to show that we feel it to be so. at present there is no likelihood of war, but in case of it i trust the united states would not fail in some noble token of sympathy toward this country. the soul of our nation need not wait for its government; these things are better done by individuals. i believe some in the united states will pay attention to these words of mine, will feel that i am not a person to be kindled by a childish, sentimental enthusiasm, but that i must be sure i have seen something of italy before speaking as i do. i have been here only seven months, but my means of observation have been uncommon. i have been ardently desirous to judge fairly, and had no prejudices to prevent; beside, i was not ignorant of the history and literature of italy, and had some common ground on which to stand with, its inhabitants, and hear what they have to say. in many ways italy is of kin to us; she is the country of columbus, of amerigo, of cabot. it would please me much to see a cannon here bought by the contributions of americans, at whose head should stand the name of cabot, to be used by the guard for salutes on festive occasions, if they should be so happy as to have no more serious need. in tuscany they are casting one to be called the "gioberti," from a writer who has given a great impulse to the present movement. i should like the gift of america to be called the amerigo, the columbo, or the washington. please think of this, some of my friends, who still care for the eagle, the fourth of july, and the old cries of hope and honor. see if there are any objections that i do not think of, and do something if it is well and brotherly. ah! america, with all thy rich boons, thou hast a heavy account to render for the talent given; see in every way that thou be not found wanting. letter xviii. reflections for the new year.--americans in europe.--france, england, poland, italy, russia, austria,--their policy.--europe toils and struggles.--all things bode a new outbreak.--the eagle of america stoops to earth, and shares the character of the vulture.--abolition.--the youth of the land.--anticipations of their usefulness. this letter will reach the united states about the st of january; and it may not be impertinent to offer a few new-year's reflections. every new year, indeed, confirms the old thoughts, but also presents them under some new aspects. the american in europe, if a thinking mind, can only become more american. in some respects it is a great pleasure to be here. although we have an independent political existence, bur position toward europe, as to literature and the arts, is still that of a colony, and one feels the same joy here that is experienced by the colonist in returning to the parent home. what was but picture to us becomes reality; remote allusions and derivations trouble no more: we see the pattern of the stuff, and understand the whole tapestry. there is a gradual clearing up on many points, and many baseless notions and crude fancies are dropped. even the post-haste passage of the business american through the great cities, escorted by cheating couriers and ignorant _valets de place_, unable to hold intercourse with the natives of the country, and passing all his leisure hours with his countrymen, who know no more than himself, clears his mind of some mistakes,--lifts some mists from his horizon. there are three species. first, the servile american,--a being utterly shallow, thoughtless, worthless. he comes abroad to spend his money and indulge his tastes. his object in europe is to have fashionable clothes, good foreign cookery, to know some titled persons, and furnish himself with coffee-house gossip, by retailing which among those less travelled and as uninformed as himself he can win importance at home. i look with unspeakable contempt on this class,--a class which has all the thoughtlessness and partiality of the exclusive classes in europe, without any of their refinement, or the chivalric feeling which still sparkles among them here and there. however, though these willing serfs in a free age do some little hurt, and cause some annoyance at present, they cannot continue long; our country is fated to a grand, independent existence, and, as its laws develop, these parasites of a bygone period must wither and drop away. then there is the conceited american, instinctively bristling and proud of--he knows not what. he does not see, not he, that the history of humanity for many centuries is likely to have produced results it requires some training, some devotion, to appreciate and profit by. with his great clumsy hands, only fitted to work on a steam-engine, he seizes the old cremona violin, makes it shriek with anguish, in his grasp, and then declares he thought it was all humbug before he came, and now he knows it; that there is not really any music in these old things; that the frogs in one of our swamps make much finer, for they are young and alive. to him the etiquettes of courts and camps, the ritual of the church, seem simply silly,--and no wonder, profoundly ignorant as he is of their origin and meaning. just so the legends which are the subjects of pictures, the profound myths which are represented in the antique marbles, amaze and revolt him; as, indeed, such things need to be judged of by another standard than that of the connecticut blue-laws. he criticises severely pictures, feeling quite sure that his natural senses are better means of judgment than the rules of connoisseurs,--not feeling that, to see such objects, mental vision as well as fleshly eyes are needed and that something is aimed at in art beyond the imitation of the commonest forms of nature. this is jonathan in the sprawling state, the booby truant, not yet aspiring enough to be a good school-boy. yet in his folly there is meaning; add thought and culture to his independence, and he will be a man of might: he is not a creature without hope, like the thick-skinned dandy of the class first specified. the artistes form a class by themselves. yet among them, though seeking special aims by special means, may also be found the lineaments of these two classes, as well as of the third, of which i am now to speak. this is that of the thinking american,--a man who, recognizing the immense advantage of being born to a new world and on a virgin soil, yet does not wish one seed from the past to be lost. he is anxious to gather and carry back with him every plant that will bear a new climate and new culture. some will dwindle; others will attain a bloom and stature unknown before. he wishes to gather them clean, free from noxious insects, and to give them a fair trial in his new world. and that he may know the conditions under which he may best place them in that new world, he does not neglect to study their history in this. the history of our planet in some moments seems so painfully mean and little,--such terrible bafflings and failures to compensate some brilliant successes,--such a crushing of the mass of men beneath, the feet of a few, and these, too, often the least worthy,--such a small drop of honey to each cup of gall, and, in many cases, so mingled that it is never one moment in life purely tasted,--above all, so little achieved for humanity as a whole, such tides of war and pestilence intervening to blot out the traces of each triumph,--that no wonder if the strongest soul sometimes pauses aghast; no wonder if the many indolently console themselves with gross joys and frivolous prizes. yes! those men _are_ worthy of admiration who can carry this cross faithfully through fifty years; it is a great while for all the agonies that beset a lover of good, a lover of men; it makes a soul worthy of a speedier ascent, a more productive ministry in the next sphere. blessed are they who ever keep that portion of pure, generous love with which they began life! how blessed those who have deepened the fountains, and have enough to spare for the thirst of others! some such there are; and, feeling that, with all the excuses for failure, still only the sight of those who triumph, gives a meaning to life or makes its pangs endurable, we must arise and follow. eighteen hundred years of this christian culture in these european kingdoms, a great theme never lost sight of, a mighty idea, an adorable history to which the hearts of men invariably cling, yet are genuine results rare as grains of gold in the river's sandy bed! where is the genuine democracy to which the rights of all men are holy? where the child-like wisdom learning all through life more and more of the will of god? where the aversion to falsehood, in all its myriad disguises of cant, vanity, covetousness, so clear to be read in all the history of jesus of nazareth? modern europe is the sequel to that history, and see this hollow england, with its monstrous wealth and cruel poverty, its conventional life, and low, practical aims! see this poor france, so full of talent, so adroit, yet so shallow and glossy still, which could not escape from a false position with all its baptism of blood! see that lost poland, and this italy bound down by treacherous hands in all the force of genius! see russia with its brutal czar and innumerable slaves! see austria and its royalty that represents nothing, and its people, who, as people, are and have nothing! if we consider the amount of truth that has really been spoken out in the world, and the love that has beat in private hearts,--how genius has decked each spring-time with such splendid flowers, conveying each one enough of instruction in its life of harmonious energy, and how continually, unquenchably, the spark of faith has striven to burst into flame and light up the universe,--the public failure seems amazing, seems monstrous. still europe toils and struggles with her idea, and, at this moment, all things bode and declare a new outbreak of the fire, to destroy old palaces of crime! may it fertilize also many vineyards! here at this moment a successor of st. peter, after the lapse of near two thousand years, is called "utopian" by a part of this europe, because he strives to get some food to the mouths of the _leaner_ of his flock. a wonderful state of things, and which leaves as the best argument against despair, that men do not, _cannot_ despair amid such dark experiences. and thou, my country! wilt thou not be more true? does no greater success await thee? all things have so conspired to teach, to aid! a new world, a new chance, with oceans to wall in the new thought against interference from the old!--treasures of all kinds, gold, silver, corn, marble, to provide for every physical need! a noble, constant, starlike soul, an italian, led the way to thy shores, and, in the first days, the strong, the pure, those too brave, too sincere, for the life of the old world, hastened to people them. a generous struggle then shook off what was foreign, and gave the nation a glorious start for a worthy goal. men rocked the cradle of its hopes, great, firm, disinterested, men, who saw, who wrote, as the basis of all that was to be done, a statement of the rights, the _inborn_ rights of men, which, if fully interpreted and acted upon, leaves nothing to be desired. yet, o eagle! whose early flight showed this clear sight of the sun, how often dost thou near the ground, how show the vulture in these later days! thou wert to be the advance-guard of humanity, the herald of all progress; how often hast thou betrayed this high commission! fain would the tongue in clear, triumphant accents draw example from thy story, to encourage the hearts of those who almost faint and die beneath the old oppressions. but we must stammer and blush when we speak of many things. i take pride here, that i can really say the liberty of the press works well, and that checks and balances are found naturally which suffice to its government. i can say that the minds of our people are alert, and that talent has a free chance to rise. this is much. but dare i further say that political ambition is not as darkly sullied as in other countries? dare i say that men of most influence in political life are those who represent most virtue, or even intellectual power? is it easy to find names in that career of which i can speak with enthusiasm? must i not confess to a boundless lust of gain in my country? must i not concede the weakest vanity, which bristles and blusters at each foolish taunt of the foreign press, and admit that the men who make these undignified rejoinders seek and find popularity so? can i help admitting that there is as yet no antidote cordially adopted, which will defend even that great, rich country against the evils that have grown out of the commercial system in the old world? can i say our social laws are generally better, or show a nobler insight into the wants of man and woman? i do, indeed, say what i believe, that voluntary association for improvement in these particulars will be the grand means for my nation to grow, and give a nobler harmony to the coming age. but it is only of a small minority that i can say they as yet seriously take to heart these things; that they earnestly meditate on what is wanted for their country, for mankind,--for our cause is indeed, the cause of all mankind at present. could we succeed, really succeed, combine a deep religious love with practical development, the achievements of genius with the happiness of the multitude, we might believe man had now reached a commanding point in his ascent, and would stumble and faint no more. then there is this horrible cancer of slavery, and the wicked war that has grown out of it. how dare i speak of these things here? i listen to the same arguments against the emancipation of italy, that are used against the emancipation of our blacks; the same arguments in favor of the spoliation of poland, as for the conquest of mexico. i find the cause of tyranny and wrong everywhere the same,--and lo! my country! the darkest offender, because with the least excuse; forsworn to the high calling with which she was called; no champion of the rights of men, but a robber and a jailer; the scourge hid behind her banner; her eyes fixed, not on the stars, but on the possessions of other men. how it pleases me here to think of the abolitionists! i could never endure to be with them at home, they were so tedious, often so narrow, always so rabid and exaggerated in their tone. but, after all, they had a high motive, something eternal in their desire and life; and if it was not the only thing worth thinking of, it was really something worth living and dying for, to free a great nation from such a terrible blot, such a threatening plague. god strengthen them, and make them wise to achieve their purpose! i please myself, too, with remembering some ardent souls among the american youth, who i trust will yet expand, and help to give soul to the huge, over-fed, too hastily grown-up body. may they be constant! "were man but constant, he were perfect," it has been said; and it is true that he who could be constant to those moments in which he has been truly human, not brutal, not mechanical, is on the sure path to his perfection, and to effectual service of the universe. it is to the youth that hope addresses itself; to those who yet burn with aspiration, who are not hardened in their sins. but i dare not expect too much of them. i am not very old; yet of those who, in life's morning, i saw touched by the light of a high hope, many have seceded. some have become voluptuaries; some, mere family men, who think it quite life enough to win bread for half a dozen people, and treat them, decently; others are lost through indolence and vacillation. yet some remain constant; "i have witnessed many a shipwreck, yet still beat noble hearts." i have found many among the youth of england, of france, of italy, also, full of high desire; but will they have courage and purity to fight the battle through in the sacred, the immortal band? of some of them i believe it, and await the proof. if a few succeed amid the trial, we have not lived and loved in vain. to these, the heart and hope of my country, a happy new year! i do not know what i have written; i have merely yielded to my feelings in thinking of america; but something of true love must be in these lines. receive them kindly, my friends; it is, of itself, some merit for printed words to be sincere. letter xix. the climate of italy.--review of first impressions.--rome in its various aspects.--the pope.--cemetery of santo spirito.--ceremonies at the chapels.--the women of italy.--festival of st. carlo borromeo.--an incident in the chapel.--english residents in the seven-hilled city.--mrs. trollope a resident of florence.--the pope as he communicates with his people.--the position of affairs.--lesser potentates.--the inauguration of the new council.--the ceremonies thereto appertaining.--the american flag in rome.--a ball.--a feast, and its reverse.--the funeral of a councillor. rome, december , . this th day of december i rise to see the floods of sunlight blessing us, as they have almost every day since i returned to rome,--two months and more,--with scarce three or four days of rainy weather. i still see the fresh roses and grapes each morning on my table, though both these i expect to give up at christmas. this autumn is _something like_, as my countrymen say at home. like _what_, they do not say; so i always supposed they meant like their ideal standard. certainly this weather corresponds with mine; and i begin to believe the climate of italy is really what it has been represented. shivering here last spring in an air no better than the cruel cast wind of puritan boston, i thought all the praises lavished on "italia, o italia!" would turn out to be figments of the brain; and that even byron, usually accurate beyond the conception of plodding pedants, had deceived us when he says, you have the happiness in italy to "see the sun set, sure he'll rise to-morrow," and not, according to a view which exercises a withering influence on the enthusiasm of youth in my native land, be forced to regard each pleasant day as a _weather-breeder_. how delightful, too, is the contrast between this time and the spring in another respect! then i was here, like travellers in general, expecting to be driven away in a short time. like others, i went through the painful process of sight-seeing, so unnatural everywhere, so counter to the healthful methods and true life of the mind. you rise in the morning knowing there are a great number of objects worth knowing, which you may never have the chance to see again. you go every day, in all moods, under all circumstances; feeling, probably, in seeing them, the inadequacy of your preparation for understanding or duly receiving them. this consciousness would be most valuable if one had time to think and study, being the natural way in which the mind is lured to cure its defects; but you have no time; you are always wearied, body and mind, confused, dissipated, sad. the objects are of commanding beauty or full of suggestion, but there is no quiet to let that beauty breathe its life into the soul; no time to follow up these suggestions, and plant for the proper harvest. many persons run about rome for nine days, and then go away; they might as well expect to appreciate the venus by throwing a stone at it, as hope really to see rome in this time. i stayed in rome nine weeks, and came away unhappy as he who, having been taken in the visions of the night through some wondrous realm, wakes unable to recall anything but the hues and outlines of the pageant; the real knowledge, the recreative power induced by familiar love, the assimilation of its soul and substance,--all the true value of such a revelation,--is wanting; and he remains a poor tantalus, hungrier than before he had tasted this spiritual food. no; rome is not a nine-days wonder; and those who try to make it such lose the ideal rome (if they ever had it), without gaining any notion of the real. to those who travel, as they do everything else, only because others do, i do not speak; they are nothing. nobody counts in the estimate of the human race who has not a character. for one, i now really live in rome, and i begin to see and feel the real rome. she reveals herself day by day; she tells me some of her life. now i never go out to see a sight, but i walk every day; and here i cannot miss of some object of consummate interest to end a walk. in the evenings, which are long now, i am at leisure to follow up the inquiries suggested by the day. as one becomes familiar, ancient and modern rome, at first so painfully and discordantly jumbled together, are drawn apart to the mental vision. one sees where objects and limits anciently wore; the superstructures vanish, and you recognize the local habitation of so many thoughts. when this begins to happen, one feels first truly at ease in rome. then the old kings, the consuls and tribunes, the emperors, drunk with blood and gold, the warriors of eagle sight and remorseless beak, return for us, and the togated procession finds room to sweep across the scene; the seven hills tower, the innumerable temples glitter, and the via sacra swarms with triumphal life once more. ah! how joyful to see once more _this_ rome, instead of the pitiful, peddling, anglicized rome, first viewed in unutterable dismay from the _coupé_ of the vettura,--a rome all full of taverns, lodging-houses, cheating chambermaids, vilest _valets de place_, and fleas! a niobe of nations indeed! ah! why, secretly the heart blasphemed, did the sun omit to kill her too, when all the glorious race which wore her crown fell beneath his ray? thank heaven, it is possible to wash away all this dirt, and come at the marble yet. their the later papal rome: it requires much acquaintance, much thought, much reference to books, for the child of protestant republican america to see where belong the legends illustrated by rite and picture, the sense of all the rich tapestry, where it has a united and poetic meaning, where it is broken by some accident of history. for all these things--a senseless mass of juggleries to the uninformed eye--are really growths of the human spirit struggling to develop its life, and full of instruction for those who learn to understand them. then modern rome,--still ecclesiastical, still darkened and damp in the shadow of the vatican, but where bright hopes gleam now amid the ashes! never was a people who have had more to corrupt them,--bloody tyranny, and incubus of priestcraft, the invasions, first of goths, then of trampling emperors and kings, then of sight-seeing foreigners,--everything to turn them from a sincere, hopeful, fruitful life; and they are much corrupted, but still a fine race. i cannot look merely with a pictorial eye on the lounge of the roman dandy, the bold, juno gait of the roman contadina. i love them,--dandies and all? i believe the natural expression of these fine forms will animate them yet. certainly there never was a people that showed a better heart than they do in this day of love, of purely moral influence. it makes me very happy to be for once in a place ruled by a father's love, and where the pervasive glow of one good, generous heart is felt in every pulse of every day. i have seen the pope several times since my return, and it is a real pleasure to see him in the thoroughfares, where his passage is always greeted as that of _the_ living soul. the first week of november there is much praying for the dead here in the chapels of the cemeteries. i went to santo spirito. this cemetery stands high, and all the way up the slope was lined with beggars petitioning for alms, in every attitude find tone, (i mean tone that belongs to the professional beggar's gamut, for that is peculiar,) and under every pretext imaginable, from the quite legless elderly gentleman to the ragged ruffian with the roguish twinkle in his eye, who has merely a slight stiffness in one arm and one leg. i could not help laughing, it was such a show,--greatly to the alarm of my attendant, who declared they would kill me, if ever they caught me alone; but i was not afraid. i am sure the endless falsehood in which such creatures live must make them very cowardly. we entered the cemetery; it was a sweet, tranquil place, lined with cypresses, and soft sunshine lying on the stone coverings where repose the houses of clay in which once dwelt joyous roman hearts,--for the hearts here do take pleasure in life. there were several chapels; in one boys were chanting, in others people on their knees silently praying for the dead. in another was one of the groups in wax exhibited in such chapels through the first week of november. it represented st. carlo borromeo as a beautiful young man in a long scarlet robe, pure and brilliant as was the blood of the martyrs, relieving the poor who were grouped around him,--old people and children, the halt, the maimed, the blind; he had called them all into the feast of love. the chapel was lighted and draped so as to give very good effect to this group; the spectators were mainly children and young girls, listening with ardent eyes, while their parents or the nuns explained to them the group, or told some story of the saint. it was a pretty scene, only marred by the presence of a villanous-looking man, who ever and anon shook the poor's box. i cannot understand the bad taste of choosing him, when there were _frati_ and priests enough of expression less unprepossessing. i next entered a court-yard, where the stations, or different periods in the passion of jesus, are painted on the wall. kneeling before these were many persons: here a franciscan, in his brown robe and cord; there a pregnant woman, uttering, doubtless, some tender aspiration for the welfare of the yet unborn dear one; there some boys, with gay yet reverent air; while all the while these fresh young voices were heard chanting. it was a beautiful moment, and despite the wax saint, the ill-favored friar, the professional mendicants, and my own removal, wide as pole from pole, from the positron of mind indicated by these forms, their spirit touched me, and. i prayed too; prayed for the distant, every way distant,--for those who seem to have forgotten me, and with me all we had in common; prayed for the dead in spirit, if not in body; prayed for myself, that i might never walk the earth "the tomb of my dead self"; and prayed in general for all unspoiled and loving hearts,--no less for all who suffer and find yet no helper. going out, i took my road by the cross which marks the brow of the hill. up the ascent still wound the crowd of devotees, and still the beggars beset them. amid that crowd, how many lovely, warm-hearted women! the women of italy are intellectually in a low place, _but_--they are unaffected; you can see what heaven meant them to be, and i believe they will be yet the mothers of a great and generous race. before me lay rome,--how exquisitely tranquil in the sunset! never was an aspect that for serene grandeur could vie with that of rome at sunset. next day was the feast of the milanese saint, whose life has been made known to some americans by manzoni, when speaking in his popular novel of the cousin of st. carlo, federigo borromeo. the pope came in state to the church of st. carlo, in the corso. the show was magnificent; the church is not very large, and was almost filled with papal court and guards, in all their splendid harmonies of color. an italian child was next me, a little girl of four or five years, whom her mother had brought to see the pope. as in the intervals of gazing the child smiled and made signs to me, i nodded in return, and asked her name. "virginia," said she; "and how is the signora named?" "margherita," "my name," she rejoined, "is virginia gentili." i laughed, but did not follow up the cunning, graceful lead,--still i chatted and played with her now and then. at last, she said to her mother, "la signora e molto cara," ("the signora is very dear," or, to use the english equivalent, _a darling_,) "show her my two sisters." so the mother, herself a fine-looking woman, introduced two handsome young ladies, and with the family i was in a moment pleasantly intimate for the hour. before me sat three young english ladies, the pretty daughters of a noble earl; their manners were a strange contrast to this italian graciousness, best expressed by their constant use of the pronoun _that_. "_see that man!_" (i.e. some high dignitary of the church,) "look at that dress!" dropped constantly from their lips. ah! without being a catholic, one may well wish rome was not dependent on english sight-seers, who violate her ceremonies with acts that bespeak their thoughts full of wooden shoes and warming-pans. can anything be more sadly expressive of times out of joint than the fact that mrs. trollope is a resident in italy? yes! she is fixed permanently in florence, as i am told, pensioned at the rate of two thousand pounds a year to trail her slime over the fruit of italy. she is here in rome this winter, and, after having violated the virgin beauty of america, will have for many a year her chance to sully the imperial matron of the civilized world. what must the english public be, if it wishes to pay two thousand pounds a year to get italy trollopified? but to turn to a pleasanter subject. when the pope entered, borne in his chair of state amid the pomp of his tiara and his white and gold robes, he looked to me thin, or, as the italians murmur anxiously at times, _consumato_, or wasted. but during the ceremony he seemed absorbed in his devotions, and at the end i think he had become exhilarated by thinking of st. carlo, who was such another over the human race as himself, and his face wore a bright glow of faith. as he blessed the people, he raised his eyes to heaven, with a gesture quite natural: it was the spontaneous act of a soul which felt that moment more than usual its relation with things above it, and sure of support from a higher power. i saw him to still greater advantage a little while after, when, riding on the campagna with a young gentleman who had been ill, we met the pope on foot, taking exercise. he often quits his carriage at the gates and walks in this way. he walked rapidly, robed in a simple white drapery, two young priests in spotless purple on either side; they gave silver to the poor who knelt beside the way, while the beloved father gave his benediction. my companion knelt; he is not a catholic, but he felt that "this blessing would do him no harm." the pope saw at once he was ill, and gave him a mark of interest, with that expression of melting love, the true, the only charity, which assures all who look on him that, were his power equal to his will, no living thing would ever suffer more. this expression the artists try in vain to catch; all busts and engravings of him are caricatures; it is a magnetic sweetness, a lambent light that plays over his features, and of which only great genius or a soul tender as his own would form an adequate image. the italians have one term of praise peculiarly characteristic of their highly endowed nature. they say of such and such, _ha una phisonomia simpatica_,--"he has a sympathetic expression"; and this is praise enough. this may be pre-eminently said of that of pius ix. _he_ looks, indeed, as if nothing human could be foreign to him. such alone are the genuine kings of men. he has shown undoubted wisdom, clear-sightedness, bravery, and firmness; but it is, above all, his generous human heart that gives him his power over this people. his is a face to shame the selfish, redeem the sceptic, alarm the wicked, and cheer to new effort the weary and heavy-laden. what form the issues of his life may take is yet uncertain; in my belief, they are such as he does not think of; but they cannot fail to be for good. for my part, i shall always rejoice to have been here in his time. the working of his influence confirms my theories, and it is a positive treasure to me to have seen him. i have never been presented, not wishing to approach, so real a presence in the path of mere etiquette; i am quite content to see him standing amid the crowd, while the band plays the music he has inspired. "sons of rome, awake!" yes, awake, and let no police-officer put you again to sleep in prison, as has happened to those who were called by the marseillaise. affairs look well. the king of sardinia has at last, though with evident distrust and heartlessness, entered the upward path in a way that makes it difficult to return. the duke of modena, the most senseless of all these ancient gentlemen, after publishing a declaration, which made him more ridiculous than would the bitterest pasquinade penned by another, that he would fight to the death against reform, finds himself obliged to lend an ear as to the league for the customs; and if he joins that, other measures follow of course. austria trembles; and, in fine, cannot sustain the point of ferrara. the king of naples, after having shed much blood, for which he has a terrible account to render, (ah! how many sad, fair romances are to tell already about the calabrian difficulties!) still finds the spirit fomenting in his people; he cannot put it down. the dragon's teeth are sown, and the lazzaroni may be men yet! the swiss affairs have taken the right direction, and good will ensue, if other powers act with decent honesty, and think of healing the wounds of switzerland, rather than merely of tying her down, so that she cannot annoy them. in rome, here, the new council is inaugurated, and elections have given tolerable satisfaction. already, struggles ended in other places begin to be renewed here, as to gas-lights, introduction of machinery, &c. we shall see at the end of the winter how they have gone on. at any rate, the wants of the people are in some measure represented; and already the conduct of those who have taken to themselves so large a portion of the loaves and fishes on the very platform supposed to be selected by jesus for a general feeding of his sheep, begins to be the subject of spoken as well as whispered animadversion. torlonia is assailed in his bank, campana amid his urns or his monte di picti; but these assaults have yet to be verified. on the day when the council was to be inaugurated, great preparations were made by representatives of other parts of italy, and also of foreign nations friendly to the cause of progress. it was considered to represent the same fact as the feast of the th of september in tuscany,--the dawn of an epoch when the people shall find their wants and aspirations represented and guarded. the americans showed a warm interest; the gentlemen subscribing to buy a flag, the united states having none before in rome, and the ladies meeting to make it. the same distinguished individual, indeed, who at florence made a speech to prevent "the american eagle being taken out on so trifling an occasion," with similar perspicuity and superiority of view, on the present occasion, was anxious to prevent "rash demonstrations, which might embroil the united states with austria"; but the rash youth here present rushed on, ignorant how to value his nestorian prudence,--fancying, hot-headed simpletons, that the cause of freedom was the cause of america, and her eagle at home wherever the sun shed a warmer ray, and there was reason to hope a happier life for man. so they hurried to buy their silk, red, white, and blue, and inquired of recent arrivals how many states there are this winter in the union, in order to making the proper number of stars. a magnificent spread-eagle was procured, not without difficulty, as this, once the eyrie of the king of birds, is now a rookery rather, full of black, ominous fowl, ready to eat the harvest sown by industrious hands. this eagle, having previously spread its wings over a piece of furniture where its back was sustained by the wall, was somewhat deficient in a part of its anatomy. but we flattered ourselves he should be held so high that no roman eye, if disposed, could carp and criticise. when lo! just as the banner was ready to unfold its young glories in the home of horace, virgil, and tacitus, an ordinance appeared prohibiting the display of any but the roman ensign. this ordinance was, it is said, caused by representations made to the pope that the oscurantists, ever on the watch to do mischief, meant to make this the occasion of disturbance,--as it is their policy to seek to create irritation here; that the neapolitan and lombardo-venetian flags would appear draped with black, and thus the signal be given for tumult. i cannot help thinking these fears were groundless; that the people, on their guard, would have indignantly crushed at once any of these malignant efforts. however that may be, no one can ever be really displeased with any measure of the pope, knowing his excellent intentions. but the limitation of the festival deprived it of the noble character of the brotherhood of nations and an ideal aim, worn by that of tuscany. the romans, drilled and disappointed, greeted their councillors with but little enthusiasm. the procession, too, was but a poor affair for rome. twenty-four carriages had been lent by the princes and nobles, at the request of the city, to convey the councillors. i found something symbolical in this. thus will they be obliged to furnish from their old grandeur the vehicles of the new ideas. each deputy was followed by his target and banner. when the deputy for ferrara passed, many garlands were thrown upon his carriage. there has been deep respect and sympathy felt for the citizens of ferrara, they have conducted so well under their late trying circumstances. they contained themselves, knowing that the least indiscretion would give a handle for aggression to the enemies of the good cause. but the daily occasions of irritation must have been innumerable, and they have shown much power of wise and dignified self-government. after the procession passed, i attempted to go on foot from the café novo, in the corso, to st. peter's, to see the decorations of the streets, but it was impossible. in that dense, but most vivacious, various, and good-humored crowd, with all best will on their part to aid the foreigner, it was impossible to advance. so i saw only themselves; but that was a great pleasure. there is so much individuality of character here, that it is a great entertainment to be in a crowd. in the evening, there was a ball given at the argentina. lord minto was there; prince corsini, now senator; the torlonias, in uniform of the civic guard,--princess torlonia in a sash of their colors, given her by the civic guard, which she waved often in answer to their greetings. but the beautiful show of the evening was the trasteverini dancing the saltarello in their most brilliant costume. i saw them thus to much greater advantage than ever before. several were nobly handsome, and danced admirably; it was really like pinelli. the saltarello enchants me; in this is really the italian wine, the italian sun. the first time, i saw it danced one night very unexpectedly near the colosseum; it carried me quite beyond myself, so that i most unamiably insisted on staying, while the friends in my company, not heated by enthusiasm like me, were shivering and perhaps catching cold from the damp night-air. i fear they remember it against me; nevertheless i cherish the memory of the moments wickedly stolen at their expense, for it is only the first time seeing such a thing that you enjoy a peculiar delight. but since, i love to see and study it much. the pope, in receiving the councillors, made a speech,--such as the king of prussia intrenched himself in on a similar occasion, only much better and shorter,--implying that he meant only to improve, not to _reform_, and should keep things _in statu quo_, safe locked with the keys of st. peter. this little speech was made, no doubt, more to reassure czars, emperors, and kings, than from the promptings of the spirit. but the fact of its necessity, as well as the inferior freedom and spirit of the roman journals to those of tuscany, seems to say that the pontifical government, though from the accident of this one man's accession it has taken the initiative to better times, yet may not, after a while, from its very nature, be able to keep in the vanguard. a sad contrast to the feast of this day was presented by the same persons, a fortnight after, following the body of silvani, one of the councillors, who died suddenly. the councillors, the different societies of rome, a corps _frati_ bearing tapers, the civic guard with drums slowly beating, the same state carriages with their liveried attendants all slowly, sadly moving, with torches and banners, drooped along the corso in the dark night. a single horseman, with his long white plume and torch reversed, governed the procession; it was the prince aldobrandini. the whole had that grand effect so easily given by this artist people, who seize instantly the natural poetry of an occasion, and with unanimous tact hasten to represent it. more and much anon. letter xx. rome.--bad weather.--st. cecilia.--the people's processions.--taking the veil.--festivities.--political agitation.--nobles.--maria louisa.--guiccioli.--parma.--address to the new sovereign.--the new york meeting for italy.--address to the pope. rome, december , . i could not, in my last, content myself with praising the glorious weather. i wrote in the last day of it. since, we have had a fortnight of rain falling incessantly, and whole days and nights of torrents such as are peculiar to the "clearing-up" shower in our country. under these circumstances, i have found my lodging in the corso not only has its dark side, but is all dark, and that one in the piazza di spagne would have been better for me in this respect; there on these days, the only ones when i wish to stay at home and write and study, i should have had the light. now, if i consulted the good of my eyes, i should have the lamp lit on first rising in the morning. "every sweet must have its bitter," and the exchange from the brilliance of the italian heaven to weeks and months of rain, and such black cloud, is unspeakably dejecting. for myself, at the end of this fortnight without exercise or light, and in such a damp atmosphere, i find myself without strength, without appetite, almost without spirits. the life of the german scholar who studies fifteen hours out of the twenty-four, or that of the spielberg prisoner who could live through ten, fifteen, twenty years of dark prison with, only half an hour's exercise in the day, is to me a mystery. how can the brain, the nerves, ever support it? we are made to keep in motion, to drink the air and light; to me these are needed to make life supportable, the physical state is so difficult and full of pains at any rate. i am sorry for those who have arrived just at this time hoping to enjoy the christmas festivities. everything was spoiled by the weather. i went at half past ten to san luigi francese, a church adorned with some of domenichino's finest frescos on the life and death of st. cecilia. this name leads me to a little digression. in a letter to mr. phillips, the dear friend of our revered dr. charming, i asked him if he remembered what recumbent statue it was of which dr. charming was wont to speak as of a sight that impressed him more than anything else in rome. he said, indeed, his mood, and the unexpectedness in seeing this gentle, saintly figure lying there as if death had just struck her down, had no doubt much influence upon him; but still he believed the work had a peculiar holiness in its expression. i recognized at once the theme of his description (the name he himself had forgotten) as i entered the other evening the lonely church of st. cecilia in trastevere. as in his case, it was twilight: one or two nuns were at their devotions, and there lay the figure in its grave-clothes, with an air so gentle, so holy, as if she had only ceased to pray as the hand of the murderer struck her down. her gentle limbs seemed instinct still with soft, sweet life; the expression was not of the heroine, the martyr, so much as of the tender, angelic woman. i could well understand the deep impression made upon his mind. the expression of the frescos of domenichino is not inharmonious with the suggestions of this statue. finding the mass was not to begin for some time, i set out for the quirinal to see the pope return from that noble church, santa maria maggiore, where he officiated this night. i reached the mount just as he was returning. a few torches gleamed before his door; perhaps a hundred people were gathered together round the fountain. last year an immense multitude waited for him there to express their affection in one grand good-night; the change was occasioned partly by the weather, partly by other causes, of which i shall speak by and by. just as he returned, the moon looked palely out from amid the wet clouds, and shone upon the fountain, and the noble figures above it, and the long white cloaks of the guardia nobile who followed his carriage on horseback; darker objects could scarcely be seen, except by the flickering light of the torches, much blown by the wind. i then returned to san luigi. the effect of the night service there was very fine; those details which often have such a glaring, mean look by day are lost sight of in the night, and the unity of impression from the service is much more undisturbed. the music, too, descriptive of that era which promised peace on earth, good-will to men, was very sweet, and the _pastorale_ particularly soothed the heart amid the crowd, and pompous ceremonial. but here, too, the sweet had its bitter, in the vulgar vanity of the leader of the orchestra, a trait too common in such, who, not content with marking the time for the musicians, made his stick heard in the remotest nook of the church; so that what would have been sweet music, and flowed in upon the soul, was vulgarized to make you remember the performers and their machines. on monday the leaders of the guardia civica paid their respects to the pope, who, in receiving them, expressed his constantly increasing satisfaction in having given this institution to his people. the same evening there was a procession with torches to the quirinal, to pay the homage due to the day (feast of st. john, and name-day of the pope, _giovanni maria mastai_); but all the way the rain continually threatened to extinguish the torches, and the pope could give but a hasty salute under an umbrella, when the heavens were again opened, and such a cataract of water descended, as drove both man and beast to seek the nearest shelter. on sunday, i went to see a nun take the veil. she was a person of high family; a princess gave her away, and the cardinal ferreti, secretary of state, officiated. it was a much less effective ceremony than i expected from the descriptions of travellers and romance-writers. there was no moment of throwing on the black veil; no peal of music; no salute of cannon. the nun, an elegantly dressed woman of five or six and twenty,--pretty enough, but whose quite worldly air gave the idea that it was one of those arrangements made because no suitable establishment could otherwise be given her,--came forward, knelt, and prayed; her confessor, in that strained, unnatural whine too common among preachers of all churches and all countries, praised himself for having induced her to enter on a path which would lead her fettered steps "from palm to palm, from triumph to triumph," poor thing! she looked as if the domestic olives and poppies were all she wanted; and lacking these, tares and wormwood must be her portion. she was then taken behind a grating, her hair cut, and her clothes exchanged for the nun's vestments; the black-robed sisters who worked upon her looking like crows or ravens at their ominous feasts. all the while, the music played, first sweet and thoughtful, then triumphant strains. the effect on my mind was revolting and painful to the last degree. were monastic seclusion always voluntary, and could it be ended whenever the mind required a change back from seclusion to common life, i should have nothing to say against it; there are positions of the mind which it suits exactly, and even characters that might choose it all through life; certainly, to the broken-hearted it presents a shelter that protestant communities do not provide. but where it is enforced or repented of, no hell could be worse; nor can a more terrible responsibility be incurred than by him who has persuaded a novice that the snares of the world are less dangerous than the demons of solitude. festivities in italy have been of great importance, since, for a century or two back, the thought, the feeling, the genius of the people have had more chance to expand, to express themselves, there than anywhere else. now, if the march of reform goes forward, this will not be so; there will be also speeches made freely on public occasions, without having the life pressed out of them by the censorship. now we hover betwixt the old and the new; when the many reasons for the new prevail, i hope what is poetical in the old will not be lost. the ceremonies of new year are before me; but as i shall have to send this letter on new-year's day, i cannot describe them. the romans begin now to talk of the mad gayeties of carnival, and the opera is open. they have begun with "attila," as, indeed, there is little hope of hearing in italy other music than verdi's. great applause waited on the following words:-- "ezio (the roman leader). "e gittata la mia sorte, pronto sono ad ogni guerra, s' io cardò, cadrè da forte, e il mio nome resterà. "non vedrò l'amata terra svener lenta e farri a brano, sopra l'ultimo romano tutta italia piangerà." "my lot is fixed, and i stand ready for every conflict. if i must fall, i shall fall as a brave man, and my fame will survive. i shall not see my beloved country fall to pieces and slowly perish, and over the last roman all italy will weep." and at lines of which the following is a translation:-- "o brave man, whose mighty power can raise thy country from such dire distress; from the immortal hills, radiant with glory, let the shades of our ancestors arise; oh! only one day, one instant, arise to look upon us!" it was an italian who sung this strain, though, singularly enough, here in the heart of italy, so long reputed the home of music, three principal parts were filled by persons bearing the foreign names of ivanoff, mitrovich, and nissren. naples continues in a state of great excitement, which now pervades the upper classes, as several young men of noble families have been arrested; among them, one young man much beloved, son of prince terella, and who, it is said, was certainly not present on the occasion for which he was arrested, and that the measure was taken because he was known to sympathize strongly with the liberal movement. the nobility very generally have not feared to go to the house of his father to express their displeasure at the arrest and interest in the young man. the ministry, it is said, are now persuaded of the necessity of a change of measures. the king alone remains inflexible in his stupidity. the stars of bonaparte and byron show again a conjunction, by the almost simultaneous announcement of changes in the lot of women with whom they were so intimately connected;--the archduchess of parma, maria louisa, is dead; the countess guiccioli is married. the countess i have seen several times; she still looks young, and retains the charms which by the contemporaries of byron she is reputed to have had; they never were of a very high order; her best expression is that of a good heart. i always supposed that byron, weary and sick of the world such as he had known it, became attached to her for her good disposition, and sincere, warm tenderness for him; the sight of her, and the testimony of a near relative, confirmed this impression. this friend of hers added, that she had tried very hard to remain devoted to the memory of byron, but was quite unequal to the part, being one of those affectionate natures that must have some one near with whom to be occupied; and now, it seems, she has resigned herself publicly to abandon her romance. however, i fancy the manes of byron remain undisturbed. we all know the worthless character of maria louisa, the indifference she showed to a husband who, if he was not her own choice, yet would have been endeared to almost any woman, as one fallen from an immense height into immense misfortune, and as the father of her child. no voice from her penetrated to cheer his exile: the unhappiness of josephine was well avenged. and that child, the poor duke of reichstadt, of a character so interesting, and with obvious elements of greatness, withering beneath the mean, cold influence of his grandfather,--what did maria louisa do for him,--she, appointed by nature to be his inspiring genius, his protecting angel? i felt for her a most sad and profound contempt last summer, as i passed through her oppressed dominion, a little sphere, in which, if she could not save it from the usual effects of the austrian rule, she might have done so much private, womanly good,--might have been a genial heart to warm it,--and where she had let so much ill be done. a journal announces her death in these words: "the archduchess is dead; a woman who _might_ have occupied one of the noblest positions in the history of the age";--and there makes expressive pause. parma, passing from bad to worse, falls into the hands of the duke of modena; and the people and magistracy have made an address to their new ruler. the address has received many thousand signatures, and seems quite sincere, except in the assumption of good-will in the duke of modena; and this is merely an insincerity of etiquette. letter xxi. the pope's reception of the new officers.--they kiss his foot.--vespers at the ges�.--a poor youth in rome seeking a patron.--rumors of disturbances.--their cause.--representations to the pope.--his conduct in the affair.--an italian consul for the united states.--catholicism.--the popularity of the pope.--his deposition of a censor.--the policy of the pope in his domestic not equal to that of his public life.--his opposition to protestant reform.--letter from joseph mazzini to the pontiff.--reflections on it. rome, january , . in the first morning of this new year i sent off a letter which must then be mailed, in order to reach the steamer of the th. so far am i from home, that even steam does not come nigh to annihilate the distance. this afternoon i went to the quirinal palace to see the pope receive the new municipal officers. he was to-day in his robes of white and gold, with his usual corps of attendants in pure red and white, or violet and white. the new officers were in black velvet dresses, with broad white collars. they took the oaths of office, and then actually kissed his foot. i had supposed this was never really done, but only a very low obeisance made; the act seemed to me disgustingly abject. a heavenly father does not want his children at his feet, but in his arms, on a level with his heart. after this was over the pope went to the gesù, a very rich church, belonging to the jesuits, to officiate at vespers, and we followed. the music was beautiful, and the effect of the church, with its richly-painted dome and altar-piece in a blaze of light, while the assembly were in a sort of brown darkness, was very fine. a number of americans there, new arrivals, kept requesting in the midst of the music to know when _it_ would begin. "why, this is _it_," some one at last had the patience to answer; "you are hearing vespers now." "what," they replied, "is there no oration, no speech!" so deeply rooted in the american mind is the idea that a sermon is the only real worship! this church, is indelibly stamped on my mind. coming to rome this time, i saw in the diligence a young man, whom his uncle, a priest of the convent that owns this church, had sent for, intending to provide him employment here. some slight circumstances tested the character of this young man, and showed it what i have ever found it, singularly honorable and conscientious. he was led to show me his papers, among which was a letter from a youth whom, with that true benevolence only possible to the poor, because only they _can_ make great sacrifices, he had so benefited as to make an entire change in his prospects for life. himself a poor orphan, with nothing but a tolerable education at an orphan asylum, and a friend of his dead parents to find him employment on leaving it, he had felt for this young man, poorer and more uninstructed than himself, had taught him at his leisure to read and write, had then collected from, friends, and given himself, till he had gathered together sixty francs, procuring also for his _protégé_ a letter from monks, who were friends of his, to the convents on the road, so that wherever there was one, the poor youth had lodging and food gratis. thus armed, he set forth on foot for rome; piacenza, their native place, affording little hope even of gaining bread, in the present distressed state of that dominion. the letter was to say that he had arrived, and been so fortunate as to find employment immediately in the studio of benzoni, the sculptor. the poor patron's eyes sparkled as i read the letter. "how happy he is!" said he. "and does he not spell and write well? i was his only master." but the good do not inherit the earth, and, less fortunate than his _protégé_, germano on his arrival found his uncle ill of the roman fever. he came to see me, much agitated. "can it be, signorina," says he, "that god, who has taken my father and mother, will also take from me the only protector i have left, and just as i arrive in this strange place, too?" after a few days he seemed more tranquil, and told me that, though he had felt as if it would console him and divert his mind to go to some places of entertainment, he had forborne and applied the money to have masses said for his uncle. "i feel," he said, "as if god would help me." alas! at that moment the uncle was dying. poor germano came next day with a receipt for masses said for the soul of the departed, (his simple faith in these being apparently indestructible,) and amid his tears he said: "the fathers were so unkind, they were hardly willing to hear me speak a word; they were so afraid i should be a burden to them, i shall never go there again. but the most cruel thing was, i offered them a scudo (dollar) to say six masses for the soul of my poor uncle; they said they would only say five, and must have seven baiocchi (cents) more for that." a few days after, i happened to go into their church, and found it thronged, while a preacher, panting, sweating, leaning half out of the pulpit, was exhorting his hearers to "imitate christ." with unspeakable disgust i gazed on this false shepherd of those who had just so failed in their duty to a poor stray lamb, their church is so rich in ornaments, the seven baiocchi were hardly needed to burnish it. their altar-piece is a very imposing composition, by an artist of rome, still in the prime of his powers. capalti. it represents the circumcision, with the cross and six waiting angels in the background; joseph, who holds the child, the priest, and all the figures in the foreground, seem intent upon the barbarous rite, except mary the mother; her mind seems to rush forward into the future, and understand the destiny of her child; she sees the cross,--she sees the angels, too. now i have mentioned a picture, let me say a word or two about art and artists, by way of parenthesis in this letter so much occupied, with political affairs. we laugh a little here at some words that come from your city on the subject of art. we hear that the landscapes painted here show a want of familiarity with nature; artists need to return to america and see her again. but, friends, nature wears a different face in italy from what she does in america. do you not want to see her italian face? it is very glorious! we thought it was the aim of art to reproduce all forms of nature, and that you would not be sorry to have transcripts of what you have not always round you. american art is not necessarily a reproduction of american nature. hicks has made a charming picture of familiar life, which those who cannot believe in italian daylight would not tolerate. i am not sure that all eyes are made in the same manner, for i have known those who declare they see nothing remarkable in these skies, these hues; and always complain when they are reproduced in picture. i have yet seen no picture by cropsey on an italian subject, but his sketches from scotch scenes are most poetical and just presentations of those lakes, those mountains, with their mourning veils. he is an artist of great promise. cranch has made a picture for mr. ogden haggerty of a fine mountain-hold of old colonna story. i wish he would write a ballad about it too; there is plenty of material. but to return to the jesuits. one swallow does not make a summer, nor am i--who have seen so much hard-heartedness and barbarous greed of gain in all classes of men--so foolish as to attach undue importance to the demand, by those who have dared to appropriate peculiarly to themselves the sacred name of jesus, from a poor orphan, and for the soul of one of their own order, of "seven baiocchi more." but i have always been satisfied, from the very nature of their institutions, that the current prejudice against them must be correct. these institutions are calculated to harden the heart, and destroy entirely that truth which is the conservative principle in character. their influence is and must be always against the free progress of humanity. the more i see of its working, the more i feel how pernicious it is, and were i a european, to no object should i lend myself with more ardor, than to the extirpation of this cancer. true, disband the jesuits, there would still remain jesuitical men, but singly they would have infinitely less power to work mischief. the influence of the oscurantist foe has shown itself more and more plainly in rome, during the last four or five weeks. a false miracle is devised: the madonna del popolo, (who has her handsome house very near me,) has cured, a paralytic youth, (who, in fact, was never diseased,) and, appearing to him in a vision, takes occasion to criticise severely the measures of the pope. rumors of tumult in one quarter are circulated, to excite it in another. inflammatory handbills are put up in the night. but the romans thus far resist all intrigues of the foe to excite them to bad conduct. on new-year's day, however, success was near. the people, as usual, asked permission of the governor to go to the quirinal and receive the benediction of the pope. this was denied, and not, as it might truly have been, because the pope was unwell, but in the most ungracious, irritating manner possible, by saying, "he is tired of these things: he is afraid of disturbance." then, the people being naturally excited and angry, the governor sent word to the pope that there was excitement, without letting him know why, and had the guards doubled on the posts. the most absurd rumors were circulated among the people that the cannon of st. angelo were to be pointed on them, &c. but they, with that singular discretion which they show now, instead of rising, as their enemies had hoped, went to ask counsel of their lately appointed senator, corsini. he went to the pope, found him ill, entirely ignorant of what was going on, and much distressed when he heard it. he declared that the people should be satisfied, and, since they had not been allowed to come to him, he would go to them. accordingly, the next day, though rainy and of a searching cold like that of a scotch mist, we had all our windows thrown open, and the red and yellow tapestries hung out. he passed through the principal parts of the city, the people throwing themselves on their knees and crying out, "o holy father, don't desert us! don't forget us! don't listen to our enemies!" the pope wept often, and replied, "fear nothing, my people, my heart is yours." at last, seeing how ill he was, they begged him to go in, and he returned to the quirinal; the present tribune of the people, as far as rule in the heart is concerned, ciceronacchio, following his carriage. i shall give some account of this man in another letter. for the moment, the difficulties are healed, as they will be whenever the pope directly shows himself to the people. then his generous, affectionate heart will always act, and act on them, dissipating the clouds which others have been toiling to darken. in speaking of the intrigues of these emissaries of the power of darkness, i will mention that there is a report here that they are trying to get an italian consul for the united states, and one in the employment of the jesuits. this rumor seems ridiculous; yet it is true that dr. beecher's panic about catholic influence in the united states is not quite unfounded, and that there is considerable hope of establishing a new dominion there. i hope the united states will appoint no italian, no catholic, to a consulship. the representative of the united states should be american; our national character and interests are peculiar, and cannot be fitly represented by a foreigner, unless, like mr. ombrossi of florence, he has passed part of his youth in the united states. it would, indeed, be well if our government paid attention to qualification for the office in the candidate, and not to pretensions founded on partisan service; appointing only men of probity, who would not stain the national honor in the sight of europe. it would be wise also not to select men entirely ignorant of foreign manners, customs, ways of thinking, or even of any language in which to communicate with foreign society, making the country ridiculous by all sorts of blunders; but 't were pity if a sufficient number of americans could not be found, who are honest, have some knowledge of europe and gentlemanly tact, and are able at least to speak french. to return to the pope, although the shadow that has fallen on his popularity is in a great measure the work of his enemies, yet there is real cause for it too. his conduct in deposing for a time one of the censors, about the banners of the th of december, his speech to the council the same day, his extreme displeasure at the sympathy of a few persons with the triumph of the swiss diet, because it was a protestant triumph, and, above all, his speech to the consistory, so deplorably weak in thought and absolute in manner, show a man less strong against domestic than foreign foes, instigated by a generous, humane heart to advance, but fettered by the prejudices of education, and terribly afraid to be or seem to be less the pope of rome, in becoming a reform prince, and father to the fatherless. i insert a passage of this speech, which seems to say that, whenever there shall be collision between the priest and the reformer, the priest shall triumph:-- "another subject there is which profoundly afflicts and harasses our mind. it is not certainly unknown to you, venerable brethren, that many enemies of catholic truth have, in our times especially, directed their efforts by the desire to place certain monstrous offsprings of opinion on a par with the doctrine of christ, or to blend them therewith, seeking to propagate more and more that impious system of _indifference_ toward all religion whatever. "and lately some have been found, dreadful to narrate! who have offered such an insult to our name and apostolic dignity, as slanderously to represent us participators in their folly, and favorers of that most iniquitous system above named. these have been pleased to infer from, the counsels (certainly not foreign to the sanctity of the catholic religion) which, in certain affairs pertaining to the civil exercise of the pontific sway, we had benignly embraced for the increase of public prosperity and good, and also from the pardon bestowed in clemency upon certain persons subject to that sway, in the very beginning of our pontificate, that we had such benevolent sentiments toward every description of persons as to believe that not only the sons of the church, but others also, remaining aliens from catholic unity, are alike in the way of salvation, and may attain eternal life. words are wanting to us, from horror, to repel this new and atrocious calumny against us. it is true that with intimate affection of heart we love all mankind, but not otherwise than in the charity of god and of our lord jesus christ, who came to seek and to save that which had perished, who wisheth that all men should be saved and come to a knowledge of the truth, and who sent his disciples through the whole world to preach the gospel to every creature, declaring that those who should believe and be baptized should be saved, but those who should not believe, should be condemned. let those therefore who seek salvation come to the pillar and support of the truth, which is the church,--let them come, that is, to the true church of christ, which possesses in its bishops and the supreme head of all, the roman pontiff, a never-interrupted succession of apostolic authority, and which for nothing has ever been more zealous than to preach, and with all care preserve and defend, the doctrine announced as the mandate of christ by his apostles; which church afterward increased, from the time of the apostles, in the midst of every species of difficulties, and flourished throughout the whole world, radiant in the splendor of miracles, amplified by the blood of martyrs, ennobled by the virtues of confessors and virgins, corroborated by the testimony and most sapient writings of the fathers,--as it still flourishes throughout all lands, refulgent in perfect unity of the sacraments, of faith, and of holy discipline. we who, though unworthy, preside in this supreme chair of the apostle peter, in which christ our lord placed the foundation of his church, have at no time abstained, from any cares or toils to bring, through the grace of christ himself, those who are in ignorance and error to this sole way of truth and salvation. let those, whoever they be, that are adverse, remember that heaven and earth shall pass away, but nothing can ever perish of the words of christ, nor be changed in the doctrine which the catholic church received, to guard, defend, and publish, from him. "next to this we cannot but speak to you, venerable brethren, of the bitterness of sorrow by which we were affected, on seeing that a few days since, in this our fair city, the fortress and centre of the catholic religion, it proved possible to find some--very few indeed and well-nigh frantic men--who, laying aside the very sense of humanity, and to the extreme disgust and indignation of other citizens of this town, were not withheld, by horror from triumphing openly and publicly over the most lamentable intestine war lately excited among the helvetic people; which truly fatal war we sorrow over from the depths of our heart, as well considering the blood shed by that nation, the slaughter of brothers, the atrocious, daily recurring, and fatal discords, hatreds, and dissensions (which usually redound among nations in consequence especially of civil wars), as the detriment which we learn the catholic religion has suffered, and fear it may yet suffer, in consequence of this, and, finally, the deplorable acts of sacrilege committed in the first conflict, which our soul shrinks from narrating." it is probably on account of these fears of pius ix. lest he should be a called a protestant pope, that the roman journals thus far, in translating the american address to the pope, have not dared to add any comment. but if the heart, the instincts, of this good man have been beyond his thinking powers, that only shows him the providential agent to work out aims beyond his ken. a wave has been set in motion, which cannot stop till it casts up its freight upon the shore, and if pius ix. does not suffer himself to be surrounded by dignitaries, and see the signs of the times through the eyes of others,--if he does not suffer the knowledge he had of general society as a simple prelate to become incrusted by the ignorance habitual to princes,--he cannot fail long to be a most important agent in fashioning a new and better era for this beautiful injured land. i will now give another document, which may be considered as representing the view of what is now passing taken by the democratic party called "young italy." should it in any other way have reached the united states, yet it will not come amiss to have it translated for the tribune, as many of your readers may not otherwise have a chance of seeing this noble document, one of the milestones in the march of thought. it is a letter to the most high pontiff, pius ix., from joseph mazzini. "london, th september, . "most holy father,--permit an italian, who has studied your every step for some months back with much hopefulness, to address to you, in the midst of the applauses, often far too servile and unworthy of you, which, resound near you, some free and profoundly sincere words. take to read them some moments from your infinite cares. from a simple individual animated by holy intentions may come, sometimes, a great counsel; and i write to you with so much love, with so much emotion of my whole soul, with so much faith in the destiny of my country, which may be revived by your means, that my thoughts ought to speak truth. "and first, it is needful, most holy father, that i should say to you somewhat of myself. my name has probably reached your ears, but accompanied by all the calumnies, by all the errors, by all the foolish conjectures, which the police, by system, and many men of my party through want of knowledge or poverty of intellect, have heaped upon it. i am not a subverter, nor a communist, nor a man of blood, nor a hater, nor intolerant, nor exclusive adorer of a system, or of a form imagined by my mind. i adore god, and an idea which seems to me of god,--italy an angel of moral unity and of progressive civilization for the nations of europe. here and everywhere i have written the best i know how against the vices of materialism, of egotism, of reaction, and against the destructive tendencies which contaminate many of our party. if the people should rise in violent attack against the selfishness and bad government of their rulers, i, while rendering homage to the right of the people, shall be among the first to prevent the excesses and the vengeance which long slavery has prepared. i believe profoundly in a religious principle, supreme above all social ordinances; in a divine order, which we ought to seek to realize here on earth; in a law, in a providential design, which we all ought, according to our powers, to study and to promote. i believe in the inspiration of my immortal soul, in the teaching of humanity, which shouts to me, through the deeds and words of all its saints, incessant progress for all through, the work of all my brothers toward a common moral amelioration, toward the fulfilment of the divine law. and in the great history of humanity i have studied the history of italy, and have found there rome twice directress of the world,--first through the emperors, later through the popes. i have found there, that every manifestation of italian life has also been a manifestation of european life; and that always when italy fell, the moral unity of europe began to fall apart in analysis, in doubt, in anarchy. i believe in yet another manifestation of the italian idea; and i believe that another european world ought to be revealed from the eternal city, that had the capitol, and has the vatican. and this faith has not abandoned me ever, through years, poverty, and griefs which god alone knows. in these few words lies all my being, all the secret of my life. i may err in the intellect, but the heart has always remained pure. i have never lied through fear or hope, and i speak to you as i should speak to god beyond the sepulchre. "i believe you good. there is no man this day, i will not say in italy, but in all europe, more powerful than you; you then have, most holy father, vast duties. god measures these according to the means which he has granted to his creatures. "europe is in a tremendous crisis of doubts and desires. through the work of time, accelerated by your predecessors of the hierarchy of the church, faith is dead, catholicism is lost in despotism; protestantism is lost in anarchy. look around you; you will find superstitious and hypocrites, but not believers. the intellect travels in a void. the bad adore calculation, physical good; the good pray and hope; nobody _believes_. kings, governments, the ruling classes, combat for a power usurped, illegitimate, since it does not represent the worship of truth, nor disposition to sacrifice one's self for the good of all; the people combat because they suffer, because they would fain take their turn to enjoy; nobody fights for duty, nobody because the war against evil and falsehood is a holy war, the crusade of god. we have no more a heaven; hence we have no more a society. "do not deceive yourself, most holy father; this is the present state of europe. "but humanity cannot exist without a heaven. the idea of society is only a consequence of the idea of religion. we shall have then, sooner or later, religion and heaven. we shall have these not in the kings and the privileged classes,--their very condition excludes love, the soul of all religions,--but in the people. the spirit from god descends on many gathered together in his name. the people have suffered for ages on the cross, and god will bless them with a faith. "you can, most holy father, hasten that moment. i will not tell you my individual opinions on the religious development which is to come; these are of little importance. but i will say to you, that, whatever be the destiny of the creeds now existing, you can put yourself at the head of this development. if god wills that such creeds should revive, you can make them revive; if god wills that they should be transformed, that, leaving the foot of the cross, dogma and worship should be purified by rising a step nearer god, the father and educator of the world, you can put yourself between the two epochs, and guide the world to the conquest and the practice of religious truth, extirpating a hateful egotism, a barren negation. "god preserve me from tempting you with ambition; that would be profanation. i call you, in the name of the power which god has granted you, and has not granted without a reason, to fulfil the good, the regenerating european work. i call you, after so many ages of doubt and corruption, to be apostle of eternal truth. i call you to make yourself the 'servant of all,' to sacrifice yourself, if needful, so that 'the will of god may be done on the earth as it is in heaven'; to hold yourself ready to glorify god in victory, or to repeat with resignation, if you must fail, the words of gregory vii.: 'i die in exile, because i have loved justice and hated iniquity.' "but for this, to fulfil the mission which god confides to you, two things are needful,--to be a believer, and to unify italy. without the first, you will fall in the middle of the way, abandoned by god and by men; without the second, you will not have the lever with which only you can effect great, holy, and durable things. "be a believer; abhor to be king, politician, statesman. make no compromise with error; do not contaminate yourself with diplomacy, make no compact with fear, with expediency, with the false doctrines of a _legality_, which is merely a falsehood invented when faith failed. take no counsel except from god, from the inspirations of your own heart, and from the imperious necessity of rebuilding a temple to truth, to justice, to faith. self-collected, in enthusiasm of love for humanity, and apart from every human regard, ask of god that he will teach you the way; then enter upon it, with the faith of a conqueror on your brow, with the irrevocable decision of the martyr in your heart; look neither to the right hand nor the left, but straight before you, and up to heaven. of every object that meets you on the way, ask of yourself: 'is this just or unjust, true or false, law of man or law of god?' proclaim aloud the result of your examination, and act accordingly. do not say to yourself: 'if i speak and work in such a way, the princes of the earth will disagree; the ambassadors will present notes and protests!' what are the quarrels of selfishness in princes, or their notes, before a syllable of the eternal evangelists of god? they have had importance till now, because, though phantoms, they had nothing to oppose them but phantoms; oppose to them the reality of a man who sees the divine view, unknown to them, of human affairs, of an immortal soul conscious of a high mission, and these will vanish before you as vapors accumulated in darkness before the sun which rises in the east. do not let yourself be affrighted by intrigues; the creature who fulfils a duty belongs not to men, but to god. god will protect you; god will spread around you such a halo of love, that neither the perfidy of men irreparably lost, nor the suggestions of hell, can break through it. give to the world a spectacle new, unique: you will have results new, not to be foreseen by human calculation. announce an era; declare that humanity is sacred, and a daughter of god; that all who violate her rights to progress, to association, are on the way of error; that in god is the source of every government; that those who are best by intellect and heart, by genius and virtue, must be the guides of the people. bless those who suffer and combat; blame, reprove, those who cause suffering, without regard to the name they bear, the rank that invests them. the people will adore in you the best interpreter of the divine design, and your conscience will give you rest, strength, and ineffable comfort. "unify italy, your country. for this you have no need to work, but to bless him who works through you and in your name. gather round you those who best represent the national party. do not beg alliances with princes. continue to seek the alliance of our own people; say, 'the unity of italy ought to be a fact of the nineteenth century,' and it will suffice; we shall work for you. leave our pens free; leave free the circulation of ideas in what regards this point, vital for us, of the national unity. treat the austrian government, even when it no longer menaces your territory, with the reserve of one who knows that it governs by usurpation in italy and elsewhere; combat it with words of a just man, wherever it contrives oppressions and violations of the rights of others out of italy. require, in the name of the god of peace, the jesuits allied with austria in switzerland to withdraw from that country, where their presence prepares an inevitable and speedy effusion of the blood of the citizens. give a word of sympathy which shall become public to the first pole of galicia who comes into your presence. show us, in fine, by some fact, that you intend not only to improve the physical condition of your own few subjects, but that you embrace in your love the twenty-four millions of italians, your brothers; that you believe them called by god to unite in family unity under one and the same compact; that you would bless the national banner, wherever it should be raised by pure and incontaminate hands; and leave the rest to us. we will cause to rise around you a nation over whose free and popular development you, living, shall preside. we will found a government unique in europe, which shall destroy the absurd divorce between spiritual and temporal power, and in which you shall be chosen to represent the principle of which the men chosen by the nation will make the application. we shall know how to translate into a potent fact the instinct which palpitates through all italy. we will excite for you active support among the nations of europe; we will find you friends even in the ranks of austria; we alone, because we alone have unity of design, believe in the truth of our principle, and have never betrayed it. do not fear excesses from the people once entered upon this way; the people only commit excesses when left to their own impulses without any guide whom they respect. do not pause before the idea of becoming a cause of war. war exists, everywhere, open or latent, but near breaking out, inevitable; nor can human power prevent it. nor do i, it must be said frankly, most holy father, address to you these words because i doubt in the least of our destiny, or because i believe you the sole, the indispensable means of the enterprise. the unity of italy is a work of god,--a part of the design of providence and of all, even of those who show themselves most satisfied with local improvements, and who, less sincere than i, wish to make them means of attaining their own aims. it will be fulfilled, with you or without you. but i address you, because i believe you worthy to take the initiative in a work so vast; because your putting yourself at the head of it would much abridge the road and diminish the dangers, the injury, the blood; because with you the conflict would assume a religious aspect, and be freed from many dangers of reaction and civil errors; because might be attained at once under your banner a political result and a vast moral result; because the revival of italy under the ægis of a religious idea, of a standard, not of rights, but of duties, would leave behind all the revolutions of other countries, and place her immediately at the head of european progress; because it is in your power to cause that god and the people, terms too often fatally disjoined, should meet at once in beautiful and holy harmony, to direct the fate of nations. "if i could be near you, i would invoke from god power to convince you, by gesture, by accent, by tears; now i can only confide to the paper the cold corpse, as it were, of my thought; nor can i ever have the certainty that you have read, and meditated a moment what i write. but i feel an imperious necessity of fulfilling this duty toward italy and you, and, whatsoever you may think of it, i shall find myself more in peace with my conscience for having thus addressed you. "believe, most holy father, in the feelings of veneration and of high hope which professes for you your most devoted "joseph mazzini." whatever may be the impression of the reader as to the ideas and propositions contained in this document,[a] i think he cannot fail to be struck with its simple nobleness, its fervent truth. [footnote a: this letter was printed in paris to be circulated in italy. a prefatory note signed by a friend of mazzini's, states that the original was known to have reached the hands of the pope. the hope is expressed that the publication of this letter, though without the authority of its writer, will yet not displease him, as those who are deceived as to his plans and motives will thus learn his true purposes and feelings, and the letter will one day aid the historian who seeks to know what were the opinions and hopes of the entire people of italy.--ed.] a thousand petty interruptions have prevented my completing this letter, till, now the hour of closing the mail for the steamer is so near, i shall not have time to look over it, either to see what i have written or make slight corrections. however, i suppose it represents the feelings of the last few days, and shows that, without having lost any of my confidence in the italian movement, the office of the pope in promoting it has shown narrower limits, and sooner than i had expected. this does not at all weaken my personal feeling toward this excellent man, whose heart i have seen in his face, and can never doubt. it was necessary to be a great thinker, a great genius, to compete with the difficulties of his position. i never supposed he was that; i am only disappointed that his good heart has not carried him on a little farther. with regard to the reception of the american address, it is only the roman press that is so timid; the private expressions of pleasure have been very warm; the italians say, "the americans are indeed our brothers." it remains to be seen, when pius ix. receives it, whether the man, the reforming prince, or the pope is uppermost at that moment. letter xxii. the ceremonies succeeding epiphany.--the death of torlonia, and its predisposing causes.--funeral honors.--a striking contrast in the decease of the cardinal prince massimo.--the pope and his officers of state.--the cardinal bofondi.--sympathetic excitements through italy.--sicily in full insurrection.--the king of sicily, prince metternich, and louis philippe.--a rumor as to the parentage of the king of the french.--rome: ave maria.--life in the eternal city.--the bambino.--catholicism: its gifts and its workings.--the church of ara coeli.--exhibition of the bambino.--bygone superstition and living reality.--the soul of catholicism has fled.--reflections.--exhibition by the college of the propaganda.--exercises in all languages.-- disturbances and their causes.--thoughts.--blessing animals.--accounts from pavia.--austria.--the king of naples.--rumors from other parts of europe.--france.--guizot.--appearances and apprehensions. rome, january, . i think i closed my last letter, without having had time to speak of the ceremonies that precede and follow epiphany. this month, no day, scarcely an hour, has passed unmarked by some showy spectacle or some exciting piece of news. on the last day of the year died don carlo torlonia, brother of the banker, a man greatly beloved and regretted. the public felt this event the more that its proximate cause was an attack made upon his brother's house by paradisi, now imprisoned in the castle of st. angelo, pending a law process for proof of his accusations. don carlo had been ill before, and the painful agitation caused by these circumstances decided his fate. the public had been by no means displeased at this inquiry into the conduct of don alessandro torlonia, believing that his assumed munificence is, in this case, literally a robbery of peter to pay paul, and that all he gives to rome is taken from rome. but i sympathized no less with the affectionate indignation of his brother, too good a man to be made the confidant of wrong, or have eyes for it, if such exist. thus, in the poetical justice which does not fail to be done in the prose narrative of life, while men hastened, the moment a cry was raised against don alessandro, to echo it back with all kinds of imputations both on himself and his employees, every man held his breath, and many wept, when the mortal remains of don carlo passed; feeling that in him was lost a benefactor, a brother, a simple, just man. don carlo was a knight of malta; yet with him the celibate life had not hardened the heart, but only left it free on all sides to general love. not less than half a dozen pompous funerals were given in his honor, by his relatives, the brotherhoods to which he belonged, and the battalion of the civic guard of which he was commander-in-chief. but in his own house the body lay in no other state than that of a simple franciscan, the order to which he first belonged, and whose vow he had kept through half a century, by giving all he had for the good of others. he lay on the ground in the plain dark robe and cowl, no unfit subject for a modern picture of little angels descending to shower lilies on a good man's corpse. the long files of armed men, the rich coaches, and liveried retinues of the princes, were little observed, in comparison with more than a hundred orphan girls whom his liberality had sustained, and who followed the bier in mourning robes and long white veils, spirit-like, in the dark night. the trumpet's wail, and soft, melancholy music from the bands, broke at times the roll of the muffled drum; the hymns of the church were chanted, and volleys of musketry discharged, in honor of the departed; but much more musical was the whisper in which the crowd, as passed his mortal frame, told anecdotes of his good deeds. i do not know when i have passed more consolatory moments than in the streets one evening during this pomp and picturesque show,--for once not empty of all meaning as to the present time, recognizing that good which remains in the human being, ineradicable by all ill, and promises that our poor, injured nature shall rise, and bloom again, from present corruption to immortal purity. if don carlo had been a thinker,--a man of strong intellect,--he might have devised means of using his money to more radical advantage than simply to give it in alms; he had only a kind human heart, but from that heart distilled a balm which made all men bless it, happy in finding cause to bless. as in the moral little books with which our nurseries are entertained, followed another death in violent contrast. one of those whom the new arrangements deprived of power and the means of unjust gain was the cardinal prince massimo, a man a little younger than don carlo, but who had passed his forty years in a very different manner. he remonstrated; the pope was firm, and, at last, is said to have answered with sharp reproof for the past. the cardinal contained himself in the audience, but, going out, literally suffocated with the rage he had suppressed. the bad blood his bad heart had been so long making rushed to his head, and he died on his return home. men laughed, and proposed that all the widows he had deprived of a maintenance should combine to follow _his_ bier. it was said boys hissed as that bier passed. now, a splendid suit of lace being for sale in a shop of the corso, everybody says: "have you been to look at the lace of cardinal massimo, who died of rage, because he could no longer devour the public goods?" and this is the last echo of _his_ requiem. the pope is anxious to have at least well-intentioned men in places of power. men of much ability, it would seem, are not to be had. his last prime minister was a man said to have energy, good dispositions, but no thinking power. the cardinal bofondi, whom he has taken now, is said to be a man of scarce any ability; there being few among the new councillors the public can name as fitted for important trust. in consolation, we must remember that the chancellor oxenstiern found nothing more worthy of remark to show his son, than by how little wisdom the world could be governed. we must hope these men of straw will serve as thatch to keep out the rain, and not be exposed to the assaults of a devouring flame. yet that hour may not be distant. the disturbances of the st of january here were answered by similar excitements in leghorn and genoa, produced by the same hidden and malignant foe. at the same time, the austrian government in milan organized an attempt to rouse the people to revolt, with a view to arrests, and other measures calculated to stifle the spirit of independence they know to be latent there. in this iniquitous attempt they murdered eighty persons; yet the citizens, on their guard, refused them the desired means of ruin, and they were forced to retractions as impudently vile as their attempts had been. the viceroy proclaimed that "he hoped the people would confide in him as he did in them"; and no doubt they will. at leghorn and genoa, the wiles of the foe were baffled by the wisdom of the popular leaders, as i trust they always will be; but it is needful daily to expect these nets laid in the path of the unwary. sicily is in full insurrection; and it is reported naples, but this is not sure. there was a report, day before yesterday, that the poor, stupid king was already here, and had taken cheap chambers at the hotel d'allemagne, as, indeed, it is said he has always a turn for economy, when he cannot live at the expense of his suffering people. day before yesterday, every carriage that the people saw with a stupid-looking man in it they did not know, they looked to see if it was not the royal runaway. but it was their wish was father to that thought, and it has not as yet taken body as fact. in like manner they report this week the death of prince metternich; but i believe it is not sure he is dead yet, only dying. with him passes one great embodiment of ill to europe. as for louis philippe, he seems reserved to give the world daily more signal proofs of his base apostasy to the cause that placed him on the throne, and that heartless selfishness, of which his face alone bears witness to any one that has a mind to read it. how the french nation could look upon that face, while yet flushed with the hopes of the three days, and put him on the throne as representative of those hopes, i cannot conceive. there is a story current in italy, that he is really the child of a man first a barber, afterwards a police-officer, and was substituted at nurse for the true heir of orleans; and the vulgarity of form in his body of limbs, power of endurance, greed of gain, and hard, cunning intellect, so unlike all traits of the weak, but more "genteel" bourbon race, might well lend plausibility to such a fable. but to return to rome, where i hear the ave maria just ringing. by the way, nobody pauses, nobody thinks, nobody prays. "ave maria! 't is the hour of prayer, ave maria! 't is the hour of love," &c., is but a figment of the poet's fancy. to return to rome: what a rome! the fortieth day of rain, and damp, and abominable reeking odors, such as blessed cities swept by the sea-breeze--bitter sometimes, yet indeed a friend--never know. it has been dark all day, though the lamp has only been lit half an hour. the music of the day has been, first the atrocious _arias_, which last in the corso till near noon, though certainly less in virulence on rainy days. then came the wicked organ-grinder, who, apart from the horror of the noise, grinds exactly the same obsolete abominations as at home or in england,--the copenhagen waltz, "home, sweet home," and all that! the cruel chance that both an english my-lady and a councillor from one of the provinces live opposite, keeps him constantly before my window, hoping baiocchi. within, the three pet dogs of my landlady, bereft of their walk, unable to employ their miserable legs and eyes, exercise themselves by a continual barking, which is answered by all the dogs in the neighborhood. an urchin returning from the laundress, delighted with the symphony, lays down his white bundle in the gutter, seats himself on the curb-stone, and attempts an imitation of the music of cats as a tribute to the concert. the door-bell rings. _chi è?_ "who is it?" cries the handmaid, with unweariable senselessness, as if any one would answer, _rogue_, or _enemy_, instead of the traditionary _amico_, _friend_. can it be, perchance, a letter, news of home, or some of the many friends who have neglected so long to write, or some ray of hope to break the clouds of the difficult future? far from it. enter a man poisoning me at once with the smell of the worst possible cigars, not to be driven out, insisting i shall look upon frightful, ill-cut cameos, and worse-designed mosaics, made by some friend of his, who works in a chamber and will sell _so_ cheap. man of ill-odors and meanest smile! i am no countess to be fooled by you. for dogs they were not even--dog-cheap. a faint and misty gleam of sun greeted the day on which there was the feast to the bambino, the most venerated doll of rome. this is the famous image of the infant jesus, reputed to be made of wood from a tree of palestine, and which, being taken away from its present abode,--the church of ara coeli,--returned by itself, making the bells ring as it sought admittance at the door. it is this which is carried in extreme cases to the bedside of the sick. it has received more splendid gifts than any other idol. an orphan by my side, now struggling with difficulties, showed me on its breast a splendid jewel, which a doting grandmother thought more likely to benefit her soul if given to the bambino, than if turned into money to give her grandchildren education and prospects in life. the same old lady left her vineyard, not to these children, but to her confessor, a well-endowed monsignor, who occasionally asks this youth, his godson, to dinner! children so placed are not quite such devotees to catholicism as the new proselytes of america;--they are not so much patted on the head, and things do not show to them under quite the same silver veil. the church of ara coeli is on or near the site of the temple of capitoline jove, which certainly saw nothing more idolatrous than these ceremonies. for about a week the bambino is exhibited in an illuminated chapel, in the arms of a splendidly dressed madonna doll. behind, a transparency represents the shepherds, by moonlight, at the time the birth was announced, and, above, god the father, with many angels hailing the event. a pretty part of this exhibition, which i was not so fortunate as to hit upon, though i went twice on purpose, is the children making little speeches in honor of the occasion. many readers will remember some account of this in andersen's "improvvisatore." the last time i went was the grand feast in honor of the bambino. the church was entirely full, mostly with contadini and the poorer people, absorbed in their devotions: one man near me never raised his head or stirred from his knees to see anything; he seemed in an anguish of prayer, either from repentance or anxiety. i wished i could have hoped the ugly little doll could do mm any good. the noble stair which descends from the great door of this church to the foot of the capitol,--a stair made from fragments of the old imperial time,--was flooded with people; the street below was a rapid river also, whose waves were men. the ceremonies began with splendid music from the organ, pealing sweetly long and repeated invocations. as if answering to this call, the world came in, many dignitaries, the conservatori, (i think conservatives are the same everywhere, official or no,) and did homage to the image; then men in white and gold, with the candles they are so fond here of burning by daylight, as if the poorest artificial were better than the greatest natural light, uplifted high above themselves the baby, with its gilded robes and crown, and made twice the tour of the church, passing twice the column labelled "from the home of augustus," while the band played--what?--the hymn to pius ix. and "sons of rome, awake!" never was a crueller comment upon the irreconcilableness of these two things. rome seeks to reconcile reform and priestcraft. but her eyes are shut, that they see not. o awake indeed, romans! and you will see that the christ who is to save men is no wooden dingy effigy of bygone superstitions, but such as art has seen him in your better mood,--a child, living, full of love, prophetic of a boundless future,--a man acquainted with all sorrows that rend the heart of all, and ever loving man with sympathy and faith death could not quench,--_that_ christ lives and may be sought; burn your doll of wood. how any one can remain a catholic--i mean who has ever been aroused to think, and is not biassed by the partialities of childish years--after seeing catholicism here in italy, i cannot conceive. there was once a soul in the religion while the blood of its martyrs was yet fresh upon the ground, but that soul was always too much encumbered with the remains of pagan habits and customs: that soul is now quite fled elsewhere, and in the splendid catafalco, watched by so many white and red-robed snuff-taking, sly-eyed men, would they let it be opened, nothing would be found but bones! then the college for propagating all this, the most venerable propaganda, has given its exhibition in honor of the magi, wise men of the east who came to christ. i was there one day. in conformity with the general spirit of rome,--strangely inconsistent in a country where the madonna is far more frequently and devoutly worshipped than god or christ, in a city where at least as many female saints and martyrs are venerated as male,--there was no good place for women to sit. all the good seats were for the men in the area below, but in the gallery windows, and from the organ-loft, a few women were allowed to peep at what was going on. i was one of these exceptional characters. the exercises were in all the different languages under the sun. it would have been exceedingly interesting to hear them, one after the other, each in its peculiar cadence and inflection, but much of the individual expression was taken away by that general false academic tone which is sure to pervade such exhibitions where young men speak who have as yet nothing to say. it would have been different, indeed, if we could have heard natives of all those countries, who were animated by real feelings, real wants. still it was interesting, particularly the language and music of kurdistan, and the full-grown beauty of the greek after the ruder dialects. among those who appeared to the best advantage were several blacks, and the majesty of the latin hexameters was confided to a full-blooded guinea negro, who acquitted himself better than any other i heard. i observed, too, the perfectly gentlemanly appearance of these young men, and that they had nothing of that cuffy swagger by which those freed from a servile state try to cover a painful consciousness of their position in our country. their air was self-possessed, quiet and free beyond that of most of the whites. january , o'clock, p.m. pour, pour, pour again, dark as night,--many people coming in to see me because they don't know what to do with themselves. i am very glad to see them for the same reason; this atmosphere is so heavy, i seem to carry the weight of the world on my head and feel unfitted for every exertion. as to eating, that is a bygone thing; wine, coffee, meat, i have resigned; vegetables are few and hard to have, except horrible cabbage, in which the romans delight. a little rice still remains, which i take with pleasure, remembering it growing in the rich fields of lombardy, so green and full of glorious light. that light fell still more beautiful on the tall plantations of hemp, but it is dangerous just at present to think of what is made from hemp. this week all the animals are being blessed,[a] and they get a gratuitous baptism, too, the while. the lambs one morning were taken out to the church of st. agnes for this purpose. the little companion of my travels, if he sees this letter, will remember how often we saw her with her lamb in pictures. the horses are being blessed by st. antonio, and under his harmonizing influence are afterward driven through the city, twelve and even twenty in hand. they are harnessed into light wagons, and men run beside them to guard against accident, in case the good influence of the saint should fail. [footnote a: one of rome's singular customs.--ed.] this morning came the details of infamous attempts by the austrian police to exasperate the students of pavia. the way is to send persons to smoke cigars in forbidden places, who insult those who are obliged to tell them to desist. these traps seem particularly shocking when laid for fiery and sensitive young men. they succeeded: the students were lured, into combat, and a number left dead and wounded on both sides. the university is shut up; the inhabitants of pavia and milan have put on mourning; even at the theatre they wear it. the milanese will not walk in that quarter where the blood of their fellow-citizens has been so wantonly shed. they have demanded a legal investigation of the conduct of the officials. at piacenza similar attempts have been made to excite the italians, by smoking in their faces, and crying, "long live the emperor!" it is a worthy homage to pay to the austrian crown,--this offering of cigars and blood. "o this offence is rank; it smells to heaven." this morning authentic news is received from naples. the king, when assured by his own brother that sicily was in a state of irresistible revolt, and that even the women quelled the troops,--showering on them stones, furniture, boiling oil, such means of warfare as the household may easily furnish to a thoughtful matron,--had, first, a stroke of apoplexy, from, which the loss of a good deal of bad blood relieved him. his mind apparently having become clearer thereby, he has offered his subjects an amnesty and terms of reform, which, it is hoped, will arrive before his troops have begun to bombard the cities in obedience to earlier orders. comes also to-day the news that the french chamber of peers propose an address to the king, echoing back all the falsehoods of his speech, including those upon reform, and the enormous one that "the peace of europe is now assured"; but that some members have worthily opposed this address, and spoken truth in an honorable manner. also, that the infamous sacrifice of the poor little queen of spain puts on more tragic colors; that it is pretended she has epilepsy, and she is to be made to renounce the throne, which, indeed, has been a terrific curse to her. and heaven and earth have looked calmly on, while the king of france has managed all this with the most unnatural of mothers. january . this morning comes the plan of the address of the chamber of deputies to the king: it contains some passages that are keenest satire upon him, as also some remarks which have been made, some words of truth spoken in the chamber of peers, that must have given him some twinges of nervous shame as he read. m. guizot's speech on the affairs of switzerland shows his usual shabbiness and falsehood. surely never prime minister stood in so mean a position as he: one like metternich seems noble and manly in comparison; for if there is a cruel, atheistical, treacherous policy, there needs not at least continual evasion to avoid declaring in words what is so glaringly manifest in fact. there is news that the revolution has now broken out in naples; that neither sicilians nor neapolitans will trust the king, but demand his abdication; and that his bad demon, coclo, has fled, carrying two hundred thousand ducats of gold. but in particulars this news is not yet sure, though, no doubt, there is truth, at the bottom. aggressions on the part of the austrians continue in the north. the advocates tommaso and manin (a light thus reflected on the name of the last doge), having dared to declare formally the necessity of reform, are thrown into prison. every day the cloud swells, and the next fortnight is likely to bring important tidings. letter xxiii. unpleasantness of a roman winter.--progress of events in europe, and their effect upon italy.--the carnival.--rain interrupts the gayety.--rejoicings for the revolutions of france and austria.--transports of the people.--oblations to the cause of liberty.--castle fusano.--the weather, gladsomeness of nature, and the pleasure of thought. rome, march , . it is long since i have written. my health entirely gave way beneath the roman winter. the rain was constant, commonly falling in torrents from the th of december to the th of march. nothing could surpass the dirt, the gloom, the desolation, of rome. let no one fancy he has seen her who comes here only in the winter. it is an immense mistake to do so. i cannot sufficiently rejoice that i did not first see italy in the winter. the climate of rome at this time of extreme damp i have found equally exasperating and weakening. i have had constant nervous headache without strength to bear it, nightly fever, want of appetite. some constitutions bear it better, but the complaint of weakness and extreme dejection of spirits is general among foreigners in the wet season. the english say they become acclimated in two or three years, and cease to suffer, though never so strong as at home. now this long dark dream--to me the most idle and most suffering season of my life--seems past. the italian heavens wear again their deep blue; the sun shines gloriously; the melancholy lustres are stealing again over the campagna, and hundreds of larks sing unwearied above its ruins. nature seems in sympathy with the great events that are transpiring,--with the emotions which are swelling the hearts of men. the morning sun is greeted by the trumpets of the roman legions marching out once more, now not to oppress but to defend. the stars look down on their jubilees over the good news which nightly reaches them from their brothers of lombardy. this week has been one of nobler, sweeter feeling, of a better hope and faith, than rome in her greatest days ever knew. how much has happened since i wrote! first, the victorious resistance of sicily and the revolution of naples. this has led us yet only to half-measures, but even these have been of great use to the progress of italy. the neapolitans will probably have to get rid at last of the stupid crowned head who is at present their puppet; but their bearing with him has led to the wiser sovereigns granting these constitutions, which, if eventually inadequate to the wants of italy, will be so useful, are so needed, to educate her to seek better, completer forms of administration. in the midst of all this serious work came the play of carnival, in which there was much less interest felt than usual, but enough to dazzle and captivate a stranger. one thing, however, has been omitted in the description of the roman carnival; i.e. that it rains every day. almost every day came on violent rain, just as the tide of gay masks was fairly engaged in the corso. this would have been well worth bearing once or twice, for the sake of seeing the admirable good humor of this people. those who had laid out all their savings in the gayest, thinnest dresses, on carriages and chairs for the corso, found themselves suddenly drenched, their finery spoiled, and obliged to ride and sit shivering all the afternoon. but they never murmured, never scolded, never stopped throwing their flowers. their strength of constitution is wonderful. while i, in my shawl and boa, was coughing at the open window from the moment i inhaled the wet sepulchral air, the servant-girls of the house had taken off their woollen gowns, and, arrayed in white muslins and roses, sat in the drenched street beneath the drenching rain, quite happy, and have suffered nothing in consequence. the romans renounced the _moccoletti_, ostensibly as an expression of sympathy for the sufferings of the milanese, but really because, at that time, there was great disturbance about the jesuits, and the government feared that difficulties would arise in the excitement of the evening. but, since, we have had this entertainment in honor of the revolutions of france and austria, and nothing could be more beautiful. the fun usually consists in all the people blowing one another's lights out. we had not this; all the little tapers were left to blaze, and the long corso swarmed with tall fire-flies. lights crept out over the surface of all the houses, and such merry little twinkling lights, laughing and flickering with each slightest movement of those who held them! up and down the corso they twinkled, they swarmed, they streamed, while a surge of gay triumphant sound ebbed and flowed beneath that glittering surface. here and there danced men carrying aloft _moccoli_, and clanking chains, emblem of the tyrannic power now vanquished by the people;--the people, sweet and noble, who, in the intoxication of their joy, were guilty of no rude or unkindly word or act, and who, no signal being given as usual for the termination of their diversion, closed, of their own accord and with one consent, singing the hymns for pio, by nine o'clock, and retired peacefully to their homes, to dream of hopes they yet scarce understand. this happened last week. the news of the dethronement of louis philippe reached us just after the close of the carnival. it was just a year from my leaving paris. i did not think, as i looked with such disgust on the empire of sham he had established in france, and saw the soul of the people imprisoned and held fast as in an iron vice, that it would burst its chains so soon. whatever be the result, france has done gloriously; she has declared that she will not be satisfied with pretexts while there are facts in the world,--that to stop her march is a vain attempt, though the onward path be dangerous and difficult. it is vain to cry, peace! peace! when there is no peace. the news from france, in these days, sounds ominous, though still vague. it would appear that the political is being merged in the social struggle: it is well. whatever blood is to be shed, whatever altars cast down, those tremendous problems must be solved, whatever be the cost! that cost cannot fail to break many a bank, many a heart, in europe, before the good can bud again out of a mighty corruption. to you, people of america, it may perhaps be given to look on and learn in time for a preventive wisdom. you may learn the real meaning of the words fraternity, equality: you may, despite the apes of the past who strive to tutor you, learn the needs of a true democracy. you may in time learn to reverence, learn to guard, the true aristocracy of a nation, the only really nobles,--the laboring classes. and metternich, too, is crushed; the seed of the woman has had his foot on the serpent. i have seen the austrian arms dragged through the streets of rome and burned in the piazza del popolo. the italians embraced one another, and cried, _miracolo! providenza!_ the modern tribune ciceronacchio fed the flame with faggots; adam mickiewicz, the great poet of poland, long exiled from his country or the hopes of a country, looked on, while polish women, exiled too, or who perhaps, like one nun who is here, had been daily scourged by the orders of a tyrant, brought little pieces that had been scattered in the street and threw them into the flames,--an offering received by the italians with loud plaudits. it was a transport of the people, who found no way to vent their joy, but the symbol, the poesy, natural to the italian mind. the ever-too-wise "upper classes" regret it, and the germans choose to resent it as an insult to germany; but it was nothing of the kind; the insult was to the prisons of spielberg, to those who commanded the massacres of milan,--a base tyranny little congenial to the native german heart, as the true germans of germany are at this moment showing by their resolves, by their struggles. when the double-headed eagle was pulled down from above the lofty portal of the palazzo di venezia, the people placed there in its stead one of white and gold, inscribed with the name alta italia, and quick upon the emblem followed the news that milan was fighting against her tyrants,--that venice had driven them out and freed from their prisons the courageous protestants in favor of truth, tommaso and manin,--that manin, descendant of the last doge, had raised the republican banner on the place st. mark,--and that modena, that parma, were driving out the unfeeling and imbecile creatures who had mocked heaven and man by the pretence of government there. with indescribable rapture these tidings were received in rome. men were seen dancing, women weeping with joy along the street. the youth rushed to enroll themselves in regiments to go to the frontier. in the colosseum their names were received. father gavazzi, a truly patriotic monk, gave them the cross to carry on a new, a better, because defensive, crusade. sterbini, long exiled, addressed them. he said: "romans, do you wish to go; do you wish to go with all your hearts? if so, you _may_, and those who do not wish to go themselves may give money. to those who will go, the government gives bread and fifteen baiocchi a day." the people cried: "we wish to go, but we do not wish so much; the government is very poor; we can live on a paul a day." the princes answered by giving, one sixty thousand, others twenty, fifteen, ten thousand dollars. the people responded by giving at the benches which are opened in the piazzas literally everything; street-pedlers gave the gains of each day; women gave every ornament,--from the splendid necklace and bracelet down to the poorest bit of coral; servant-girls gave five pauls, two pauls, even half a paul, if they had no more. a man all in rags gave two pauls. "it is," said he, "all i have." "then," said torlonia, "take from me this dollar." the man of rags thanked him warmly, and handed that also to the bench, which refused to receive it. "no! _that_ must stay with you," shouted all present. these are the people whom the traveller accuses of being unable to rise above selfish considerations;--a nation rich and glorious by nature, capable, like all nations, all men, of being degraded by slavery, capable, as are few nations, few men, of kindling into pure flame at the touch of a ray from the sun of truth, of life. the two or three days that followed, the troops were marching about by detachments, followed always by the people, to the ponte molle, often farther. the women wept; for the habits of the romans are so domestic, that it seemed a great thing to have their sons and lovers gone even for a few months. the english--or at least those of the illiberal, bristling nature too often met here, which casts out its porcupine quills against everything like enthusiasm (of the more generous saxon blood i know some noble examples)--laughed at all this. they have said that this people would not fight; when the sicilians, men and women, did so nobly, they said: "o, the sicilians are quite unlike the italians; you will see, when the struggle comes on in lombardy, they cannot resist the austrian force a moment." i said: "that force is only physical; do not you think a sentiment can sustain them?" they replied: "all stuff and poetry; it will fade the moment their blood flows." when the news came that the milanese, men and women, fight as the sicilians did, they said: "well, the lombards are a better race, but these romans are good for nothing. it is a farce for a roman to try to walk even; they never walk a mile; they will not be able to support the first day's march of thirty miles, and not have their usual _minéstra_ to eat either." now the troops were not willing to wait for the government to make the necessary arrangements for their march, so at the first night's station--monterosi--they did _not_ find food or bedding; yet the second night, at civita castellana, they were so well alive as to remain dancing and vivaing pio nono in the piazza till after midnight. no, gentlemen, soul is not quite nothing, if matter be a clog upon its transports. the americans show a better, warmer feeling than they did; the meeting in new york was of use in instructing the americans abroad! the dinner given here on washington's birthday was marked by fine expressions of sentiment, and a display of talent unusual on such occasions. there was a poem from mr. story of boston, which gave great pleasure; a speech by mr. hillard, said to be very good, and one by rev. mr. hedge of bangor, exceedingly admired for the felicity of thought and image, and the finished beauty of style. next week we shall have more news, and i shall try to write and mention also some interesting things want of time obliges me to omit in this letter. april . yesterday i passed at ostia and castle fusano. a million birds sang; the woods teemed with blossoms; the sod grew green hourly over the graves of the mighty past; the surf rushed in on a fair shore; the tiber majestically retreated to carry inland her share from the treasures of the deep; the sea-breezes burnt my face, but revived my heart. i felt the calm of thought, the sublime hopes of the future, nature, man,--so great, though so little,--so dear, though incomplete. returning to rome, i find the news pronounced official, that the viceroy ranieri has capitulated at verona; that italy is free, independent, and one. i trust this will prove no april-foolery, no premature news; it seems too good, too speedy a realization of hope, to have come on earth, and can only be answered in the words of the proclamation made yesterday by pius ix.:-- "the events which these two months past have seen rush after one another in rapid succession, are no human work. woe to him who, in this wind, which shakes and tears up alike the lofty cedars and humble shrubs, hears not the voice of god! woe to human pride, if to the fault or merit of any man whatsoever it refer these wonderful changes, instead of adoring the mysterious designs of providence." letter xxiv. affairs in italy.--the provisional government of milan.--address to the german nation.--brotherhood, and the independence of italy.--the provisional government to the nations subject to the rule of the house of austria.--reflections on these movements.--lamartine.-- beranger.--mickiewicz in florence: enthusiastic reception: styled the dante of poland: his address before the florentines.--exiles returning.--mazzini.--the position of pius ix.--his dereliction from the cause of freedom and of progress.--the affair of the jesuits.-- his course in various matters.--language of the people.--the work begun by napoleon virtually finished.--the loss of pius ix. for the moment a great one.--the responsibility of events lying wholly with the people.--hopes and prospects of the future. rome, april , . in closing my last, i hoped to have some decisive intelligence to impart by this time, as to the fortunes of italy. but though everything, so far, turns in her favor, there has been no decisive battle, no final stroke. it pleases me much, as the news comes from day to day, that i passed so leisurely last summer over that part of lombardy now occupied by the opposing forces, that i have in my mind the faces both of the lombard and austrian leaders. a number of the present members of the provisional government of milan i knew while there; they are men of twenty-eight and thirty, much more advanced in thought than the moderates of rome, naples, tuscany, who are too much fettered with a bygone state of things, and not on a par in thought, knowledge, preparation for the great future, with the rest of the civilized world at this moment. the papers that emanate from the milanese government are far superior in tone to any that have been uttered by the other states. their protest in favor of their rights, their addresses to the germans at large and the countries under the dominion of austria, are full of nobleness and thoughts sufficiently great for the use of the coming age. these addresses i translate, thinking they may not in other form reach america. "the provisional government of milan to the german nation. "we hail you as brothers, valiant, learned, generous germans! "this salutation from a people just risen after a terrible struggle to self-consciousness and to the exercise of its rights, ought deeply to move your magnanimous hearts. "we deem ourselves worthy to utter that great word brotherhood, which effaces among nations the traditions of all ancient hate, and we proffer it over the new-made graves of our fellow-citizens, who have fought and died to give us the right to proffer it without fear or shame. "we call brothers men of all nations who believe and hope in the improvement of the human family, and seek the occasion to further it; but you, especially, we call brothers, you germans, with whom, we have in common so many noble sympathies,--the love of the arts and higher studies, the delight of noble contemplation,--with whom also we have much correspondence in our civil destinies. "with you are of first importance the interests of the great country, germany,--with us, those of the great country, italy. "we were induced to rise in arms against austria, (we mean, not the people, but the government of austria,) not only by the need of redeeming ourselves from the shame and grief of thirty-one years of the most abject despotism, but by a deliberate resolve to take our place upon the plane of nations, to unite with our brothers of the peninsula, and take rank with them under the great banner raised by pius ix., on which is written, the independence of italy. "can you blame us, independent germans? in blaming us, you would sink beneath your history, beneath your most honored and recent declarations. "we have chased the austrian from our soil; we shall give ourselves no repose till we have chased him from all parts of italy. no this enterprise we are all sworn; for this fights our army enrolled in every part of the peninsula,--an array of brothers led by the king of sardinia, who prides himself on being the sword of italy. "and the austrian is not more our enemy than yours. "the austrian--we speak still of the government, and not of the people--has always denied and contradicted the interests of the whole german nation, at the head of an assemblage of races differing in language, in customs, in institutions. when it was in his power to have corrected the errors of time and a dynastic policy, by assuming the high mission of uniting them by great moral interests, he preferred to arm one against the other, and to corrupt them all. "fearing every noble instinct, hostile to every grand idea, devoted to the material interests of an oligarchy of princes spoiled by a senseless education, of ministers who had sold their consciences, of speculators who subjected and sacrificed everything to gold, the only aim of such a government was to sow division everywhere. what wonder if everywhere in italy, as in germany, it reaps harvests of hate and ignominy. yes, of hate! to this the austrian has condemned us, to know hate and its deep sorrows. but we are absolved in the sight of god, and by the insults which have been heaped upon us for so many years, the unwearied efforts to debase us, the destruction of our villages, the cold-blooded slaughter of our aged people, our priests, our women, our children. and you,--you shall be the first to absolve us, you, virtuous among the germans, who certainly have shared our indignation when a venal and lying press accused us of being enemies to your great and generous nation, and we could not answer, and were constrained to devour in silence the shame of an accusation which wounded us to the heart. "we honor you, germans! we pant to give you glorious evidence of this. and, as a prelude to the friendly relations we hope to form with your governments, we seek to alleviate as much as possible the pains of captivity to some officers and soldiers belonging to various states of the germanic confederation, who fought in the austrian army. these we wish to send back to you, and are occupied by seeking the means to effect this purpose. we honor you so much, that we believe you capable of preferring to the bonds of race and language the sacred titles of misfortune and of right. "ah! answer to our appeal, valiant, wise, and generous germans! clasp the hand, which we offer you with the heart of a brother and friend; hasten to disavow every appearance of complicity with a government which the massacres of galicia and lombardy have blotted from the list of civilized and christian governments. it would be a beautiful thing for you to give this example, which will be new in history and worthy of these miraculous times,--the example of a strong and generous people casting aside other sympathies, other interests, to answer the invitation of a regenerate people, to cheer it in its new career, obedient to the great principles of justice, of humanity, of civil and christian brotherhood." "the provisional government of milan to the nations subject to the rule of the house of austria. "from your lands have come three armies which have brought war into ours; your speech is spoken by those hostile bands who come to us with fire and sword; nevertheless we come to you as to brothers. "the war which calls for our resistance is not your war; you are not our enemies: you are only instruments in the hand of our foe, and this foe, brothers, is common to us all. "before god, before men, solemnly we declare it,--our only enemy is the government of austria. "and that government which for so many years has labored to cancel, in the races it has subdued, every vestige of nationality, which takes no heed of their wants or prayers, bent only on serving miserable interests and more miserable pride, fomenting always antipathies conformably with the ancient maxim of tyrants, _divide and govern_,--this government has constituted itself the adversary of every generous thought, the ally and patron of all ignoble causes, the government declared by the whole civilized world paymaster of the executioners of galicia. "this government, after having pertinaciously resisted the legal expression of moderate desires,--after having defied with ludicrous hauteur the opinion of europe, has found itself in its metropolis too weak to resist an insurrection of students, and has yielded,--has yielded, making an assignment on time, and throwing to you, brothers, as an alms-gift to the importunate beggar, the promise of institutions which, in these days, are held essential conditions of life for a civilized nation. "but you have not confided in this promise; for the youth of vienna, which feels the inspiring breath of this miraculous time, is impelled on the path of progress; and therefore the austrian government, uncertain of itself and of your dispositions, took its old part of standing still to wait for events, in the hope of turning them to its own profit. "in the midst of this it received the news of our glorious revolution, and it thought to have found in this the best way to escape from its embarrassment. first it concealed that news; then made it known piecemeal, and disfigured by hypocrisy and hatred. we were a handful of rebels thirsting for german blood. we make a war of stilettos, we wish the destruction of all germany. but for us answers the admiration of all italy, of all europe, even the evidence of your own people whom we are constrained to hold prisoners or hostages, who will unanimously avow that we have shown heroic courage in the fight, heroic moderation in victory. "yes! we have risen as one man against the austrian government, to become again a nation, to make common cause with our italian brothers, and the arms which we have assumed for so great an object we shall not lay down till we have attained it. assailed by a brutal executor of brutal orders, we have combated in a just war; betrayed, a price set on our heads, wounded in the most vital parts, we have not transgressed the bounds of legitimate defence. the murders, the depredations of the hostile band, irritated against us by most wicked arts, have excited our horror, but never a reprisal. the soldier, his arms once laid down, was for us only an unfortunate. "but behold how the austrian government provokes you against us, and bids you come against us as a crusade! a crusade! the parody would be ludicrous if it were not so cruel. a crusade against a people which, in the name of christ, under a banner blessed by the vicar of christ, and revered by all the nations, fights to secure its indefeasible rights. "oh! if you form against us this crusade,--we have already shown the world what a people can do to reconquer its liberty, its independence,--we will show, also, what it can do to preserve them. if, almost unarmed, we have put to flight an army inured to war,--surely, brothers, that army wanted faith in the cause for which it fought,--can we fear that our courage will grow faint after our triumph, and when aided by all our brothers of italy? let the austrian government send against us its threatened battalions, they will find in our breasts a barrier more insuperable than the alps. everything will be a weapon to us; from every villa, from every field, from every hedge, will issue defenders of the national cause; women and children will fight like men; men will centuple their strength, their courage; and we will all perish amid the ruins of our city, before receiving foreign rule into this land which at last we call ours. "but this must not be. you, our brothers, must not permit it to be; your honor, your interests, do not permit it. will you fight in a cause which you must feel to be absurd and wicked? you sink to the condition of hirelings, and do you not believe that the austrian government, should it conquer us and italy, would turn against you the arms you had furnished for the conquest? do you not believe it would act as after the struggle with napoleon? and are you not terrified by the idea of finding yourself in conflict with all civilized europe, and constrained to receive, to feast as your ally, the autocrat of russia, that perpetual terror to the improvement and independence of europe? it is not possible for the house of lorraine to forget its traditions; it is not possible that it should resign itself to live tranquil in the atmosphere of liberty. you can only constrain it by sustaining yourself, with the germanic and slavonian nationalities, and with this italy, which longs only to see the nations harmonize with that resolve which she has finally taken, that she may never more be torn in pieces. "think of us, brothers. this is for you and for us a question of life and of death; it is a question on which depends, perhaps, the peace of europe. "for ourselves, we have already weighed the chances of the struggle, and subordinated them all to this final resolution, that we will be free and independent, with our brothers of italy. "we hope that our words will induce you to calm counsels; if not, you will find us on the field of battle generous and loyal enemies, as now we profess ourselves your generous and loyal brothers. (signed,) "casati, _president_, durini, strigelli, beretta, grappi, turroni, rezzonico, carbonera, borromeo, p. litta, giulini, guerrieri, porro, morroni, ab. anelli, correnti, _sec.-gen._" these are the names of men whose hearts glow with that generous ardor, the noble product of difficult times. into their hearts flows wisdom from on high,--thoughts great, magnanimous, brotherly. they may not all remain true to this high vocation, but, at any rate, they will have lived a period of true life. i knew some of these men when in lombardy; of old aristocratic families, with all the refinement of inheritance and education, they are thoroughly pervaded by principles of a genuine democracy of brotherhood and justice. in the flower of their age, they have before them a long career of the noblest usefulness, if this era follows up its present promise, and they are faithful to their present creed, and ready to improve and extend it. every day produces these remarkable documents. so many years as we have been suffocated and poisoned by the atmosphere of falsehood in official papers, how refreshing is the tone of noble sentiment in lamartine! what a real wisdom and pure dignity in the letter of béranger! _he_ was always absolutely true,--an oasis in the pestilential desert of humbug; but the present time allowed him a fine occasion. the poles have also made noble manifestations. their great poet, adam mickiewicz, has been here to enroll the italian poles, publish the declaration of faith in which they hope to re-enter and re-establish their country, and receive the pope's benediction on their banner. in their declaration of faith are found these three articles:-- "every one of the nation a citizen,--every citizen equal in rights and before authorities. "to the jew, our elder brother, respect, brotherhood, aid on the way to his eternal and terrestrial good, entire equality in political and civil rights. "to the companion of life, woman, citizenship, entire equality of rights." this last expression of just thought the poles ought to initiate, for what other nation has had such truly heroic women? women indeed,--not children, servants, or playthings. mickiewicz, with the squadron that accompanied him from rome, was received with the greatest enthusiasm at florence. deputations from the clubs and journals went to his hotel and escorted him to the piazza del gran dúca, where, amid an immense concourse of people, some good speeches were made. a florentine, with a generous forgetfulness of national vanity, addressed him as the dante of poland, who, more fortunate than the great bard and seer of italy, was likely to return to his country to reap the harvest of the seed he had sown. "o dante of poland! who, like our alighieri, hast received from heaven sovereign genius, divine song, but from earth sufferings and exile,--more happy than our alighieri, thou hast reacquired a country; already thou art meditating on the sacred harp the patriotic hymn of restoration and of victory. the pilgrims of poland have become the warriors of their nation. long live poland, and the brotherhood of nations!" when this address was finished, the great poet appeared on the balcony to answer. the people received him with a tumult of applause, followed by a profound silence, as they anxiously awaited his voice. those who are acquainted with the powerful eloquence, the magnetism, of mickiewicz as an orator, will not be surprised at the effect produced by this speech, though delivered in a foreign language. it is the force of truth, the great vitality of his presence, that loads his words with such electric power. he spoke as follows:-- "people of tuscany! friends! brothers! we receive your shouts of sympathy in the name of poland; not for us, but for our country. our country, though distant, claims from you this sympathy by its long martyrdom. the glory of poland, its only glory, truly christian, is to have suffered more than all the nations. in other countries the goodness, the generosity of heart, of some sovereigns protected the people; as yours has enjoyed the dawn of the era now coming, under the protection of your excellent prince. [viva leopold ii.!] but conquered poland, slave and victim, of sovereigns who were her sworn enemies and executioners,--poland, abandoned by the governments and the nations, lay in agony on her solitary golgotha. she was believed slain, dead, burred. 'we have slain her,' shouted the despots; 'she is dead!' [no, no! long live poland!] 'the dead cannot rise again,' replied the diplomatists; 'we may now be tranquil.' [a universal shudder of feeling in the crowd.] there came a moment in which the world doubted of the mercy and justice of the omnipotent. there was a moment in which the nations thought that the earth might be for ever abandoned by god, and condemned to the rule of the demon, its ancient lord. the nations forgot that jesus christ came down from heaven to give liberty and peace to the earth. the nations had forgotten all this. but god is just. the voice of pius ix. roused italy. [long live pius ix.!] the people of paris have driven out the great traitor against the cause of the nations. [bravo! viva the people of paris!] very soon will be heard the voice of poland. poland will rise again! [yes, yes! poland will rise again!] poland will call to life all the slavonic races,--the croats, the dalmatians, the bohemians, the moravians, the illyrians. these will form the bulwark against the tyrant of the north. [great applause.] they will close for ever the way against the barbarians of the north,--destroyers of liberty and of civilization. poland is called to do more yet: poland, as crucified nation, is risen again, and called to serve her sister nations. the will of god is, that christianity should become in poland, and through poland elsewhere, no more a dead letter of the law, but the living law of states and civil associations;--[great applause;]--that christianity should be manifested by acts, the sacrifices of generosity and liberality. this christianity is not new to you, florentines; your ancient republic knew and has acted upon it: it is time that the same spirit should make to itself a larger sphere. the will of god is that the nations should act towards one another as neighbors,--as brothers. [a tumult of applause.] and you, tuscans, have to-day done an act of christian brotherhood. receiving thus foreign, unknown pilgrims, who go to defy the greatest powers of the earth, you have in us saluted only what is in us of spiritual and immortal,--our faith and our patriotism. [applause.] we thank you; and we will now go into the church to thank god." "all the people then followed the poles to the church of santa cróce, where was sung the _benedictus dominus_, and amid the memorials of the greatness of italy collected in that temple was forged more strongly the chain of sympathy and of union between two nations, sisters in misfortune and in glory." this speech and its reception, literally translated from the journal of the day, show how pleasant it is on great occasions to be brought in contact with this people, so full of natural eloquence and of lively sensibility to what is great and beautiful. it is a glorious time too for the exiles who return, and reap even a momentary fruit of their long sorrows. mazzini has been able to return from his seventeen years' exile, during which there was no hour, night or day, that the thought of italy was banished from his heart,--no possible effort that he did not make to achieve the emancipation of his people, and with it the progress of mankind. he returns, like wordsworth's great man, "to see what he foresaw." he will see his predictions accomplishing yet for a long time, for mazzini has a mind far in advance of his times in general, and his nation in particular,--a mind that will be best revered and understood when the "illustrious gioberti" shall be remembered as a pompous verbose charlatan, with just talent enough to catch the echo from the advancing wave of his day, but without any true sight of the wants of man at this epoch. and yet mazzini sees not all: he aims at political emancipation; but he sees not, perhaps would deny, the bearing of some events, which even now begin to work their way. of this, more anon; but not to-day, nor in the small print of the tribune. suffice it to say, i allude to that of which the cry of communism, the systems of fourier, &c., are but forerunners. mazzini sees much already,--at milan, where he is, he has probably this day received the intelligence of the accomplishment of his foresight, implied in his letter to the pope, which angered italy by what was thought its tone of irreverence and doubt, some six months since. to-day is the th of may, for i had thrown aside this letter, begun the th of april, from a sense that there was something coming that would supersede what was then to say. this something has appeared in a form that will cause deep sadness to good hearts everywhere. good and loving hearts, that long for a human form which they can revere, will be unprepared and for a time must suffer much from the final dereliction of pius ix. to the cause of freedom, progress, and of the war. he was a fair image, and men went nigh to idolize it; this they can do no more, though they may be able to find excuse for his feebleness, love his good heart no less than before, and draw instruction from the causes that have produced his failure, more valuable than his success would have been. pius ix., no one can doubt who has looked on him, has a good and pure heart; but it needed also, not only a strong, but a great mind, "to _comprehend his trust_, and to the same keep faithful, with a singleness of aim." a highly esteemed friend in the united states wrote to express distaste to some observations in a letter of mine to the tribune on first seeing the pontiff a year ago, observing, "to say that he had not the expression of great intellect was _uncalled for_" alas! far from it; it was an observation that rose inevitably on knowing something of the task before pius ix., and the hopes he had excited. the problem he had to solve was one of such difficulty, that only one of those minds, the rare product of ages for the redemption of mankind, could be equal to its solution. the question that inevitably rose on seeing him was, "is he such a one?" the answer was immediately negative. but at the same time, he had such an aspect of true benevolence and piety, that a hope arose that heaven would act through him, and impel him to measures wise beyond his knowledge. this hope was confirmed by the calmness he showed at the time of the conspiracy of july, and the occupation of ferrara by the austrians. tales were told of simple wisdom, of instinct, which he obeyed in opposition to the counsels of all his cardinals. everything went on well for a time. but tokens of indubitable weakness were shown by the pope in early acts of the winter, in the removal of a censor at the suggestion of others, in his speech, to the consistory, in his answer to the first address of the council. in these he declared that, when there was conflict between the priest and the man, he always meant to be the priest; and that he preferred the wisdom of the past to that of the future. still, times went on bending his predeterminations to the call of the moment. he _acted_ wiselier than he intended; as, for instance, three weeks after declaring he would not give a constitution to his people, he gave it,--a sop to cerberus, indeed,--a poor vamped-up thing that will by and by have to give place to something more legitimate, but which served its purpose at the time as declaration of rights for the people. when the news of the revolution of vienna arrived, the pope himself cried _viva pio nono!_ and this ebullition of truth in one so humble, though opposed to his formal declarations, was received by his people with that immediate assent which truth commands. the revolution of lombardy followed. the troops of the line were sent thither; the volunteers rushed to accompany them. in the streets of rome was read the proclamation of charles albert, in which he styles himself the servant of italy and of pius ix. the priests preached the war, and justly, as a crusade; the pope blessed their banners. nobody dreamed, or had cause to dream, that these movements had not his full sympathy; and his name was in every form invoked as the chosen instrument of god to inspire italy to throw off the oppressive yoke of the foreigner, and recover her rights in the civilized world. at the same time, however, the pope was seen to act with great blindness in the affair of the jesuits. the other states of italy drove them out by main force, resolved not to have in the midst of the war a foe and spy in the camp. rome wished to do the same, but the pope rose in their defence. he talked as if they were assailed as a _religious_ body, when he could not fail, like everybody else, to be aware that they were dreaded and hated solely as agents of despotism. he demanded that they should be assailed only by legal means, when none such were available. the end was in half-measures, always the worst possible. he would not entirely yield, and the people would not at all. the order was ostensibly dissolved; but great part of the jesuits really remain here in disguise, a constant source of irritation and mischief, which, if still greater difficulties had not arisen, would of itself have created enough. meanwhile, in the earnestness of the clergy about the pretended loss of the head of st. andrew, in the ceremonies of the holy week, which at this juncture excited no real interest, was much matter for thought to the calm observer as to the restlessness of the new wine, the old bottles being heard to crack on every side, and hour by hour. thus affairs went on from day to day,--the pope kissing the foot of the brazen jupiter and blessing palms of straw at st. peter's; the _circolo romano_ erecting itself into a kind of jacobin club, dictating programmes for an italian diet-general, and choosing committees to provide for the expenses of the war; the civic guard arresting people who tried to make mobs as if famishing, and, being searched, were found well provided both with arms and money; the ministry at their wits' end, with their trunks packed up ready to be off at a moment's warning,--when the report, it is not yet known whether true or false, that one of the roman civic guard, a well-known artist engaged in the war of lombardy, had been taken and hung by the austrians as a brigand, roused the people to a sense of the position of their friends, and they went to the pope to demand that he should take a decisive stand, and declare war against the austrians. the pope summoned, a consistory; the people waited anxiously, for expressions of his were reported, as if the troops ought not to have thought of leaving the frontier, while every man, woman, and child in rome knew, and every letter and bulletin declared, that all their thought was to render active aid to the cause of italian independence. this anxious doubt, however, had not prepared at all for the excess to which they were to be disappointed. the speech of the pope declared, that he had never any thought of the great results which had followed his actions; that he had only intended local reforms, such as had previously been suggested by the potentates of europe; that he regretted the _mis_use which had been made of his name; and wound up by lamenting over the war,--dear to every italian heart as the best and holiest cause in which for ages they had been called to embark their hopes,--as if it was something offensive to the spirit of religion, and which he would fain see hushed up, and its motives smoothed out and ironed over. a momentary stupefaction followed this astounding performance, succeeded by a passion of indignation, in which the words _traitor_ and _imbecile_ were associated with the name that had been so dear to his people. this again yielded to a settled grief: they felt that he was betrayed, but no traitor; timid and weak, but still a sovereign whom they had adored, and a man who had brought them much good, which could not be quite destroyed by his wishing to disown it. even of this fact they had no time to stop and think; the necessity was too imminent of obviating the worst consequences of this ill; and the first thought was to prevent the news leaving rome, to dishearten the provinces and army, before they had tried to persuade the pontiff to wiser resolves, or, if this could not be, to supersede his power. i cannot repress my admiration at the gentleness, clearness, and good sense with which the roman people acted under these most difficult circumstances. it was astonishing to see the clear understanding which animated the crowd, as one man, and the decision with which they acted to effect their purpose. wonderfully has this people been developed within a year! the pope, besieged by deputations, who mildly but firmly showed him that, if he persisted, the temporal power must be placed in other hands, his ears filled with reports of cardinals, "such venerable persons," as he pathetically styles them, would not yield in spirit, though compelled to in act. after two days' struggle, he was obliged to place the power in the hands of the persons most opposed to him, and nominally acquiesce in their proceedings, while in his second proclamation, very touching from the sweetness of its tone, he shows a fixed misunderstanding of the cause at issue, which leaves no hope of his ever again being more than a name or an effigy in their affairs. his people were much affected, and entirely laid aside their anger, but they would not be blinded as to the truth. while gladly returning to their accustomed habits of affectionate homage toward the pontiff, their unanimous sense and resolve is thus expressed in an able pamphlet of the day, such as in every respect would have been deemed impossible to the rome of :-- "from the last allocution of pius result two facts of extreme gravity;--the entire separation between the spiritual and temporal power, and the express refusal of the pontiff to be chief of an italian republic. but far from drawing hence reason for discouragement and grief, who looks well at the destiny of italy may bless providence, which breaks or changes the instrument when the work is completed, and by secret and inscrutable ways conducts us to the fulfilment of our desires and of our hopes. "if pius ix. refuses, the italian people does not therefore draw back. nothing remains to the free people of italy, except to unite in one constitutional kingdom, founded on the largest basis; and if the chief who, by our assemblies, shall be called to the highest honor, either declines or does not answer worthily, the people will take care of itself. "italians! down with all emblems of private and partial interests. let us unite under one single banner, the tricolor, and if he who has carried it bravely thus far lets it fall from his hand, we will take it one from the other, twenty-four millions of us, and, till the last of us shall have perished under the banner of our redemption, the stranger shall not return into italy. "viva italy! viva the italian people!"[a] [footnote a: close of "a comment by pio angelo fierortino on the allocution of pius ix. spoken in the secret consistory of th april, ," dated italy, th april, st year of the redemption of italy.] these events make indeed a crisis. the work begun by napoleon is finished. there will never more be really a pope, but only the effigy or simulacrum of one. the loss of pius ix. is for the moment a great one. his name had real moral weight,--was a trumpet appeal to sentiment. it is not the same with any man that is left. there is not one that can be truly a leader in the roman dominion, not one who has even great intellectual weight. the responsibility of events now lies wholly with the people, and that wave of thought which has begun to pervade them. sovereigns and statesmen will go where they are carried; it is probable power will be changed continually from, hand to hand, and government become, to all intents and purposes, representative. italy needs now quite to throw aside her stupid king of naples, who hangs like a dead weight on her movements. the king of sardinia and the grand duke of tuscany will be trusted while they keep their present course; but who can feel sure of any sovereign, now that louis philippe has shown himself so mad and pius ix. so blind? it seems as if fate was at work to bewilder and cast down the dignities of the world and democratize society at a blow. in rome there is now no anchor except the good sense of the people. it seems impossible that collision should not arise between him who retains the name but not the place of sovereign, and the provisional government which calls itself a ministry. the count mamiani, its new head, is a man of reputation as a writer, but untried as yet as a leader or a statesman. should agitations arise, the pope can no longer calm them by one of his fatherly looks. all lies in the future; and our best hope must be that the power which has begun so great a work will find due means to end it, and make the year a year of true jubilee to italy; a year not merely of pomps and tributes, but of recognized rights and intelligent joys; a year of real peace,--peace, founded not on compromise and the lying etiquettes of diplomacy, but on truth and justice. then this sad disappointment in pius ix. may be forgotten, or, while all that was lovely and generous in his life is prized and reverenced, deep instruction may be drawn from his errors as to the inevitable dangers of a priestly or a princely environment, and a higher knowledge may elevate a nobler commonwealth than the world has yet known. hoping this era, i remain at present here. should my hopes be dashed to the ground, it will not change my faith, but the struggle for its manifestation is to me of vital interest. my friends write to urge my return; they talk of our country as the land of the future. it is so, but that spirit which made it all it is of value in my eyes, which gave all of hope with which i can sympathize for that future, is more alive here at present than in america. my country is at present spoiled by prosperity, stupid with the lust of gain, soiled by crime in its willing perpetuation of slavery, shamed by an unjust war, noble sentiment much forgotten even by individuals, the aims of politicians selfish or petty, the literature frivolous and venal. in europe, amid the teachings of adversity, a nobler spirit is struggling,--a spirit which cheers and animates mine. i hear earnest words of pure faith and love. i see deeds of brotherhood. this is what makes _my_ america. i do not deeply distrust my country. she is not dead, but in my time she sleepeth, and the spirit of our fathers flames no more, but lies hid beneath the ashes. it will not be so long; bodies cannot live when the soul gets too overgrown with gluttony and falsehood. but it is not the making a president out of the mexican war that would make me wish to come back. here things are before my eyes worth recording, and, if i cannot help this work, i would gladly be its historian. may . returning from a little tour in the alban mount, where everything looks so glorious this glorious spring, i find a temporary quiet. the pope's brothers have come to sympathize with him; the crowd sighs over what he has done, presents him with great bouquets of flowers, and reads anxiously the news from the north and the proclamations of the new ministry. meanwhile the nightingales sing; every tree and plant is in flower, and the sun and moon shine as if paradise were already re-established on earth. i go to one of the villas to dream it is so, beneath the pale light of the stars. letter xxv. review of the course of pius ix.--mamiani.--the people's disappointed hopes.--the monuments in milan, naples, etc.--the king of naples and his troops.--calamities of the war.--the italian people.--charles albert.--deductions.--summer among the mountains of italy. rome, december , . i have not written for six months, and within that time what changes have taken place on this side "the great water,"--changes of how great dramatic interest historically,--of bearing infinitely important ideally! easy is the descent in ill. i wrote last when pius ix. had taken the first stride on the downward road. he had proclaimed himself the foe of further reform measures, when he implied that italian independence was not important in his eyes, when he abandoned the crowd of heroic youth who had gone to the field with his benediction, to some of whom his own hand had given crosses. all the popes, his predecessors, had meddled with, most frequently instigated, war; now came one who must carry out, literally, the doctrines of the prince of peace, when the war was not for wrong, or the aggrandizement of individuals, but to redeem national, to redeem human, rights from the grasp of foreign oppression. i said some cried "traitor," some "imbecile," some wept, but in the minds of all, i believe, at that time, grief was predominant. they could no longer depend on him they had thought their best friend. they had lost their father. meanwhile his people would not submit to the inaction he urged. they saw it was not only ruinous to themselves, but base and treacherous to the rest of italy. they said to the pope, "this cannot be; you must follow up the pledges you have given, or, if you will not act to redeem them, you must have a ministry that will." the pope, after he had once declared to the contrary, ought to have persisted. he should have said, "i cannot thus belie myself, i cannot put my name to acts i have just declared to be against my conscience." the ministers of the people ought to have seen that the position they assumed was utterly untenable; that they could not advance with an enemy in the background cutting off all supplies. but some patriotism and some vanity exhilarated them, and, the pope having weakly yielded, they unwisely began their impossible task. mamiani, their chief, i esteem a man, under all circumstances, unequal to such a position,--a man of rhetoric merely. but no man could have acted, unless the pope had resigned his temporal power, the cardinals been put under sufficient check, and the jesuits and emissaries of austria driven from their lurking-places. a sad scene began. the pope,--shut up more and more in his palace, the crowd of selfish and insidious advisers darkening round, enslaved by a confessor,--he who might have been the liberator of suffering europe permitted the most infamous treacheries to be practised in his name. private letters were written to the foreign powers, denying the acts he outwardly sanctioned; the hopes of the people were evaded or dallied with; the chamber of deputies permitted to talk and pass measures which they never could get funds to put into execution; legions to form and manoeuvre, but never to have the arms and clothing they needed. again and again the people went to the pope for satisfaction. they got only--benediction. thus plotted and thus worked the scarlet men of sin, playing the hopes of italy off and on, while _their_ hope was of the miserable defeat consummated by a still worse traitor at milan on the th of august. but, indeed, what could be expected from the "sword of pius ix.," when pius ix. himself had thus failed in his high vocation. the king of naples bombarded his city, and set on the lazzaroni to rob and murder the subjects he had deluded by his pretended gift of the constitution. pius proclaimed that he longed to embrace _all_ the princes of italy. he talked of peace, when all knew for a great part of the italians there was no longer hope of peace, except in the sepulchre, or freedom. the taunting manifestos of welden are a sufficient comment on the conduct of the pope. "as the government of his holiness is too weak to control his subjects,"--"as, singularly enough, a great number of romans are found, fighting against us, contrary to the _expressed_ will of their prince,"--such were the excuses for invasions of the pontifical dominions, and the robbery and insult by which they were accompanied. such invasions, it was said, made his holiness very indignant; he remonstrated against these; but we find no word of remonstrance against the tyranny of the king of naples,--no word of sympathy for the victims of lombardy, the sufferings of verona, vicenza, padua, mantua, venice. in the affairs of europe there are continued signs of the plan of the retrograde party to effect similar demonstrations in different places at the same hour. the th of may was one of these marked days. on that day the king of naples made use of the insurrection he had contrived to excite, to massacre his people, and find an excuse for recalling his troops from lombardy. the same day a similar crisis was hoped in rome from the declarations of the pope, but that did not work at the moment exactly as the foes of enfranchisement hoped. however, the wounds were cruel enough. the roman volunteers received the astounding news that they were not to expect protection or countenance from their prince; all the army stood aghast, that they were no longer to fight in the name of pio. it had been so dear, so sweet, to love and really reverence the head of their church, so inspiring to find their religion for once in accordance with the aspirations of the soul! they were to be deprived, too, of the aid of the disciplined neapolitan troops and their artillery, on which they had counted. how cunningly all this was contrived to cause dissension and dismay may easily be seen. the neapolitan general pepe nobly refused to obey, and called on the troops to remain with him. they wavered; but they are a pampered army, personally much attached to the king, who pays them well and indulges them at the expense of his people, that they may be his support against that people when in a throe of nature it rises and striven for its rights. for the same reason, the sentiment of patriotism was little diffused among them in comparison with the other troops. and the alternative presented was one in which it required a very clear sense of higher duty to act against habit. generally, after wavering awhile, they obeyed and returned. the roman states, which had received them with so many testimonials of affection and honor, on their retreat were not slack to show a correspondent aversion and contempt. the towns would not suffer their passage; the hamlets were unwilling to serve them even with fire and water. they were filled at once with shame and rage; one officer killed himself, unable to bear it; in the unreflecting minds of the soldiers, hate sprung up for the rest of italy, and especially rome, which will make them admirable tools of tyranny in case of civil war. this was the first great calamity of the war. but apart from the treachery of the king of naples and the dereliction of the pope, it was impossible it should end thoroughly well. the people were in earnest, and have shown themselves so; brave, and able to bear privation. no one should dare, after the proofs of the summer, to reiterate the taunt, so unfriendly frequent on foreign lips at the beginning of the contest, that the italian can boast, shout, and fling garlands, but not _act_. the italian always showed himself noble and brave, even in foreign service, and is doubly so in the cause of his country. but efficient heads were wanting. the princes were not in earnest; they were looking at expediency. the grand duke, timid and prudent, wanted to do what was safest for tuscany; his ministry, "_moderate_" and prudent, would have liked to win a great prize at small risk. they went no farther than the people pulled them. the king of sardinia had taken the first bold step, and the idea that treachery on his part was premeditated cannot be sustained; it arises from the extraordinary aspect of his measures, and the knowledge that he is not incapable of treachery, as he proved in early youth. but now it was only his selfishness that worked to the same results. he fought and planned, not for italy, but the house of savoy, which his balbis and giobertis had so long been prophesying was to reign supreme in the new great era of italy. these prophecies he more than half believed, because they chimed with his ambitious wishes; but he had not soul enough to realize them; he trusted only in his disciplined troops; he had not nobleness enough to believe he might rely at all on the sentiment of the people. for his troops he dared not have good generals; conscious of meanness and timidity, he shrank from the approach of able and earnest men; he was inly afraid they would, in helping italy, take her and themselves out of his guardianship. antonini was insulted, garibaldi rejected; other experienced leaders, who had rushed to italy at the first trumpet-sound, could never get employment from him. as to his generalship, it was entirely inadequate, even if he had made use of the first favorable moments. but his first thought was not to strike a blow at the austrians before they recovered from the discomfiture of milan, but to use the panic and need of his assistance to induce lombardy and venice to annex themselves to his kingdom. he did not even wish seriously to get the better till this was done, and when this was done, it was too late. the austrian army was recruited, the generals had recovered their spirits, and were burning to retrieve and avenge their past defeat. the conduct of charles albert had been shamefully evasive in the first months. the account given by franzini, when challenged in the chamber of deputies at turin, might be summed up thus: "why, gentlemen, what would you have? every one knows that the army is in excellent condition, and eager for action. they are often reviewed, hear speeches, and sometimes get medals. we take places always, if it is not difficult. i myself was present once when the troops advanced; our men behaved gallantly, and had the advantage in the first skirmish; but afterward the enemy pointed on us artillery from the heights, and, naturally, we retired. but as to supposing that his majesty charles albert is indifferent to the success of italy in the war, that is absurd. he is 'the sword of italy'; he is the most magnanimous of princes; he is seriously occupied about the war; many a day i have been called into his tent to talk it over, before he was up in the morning!" sad was it that the heroic milan, the heroic venice, the heroic sicily, should lean on such a reed as this, and by hurried acts, equally unworthy as unwise, sully the glory of their shields. some names, indeed, stand, out quite free from this blame. mazzini, who kept up a combat against folly and cowardice, day by day and hour by hour, with almost supernatural strength, warned the people constantly of the evils which their advisers were drawing upon them. he was heard then only by a few, but in this "italia del popolo" may be found many prophecies exactly fulfilled, as those of "the golden-haired love of phoebus" during the struggles of ilium. he himself, in the last sad days of milan, compared his lot to that of cassandra. at all events, his hands are pure from that ill. what could be done to arouse lombardy he did, but the "moderate" party unable to wean themselves from old habits, the pupils of the wordy gioberti thought there could be no safety unless under the mantle of a prince. they did not foresee that he would run away, and throw that mantle on the ground. tommaso and manin also were clear in their aversion to these measures; and with them, as with all who were resolute in principle at that time, a great influence has followed. it is said charles albert feels bitterly the imputations on his courage, and says they are most ungrateful, since he has exposed the lives of himself and his sons in the combat. indeed, there ought to be made a distinction between personal and mental courage. the former charles albert may possess, may have too much of what this still aristocratic world calls "the feelings of a gentleman" to shun exposing himself to a chance shot now and then. an entire want of mental courage he has shown. the battle, decisive against him, was made so by his giving up the moment fortune turned against him. it is shameful to hear so many say this result was inevitable, just because the material advantages were in favor of the austrians. pray, was never a battle won against material odds? it is precisely such that a good leader, a noble man, may expect to win. were the austrians driven out of milan because the milanese had that advantage? the austrians would again, have suffered repulse from them, but for the baseness of this man, on whom they had been cajoled into relying,--a baseness that deserves the pillory; and on a pillory will the "magnanimous," as he was meanly called in face of the crimes of his youth and the timid selfishness of his middle age, stand in the sight of posterity. he made use of his power only to betray milan; he took from the citizens all means of defence, and then gave them up to the spoiler; he promised to defend them "to the last drop of his blood," and sold them the next minute; even the paltry terms he made, he has not seen maintained. had the people slain him in their rage, he well deserved it at their hands; and all his conduct since show how righteous would have been that sudden verdict of passion. of all this great drama i have much to write, but elsewhere, in a more full form, and where i can duly sketch the portraits of actors little known in america. the materials are over-rich. i have bought my right in them by much sympathetic suffering; yet, amid the blood and tears of italy, 'tis joy to see some glorious new births. the italians are getting cured of mean adulation and hasty boasts; they are learning to prize and seek realities; the effigies of straw are getting knocked down, and living, growing men take their places. italy is being educated for the future, her leaders are learning that the time is past for trust in princes and precedents,--that there is no hope except in truth and god; her lower people are learning to shout less and think more. though my thoughts have been much with the public in this struggle for life, i have been away from it during the summer months, in the quiet valleys, on the lonely mountains. there, personally undisturbed, i have seen the glorious italian summer wax and wane,--the summer of southern italy, which i did not see last year. on the mountains it was not too hot for me, and i enjoyed the great luxuriance of vegetation. i had the advantage of having visited the scene of the war minutely last summer, so that, in mind, i could follow every step of the campaign, while around me were the glorious relics of old times,--the crumbling theatre or temple of the roman day, the bird's-nest village of the middle ages, on whose purple height shone the sun and moon of italy in changeless lustre. it was great pleasure to me to watch the gradual growth and change of the seasons, so different from ours. last year i had not leisure for this quiet acquaintance. now i saw the fields first dressed in their carpets of green, enamelled richly with the red poppy and blue corn-flower,--in that sunshine how resplendent! then swelled the fig, the grape, the olive, the almond; and my food was of these products of this rich clime. for near three months i had grapes every day; the last four weeks, enough daily for two persons for a cent! exquisite salad for two persons' dinner and supper cost but a cent, and all other products of the region were in the same proportion. one who keeps still in italy, and lives as the people do, may really have much simple luxury for very little money; though both travel, and, to the inexperienced foreigner, life in the cities, are expensive. letter xxvi. thoughts of the italian race, the seasons, and rome.--changes.--the death of the minister rossi.--the church of san luigi del francesi.--st. cecilia and the domenichino chapel.--the piazza del popolo.--the troops: preparatory movements toward the quirinal.--the demonstration on the palace.--the church: its position and aims.--the pope's flight, &c.--social life.--don tirlone.--the new year. rome, december , . not till i saw the snow on the mountains grow rosy in the autumn sunset did i turn my steps again toward rome. i was very ready to return. after three or four years of constant excitement, this six months of seclusion had been welcome; but now i felt the need of meeting other eyes beside those, so bright and so shallow, of the italian peasant. indeed, i left what was most precious, but which i could not take with me;[a] still it was a compensation that i was again to see rome,--rome, that almost killed me with her cold breath of last winter, yet still with that cold breath whispered a tale of import so divine. rome so beautiful, so great! her presence stupefies, and one has to withdraw to prize the treasures she has given. city of the soul! yes, it is _that_; the very dust magnetizes you, and thousand spells have been chaining you in every careless, every murmuring moment. yes! rome, however seen, thou must be still adored; and every hour of absence or presence must deepen love with one who has known what it is to repose in thy arms. [footnote a: her child, who was born in rieti, september , , and was necessarily left in that town during the difficulties and siege of rome.--ed.] repose! for whatever be the revolutions, tumults, panics, hopes, of the present day, still the temper of life here is repose. the great past enfolds us, and the emotions of the moment cannot here greatly disturb that impression. from the wild shout and throng of the streets the setting sun recalls us as it rests on a hundred domes and temples,--rests on the campagna, whose grass is rooted in departed human greatness. burial-place so full of spirit that death itself seems no longer cold! o let me rest here, too! hest here seems possible; meseems myriad lives still linger here, awaiting some one great summons. the rivers had burst their bounds, and beneath the moon the fields round rome lay one sheet of silver. entering the gate while the baggage was under examination, i walked to the entrance of a villa. far stretched its overarching shrubberies, its deep green bowers; two statues, with foot advanced and uplifted finger, seemed to greet me; it was near the scene of great revels, great splendors in the old time; there lay the gardens of sallust, where were combined palace, theatre, library, bath, and villa. strange things have happened since, the most attractive part of which--the secret heart--lies buried or has fled to animate other forms; for of that part historians have rarely given a hint more than they do now of the truest life of our day, which refuses to be embodied, by the pen, craving forms more mutable, more eloquent than the pen can give. i found rome empty of foreigners. most of the english have fled in affright,--the germans and french are wanted at home,--the czar has recalled many of his younger subjects; he does not like the schooling they get here. that large part of the population, which lives by the visits of foreigners was suffering very much,--trade, industry, for every reason, stagnant. the people were every moment becoming more exasperated by the impudent measures of the minister rossi, and their mortification at seeing rome represented and betrayed by a foreigner. and what foreigner? a pupil of guizot and louis philippe. the news of the bombardment and storm of vienna had just reached rome. zucchi, the minister of war, at once left the city to put down over-free manifestations in the provinces, and impede the entrance of the troops of the patriot chief, garibaldi, into bologna. from the provinces came soldiery, called by rossi to keep order at the opening of the chamber of deputies. he reviewed them in the face of the civic guard; the press began to be restrained; men were arbitrarily seized and sent out of the kingdom. the public indignation rose to its height; the cup overflowed. the th was a beautiful day, and i had gone out for a long walk. returning at night, the old padrona met me with her usual smile a little clouded. "do you know," said she, "that the minister rossi has been killed?" no roman said _murdered_. "killed?" "yes,--with a thrust in the back. a wicked man, surely; but is that the way to punish even the wicked?" "i cannot," observed a philosopher, "sympathize under any circumstances with so immoral a deed; but surely the manner of doing it was great." the people at large were not so refined in their comments as either the padrona or the philosopher; but soldiers and populace alike ran up and down, singing, "blessed the hand that rids the earth of a tyrant." certainly, the manner _was_ "great." the chamber was awaiting the entrance of rossi. had he lived to enter, he would have found the assembly, without a single exception, ranged upon the opposition benches. his carriage approached, attended by a howling, hissing multitude. he smiled, affected unconcern, but must have felt relieved when his horses entered the courtyard gate of the _cancelleria_. he did not know he was entering the place of his execution. the horses stopped; he alighted in the midst of a crowd; it jostled him, as if for the purpose of insult; he turned abruptly, and received as he did so the fatal blow. it was dealt by a resolute, perhaps experienced, hand; he fell and spoke no word more. the crowd, as if all previously acquainted with the plan, as no doubt most of them were, issued quietly from the gate, and passed through the outside crowd,--its members, among whom was he who dealt the blow, dispersing in all directions. for two or three minutes this outside crowd did not know that anything special had happened. when they did, the news was at the moment received in silence. the soldiers in whom rossi had trusted, whom he had hoped to flatter and bribe, stood at their posts and said not a word. neither they nor any one asked, "who did this? where is he gone?" the sense of the people certainly was that it was an act of summary justice on an offender whom the laws could not reach, but they felt it to be indecent to shout or exult on the spot where he was breathing his last. rome, so long supposed the capital of christendom, certainly took a very pagan view of this act, and the piece represented on the occasion at the theatres was "the death of nero." the next morning i went to the church of st. andrea della valle, where was to be performed a funeral service, with fine music, in honor of the victims of vienna; for this they do here for the victims of every place,--"victims of milan," "victims of paris," "victims of naples," and now "victims of vienna." but to-day i found the church closed, the service put off,--rome was thinking about her own victims. i passed into the ripetta, and entered the church of san luigi dei francesi. the republican flag was flying at the door; the young sacristan said the fine musical service, which this church gave formerly on st. philip's day in honor of louis philippe, would now be transferred to the republican anniversary, the th of february. i looked at the monument chateaubriand erected when here, to a poor girl who died, last of her family, having seen all the others perish round her. i entered the domenichino chapel, and gazed anew on the magnificent representations of the life and death of st. cecilia. she and st. agnes are my favorite saints. i love to think of those angel visits which her husband knew by the fragrance of roses and lilies left behind in the apartment. i love to think of his visit to the catacombs, and all that followed. in one of the pictures st. cecilia, as she stretches out her arms toward the suffering multitude, seems as if an immortal fount of purest love sprung from her heart. it gives very strongly the idea of an inexhaustible love,--the only love that is much worth thinking about. leaving the church, i passed along toward the piazza del popolo. "yellow tiber rose," but not high enough to cause "distress," as he does when in a swelling mood. i heard the drums beating, and, entering the piazza, i found the troops of the line already assembled, and the civic guard marching in by platoons, each battalion saluted as it entered by trumpets and a fine strain from the band of the carbineers. i climbed the pincian to see better. there is no place so fine for anything of this kind as the piazza del popolo, it is so full of light, so fair and grand, the obelisk and fountain make so fine a centre to all kinds of groups. the object of the present meeting was for the civic guard and troops of the line to give pledges of sympathy preparatory to going to the quirinal to demand a change of ministry and of measures. the flag of the union was placed in front of the obelisk; all present saluted it; some officials made addresses; the trumpets sounded, and all moved toward the quirinal. nothing could be gentler than the disposition of those composing the crowd. they were resolved to be played with no longer, but no threat was uttered or thought. they believed that the court would be convinced by the fate of rossi that the retrograde movement it had attempted was impracticable. they knew the retrograde party were panic-struck, and hoped to use the occasion to free the pope from its meshes. all felt that pius ix. had fallen irrevocably from his high place as the friend of progress and father of italy; but still he was personally beloved, and still his name, so often shouted in hope and joy, had not quite lost its _prestige_. i returned to the house, which is very near the quirinal. on one side i could see the palace and gardens of the pope, on the other the piazza barberini and street of the four fountains. presently i saw the carriage of prince barberini drive hurriedly into his court-yard gate, the footman signing to close it, a discharge of fire-arms was heard, and the drums of the civic guard beat to arms. the padrona ran up and down, crying with every round of shot, "jesu maria, they are killing the pope! o poor holy father!--tito, tito," (out of the window to her husband,) "what _is_ the matter?" the lord of creation disdained to reply. "o signora! pray, pray, ask tito what is the matter?" i did so. "i don't know, signora; nobody knows." "why don't you go on the mount and see?" "it would be an imprudence, signora; nobody will go." i was just thinking to go myself, when i saw a poor man borne by, badly wounded, and heard that the swiss were firing on the people. their doing so was the cause of whatever violence there was, and it was not much. the people had assembled, as usual, at the quirinal, only with more form and solemnity than usual. they had taken with them several of the chamber of deputies, and they sent an embassy, headed by galetti, who had been in the late ministry, to state their wishes. they received a peremptory negative. they then insisted on seeing the pope, and pressed on the palace. the swiss became alarmed, and fired from the windows and from the roof. they did this, it is said, without orders; but who could, at the time, suppose that? if it had been planned to exasperate the people to blood, what more could have been done? as it was, very little was shed; but the pope, no doubt, felt great panic. he heard the report of fire-arms,--heard that they tried to burn a door of the palace. i would lay my life that he could have shown himself without the slightest danger; nay, that the habitual respect for his presence would have prevailed, and hushed all tumult. he did not think so, and, to still it, once more degraded himself and injured his people, by making promises he did not mean to keep. he protests now against those promises as extorted by violence,--a strange plea indeed for the representative of st. peter! rome is all full of the effigies of those over whom violence had no power. there was an early pope about to be thrown into the tiber; violence had no power to make him say what he did not mean. delicate girls, men in the prime of hope and pride of power,--they were all alike about that. they could die in boiling oil, roasted on coals, or cut to pieces; but they could not say what they did not mean. these formed the true church; it was these who had power to disseminate the religion of him, the prince of peace, who died a bloody death of torture between sinners, because he never could say what he did not mean. a little church, outside the gate of st. sebastian commemorates the following affecting tradition of the church. peter, alarmed at the persecution of the christians, had gone forth to fly, when in this spot he saw a bright figure in his path, and recognized his master travelling toward rome. "lord," he said, "whither goest thou?" "i go," replied jesus, "to die with my people." peter comprehended the reproof. he felt that he must not a fourth time deny his master, yet hope for salvation. he returned to rome to offer his life in attestation of his faith. the roman catholic church has risen a monument to the memory of such facts. and has the present head of that church quite failed to understand their monition? not all the popes have so failed, though the majority have been intriguing, ambitious men of the world. but even the mob of rome--and in rome there _is_ a true mob of unheeding cabbage-sellers, who never had a thought before beyond contriving how to satisfy their animal instincts for the day--said, on hearing the protest, "there was another pius, not long since, who talked in a very different style. when the french threatened him, he said, 'you may do with me as you see fit, but i cannot consent to act against my convictions.'" in fact, the only dignified course for the pope to pursue was to resign his temporal power. he could no longer hold it on his own terms; but to it he clung; and the counsellors around him were men to wish him to regard _that_ as the first of duties. when the question was of waging war for the independence of italy, they regarded him solely as the head of the church; but when the demand was to satisfy the wants of his people, and ecclesiastical goods were threatened with taxes, then he was the prince of the state, bound to maintain all the selfish prerogatives of bygone days for the benefit of his successors. poor pope! how has his mind been torn to pieces in these later days! it moves compassion. there can be no doubt that all his natural impulses are generous and kind, and in a more private station he would have died beloved and honored; but to this he was unequal; he has suffered bad men to surround him, and by their misrepresentations and insidious suggestions at last entirely to cloud his mind. i believe he really thinks now the progress movement tends to anarchy, blood, and all that looked worst in the first french revolution. however that may be, i cannot forgive him some of the circumstances of this flight. to fly to naples; to throw himself in the arms of the bombarding monarch, blessing him and thanking his soldiery for preserving that part of italy from anarchy; to protest that all his promises at rome were null and void, when he thought himself in safety to choose a commission for governing in his absence, composed of men of princely blood, but as to character so null that everybody laughed, and said he chose those who could best be spared if they were killed; (but they all ran away directly;) when rome was thus left without any government, to refuse to see any deputation, even the senator of rome, whom he had so gladly sanctioned,--these are the acts either of a fool or a foe. they are not his acts, to be sure, but he is responsible; he lets them stand as such in the face of the world, and weeps and prays for their success. no more of him! his day is over. he has been made, it seems unconsciously, an instrument of good his regrets cannot destroy. nor can he be made so important an instrument of ill. these acts have not had the effect the foes of freedom hoped. rome remained quite cool and composed; all felt that they had not demanded more than was their duty to demand, and were willing to accept what might follow. in a few days all began to say: "well, who would have thought it? the pope, the cardinals, the princes are gone, and rome is perfectly tranquil, and one does not miss anything, except that there are not so many rich carriages and liveries." the pope may regret too late that he ever gave the people a chance to make this reflection. yet the best fruits of the movement may not ripen for a long time. it is a movement which requires radical measures, clear-sighted, resolute men: these last, as yet, do not show themselves in rome. the new tuscan ministry has three men of superior force in various ways,--montanelli, guerazzi, d'aguila; such are not as yet to be found in rome. but should she fall this time,--and she must either advance with decision and force, or fall, since to stand still is impossible,--the people have learned much; ignorance and servility of thought are lessened,--the way is paving for final triumph. and my country, what does she? you have chosen a new president from a slave state, representative of the mexican war. but he seems to be honest, a man that can be esteemed, and is one really known to the people, which is a step upward, after having sunk last time to choosing a mere tool of party. pray send here a good ambassador,--one that has experience of foreign life, that he may act with good judgment, and, if possible, a man that has knowledge and views which extend beyond the cause of party politics in the united states,--a man of unity in principles, but capable of understanding variety in forms. and send a man capable of prizing the luxury of living in, or knowing rome; the office of ambassador is one that should not be thrown away on a person who cannot prize or use it. another century, and i might ask to be made ambassador myself, ('tis true, like other ambassadors, i would employ clerks to do the most of the duty,) but woman's day has not come yet. they hold their clubs in paris, but even george sand will not act with women as they are. they say she pleads they are too mean, too treacherous. she should not abandon them for that, which is not nature, but misfortune. how much i shall have to say on that subject if i live, which i desire not, for i am very tired of the battle with giant wrongs, and would like to have some one younger and stronger arise to say what ought to be said, still more to do what ought to be done. enough! if i felt these things in privileged america, the cries of mothers and wives beaten at night by sons and husbands for their diversion after drinking, as i have repeatedly heard them these past months,--the excuse for falsehood, "i _dare not_ tell my husband, he would be ready to kill me,"--have sharpened my perception as to the ills of woman's condition and the remedies that must be applied. had i but genius, had i but energy, to tell what i know as it ought to be told! god grant them me, or some other more worthy woman, i pray. _don tirlone_, the _punch_ of rome, has just come in. this number represents the fortress of gaëta. outside hangs a cage containing a parrot (_pappagallo_), the plump body of the bird surmounted by a noble large head with benign face and papal head-dress. he sits on the perch now with folded wings, but the cage door, in likeness of a portico, shows there is convenience to come forth for the purposes of benediction, when wanted. outside, the king of naples, dressed as harlequin, plays the organ for instruction of the bird (unhappy penitent, doomed to penance), and, grinning with sharp teeth, observes: "he speaks in my way now." in the background a young republican holds ready the match for a barrel of gunpowder, but looks at his watch, waiting the moment to ignite it. a happy new year to my country! may she be worthy of the privileges she possesses, while others are lavishing their blood to win them,--that is all that need be wished for her at present. letter xxvii. rome.--the carnival: the moccoletti.--the roman character.--the pope's flight.--the assembly.--the people.--the pope's mistake.--his manifesto: its tone and effect.--destruction of the temporal dominion of the church. rome, evening of feb. , . it is said you cannot thoroughly know any place till you have both summered and wintered in it; but more than one summer and winter of experience seems to be needed for rome. how i fretted last winter, during the three months' rain, and sepulchral chill, and far worse than sepulchral odors, which accompanied it! i thought it was the invariable roman winter, and that i should never be able to stay here during another; so took my room only by the month, thinking to fly so soon as the rain set in. and lo! it has never rained at all; but there has been glorious sun and moon, unstained by cloud, always; and these last days have been as warm as may,--the days of the carnival, for i have just come in from seeing the _moccoletti_. the republican carnival has not been as splendid as the papal, the absence of dukes and princes being felt in the way of coaches and rich dresses; there are also fewer foreigners than usual, many having feared to assist at this most peaceful of revolutions. but if less splendid, it was not less gay; the costumes were many and fanciful,--flowers, smiles, and fun abundant. this is the first time of my seeing the true _moccoletti_; last year, in one of the first triumphs of democracy, they did not blow oat the lights, thus turning it into an illumination. the effect of the swarms of lights, little and large, thus in motion all over the fronts of the houses, and up and down the corso, was exceedingly pretty and fairy-like; but that did not make up for the loss of that wild, innocent gayety of which this people alone is capable after childhood, and which never shines out so much as on this occasion. it is astonishing the variety of tones, the lively satire and taunt of which the words _senza moccolo_, _senza mo_, are susceptible from their tongues. the scene is the best burlesque on the life of the "respectable" world that can be imagined. a ragamuffin with a little piece of candle, not even lighted, thrusts it in your face with an air of far greater superiority than he can wear who, dressed in gold and velvet, erect in his carriage, holds aloft his light on a tall pole. in vain his security; while he looks down on the crowd to taunt the wretches _senza mo_, a weak female hand from a chamber window blots out his pretensions by one flirt of an old handkerchief. many handsome women, otherwise dressed in white, wore the red liberty cap, and the noble though somewhat coarse roman outline beneath this brilliant red, by the changeful glow of million lights, made a fine effect. men looked too vulgar in the liberty cap. how i mourn that my little companion e. never saw these things, that would have given him such store of enchanting reminiscences for all his after years! i miss him always on such occasions; formerly it was through him that i enjoyed them. he had the child's heart, had the susceptible fancy, and, naturally, a fine discerning sense for whatever is individual or peculiar. i missed him much at the fair of st. eustachio. this, like the carnival, was last year entirely spoiled by constant rain. i never saw it at all before. it comes in the first days, or rather nights, of january. all the quarter of st. eustachio is turned into one toy-shop; the stalls are set out in the street and brightly lighted, up. these are full of cheap toys,--prices varying from half a cent up to twenty cents. the dolls, which are dressed as husband and wife, or sometimes grouped in families, are the most grotesque rag-babies that can be imagined. among the toys are great quantities of whistles, tin trumpets, and little tambourines; of these every man, woman, and child has bought one, and is using it to make a noise. this extempore concert begins about ten o'clock, and lasts till midnight; the delight of the numerous children that form part of the orchestra, the good-humored familiarity without the least touch of rudeness in the crowd, the lively effect of the light upon the toys, and the jumping, shouting figures that, exhibit them, make this the pleasantest saturnalia. had you only been there, e., to guide me by the hand, blowing the trumpet for both, and spying out a hundred queer things in nooks that entirely escape me! the roman still plays amid his serious affairs, and very serious have they been this past winter. the roman legions went out singing and dancing to fight in lombardy, and they fought no less bravely for that. when i wrote last, the pope had fled, guided, he says, "by the hand of providence,"--italy deems by the hand of austria,--to gaëta. he had already soiled his white robes, and defamed himself for ever, by heaping benedictions on the king of naples and the bands of mercenaries whom he employs to murder his subjects on the least sign of restlessness in their most painful position. most cowardly had been the conduct of his making promises he never meant to keep, stealing away by night in the coach of a foreign diplomatist, protesting that what he had done was null because he had acted under fear,--as if such a protest could avail to one who boasts himself representative of christ and his apostles, guardian of the legacy of the martyrs! he selected a band of most incapable men to face the danger he had feared for himself; most of these followed his example and fled. rome sought an interview with him, to see if reconciliation were possible; he refused to receive her messengers. his wicked advisers calculated upon great confusion and distress as inevitable on the occasion; but, for once, the hope of the bad heart was doomed to immediate disappointment. rome coolly said, "if you desert me,--if you will not hear me,--i must act for myself." she threw herself into the arms of a few men who had courage and calmness for this crisis; they bade her think upon what was to be done, meanwhile avoiding every excess that could give a color to calumny and revenge. the people, with admirable good sense, comprehended and followed up this advice. never was rome so truly tranquil, so nearly free from gross ill, as this winter. a few words of brotherly admonition have been more powerful than all the spies, dungeons, and scaffolds of gregory. "the hand of the omnipotent works for us," observed an old man whom i saw in the street selling cigars the evening before the opening of the constitutional assembly. he was struck by the radiant beauty of the night. the old people observe that there never has been such a winter as this which follows the establishment by the french of a republic. may the omens speed well! a host of enemies without are ready to levy war against this long-suffering people, to rivet anew their chains. still there is now an obvious tide throughout europe toward a better order of things, and a wave of it may bear italy onward to the shore. the revolution, like all genuine ones, has been instinctive, its results unexpected and surprising to the greater part of those who achieved them. the waters, which had flowed so secretly beneath the crust of habit that many never heard their murmur, unless in dreams, have suddenly burst to light in full and beautiful jets; all rush to drink the pure and living draught. as in the time of jesus, the multitude had been long enslaved beneath a cumbrous ritual, their minds designedly darkened by those who should have enlightened them, brutified, corrupted, amid monstrous contradictions and abuses; yet the moment they hear a word correspondent to the original nature, "yes, it is true," they cry. "it is spoken with, authority. yes, it ought to be so. priests ought to be better and wiser than other men; if they were, they would not need pomp and temporal power to command respect. yes, it is true; we ought not to lie; we should not try to impose upon one another. we ought rather to prefer that our children should work honestly for their bread, than get it by cheating, begging, or the prostitution of their mothers. it would be better to act worthily and kindly, probably would please god more than the kissing of relics. we have long darkly felt that these things were so; _now_ we know it." the unreality of relation between the people and the hierarchy was obvious instantly upon the flight of pius. he made an immense mistake then, and he made it because neither he nor his cardinals were aware of the unreality. they did not know that, great as is the force of habit, truth _only_ is imperishable. the people had abhorred gregory, had adored pius, upon whom they looked as a saviour, as a liberator; finding themselves deceived, a mourning-veil had overshadowed their love. still, had pius remained here, and had courage to show himself on agitating occasions, his position as the pope, before whom they had been bred to bow, his aspect, which had once seemed to them full of blessing and promise, like that of an angel, would have still retained power. probably the temporal dominion of the papacy would not have been broken up. he fled; the people felt contempt for his want of force and truth. he wrote to reproach them with ingratitude; they were indignant. what had they to be grateful for? a constitution to which he had not kept true an instant; the institution of the national guard, which he had begun to neutralize; benedictions, followed by such actions as the desertion of the poor volunteers in the war for italian independence? still, the people were not quite alienated from pius. they felt sure that his heart was, in substance, good and kindly, though the habits of the priest and the arts of his counsellors had led him so egregiously to falsify its dictates and forget the vocation with which he had been called. many hoped he would see his mistake, and return to be at one with the people. among the more ignorant, there was a superstitious notion that he would return in the night of the th of january. there were many bets that he would be found in the palace of the quirinal the morning of the th. all these lingering feelings were finally extinguished by the advice of excommunication. as this may not have readied america, i subjoin a translation. here i was obliged to make use of a manuscript copy; all the printed ones were at once destroyed. it is probably the last document of the kind the world will see. manifesto of pius ix. "to our most beloved subjects:-- "from this pacific abode to which it has pleased divine providence to conduct us, and whence we can freely manifest our sentiments and our will, we have waited for testimonies of remorse from our misguided children for the sacrileges and misdeeds committed against persons attached to our service,--among whom some have been slain, others outraged in the most barbarous manner,--as well as for those against our residence and our person. but we have seen nothing except a sterile invitation to return to our capital, unaccompanied by a word of condemnation for those crimes or the least guaranty for our security against the frauds and violences of that same company of furious men which still tyrannizes with a barbarous despotism over rome and the states of the church. we also waited, expecting that the protests and orders we have uttered would recall to the duties of fidelity and subjection those who have despised and trampled upon them in the very capital of our states. but, instead of this, a new and more monstrous act of undisguised felony and of actual rebellion by them audaciously committed, has filled the measure of our affliction, and excited at the same time our just indignation, as it will afflict the church universal. we speak of that act, in every respect detestable, by which, it has been pretended to initiate the convocation of a so-called general national assembly of the roman states, by a decree of the th of last december, in order to establish new political forms for the pontifical dominion. adding thus iniquity to iniquity, the authors and favorers of the demagogical anarchy strive to destroy the temporal authority of the roman pontiff over the dominions of holy church,--however irrefragably established through the most ancient and solid rights, and venerated, recognized, and sustained by all the nations,--pretending and making others believe that his sovereign power can be subject to controversy or depend on the caprices of the factious. we shall spare our dignity the humiliation of dwelling on all that is monstrous contained in that act, abominable through the absurdity of its origin no less than the illegality of its form and the impiety of its scope; but it appertains to the apostolic authority, with which, however unworthy, we are invested, and to the responsibility which binds us by the most sacred oaths in the sight of the omnipotent, not only to protest in the most energetic and efficacious manner against that same act, but to condemn it in the face of the universe as an enormous and sacrilegious crime against our independence and sovereignty, meriting the chastisements threatened by divine and human laws. we are persuaded that, on receiving the impudent invitation, you were full of holy indignation, and will have rejected far from you this guilty and shameful provocation. notwithstanding, that none of you may say he has been deluded by fallacious seductions, and by the preachers of subversive doctrines, or ignorant of what is contriving by the foes of all order, all law, all right, true liberty, and your happiness, we to-day again raise and utter abroad our voice, so that you may be more certain of the absoluteness with which we prohibit men, of whatever class and condition, from taking any part in the meetings which those persons may dare to call, for the nomination of individuals to be sent to the condemned assembly. at the same time we recall to you how this absolute prohibition is sanctioned by the decrees of our predecessors and of the councils, especially of the sacred council-general of trent, sect. xxii. chap. , in which the church has fulminated many times her censures, and especially the greater excommunication, as incurred without fail by any declaration of whomsoever daring to become guilty of whatsoever attempt against the temporal sovereignty of the supreme pontiff, this we declare to have been already unhappily incurred by all those who have given aid to the above-named act, and others preceding, intended to prejudice the same sovereignty, and in other modes and under false pretexts have, perturbed, violated, and usurped our authority. yet, though we feel ourselves obliged by conscience to guard the sacred deposit of the patrimony of the spouse of jesus christ, confided to our care, by using the sword of severity given to us for that purpose, we cannot therefore forget that we are on earth the representative of him who in exercise of his justice does not forget mercy. raising, therefore, our hands to heaven, while we to it recommend a cause which is indeed more heaven's than ours, and while anew we declare ourselves ready, with the aid of its powerful grace, to drink even to the dregs, for the defence and glory of the catholic church, the cup of persecution which he first wished to drink for the salvation of the same, we shall not desist from supplicating him benignly to hear the fervent prayers which day and night we unceasingly offer for the salvation of the misguided. no day certainly could be more joyful for us, than that in which it shall be granted to see return into the fold of the lord our sons from whom now we derive so much bitterness and so great tribulations. the hope of enjoying soon the happiness of such a day is strengthened in us by the reflection, that universal are the prayers which, united to ours, ascend to the throne of divine mercy from the lips and the heart of the faithful throughout the catholic world, urging it continually to change the hearts of sinners, and reconduct them into the paths of truth and of justice. "gaëta, january , ." the silliness, bigotry, and ungenerous tone of this manifesto excited a simultaneous movement in the population. the procession which carried it, mumbling chants, for deposit in places provided for lowest uses, and then, taking from, the doors of the hatters' shops the cardinals' hats, threw them into the tiber, was a real and general expression of popular disgust. from that hour the power of the scarlet hierarchy fell to rise no more. no authority can survive a universal movement of derision. from that hour tongues and pens were loosed, the leaven of machiavellism, which still polluted the productions of the more liberal, disappeared, and people talked as they felt, just as those of us who do not choose to be slaves are accustomed to do in america. "jesus," cried an orator, "bade them feed his lambs. if they have done so, it has been to rob their fleece and drink their blood." "why," said another, "have we been so long deaf to the saying, that the temporal dominion of the church was like a thorn in the wound of italy, which shall never be healed till that thorn is extracted?" and then, without passion, all felt that the temporal dominion was in fact finished of itself, and that it only remained to organize another form of government. letter xxviii. gioberti, mamiani, and mazzini.--formation of the constitutional assembly.--the right of suffrage.--a procession.--proclamation of the republic.--results.--decree of the assembly.--americans in rome: difference of impressions.--flight of the grand duke of tuscany.--charles albert.--present state of rome.--reflections and conclusions.--latest intelligence. rome, evening of feb. , . the league between the italian states, and the diet which was to establish it, had been the thought of gioberti, but had found the instrument at rome in mamiani. the deputies were to be named by princes or parliaments, their mandate to be limited by the existing institutions of the several states; measures of mutual security and some modifications in the way of reform would be the utmost that could be hoped from this diet. the scope of this party did not go beyond more vigorous prosecution of the war for independence, and the establishment of good, institutions for the several principalities on a basis of assimilation. mazzini, the great radical thinker of italy, was, on the contrary, persuaded that unity, not union, was necessary to this country. he had taken for his motto, god and the people, and believed in no other powers. he wished an italian constitutional assembly, selected directly by the people, and furnished with an unlimited mandate to decide what form was now required by the needs of the peninsula. his own wishes, certainly, aimed at a republic; but the decision remained with the representatives of the people. the thought of gioberti had been at first the popular one, as he, in fact, was the seer of the so-called moderate party. for myself, i always looked upon him as entirely a charlatan, who covered his want of all real force by the thickest embroidered mantle of words. still, for a time, he corresponded with the wants of the italian mind. he assailed the jesuits, and was of real use by embodying the distrust and aversion that brooded in the minds of men against these most insidious and inveterate foes of liberty and progress. this triumph, at least, he may boast: that sect has been obliged to yield; its extinction seems impossible, of such life-giving power was the fiery will of loyola. in the primate he had embodied the lingering hope of the catholic church; pius ix. had answered to the appeal, had answered only to show its futility. he had run through italy as courier for charles albert, when the so falsely styled magnanimous entered, pretending to save her from the stranger, really hoping to take her for himself. his own cowardice and treachery neutralized the hope, and charles albert, abject in his disgrace, took a retrograde ministry. this the country would not suffer, and obliged him after a while to reassume at least the position of the previous year, by taking gioberti for his premier. but it soon became evident that the ministry of charles albert was in the same position as had been that of pius ix. the hand was powerless when the head was indisposed. meantime the name of mazzini had echoed through tuscany from the revered lips of montanelli; it reached the roman states, and though at first propagated by foreign impulse, yet, as soon as understood, was welcomed as congenial. montanelli had nobly said, addressing florence: "we could not regret that the realization of this project should take place in a sister city, still more illustrious than ours." the romans took him at his word; the constitutional assembly for the roman states was elected with a double mandate, that the deputies might sit in the constitutional assembly for all italy whenever the other provinces could send theirs. they were elected by universal suffrage. those who listened to jesuits and moderates predicted that the project would fail of itself. the people were too ignorant to make use of the liberty of suffrage. but ravens now-a-days are not the true prophetic birds. the roman eagle recommences her flight, and it is from its direction only that the high-priest may draw his augury. the people are certainly as ignorant as centuries of the worst government, the neglect of popular education, the enslavement of speech and the press, could make them; yet they have an instinct to recognize measures that are good for them. a few weeks' schooling at some popular meetings, the clubs, the conversations of the national guards in their quarters or on patrol, were sufficient to concert measures so well, that the people voted in larger proportion than at contested elections in our country, and made a very good choice. the opening of the constitutional assembly gave occasion for a fine procession. all the troops in rome defiled from the campidoglio; among them many bear the marks of suffering from the lombard war. the banners of sicily, venice, and bologna waved proudly; that of naples was veiled with crape. i was in a balcony in the piazza di venezia; the palazzo di venezia, that sternest feudal pile, so long the head-quarters of austrian machinations, seemed to frown, as the bands each in passing struck up the _marseillaise_. the nephew of napoleon and garibaldi, the hero of montevideo, walked together, as deputies. the deputies, a grave band, mostly advocates or other professional men, walked without other badge of distinction than the tricolored scarf. i remembered the entrance of the deputies to the council only fourteen months ago, in the magnificent carriages lent by the princes for the occasion; they too were mostly nobles, and their liveried attendants followed, carrying their scutcheons. princes and councillors have both fled or sunk into nothingness; in those councillors was no counsel. will it be found in the present? let us hope so! what we see to-day has much more the air of reality than all that parade of scutcheons, or the pomp of dress and retinue with which the ecclesiastical court was wont to amuse the people. a few days after followed the proclamation of a republic. an immense crowd of people surrounded the palazzo della cancelleria, within whose court-yard rossi fell, while the debate was going on within. at one o'clock in the morning of the th of february, a republic was resolved upon, and the crowd rushed away to ring all the bells. early next morning i rose and went forth to observe the republic. over the quirinal i went, through the forum, to the capitol. there was nothing to be seen except the magnificent calm emperor, the tamers of horses, the fountain, the trophies, the lions, as usual; among the marbles, for living figures, a few dirty, bold women, and murillo boys in the sun just as usual. i passed into the corso; there were men in the liberty cap,--of course the lowest and vilest had been the first to assume it; all the horrible beggars persecuting as impudently as usual. i met some english; all their comfort was, "it would not last a month." "they hoped to see all these fellows shot yet." the english clergyman, more mild and legal, only hopes to see them (i.e. the ministry, deputies, &c.) _hung_. mr. carlyle would be delighted with his countrymen. they are entirely ready and anxious to see a cromwell for italy. they, too, think, when the people starve, "it is no matter what happens in the back parlor." what signifies that, if there is "order" in the front? how dare the people make a noise to disturb us yawning at billiards! i met an american. he "had no confidence in the republic." why? because he "had no confidence in the people." why? because "they were not like _our_ people." ah! jonathan and john,--excuse me, but i must say the italian has a decided advantage over you in the power of quickly feeling generous sympathy, as well as some other things which i have not time now to particularize. i have memoranda from you both in my note-book. at last the procession mounts the campidoglio. it is all dressed with banners. the tricolor surmounts the palace of the senator; the senator himself has fled. the deputies mount the steps, and one of them reads, in a clear, friendly voice, the following words:-- "fundamental decree of the constitutional assembly of rome. "art. i.--the papacy has fallen in fact and in right from the temporal government of the roman state. "art. ii.--the roman pontiff shall have all the necessary guaranties for independence in the exercise of his spiritual power. "art. iii.--the form of government of the roman state shall be a pure democracy, and will take the glorious name of roman republic. "art. iv.--the roman republic shall have with the rest of italy the relations exacted by a common nationality." between each of these expressive sentences the speaker paused; the great bell of the capitol gave forth its solemn melodies; the cannon answered; while the crowd shouted, _viva la republica! viva italia!_ the imposing grandeur of the spectacle to me gave new force to the emotion that already swelled my heart; my nerves thrilled, and i longed to see in some answering glance a spark of rienzi, a little of that soul which made my country what she is. the american at my side remained impassive. receiving all his birthright from a triumph of democracy, he was quite indifferent to this manifestation on this consecrated spot. passing the winter in rome to study art, he was insensible to the artistic beauty of the scene,--insensible to this new life of that spirit from which all the forms he gazes at in galleries emanated. he "did not see the use of these popular demonstrations." again i must mention a remark of his, as a specimen of the ignorance in which americans usually remain during their flighty visits to these scenes, where they associate only with one another. and i do it the rather as this seemed a really thoughtful, intelligent man; no vain, vulgar trifler. he said, "the people seem only to be looking on; they take no part." what people? said i. "why, these around us; there is no other people." there are a few beggars, errand-boys, and nurse-maids. "the others are only soldiers." soldiers! the civic guard! all the decent men in rome. thus it is that the american, on many points, becomes more ignorant for coming abroad, because he attaches some value to his crude impressions and frequent blunders. it is not thus that any seed-corn can be gathered from foreign gardens. without modest scrutiny, patient study, and observation, he spends his money and goes home, with a new coat perhaps, but a mind befooled rather than instructed. it is necessary to speak the languages of these countries, and know personally some of their inhabitants, in order to form any accurate impressions. the flight of the grand duke of tuscany followed. in imitation of his great exemplar, he promised and smiled to the last, deceiving montanelli, the pure and sincere, at the very moment he was about to enter his carriage, into the belief that he persevered in his assent to the liberal movement. his position was certainly very difficult, but he might have left it like a gentleman, like a man of honor. 't was pity to destroy so lightly the good opinion the tuscans had of him. now tuscany meditates union with rome. meanwhile, charles albert is filled with alarm. he is indeed betwixt two fires. gioberti has published one of his prolix, weak addresses, in which, he says, that in the beginning of every revolution one must fix a limit beyond which he will not go; that, for himself, he has done it,--others are passing beyond his mark, and he will not go any farther. of the want of thought, of insight into historic and all other truths, which distinguishes the "illustrious gioberti," this assumption is a specimen. but it makes no difference; he and his prince must go, sooner or later, if the movement continues, nor is there any prospect of its being stayed unless by foreign intervention. this the pope has not yet, it is believed, solicited, but there is little reason to hope he will be spared that crowning disgrace. he has already consented to the incitement of civil war. should an intervention be solicited, all depends on france. will she basely forfeit every pledge and every duty, to say nothing of her true interest? it seems that her president stands doubtful, intending to do what is for _his_ particular interest; but if his interest proves opposed to the republican principle, will france suffer herself again to be hoodwinked and enslaved? it is impossible to know, she has already shown such devotion to the mere prestige of a name. on england no dependence can be placed. she is guided by no great idea; her parliamentary leaders sneer at sentimental policy, and the "jargon" of ideas. she will act, as always, for her own interest; and the interest of her present government is becoming more and more the crushing of the democratic tendency. they are obliged to do it at home, both in the back and the front parlor; it would not be decent as yet to have a spielberg just at home for obstreperous patriots, but england has so many ships, it is just as easy to transport them to a safe distance. then the church of england, so long an enemy to the church of rome, feels a decided interest with it on the subject of temporal possessions. the rich english traveller, fearing to see the prince borghese stripped of one of his palaces for a hospital or some such low use, thinks of his own twenty-mile park and the crowded village of beggars at its gate, and muses: "i hope to see them all shot yet, these rascally republicans." how i wish my country would show some noble sympathy when an experience so like her own is going on. politically she cannot interfere; but formerly, when greece and poland were struggling, they were at least aided by private contributions. italy, naturally so rich, but long racked and impoverished by her oppressors, greatly needs money to arm and clothe her troops. some token of sympathy, too, from america would be so welcome to her now. if there were a circle of persons inclined to trust such to me, i might venture to promise the trust should be used to the advantage of italy. it would make me proud to have my country show a religious faith in the progress of ideas, and make some small sacrifice of its own great resources in aid of a sister cause, now. but i must close this letter, which it would be easy to swell to a volume from the materials in my mind. one or two traits of the hour i must note. mazzarelli, chief of the present ministry, was a prelate, and named spontaneously by the pope before his flight. he has shown entire and frank intrepidity. he has laid aside the title of monsignor, and appears before the world as a layman. nothing can be more tranquil than has been the state of rome all winter. every wile has been used by the oscurantists to excite the people, but their confidence in their leaders could not be broken. a little mutiny in the troops, stimulated by letters from their old leaders, was quelled in a moment. the day after the proclamation of the republic, some zealous ignoramuses insulted the carriages that appeared with servants in livery. the ministry published a grave admonition, that democracy meant liberty, not license, and that he who infringed upon an innocent freedom of action in others must be declared traitor to his country. every act of the kind ceased instantly. an intimation that it was better not to throw large comfits or oranges during the carnival, as injuries have thus been sometimes caused, was obeyed with equal docility. on sunday last, placards affixed in the high places summoned the city to invest giuseppe mazzini with the rights of a roman citizen. i have not yet heard the result. the pope made rossi a roman citizen; he was suffered to retain that title only one day. it was given him on the th of november, he died the th. mazzini enters rome at any rate, for the first time in his life, as deputy to the constitutional assembly; it would be a noble poetic justice, if he could enter also as a roman citizen. february . the austrians have invaded ferrara, taken $ , and six hostages, and retired. this step is, no doubt, intended to determine whether france will resent the insult, or whether she will betray italy. it shows also the assurance of the austrian that the pope will approve of an armed intervention. probably before i write again these matters will reach some decided crisis. letter xxix. the roman republic.--charles albert a traitor.--fall of gioberti.--mazzini.--his character.--his address to the people.--his oratory.--american artists.--brown, terry, and freeman.--hicks and his pictures.--cropsey and cranch contrasted.--american landscape paintings.--sculptors.--story's "fisher boy."--mozier's "pocahontas."--greenough's group.--powers's "slave."--the equestrian statue of washington.--crawford's design.--trials of the artist.--american patrons of art.--expenses of artist life.--a german sculptor.--overbeck and his paintings.--festival of fried rice.--an ave maria. rome, march , . the roman republic moves on better than could have been expected. there are great difficulties about money, necessarily, as the government, so beset with trials and dangers, cannot command confidence in that respect. the solid coin has crept out of the country or lies hid, and in the use of paper there are the corresponding inconveniences. but the poor, always the chief sufferers from such a state of things, are wonderfully patient, and i doubt not that the new form, if italy could be left to itself, would be settled for the advantage of all. tuscany would soon be united with rome, and to the republic of central italy, no longer broken asunder by petty restrictions and sacrificed to the interests of a few persons, would come that prosperity natural to a region so favored by nature. could italy be left alone! but treacherous, selfish men at home strive to betray, and foes threaten her from without on every side. even france, her natural ally, promises to prove foolishly and basely faithless. the dereliction from principle of her government seems certain, and thus far the nation, despite the remonstrance of a few worthy men, gives no sign of effective protest. there would be little hope for italy, were not the thrones of her foes in a tottering state, their action liable at every moment to be distracted by domestic difficulties. the austrian government seems as destitute of support from the nation as is possible for a government to be, and the army is no longer what it was, being made up so largely of new recruits. the croats are uncertain in their adhesion, the war in hungary likely to give them much to do; and if the russian is called in, the rest of europe becomes hostile. all these circumstances give italy a chance she otherwise could not have; she is in great measure unfurnished with arms and money; her king in the south is a bloody, angry, well-armed foe; her king in the north, a proved traitor. charles albert has now declared, war because he could not do otherwise; but his sympathies are in fact all against liberty; the splendid lure that he might become king of italy glitters no more; the republicans are in the ascendant, and he may well doubt, should the stranger be driven out, whether piedmont could escape the contagion. now, his people insisting on war, he has the air of making it with a good grace; but should he be worsted, probably he will know some loophole by which to steal out. the rat will get out and leave the lion in the trap. the "illustrious gioberti" has fallen,--fallen for ever from his high scaffold of words. his demerits were too unmistakable for rhetoric to hide. that he sympathized with the pope rather than the roman people, and could not endure to see him stripped of his temporal power, no one could blame in the author of the _primato_. that he refused the italian general assembly, if it was to be based on the so-called montanelli system instead of his own, might be conviction, or it might be littleness and vanity. but that he privily planned, without even adherence of the council of ministers, an armed intervention of the piedmontese troops in tuscany, thus willing to cause civil war, and, at this great moment, to see italian blood shed by italian hands, was treachery. i think, indeed, he has been probably made the scape-goat in that affair; that charles albert planned the measure, and, finding himself unable to carry it out, in consequence of the vigilance and indignant opposition of the chamber of deputies, was somewhat consoled by making it an occasion to victimize the "illustrious," whom four weeks before the people had forced him to accept as his minister. now the name of gioberti is erased from the corners of the streets to which it was affixed a year ago; he is stripped of all his honorary degrees, and proclaimed an unworthy son of the country. mazzini is the idol of the people. "soon to be hunted out," sneered the sceptical american. possibly yes; for no man is secure of his palm till the fight is over. the civic wreath may be knocked from his head a hundred times in the ardor of the contest. no matter, if he can always keep the forehead pure and lofty, as will mazzini. in thinking of mazzini, i always remember petrarch's invocation to rienzi. mazzini comes at a riper period in the world's history, with the same energy of soul, but of purer temper and more enlarged views to answer them. i do not know whether i mentioned a kind of poetical correspondence about mazzini and rossi. rossi was also an exile for liberal principles, but he did not value his birthright; he alienated it, and as a french citizen became peer of france and representative of louis philippe in italy. when, with the fatuity of those whom the gods have doomed to perish, pius ix. took the representative of the fallen guizot policy for his minister, he made him a roman citizen. he was proclaimed such on the th of november. on the th he perished, before he could enter the parliament he had called. he fell at the door of the cancelleria when it was sitting. mazzini, in his exile, remained absolutely devoted to his native country. because, though feeling as few can that the interests of humanity in all nations are identical, he felt also that, born of a race so suffering, so much needing devotion and energy, his first duty was to that. the only powers he acknowledged were _god and the people_, the special scope of his acts the unity and independence of italy. rome was the theme of his thoughts, but, very early exiled, he had never seen that home to which all the orphans of the soul so naturally turn. now he entered it as a roman citizen, elected representative of the people by universal suffrage. his motto, _dio e popolo_, is put upon the coin with the roman eagle; unhappily this first-issued coin is of brass, or else of silver, with much alloy. _dii, avertite omen_, and may peaceful days turn it all to pure gold! on his first entrance to the house, mazzini, received with fervent applause and summoned, to take his place beside the president, spoke as follows:-- "it is from me, colleagues, that should come these tokens of applause, these tokens of affection, because the little good i have not done, but tried to do, has come to me from rome. rome was always a sort of talisman for me; a youth, i studied the history of italy, and found, while all the other nations were born, grew up, played their part in the world, then fell to reappear no more in the same power, a single city was privileged by god to die only to rise again greater than before, to fulfil a mission greater than the first. i saw the rome of the empire extend her conquests from the confines of africa to the confines of asia. i saw rome perish, crushed by the barbarians, by those whom even yet the world, calls barbarians. i saw her rise again, after having chased away these same barbarians, reviving in its sepulchre the germ of civilization. i saw her rise more great for conquest, not with arms, but with words,--rise in the name of the popes to repeat her grand mission. i said in my heart, the city which alone in the world has had two grand lives, one greater than the other, will have a third. after the rome which wrought by conquest of arms, the rome which wrought by conquest of words, must come a third which shall work by virtue of example. after the rome of the emperors, after the rome of the popes, will come the rome of the people. the rome of the people is arisen; do not salute with applauses, but let us rejoice together! i cannot promise anything for myself, except concurrence in all you shall do for the good of rome, of italy, of mankind. perhaps we shall have to pass through great crises; perhaps we shall have to fight a sacred battle against the only enemy that threatens us,--austria. we will fight it, and we will conquer. i hope, please god, that foreigners may not be able to say any more that which so many of them repeat to-day, speaking of our affairs,--that the light which, comes from rome is only an _ignis fatuus_ wandering among the tombs. the world shall see that it is a starry light, eternal, pure, and resplendent as those we look up to in the heavens!" on a later day he spoke more fully of the difficulties that threaten at home the young republic, and said:-- "let us not hear of right, of left, of centre; these terms express the three powers in a constitutional monarchy; for us they have no meaning; the only divisions for us are of republicans or non-republicans,--or of sincere men and temporizing men. let us not hear so much of the republicans of to-day and of yesterday; i am a republican of twenty years' standing. entertaining such hopes for italy, when many excellent, many sincere men held them as utopian, shall i denounce these men because they are now convinced of their practicability?" this last i quote from memory. in hearing the gentle tone of remonstrance with those of more petty mind, or influenced by the passions of the partisan, i was forcibly reminded of the parable by jesus, of the vineyard and the discontent of the laborers that those who came at the eleventh hour "received also a penny." mazzini also is content that all should fare alike as brethren, if only they will come into the vineyard. he is not an orator, but the simple conversational tone of his address is in refreshing contrast with the boyish rhetoric and academic swell common to italian speakers in the present unfledged state. as they have freer use of the power of debate, they will become more simple and manly. the speech of mazzini is laden with thought,--it goes straight to the mark by the shortest path, and moves without effort, from the irresistible impression of deep conviction and fidelity in the speaker. mazzini is a man of genius, an elevated thinker; but the most powerful and first impression from his presence must always be of the religion of his soul, of his _virtue_, both in the modern and antique sense of that word. if clearness of right, if energy, if indefatigable perseverance, can steer the ship through this dangerous pass, it will be done. he said, "we will conquer"; whether rome will, this time, is not to me certain, but such men as mazzini conquer always,--conquer in defeat. yet heaven grant that no more blood, no more corruption of priestly government, be for italy. it could only be for once more, for the strength, of her present impulse would not fail to triumph at last; but even one more trial seems too intolerably much, when i think of the holocaust of the broken hearts, baffled lives, that must attend it. but enough of politics for the present; this letter goes by private hand, and, as news, will be superseded before it can arrive. let me rather take the opportunity to say some things that i have let lie by, while writing of political events. especially of our artists i wish to say something. i know many of thorn, if not all, and see with pleasure our young country so fairly represented. among the painters i saw of brown only two or three pictures at the exhibition in florence; they were coarse, flashy things. i was told he could do better; but a man who indulges himself with such, coarse sale-work cannot surely do well at any time. the merits of terry and freeman are not my merits; they are beside both favorites in our country, and have a sufficient number of pictures there for every one to judge. i am no connoisseur as regards the technical merits of paintings; it is only poetic invention, or a tender feeling of nature, which captivates me. terry loves grace, and consciously works from the model. the result is a pleasing transposition of the hues of this clime. but the design of the picture is never original, nor is it laden with any message from, the heart. of freeman i know less; as the two or three pictures of his that i have seen never interested me. i have not visited his studio. of hicks i think very highly. he is a man of ideas, an original observer, and with a poetic heart. his system of coloring is derived from a thoughtful study, not a mere imitation of nature, and shows the fineness of his organization. struggling unaided to pursue the expensive studies of his art, he has had only a small studio, and received only orders for little cabinet pictures. could, he carry out adequately his ideas, in him would be found the treasure of genius. he has made the drawings for a large picture of many figures; the design is original and noble, the grouping highly effective. could he paint this picture, i believe it would be a real boon to the lovers of art, the lovers of truth. i hope very much that, when he returns to the united states, some competent patron of art--one of the few who have mind as well as purse--will see the drawings and order the picture. otherwise he cannot paint it, as the expenses attendant on models for so many figures, &c. are great, and the time demanded could not otherwise be taken from the claims of the day. among landscape painters cropsey and cranch have the true artist spirit. in faculties, each has what the other wants. cropsey is a reverent and careful student of nature in detail; it is no pedantry, but a true love he has, and his pictures are full of little, gentle signs of intimacy. they please and touch; but yet in poetic feeling of the heart of nature he is not equal to cranch, who produces fine effects by means more superficial, and, on examination, less satisfactory. each might take somewhat from the other to advantage, could he do it without diminishing his own original dower. both are artists of high promise, and deserve to be loved and cherished by a country which may, without presumption, hope to carry landscape painting to a pitch of excellence unreached before. for the historical painter, the position with us is, for many reasons, not favorable; but there is no bar in the way of the landscape painter, and fate, bestowing such a prodigality of subject, seems to give us a hint not to be mistaken. i think the love of landscape painting is genuine in our nation, and as it is a branch of art where achievement has been comparatively low, we may not unreasonably suppose it has been left for us. i trust it will be undertaken in the highest spirit. nature, it seems to me, reveals herself more freely in our land; she is true, virgin, and confiding,--she smiles upon the vision of a true endymion. i hope to see, not only copies upon canvas of our magnificent scenes, but a transfusion of the spirit which is their divinity. then why should the american landscape painter come to italy? cry many. i think, myself, he ought not to stay here very long. yet a few years' study is precious, for here nature herself has worked with man, as if she wanted to help him in the composition of pictures. the ruins of italy, in their varied relations with vegetation and the heavens, make speeches from every stone for instruction of the artist; the greatest variety here is found with the greatest harmony. to know how this union may be accomplished is a main secret of art, and though the coloring is not the same, yet he who has the key to its mysteries of beauty is the more initiated to the same in other climates, and will easily attune afresh his more instructed eye and mind to the contemplation of that which moulded his childhood. i may observe of the two artists i have named, that cranch has entered more into the spirit of italian landscape, while cropsey is still more distinguished on subjects such as he first loved. he seemed to find the scotch lake and mountain scenery very congenial; his sketches and pictures taken from a short residence there are impressive. perhaps a melancholy or tender subject suits him best; something rich, bold, and mellow is more adapted to call out the genius of cranch. among the sculptors new names rise up, to show that this is decidedly a province for hope in america. i look upon this as the natural talent of an american, and have no doubt that glories will be displayed by our sculptors unknown to classic art. the facts of our history, ideal and social, will be grand and of new import; it is perfectly natural to the american to mould in clay and carve in stone. the permanence of material and solid, relief in the forms correspond to the positiveness of his nature better than the mere ephemeral and even tricky methods of the painter,--to his need of motion and action, better than the chambered scribbling of the poet. he will thus record his best experiences, and these records will adorn the noble structures that must naturally arise for the public uses of our society. it is particularly gratifying to see men that might amass far more money and attain more temporary power in other things, despise those lower lures, too powerful in our country, and aim only at excellence in the expression of thought. among these i may mention story and mozier. story has made in florence the model for a statue of his father. this i have not seen, but two statuettes that he modelled here from the "fisher" of goethe pleased me extremely. the languid, meditative reverie of the boy, the morbid tenderness of his nature, is most happily expressed in the first, as is the fascinated surrender to the siren murmur of tire flood in the second. he has taken the moment "half drew she him; half sank he in," &c. i hope some one will give him an order to make them in marble. mozier seemed to have an immediate success. the fidelity and spirit of his portrait-busts could be appreciated by every one; for an ideal head of pocahontas, too, he had at once orders for many copies. it was not an indian head, but, in the union of sweetness and strength with a princelike, childlike dignity, very happily expressive of his idea of her character. i think he has modelled a rebecca at the well, but this i did not see. these have already a firm hold on the affections of our people; every american who comes to italy visits their studios, and speaks of them with pride, as indeed they well may, in comparing them with artists of other nations. it will not be long before you see greenough's group; it is in spirit a pendant to cooper's novels. i confess i wish he had availed himself of the opportunity to immortalize the real noble indian in marble. this is only the man of the woods,--no metamora, no uncas. but the group should be very instructive to our people. you seem as crazy about powers's greek slave as the florentines were about cimabue's madonnas, in which we still see the spark of genius, but not fanned to its full flame. if your enthusiasm be as genuine as that of the lively florentines, we will not quarrel with it; but i am afraid a great part is drawing-room rapture and newspaper echo. genuine enthusiasm, however crude the state of mind from which it springs, always elevates, always educates; but in the same proportion talking and writing for effect stultifies and debases. i shall not judge the adorers of the greek slave, but only observe, that they have not kept in reserve any higher admiration for works even now extant, which are, in comparison with that statue, what that statue is compared with any weeping marble on a common monument. i consider the slave as a form of simple and sweet beauty, but that neither as an ideal expression nor a specimen of plastic power is it transcendent. powers stands far higher in his busts than in any ideal statue. his conception of what is individual in character is clear and just, his power of execution almost unrivalled; but he has had a lifetime of discipline for the bust, while his studies on the human body are comparatively limited; nor is his treatment of it free and masterly. to me, his conception of subject is not striking: i do not consider him rich in artistic thought. he, no less than greenough and crawford, would feel it a rich reward for many labors, and a happy climax to their honors, to make an equestrian statue of washington for our country. i wish they might all do it, as each would show a different kind of excellence. to present the man on horseback, the wise centaur, the tamer of horses, may well be deemed a high achievement of modern, as it was of ancient art. the study of the anatomy and action of the horse, so rich in suggestions, is naturally most desirable to the artist; happy he who, obliged by the brevity of life and the limitations of fortune, to make his studies conform to his "orders," finds himself justified by a national behest in entering on this department. at home one gets callous about the character of washington, from a long experience of fourth of july bombast in his praise. but seeing the struggles of other nations, and the deficiencies of the leaders who try to sustain them, the heart is again stimulated, and puts forth buds of praise. one appreciates the wonderful combination of events and influences that gave our independence so healthy a birth, and the almost miraculous merits of the men who tended its first motions. in the combination of excellences needed at such a period with the purity and modesty which dignify the private man in the humblest station, washington as yet stands alone. no country has ever had such a good future; no other is so happy as to have a pattern of spotless worth which will remain in her latest day venerable as now. surely, then, that form should be immortalized in material solid as its fame; and, happily for the artist, that form was of natural beauty and dignity, and he who places him on horseback simply represents his habitual existence. everything concurs to make an equestrian statue of washington desirable. the dignified way to manage that affair would be to have a committee chosen of impartial judges, men who would look only to the merits of the work and the interests of the country, unbiassed by any personal interest in favor of some one artist. it is said it is impossible to find such a committee, but i cannot believe it. let there be put aside the mean squabbles and jealousies, the vulgar pushing of unworthy friends, with which, unhappily, the artist's career seems more rife than any other, and a fair concurrence established; let each artist offer his design for an equestrian statue of washington, and let the best have the preference. mr. crawford has made a design which he takes with him to america, and which, i hope, will be generally seen. he has represented washington in his actual dress; a figure of fame, winged, presents the laurel and civic wreath; his gesture declines them; he seems to say, "for me the deed is enough,--i need no badge, no outward, token in reward." this group has no insipid, allegorical air, as might be supposed; and its composition is very graceful, simple, and harmonious. the costume is very happily managed. the angel figure is draped, and with, the liberty-cap, which, as a badge both of ancient and modern times, seems to connect the two figures, and in an artistic point of view balances well the cocked hat; there is a similar harmony between the angel's wings and the extremities of the horse. the action of the winged figure induces a natural and spirited action of the horse and rider. i thought of goethe's remark, that a fine work of art will always have, at a distance, where its details cannot be discerned, a beautiful effect, as of architectural ornament, and that this excellence the groups of raphael share with the antique. he would have been pleased with the beautiful balance of forms in this group, with the freedom with which light and air play in and out, the management of the whole being clear and satisfactory at the first glance. but one should go into a great number of studies, as you can in rome or florence, and see the abundance of heavy and inharmonious designs to appreciate the merits of this; anything really good seems so simple and so a matter of course to the unpractised observer. some say the americans will not want a group, but just the fact; the portrait of washington riding straight onward, like marcus aurelius, or making an address, or lifting his sword. i do not know about that,--it is a matter of feeling. this winged figure not only gives a poetic sense to the group, but a natural support and occasion for action to the horse and rider. uncle sam must send major downing to look at it, and then, if he wants other designs, let him establish a concurrence, as i have said, and choose what is best. i am not particularly attached to mr. greenough, mr. powers, or mr. crawford. i admire various excellences in the works of each, and should be glad if each received an order for an equestrian statue. nor is there any reason why they should not. there is money enough in the country, and the more good things there are for the people to see freely in open daylight, the better. that makes artists germinate. i love the artists, though i cannot speak of their works in a way to content their friends, or even themselves, often. who can, that has a standard of excellence in the mind, and a delicate conscience in the use of words? my highest tribute is meagre of superlatives in comparison with the hackneyed puffs with which artists submit to be besmeared. submit? alas! often they court them, rather. i do not expect any kindness from my contemporaries. i know that what is to me justice and honor is to them only a hateful coldness. still i love them, i wish for their good, i feel deeply for their sufferings, annoyances, privations, and would lessen them if i could. i have thought it might perhaps be of use to publish some account of the expenses of the artist. there is a general impression, that the artist lives very cheaply in italy. this is a mistake. italy, compared with america, is not so very cheap, except for those who have iron constitutions to endure bad food, eaten in bad air, damp and dirty lodgings. the expenses, even in florence, of a simple but clean and wholesome life, are little less than in new york. the great difference is for people that are rich. an englishman of rank and fortune does not need the same amount of luxury as at home, to be on a footing with the nobles of italy. the broadway merchant would find his display of mahogany and carpets thrown away in a country where a higher kind of ornament is the only one available. but poor people, who can, at any rate, buy only the necessaries of life, will find them in the italian cities, where all sellers live by cheating foreigners, very little cheaper than in america. the patrons of art in america, ignorant of these facts, and not knowing the great expenses which attend the study of art and the production of its wonders, are often guilty of most undesigned cruelty, and do things which it would grieve their hearts to have done, if they only knew the facts. they have read essays on the uses of adversity in developing genius, and they are not sufficiently afraid to administer a dose of adversity beyond what the forces of the patient can bear. laudanum in drops is useful as a medicine, but a cupful kills downright. beside this romantic idea about letting artists suffer to develop their genius, the american mæcenas is not sufficiently aware of the expenses attendant on producing the work he wants. he does not consider that the painter, the sculptor, must be paid for the time he spends in designing and moulding, no less than in painting and carving; that he must have his bread and sleeping-house, his workhouse or studio, his marbles and colors,--the sculptor his workmen; so that if the price be paid he asks, a modest and delicate man very commonly receives _no_ guerdon for his thought,--the real essence of the work,--except the luxury of seeing it embodied, which he could not otherwise have afforded, the american mæcenas often pushes the price down, not from want of generosity, but from a habit of making what are called good bargains,--i.e. bargains for one's own advantage at the expense of a poorer brother. those who call these good do not believe that "mankind is one, and beats with one great heart." they have not read the life of jesus christ. then the american mæcenas sometimes, after ordering a work, has been known to change his mind when the statue is already modelled. it is the american who does these things, because an american, who either from taste or vanity buys a picture, is often quite uneducated as to the arts, and cannot understand why a little picture or figure costs so much money. the englishman or frenchman, of a suitable position to seek these adornments for his house, usually understands better than the visitor of powers who, on hearing the price of the proserpine, wonderingly asked, "isn't statuary riz lately?" queen victoria of england, and her albert, it is said, use their royal privilege to get works of art at a price below their value; but their subjects would be ashamed to do so. to supply means of judging to the american merchant (full of kindness and honorable sympathy as beneath the crust he so often is) who wants pictures and statues, not merely from ostentation, but as means of delight and improvement to himself and his friends, who has a soul to respect the genius and desire the happiness of the artist, and who, if he errs, does so from ignorance of the circumstances, i give the following memorandum, made at my desire by an artist, my neighbor:-- "the rent of a suitable studio for modelling in clay and executing statues in marble may be estimated at $ a year. "the best journeyman carver in marble at rome receives $ a month. models are paid $ a day. "the cost of marble varies according to the size of the block, being generally sold by the cubic palm, a square of nine inches english. as a general guide regarding the prices established among the higher sculptors of rome, i may mention that for a statue of life-size the demand is from $ , to $ , , varying according to the composition of the figure and the number of accessories. "it is a common belief in the united states, that a student of art can live in italy and pursue his studies on an income of $ or $ a year. this is a lamentable error; the russian government allows its pensioners $ , which is scarcely sufficient. $ , per annum should be placed at the disposal of every young artist leaving our country for europe." let it be remembered, in addition to considerations inevitable from this memorandum, that an artist may after years and months of uncheered and difficult toil, after he has gone through the earlier stages of an education, find it too largely based, and of aim too high, to finish in this world. the prussian artist here on my left hand learned not only his art, but reading and writing, after he was thirty. a farmer's son, he was allowed no freedom to learn anything till the death of the head of the house left him a beggar, but set him free; he walked to berlin, distant several hundred miles, attracted by his first works some attention, and received some assistance in money, earned more by invention of a ploughshare, walked to rome, struggled through every privation, and has now a reputation which has secured him the means of putting his thoughts into marble. true, at forty-nine years of age he is still severely poor; he cannot marry, because he cannot maintain a family; but he is cheerful, because he can work in his own way, trusts with childlike reliance in god, and is still sustained by the vigorous health he won laboring in his father's fields. not every man could continue to work, circumstanced as he is, at the end of the half-century. for him the only sad thing in my mind is that his works are not worth working, though of merit in composition and execution, yet ideally a product of the galvanized piety of the german school, more mutton-like than lamb-like to my unchurched eyes. you are likely to have a work to look at in the united states by the great master of that school, overbeck; mr. perkins of boston, who knows how to spend his money with equal generosity and discretion, having bought his "wise and foolish virgins." it will be precious to the country from great artistic merits. as to the spirit, "blessed are the poor in spirit." that kind of severity is, perhaps has become, the nature of overbeck. he seems like a monk, but a really pious and pure one. this spirit is not what i seek; i deem it too narrow for our day, but being deeply sincere in him, its expression is at times also deeply touching. barabbas borne in triumph, and the child jesus, who, playing with his father's tools, has made himself a cross, are subjects best adapted for expression of this spirit. i have written too carelessly,--much writing hath made me mad of late. forgive if the "style be not neat, terse, and sparkling," if there be naught of the "thrilling," if the sentences seem not "written with a diamond pen," like all else that is published in america. some time i must try to do better. for this time "forgive my faults; forgive my virtues too." march . day before yesterday was the feast of st. joseph. he is supposed to have acquired a fondness for fried rice-cakes during his residence in egypt. many are eaten in the open street, in arbors made for the occasion. one was made beneath my window, on piazza barberini. all the day and evening men, cleanly dressed in white aprons and liberty caps, quite new, of fine, red cloth, were frying cakes for crowds of laughing, gesticulating customers. it rained a little, and they held an umbrella over the frying-pan, but not over themselves. the arbor is still there, and little children are playing in and out of it; one still lesser runs in its leading-strings, followed by the bold, gay nurse, to the brink of the fountain, after its orange which has rolled before it. tenerani's workmen are coming out of his studio, the priests are coming home from ponte pio, the contadini beginning to play at _moro_, for the setting sun has just lit up the magnificent range of windows in the palazzo barberini, and then faded tenderly, sadly away, and the mellow bells have chimed the ave maria. rome looks as roman, that is to say as tranquil, as ever, despite the trouble that tugs at her heart-strings. there is a report that mazzini is to be made dictator, as manin is in venice, for a short time, so as to provide hastily and energetically for the war. ave maria sanissima! when thou didst gaze on thy babe with such infinite hope, thou didst not dream that, so many ages after, blood would be shed and curses uttered in his name. madonna addolorata! hadst thou not hoped peace and good-will would spring from his bloody woes, couldst thou have borne those hours at the foot of the cross. o stella! woman's heart of love, send yet a ray of pure light on this troubled deep? letter xxx. the struggle in rome.--position of the french.--the austrians.--feeling of the roman people.--the french troops.--effects of war.--hospitals.--the princess belgioioso.--position of mr. cass as envoy.--difficulties and suggestions.--america and rome.--reflections on the eternal city.--the french: the people. rome, may , . i have suspended writing in the expectation of some decisive event; but none such comes yet. the french, entangled in a web of falsehood, abashed by a defeat that oudinot has vainly tried to gloss over, the expedition disowned by all honorable men at home, disappointed at gaëta, not daring to go the length papal infatuation demands, know not what to do. the neapolitans have been decidedly driven back into their own borders, the last time in a most shameful rout, their king flying in front. we have heard for several days that the austrians were advancing, but they come not. they also, it is probable, meet with unexpected embarrassments. they find that the sincere movement of the italian people is very unlike that of troops commanded by princes and generals who never wished to conquer and were always waiting to betray. then their troubles at home are constantly increasing, and, should the russian intervention quell these to-day, it is only to raise a storm far more terrible to-morrow. the struggle is now fairly, thoroughly commenced between the principle of democracy and the old powers, no longer legitimate. that struggle may last fifty years, and the earth be watered with the blood and tears of more than one generation, but the result is sure. all europe, including great britain, where the most bitter resistance of all will be made, is to be under republican government in the next century. "god moves in a mysterious way." every struggle made by the old tyrannies, all their jesuitical deceptions, their rapacity, their imprisonments and executions of the most generous men, only sow more dragon's teeth; the crop shoots up daily more and more plenteous. when i first arrived in italy, the vast majority of this people had no wish beyond limited monarchies, constitutional governments. they still respected the famous names of the nobility; they despised the priests, but were still fondly attached to the dogmas and ritual of the roman catholic church. it required king bomba, the triple treachery of charles albert, pius ix., and the "illustrious gioberti," the naturally kind-hearted, but, from the necessity of his position, cowardly and false leopold of tuscany, the vagabond "serene" meannesses of parma and modena, the "fatherly" radetzsky, and, finally, the imbecile louis bonaparte, "would-be emperor of france," to convince this people that no transition is possible between the old and the new. _the work is done_; the revolution in italy is now radical, nor can it stop till italy becomes independent and united as a republic. protestant she already is, and though the memory of saints and martyrs may continue to be revered, the ideal of woman to be adored under the name of mary, yet christ will now begin to be a little thought of; _his_ idea has always been kept carefully out of sight under the old _régime_; all the worship being for the madonna and saints, who were to be well paid for interceding for sinners;--an example which might make men cease to be such, was no way coveted. now the new testament has been translated into italian; copies are already dispersed far and wide; men calling themselves christians will no longer be left entirely ignorant of the precepts and life of jesus. the people of rome have burnt the cardinals' carriages. they took the confessionals out of the churches, and made mock confessions in the piazzas, the scope of which was, "i have sinned, father, so and so." "well, my son, how much will you _pay_ to the church for absolution?" afterward the people thought of burning the confessionals, or using them for barricades; but at the request of the triumvirate they desisted, and even put them back into the churches. but it was from no reaction of feeling that they stopped short, only from respect for the government. the "tartuffe" of molière has been translated into italian, and was last night performed with great applause at the valle. can all this be forgotten? never! should guns and bayonets replace the pope on the throne, he will find its foundations, once deep as modern civilization, now so undermined that it falls with the least awkward movement. but i cannot believe he will be replaced there. france alone could consummate that crime,--that, for her, most cruel, most infamous treason. the elections in france will decide. in three or four days we shall know whether the french nation at large be guilty or no,--whether it be the will of the nation to aid or strive to ruin a government founded on precisely the same basis as their own. i do not dare to trust that people. the peasant is yet very ignorant. the suffering workman is frightened as he thinks of the punishments that ensued on the insurrections of may and june. the man of property is full of horror at the brotherly scope of socialism. the aristocrat dreams of the guillotine always when he hears men speak of the people. the influence of the jesuits is still immense in france. both in france and england the grossest falsehoods have been circulated with unwearied diligence about the state of things in italy. an amusing specimen of what is still done in this line i find just now in a foreign journal, where it says there are red flags on all the houses of rome; meaning to imply that the romans are athirst for blood. now, the fact is, that these flags are put up at the entrance of those streets where there is no barricade, as a signal to coachmen and horsemen that they can pass freely. there is one on the house where i am, in which is no person but myself, who thirst for peace, and the padrone, who thirsts for money. meanwhile the french troops are encamped at a little distance from rome. some attempts at fair and equal treaty when their desire to occupy rome was firmly resisted, oudinot describes in his despatches as a readiness for _submission_. having tried in vain to gain this point, he has sent to france for fresh orders. these will be decided by the turn the election takes. meanwhile the french troops are much exposed to the roman force where they are. should the austrians come up, what will they do? will they shamelessly fraternize with the french, after pretending and proclaiming that they came here as a check upon their aggressions? will they oppose them in defence of rome, with which they are at war? ah! the way of falsehood, the way of treachery,--how dark, how full of pitfalls and traps! heaven defend from it all who are not yet engaged therein! war near at hand seems to me even more dreadful than i had fancied it. true, it tries men's souls, lays bare selfishness in undeniable deformity. here it has produced much fruit of noble sentiment, noble act; but still it breeds vice too, drunkenness, mental dissipation, tears asunder the tenderest ties, lavishes the productions of earth, for which her starving poor stretch out their hands in vain, in the most unprofitable manner. and the ruin that ensues, how terrible! let those who have ever passed happy days in rome grieve to hear that the beautiful plantations of villa borghese--that chief delight and refreshment of citizens, foreigners, and little children--are laid low, as far as the obelisk. the fountain, singing alone amid the fallen groves, cannot be seen and heard without tears; it seems like some innocent infant calling and crowing amid dead bodies on a field which battle has strewn with the bodies of those who once cherished it. the plantations of villa salvage on the tiber, also, the beautiful trees on the way from st. john lateran to la maria maggiore, the trees of the forum, are fallen. rome is shorn of the locks which lent grace to her venerable brow. she looks desolate, profaned. i feel what i never expected to,--as if i might by and by be willing to leave rome. then i have, for the first time, seen what wounded men suffer. the night of the th of april i passed in the hospital, and saw the terrible agonies of those dying or who needed amputation, felt their mental pains and longing for the loved ones who were away; for many of these were lombards, who had come from the field of novarra to fight with a fairer chance,--many were students of the university, who had enlisted and thrown themselves into the front of the engagement. the impudent falsehoods of the french general's despatches are incredible. the french were never decoyed on in any way. they were received with every possible mark of hostility. they were defeated in open field, the garibaldi legion rushing out to meet them; and though they suffered much from the walls, they sustained themselves nowhere. they never put up a white flag till they wished to surrender. the vanity that strives to cover over these facts is unworthy of men. the only excuse for the imprudent conduct of the expedition is that they were deceived, not by the romans here, but by the priests of gaëta, leading them to expect action in their favor within the walls. these priests themselves were deluded by their hopes and old habits of mind. the troops did not fight well, and general oudinot abandoned his wounded without proper care. all this says nothing against french valor, proved by ages of glory, beyond the doubt of their worst foes. they were demoralized because they fought in so bad a cause, and there was no sincere ardor or clear hope in any breast. but to return to the hospitals: these were put in order, and have been kept so, by the princess belgioioso. the princess was born of one of the noblest families of the milanese, a descendant of the great trivalzio, and inherited a large fortune. very early she compromised it in liberal movements, and, on their failure, was obliged to fly to paris, where for a time she maintained herself by writing, and i think by painting also. a princess so placed naturally excited great interest, and she drew around her a little court of celebrated men. after recovering her fortune, she still lived in paris, distinguished for her talents and munificence, both toward literary men and her exiled countrymen. later, on her estate, called locate, between pavia and milan, she had made experiments in the socialist direction with fine judgment and success. association for education, for labor, for transaction of household affairs, had been carried on for several years; she had spared no devotion of time and money to this object, loved, and was much beloved by, those objects of her care, and said she hoped to die there. all is now despoiled and broken up, though it may be hoped that some seeds of peaceful reform have been sown which will spring to light when least expected. the princess returned to italy in - , full of hope in pius ix and charles albert. she showed her usual energy and truly princely heart, sustaining, at her own expense, a company of soldiers and a journal up to the last sad betrayal of milan, august th. these days undeceived all the people, but few of the noblesse; she was one of the few with mind strong enough to understand the lesson, and is now warmly interested in the republican movement. from milan she went to france, but, finding it impossible to effect anything serious there in behalf of italy, returned, and has been in rome about two months. since leaving milan she receives no income, her possessions being in the grasp of radetzky, and cannot know when, if ever, she will again. but as she worked so largely and well with money, so can she without. she published an invitation to the roman women to make lint and bandages, and offer their services to the wounded; she put the hospitals in order; in the central one, trinita de pellegrini, once the abode where the pilgrims were received during holy week, and where foreigners were entertained by seeing their feet washed by the noble dames and dignitaries of rome, she has remained day and night since the th of april, when the wounded were first there. some money she procured at first by going through rome, accompanied by two other ladies veiled, to beg it. afterward the voluntary contributions were generous; among the rest, i am proud to say, the americans in rome gave $ , of which a handsome portion came from mr. brown, the consul. i value this mark of sympathy more because of the irritation and surprise occasioned here by the position of mr. cass, the envoy. it is most unfortunate that we should have an envoy here for the first time, just to offend and disappoint the romans. when all the other ambassadors are at gaëta, ours is in rome, as if by his presence to discountenance the republican government, which he does not recognize. mr. cass, it seems, is required by his instructions not to recognize the government till sure it can be sustained. now it seems to me that the only dignified ground for our government, the only legitimate ground for any republican government, is to recognize for any nation the government chosen by itself. the suffrage had been correct here, and the proportion of votes to the whole population was much larger, it was said by americans here, than it is in our own country at the time of contested elections. it had elected an assembly; that assembly had appointed, to meet the exigencies of this time, the triumvirate. if any misrepresentations have induced america to believe, as france affects to have believed, that so large a vote could have been obtained by moral intimidation, the present unanimity of the population in resisting such immense odds, and the enthusiasm of their every expression in favor of the present government, puts the matter beyond a doubt. the roman people claims once more to have a national existence. it declines further serfdom to an ecclesiastical court. it claims liberty of conscience, of action, and of thought. should it fall from its present position, it will not be from, internal dissent, but from foreign oppression. since this is the case, surely our country, if no other, is bound to recognize the present government _so long as it can sustain itself_. this position is that to which we have a right: being such, it is no matter how it is viewed by others. but i dare assert it is the only respectable one for our country, in the eyes of the emperor of russia himself. the first, best occasion is past, when mr. cass might, had he been empowered to act as mr. rush did in france, have morally strengthened the staggering republic, which would have found sympathy where alone it is of permanent value, on the basis of principle. had it been in vain, what then? america would have acted honorably; as to our being compromised thereby with the papal government, that fear is idle. pope and cardinals have great hopes from america; the giant influence there is kept up with the greatest care; the number of catholic writers in the united states, too, carefully counted. had our republican government acknowledged this republican government, the papal camarilla would have respected us more, but not loved us less; for have we not the loaves and fishes to give, as well as the precious souls to be saved? ah! here, indeed, america might go straightforward with all needful impunity. bishop hughes himself need not be anxious. that first, best occasion has passed, and the unrecognized, unrecognizing envoy has given offence, and not comfort, by a presence that seemed constantly to say, i do not think you can sustain yourselves. it has wounded both the heart and the pride of rome. some of the lowest people have asked me, "is it not true that your country had a war to become free?" "yes." "then why do they not feel for us?" yet even now it is not too late. if america would only hail triumphant, though she could not sustain injured rome, that would be something. "can you suppose rome will triumph," you say, "without money, and against so potent a league of foes?" i am not sure, but i hope, for i believe something in the heart of a people when fairly awakened. i have also a lurking confidence in what our fathers spoke of so constantly, a providential order of things, by which brute force and selfish enterprise are sometimes set at naught by aid which seems to descend from a higher sphere. even old pagans believed in that, you know; and i was born in america, christianized by the puritans,--america, freed by eight years' patient suffering, poverty, and struggle,--america, so cheered in dark days by one spark of sympathy from a foreign shore,--america, first "recognized" by lafayette. i saw him when traversing our country, then great, rich, and free. millions of men who owed in part their happiness to what, no doubt, was once sneered at as romantic sympathy, threw garlands in his path. it is natural that i should have some faith. send, dear america! to thy ambassadors a talisman precious beyond all that boasted gold of california. let it loose his tongue to cry, "long live the republic, and may god bless the cause of the people, the brotherhood of nations and of men,--equality of rights for all." _viva america!_ hail to my country! may she live a free, a glorious, a loving life, and not perish, like the old dominions, from, the leprosy of selfishness. evening. i am alone in the ghostly silence of a great house, not long since full of gay faces and echoing with gay voices, now deserted by every one but me,--for almost all foreigners are gone now, driven by force either of the summer heats or the foe. i hear all the spaniards are going now,--that twenty-one have taken passports to-day; why that is, i do not know. i shall not go till the last moment; my only fear is of france. i cannot think in any case there would be found men willing to damn themselves to latest posterity by bombarding rome. other cities they may treat thus, careless of destroying the innocent and helpless, the babe and old grandsire who cannot war against them. but rome, precious inheritance of mankind,--will they run the risk of marring her shrined treasures? would they dare do it? two of the balls that struck st. peter's have been sent to pius ix. by his children, who find themselves so much less "beloved" than were the austrians. these two days, days of solemn festivity in the calends of the church, have been duly kept, and the population looks cheerful as it swarms through the streets. the order of rome, thronged as it is with troops, is amazing. i go from one end to the other, and amid the poorest and most barbarous of the population, (barbarously ignorant, i mean,) alone and on foot. my friends send out their little children alone with their nurses. the amount of crime is almost nothing to what it was. the roman, no longer pent in ignorance and crouching beneath espionage, no longer stabs in the dark. his energies have true vent; his better feelings are roused; he has thrown aside the stiletto. the power here is indeed miraculous, since no doubt still lurk within the walls many who are eager to incite brawls, if only to give an excuse for slander. to-day i suppose twelve thousand austrians marched into florence. the florentines have humbled and disgraced themselves in vain. they recalled the grand duke to ward off the entrance of the austrians, but in vain went the deputation to gaëta--in an american steamer! leopold was afraid to come till his dear cousins of austria had put everything in perfect order; then the austrians entered to take leghorn, but the florentines still kept on imploring them not to come there; florence was as subdued, as good as possible, already:--they have had the answer they deserved. now they crown their work by giving over guerazzi and petracci to be tried by an austrian court-martial. truly the cup of shame brims over. i have been out on the balcony to look over the city. all sleeps with that peculiar air of serene majesty known to this city only;--this city that has grown, not out of the necessities of commerce nor the luxuries of wealth, but first out of heroism, then out of faith. swelling domes, roofs softly tinted with yellow moss! what deep meaning, what deep repose, in your faintly seen outline! the young moon climbs among clouds,--the clouds of a departing thunderstorm. tender, smiling moon! can it be that thy full orb may look down on a smoking, smouldering rome, and see her best blood run along the stones, without one nation in the world to defend, one to aid,--scarce one to cry out a tardy "shame"? we will wait, whisper the nations, and see if they can bear it. rack them well to see if they are brave. _if they can do without us_, we will help them. is it thus ye would be served in your turn? beware! letter xxxi. the french treason at rome.--oudinot.--lesseps.--letter of the triumvirate.--reply of lesseps.--course of oudinot.--the wounded italians.--garibaldi.--italian young men.--military funeral.--havoc of the siege.--courage of mazzini.--falseness of the london times. rome, june , . what shall i write of rome in these sad but glorious days? plain facts are the best; for my feelings i could not find fit words. when i last wrote, the french were playing the second act of their farce. in the first, the french government affected to consult the assembly. the assembly, or a majority of the assembly, affected to believe the pretext it gave, and voted funds for twelve thousand men to go to civita vecchia. arriving there, oudinot proclaimed that he had come as a friend and brother. he was received as such. immediately he took possession of the town, disarmed the roman troops, and published a manifesto in direct opposition to his first declaration. he sends to rome that he is coming there as a friend; receives the answer that he is not wanted and cannot be trusted. this answer he chooses to consider as coming from a minority, and advances on rome. the pretended majority on which he counts never shows itself by a single movement within the walls. he makes an assault, and is defeated. on this subject his despatches to his government are full of falsehoods that would disgrace the lowest pickpocket,--falsehoods which it is impossible he should not know to be such. the assembly passed a vote of blame. m. louis bonaparte writes a letter of compliment and assurance that this course of violence shall be sustained. in conformity with this promise twelve thousand more troops are sent. this time it is not thought necessary to consult the assembly. let us view the second act. now appears in rome m. ferdinand lesseps, envoy, &c. of the french government. he declares himself clothed with full powers to treat with rome. he cannot conceal his surprise at all he sees there, at the ability with which preparations have been made for defence, at the patriotic enthusiasm which pervades the population. nevertheless, in beginning his game of treaty-making, he is not ashamed to insist on the french occupying the city. again and again repulsed, he again and again returns to the charge on this point. and here i shall translate the letter addressed to him by the triumvirate, both because of its perfect candor of statement, and to give an idea of the sweet and noble temper in which these treacherous aggressions have been met. letter of the triumvirs to monsieur lesseps. "may , . "we have had the honor, monsieur, to furnish you, in our note of the th, with some information as to the unanimous consent which was given to the formation of the government of the roman republic. we to-day would speak to you of the actual question, such as it is debated in fact, if not by right, between the french government and ours. you will allow us to do it with the frankness demanded by the urgency of the situation, as well as the sympathy which ought to govern all relations between france and italy. our diplomacy is the truth, and the character given to your mission is a guaranty that the best possible interpretation will be given to what we shall say to you. "with your permission, we return for an instant to the cause of the present situation of affairs. "in consequence of conferences and arrangements which took place without the government of the roman republic ever being called on to take part, it was some time since decided by the catholic powers,-- st. that a modification should take place in the government and institutions of the roman states; d. that this modification should have for basis the return of pius ix., not as pope, for to that no obstacle is interposed by us, but as temporal sovereign; d. that if, to attain that aim, a continuous intervention was judged necessary, that intervention should take place. "we are willing to admit, that while for some of the contracting governments the only motive was the hope of a general restoration and absolute return to the treaties of , the french government was drawn into this agreement only in consequence of erroneous information, tending systematically to depict the roman states as given up to anarchy and governed by terror exercised in the name of an audacious minority. we know also, that, in the modification proposed, the french government intended to represent an influence more or less liberal, opposed to the absolutist programme of austria and of naples. it does none the less remain true, that under the apostolic or constitutional form, with or without liberal guaranties to the roman people, the dominant thought in all the negotiations to which we allude has been some sort of return toward the past, a compromise between the roman people and pius ix. considered as temporal prince. "we cannot dissemble to ourselves, monsieur, that the french expedition has been planned and executed under the inspiration of this thought. its object was, on one side, to throw the sword of france into the balance of negotiations which were to be opened at rome; on the other, to guarantee the roman people from the excess of retrograde, but always on condition that it should submit to constitutional monarchy in favor of the holy father. this is assured to us partly from information which we believe we possess as to the concert with austria; from the proclamations of general oudinot; from the formal declarations made by successive envoys to the triumvirate; from the silence obstinately maintained whenever we have sought to approach the political question and obtain a formal declaration of the fact proved in our note of the th, that the institutions by which the roman people are governed at this time are the free and spontaneous expression of the wish of the people inviolable when legally ascertained. for the rest, the vote of the french assembly sustains implicitly the fact that we affirm. "in such a situation, under the menace of an inadmissible compromise, and of negotiations which the state of our people no way provoked, our part, monsieur, could not be doubtful. to resist,--we owed this to our country, to france, to all europe. we ought, in fulfilment of a mandate loyally given, loyally accepted, maintain to our country the inviolability, so far as that was possible to us, of its territory, and of the institutions decreed by all the powers, by all the elements, of the state. we ought to conquer the time needed for appeal from france ill informed to france better informed, to save the sister republic the disgrace and the remorse which must be hers if, rashly led on by bad suggestions from without, she became, before she was aware, accomplice in an act of violence to which we can find no parallel without going back to the partition of poland in . we owed it to europe to maintain, as far as we could, the fundamental principles of all international life, the independence of each people in all that concerns its internal administration. we say it without pride,--for if it is with enthusiasm that we resist the attempts of the neapolitan monarchy and of austria, our eternal enemy, it is with profound grief that we are ourselves constrained to contend with the arms of france,--we believe in following this line of conduct we have deserved well, not only of our country, but of all the people of europe, even of france herself. "we come to the actual question. you know, monsieur, the events which have followed the french intervention. our territory has been invaded by the king of naples. "four thousand spaniards were to embark on the th for invasion of this country. the austrians, having surmounted the heroic resistance of bologna, have advanced into romagna, and are now marching on ancona. "we have beaten and driven out of our territory the forces of the king of naples. we believe we should do the same by the austrian forces, if the attitude of the french here did not fetter our action. "we are sorry to say it, but france must be informed that the expedition of civita vecchia, said to be planned for our protection, costs us very dear. of all the interventions with which it is hoped to overwhelm us, that of the french has been the most perilous. against the soldiers of austria and the king of naples we can fight, for god protects a good cause. but we _do not wish to fight_ against the french. we are toward them in a state, not of war, but of simple defence. but this position, the only one we wish to take wherever we meet france, has for us all the inconveniences without any of the favorable chances of war. "the french expedition has, from the first, forced us to concentrate our troops, thus leaving our frontier open to austrian invasion, and bologna and the cities of romagna unsustained. the austrians have profited by this. after eight days of heroic resistance by the population, bologna was forced to yield. we had bought in france arms for our defence. of these ten thousand muskets have been detained between marseilles and civita vecchia. these are in your hands. thus with a single blow you deprive us of ten thousand soldiers. in every armed man is a soldier against the austrians. "your forces are disposed around our walls as if for a siege. they remain there without avowed aim or programme. they have forced us to keep the city in a state of defence which weighs upon our finances. they force us to keep here a body of troops who might be saving our cities from the occupation and ravages of the austrians. they hinder our going from place to place, our provisioning the city, our sending couriers. they keep minds in a state of excitement and distrust which might, if our population were less good and devoted, lead to sinister results. they do _not_ engender anarchy nor reaction, for both are impossible at rome; but they sow the seed of irritation against france, and it is a misfortune for us who were accustomed to love and hope in her. "we are besieged, monsieur, besieged by france, in the name of a protective mission, while some leagues off the king of naples, flying, carries off our hostages, and the austrian slays our brothers. "you have presented propositions. those propositions have been declared inadmissible by the assembly. to-day you add a fourth to the three already rejected. this says that france will protect from foreign invasion all that part of our territory that may be occupied by her troops. you must yourself feel that this changes nothing in our position. "the parts of the territory occupied by your troops are in fact protected; but if only for the present, to what are they reduced? and if it is for the future, have we no other way to protect our territory than by giving it up entirely to you? "the real intent of your demands is not stated. it is the occupation of rome. this demand has constantly stood first in your list of propositions. now we have had the honor to say to you, monsieur, that is impossible. the people will never consent to it. if the occupation of rome has for its aim only to protect it, the people thank you, but tell you at the same time, that, able to defend rome by their own forces, they would be dishonored even in your eyes by declaring themselves insufficient, and needing the aid of some regiments of french soldiers. if the occupation has otherwise a political object, which god forbid, the people, who have given themselves freely these institutions, cannot suffer it. rome is their capital, their palladium, their sacred city. they know very well, that, apart from their principles, apart from their honor, there is civil war at the end of such an occupation. they are filled with distrust by your persistence. they foresee, the troops being once admitted, changes in men and in actions which would be fatal to their liberty. they know that, in presence of foreign bayonets, the independence of their assembly, of their government, would be a vain word. they have always civita vecchia before their eyes. "on this point be sure their will is irrevocable. they will be massacred from barricade to barricade, before they will surrender. can the soldiers of france wish to massacre a brother people whom they came to protect, because they do not wish to surrender to them their capital? "there are for france only three parts to take in the roman states. she ought to declare herself for us, against us, or neutral. to declare herself for us would be to recognize our republic, and fight side by side with us against the austrians. to declare against us is to crush without motive the liberty, the national life, of a friendly people, and fight side by side with the austrians. france _cannot_ do that. she _will not_ risk a european war to depress us, her ally. let her, then, rest neutral in this conflict between us and our enemies. only yesterday we hoped more from her, but to-day we demand but this. "the occupation of civita vecchia is a fact accomplished; let it go. france thinks that, in the present state of things, she ought not to remain distant from the field of battle. she thinks that, vanquishers or vanquished, we may have need of her moderative action and of her protection. we do not think so; but we will not react against her. let her keep civita vecchia. let her even extend her encampments, if the numbers of her troops require it, in the healthy regions of civita vecchia and viterbo. let her then wait the issue of the combats about to take place. all facilities will be offered her, every proof of frank and cordial sympathy given; her officers can visit rome, her soldiers have all the solace possible. but let her neutrality be sincere and without concealed plans. let her declare herself in explicit terms. let her leave us free to use all our forces. let her restore our arms. let her not by her cruisers drive back from our ports the men who come to our aid from other parts of italy. let her, above all, withdraw from before our walls, and cause even the appearance of hostility to cease between two nations who, later, undoubtedly are destined to unite in the same international faith, as now they have adopted the same form of government." in his answer, lesseps appears moved by this statement, and particularly expresses himself thus:-- "one point appears above all to occupy you; it is the thought that we wish forcibly to impose upon you the obligation of receiving us as friends. _friendship and violence are incompatible._ thus it would be _inconsistent_ on our part to begin by firing our cannon upon you, since we are your natural protectors. _such a contradiction enters neither into my intentions, nor those of the government of the french republic, nor of our army and its honorable chief._" these words were written at the head-quarters of oudinot, and of course seen and approved by him. at the same time, in private conversation, "the honorable chief" could swear he would occupy rome by "one means or another." a few days after, lesseps consented to conditions such as the romans would tolerate. he no longer insisted on occupying rome, but would content himself with good positions in the country. oudinot protested that the plenipotentiary had "exceeded his powers,"--that he should not obey,--that the armistice was at an end, and he should attack rome on monday. it was then friday. he proposed to leave these two days for the few foreigners that remained to get out of town. m. lesseps went off to paris, in great seeming indignation, to get _his_ treaty ratified. of course we could not hear from him for eight or ten days. meanwhile, the _honorable_ chief, alike in all his conduct, attacked on sunday instead of monday. the attack began before sunrise, and lasted all day. i saw it from my window, which, though distant, commands the gate of st. pancrazio. why the whole force was bent on that part, i do not know. if they could take it, the town would be cannonaded, and the barricades useless; but it is the same with the pincian gate. small-parties made feints in two other directions, but they were at once repelled. the french fought with great bravery, and this time it is said with beautiful skill and order, sheltering themselves in their advance by movable barricades. the italians fought like lions, and no inch of ground was gained by the assailants. the loss of the french is said to be very great: it could not be otherwise. six or seven hundred italians are dead or wounded. among them are many officers, those of garibaldi especially, who are much exposed by their daring bravery, and whose red tunic makes them the natural mark of the enemy. it seems to me great folly to wear such a dress amid the dark uniforms; but garibaldi has always done it. he has now been wounded twice here and seventeen times in ancona. all this week i have been much at the hospitals where are these noble sufferers. they are full of enthusiasm; this time was no treason, no vicenza, no novara, no milan. they had not been given up by wicked chiefs at the moment they were shedding their blood, and they had conquered. all were only anxious to get out again and be at their posts. they seemed to feel that those who died so gloriously were fortunate; perhaps they were, for if rome is obliged to yield,--and how can she stand always unaided against the four powers?--where shall these noble youths fly? they are the flower of the italian youth; especially among the lombards are some of the finest young men i have ever seen. if rome falls, if venice falls, there is no spot of italian earth where they can abide more, and certainly no italian will wish to take refuge in france. truly you said, m. lesseps, "violence and friendship are incompatible." a military funeral of the officer ramerino was sadly picturesque and affecting. the white-robed priests went before the body singing, while his brothers in arms bore the lighted tapers. his horse followed, saddled and bridled. the horse hung his head and stepped dejectedly; he felt there was something strange and gloomy going on,--felt that his master was laid low. ramerino left a wife and children. a great proportion of those who run those risks are, happily, alone. parents weep, but will not suffer long; their grief is not like that of widows and children. since the d we have only cannonade and skirmishes. the french are at their trenches, but cannot advance much; they are too much molested from the walls. the romans have made one very successful sortie. the french availed themselves of a violent thunderstorm, when the walls were left more thinly guarded, to try to scale them, but were immediately driven back. it was thought by many that they never would be willing to throw bombs and shells into rome, but they do whenever they can. that generous hope and faith in them as republicans and brothers, which put the best construction on their actions, and believed in their truth as far as possible, is now destroyed. the government is false, and the people do not resist; the general is false, and the soldiers obey. meanwhile, frightful sacrifices are being made by rome. all her glorious oaks, all her gardens of delight, her casinos, full of the monuments of genius and taste, are perishing in the defence. the houses, the trees which had been spared at the gate of st. pancrazio, all afforded shelter to the foe, and caused so much loss of life, that the romans have now fully acquiesced in destruction agonizing to witness. villa borghese is finally laid waste, the villa of raphael has perished, the trees are all cut down at villa albani, and the house, that most beautiful ornament of rome, must, i suppose, go too. the stately marble forms are already driven from their place in that portico where winckelmann sat and talked with such delight. villa salvage is burnt, with all its fine frescos, and that bank of the tiber shorn of its lovely plantations. rome will never recover the cruel ravage of these days, perhaps only just begun. i had often thought of living a few months near st. peter's, that i might go as much as i liked to the church and the museum, have villa pamfili and monte mario within the compass of a walk. it is not easy to find lodgings there, as it is a quarter foreigners never inhabit; but, walking about to see what pleasant places there were, i had fixed my eye on a clean, simple house near ponte st. angelo. it bore on a tablet that it was the property of angela ----; its little balconies with their old wooden rails, full of flowers in humble earthen vases, the many bird-cages, the air of domestic quiet and comfort, marked it as the home of some vestal or widow, some lone woman whose heart was centred in the ordinary and simplest pleasures of a home. i saw also she was one having the most limited income, and i thought, "she will not refuse to let me a room for a few months, as i shall be as quiet as herself, and sympathize about the flowers and birds." now the villa pamfili is all laid waste. the french encamp on monte mario; what they have done there is not known yet. the cannonade reverberates all day under the dome of st. peter's, and the house of poor angela is levelled with the ground. i hope her birds and the white peacocks of the vatican gardens are in safety;--but who cares for gentle, harmless creatures now? i have been often interrupted while writing this letter, and suppose it is confused as well as incomplete. i hope my next may tell of something decisive one way or the other. news is not yet come from lesseps, but the conduct of oudinot and the formation of the new french ministry give reason to hope no good. many seem resolved to force back pius ix. among his bleeding flock, into the city ruined by him, where he cannot remain, and if he come, all this struggle and sorrow is to be borne over again. mazzini stands firm as a rock. i know not whether he hopes for a successful issue, but he _believes_ in a god bound to protect men who do what they deem their duty. yet how long, o lord, shall the few trample on the many? i am surprised to see the air of perfect good faith with which articles from the london times, upon the revolutionary movements, are copied into our papers. there exists not in europe a paper more violently opposed to the cause of freedom than the times, and neither its leaders nor its foreign correspondence are to be depended upon. it is said to receive money from austria. i know not whether this be true, or whether it be merely subservient to the aristocratical feeling of england, which is far more opposed to republican movements than is that of russia; for in england fear embitters hate. it is droll to remember our reading in the class-book. "ay, down to the dust with them, slaves as they are";-- to think how bitter the english were on the italians who succumbed, and see how they hate those who resist. and their cowardice here in italy is ludicrous. it is they who run away at the least intimation of danger,--it is they who invent all the "fe, fo, fum" stories about italy,--it is they who write to the times and elsewhere that they dare not for their lives stay in rome, where i, a woman, walk everywhere alone, and all the little children do the same, with their nurses. more of this anon. letter xxxii. progress of the tragedy.--pius ix. disavows liberalism.--oudinot, and the roman authorities.--shame of france.--devastation of the city.--courage of the people.--bombs extinguished.--a crisis approaching. rome, june , . it is now two weeks since the first attack of oudinot, and as yet we hear nothing decisive from paris. i know not yet what news may have come last night, but by the morning's mail we did not even receive notice that lesseps had arrived in paris. whether lesseps was consciously the servant of all these base intrigues, time will show. his conduct was boyish and foolish, if it was not treacherous. the only object seemed to be to create panic, to agitate, to take possession of rome somehow, though what to do with it, if they could get it, the french government would hardly know. pius ix., in his allocution of the th of april last, has explained himself fully. he has disavowed every liberal act which ever seemed to emanate from him, with the exception of the amnesty. he has shamelessly recalled his refusal to let austrian blood be shed, while roman flows daily at his request. he has implicitly declared that his future government, could he return, would be absolute despotism,--has dispelled the last lingering illusion of those still anxious to apologize for him as only a prisoner now in the hands of the cardinals and the king of naples. the last frail link is broken that bound to him the people of rome, and could the french restore him, they must frankly avow themselves, abandon entirely and fully the position they took in february, , and declare themselves the allies of austria and of russia. meanwhile they persevere in the jesuitical policy that has already disgraced and is to ruin them. after a week of vain assaults, oudinot sent to rome the following letter, which i translate, as well as the answers it elicited. letter of general oudinot, _intended for the roman constituent assembly, the triumvirate, the generalissimo, and the commander-in-chief of the national guard._ "general,--the events of war have, as you know, conducted the french army to the gates of rome. "should the entrance into the city remain closed against us, i should see myself constrained to employ immediately all the means of action that france has placed in my hands. "before having recourse to such terrible necessity, i think it my duty to make a last appeal to a people who cannot have toward france sentiments of hostility. "the roman army wishes, no doubt, equally with myself, to spare bloody ruin to the capital of the christian world. "with this conviction, i pray you, signore general, to give the enclosed proclamation the most speedy publicity. if, twelve hours after this despatch shall have been delivered to you, an answer corresponding to the honor and the intentions of france shall not have reached me, i shall be constrained to give the forcible attack. "accept, &c. "villa pamfili, june, , p.m." he was in fact at villa santucci, much farther out, but could not be content without falsifying his date as well as all his statements. "proclamation. "inhabitants of rome,--we did not come to bring you war. we came to sustain among you order, with liberty. the intentions of our government have been misunderstood. the labors of the siege have conducted us under your walls. till now we have wished only occasionally to answer the fire of your batteries. we approach these last moments, when the necessities of war burst out in terrible calamities. spare them to a city fall of so many glorious memories. "if you persist in repelling us, on you alone will fall the responsibility of irreparable disasters." the following are the answers of the various functionaries to whom this letter was sent:-- answer of the assembly. "general,--the roman constitutional assembly informs you, in reply to your despatch of yesterday, that, having concluded a convention from the st of may, , with m. de lesseps, minister plenipotentiary of the french republic, a convention which we confirmed soon after your protest, it must consider that convention obligatory for both parties, and indeed a safeguard of the rights of nations, until it has been ratified or declined by the government of france. therefore the assembly must regard as a violation of that convention every hostile act of the french army since the above-named st of may, and all others that shall take place before the resolution of your government can be made known, and before the expiration of the time agreed upon for the armistice. you demand, general, an answer correspondent to the intentions and power of france. nothing could be more conformable with the intentions and power of france than to cease a flagrant violation of the rights of nations. "whatever may be the results of such violation, the people of rome are not responsible for them. rome is strong in its right, and decided to maintain tire conventions which attach it to your nation; only it finds itself constrained by the necessity of self-defence to repel unjust aggressions. "accept, &c., for the assembly, "the president, galletti. "secretaries, fabretti, pannacchi, cocchi." "answer of the commander-in-chief of the national guard. "general,--the treaty, of which we await the ratification, assures this tranquil city from every disaster. "the national guard, destined to maintain order, has the duty of seconding the resolutions of the government; willingly and zealously it fulfils this duty, not caring for annoyance and fatigue. "the national guard showed very lately, when it escorted the prisoners sent back to you, its sympathy for france, but it shows also on every occasion a supreme regard for its own dignity, for the honor of rome. "any misfortune to the capital of the catholic world, to the monumental city, must be attributed not to the pacific citizens constrained to defend themselves, but solely to its aggressors. "accept, &c. "sturbinetti, _general of the national guard, representative of the people_". answer of the generalissimo. "citizen general,--a fatality leads to conflict between the armies of two republics, whom a better destiny would have invited to combat against their common enemy; for the enemies of the one cannot fail to be also enemies of the other. "we are not deceived, and shall combat by every means in our power whoever assails our institutions, for only the brave are worthy to stand before the french soldiers. "reflecting that there is a state of life worse than death, if the war you wage should put us in that state, it will be better to close our eyes for ever than to see the interminable oppressions of oar country. "i wish you well, and desire fraternity. "rosselli." answer of the triumvirate. "we have the honor to transmit to you the answer of the assembly. "we never break our promises. we have promised to defend, in execution of orders from the assembly and people of rome, the banner of the republic, the honor of the country, and the sanctity of the capital of the christian world; this promise we shall maintain. "accept, &c. "the triumvirs, armellini. mazzini. saffi." observe the miserable evasion of this missive of oudinot: "the fortune of war has conducted us." what war? he pretended to come as a friend, a protector; is enraged only because, after his deceits at civita vecchia, rome will not trust him within her walls. for this he daily sacrifices hundreds of lives. "the roman people cannot be hostile to the french?" no, indeed; they were not disposed to be so. they had been stirred to emulation by the example of france. they had warmly hoped in her as their true ally. it required all that oudinot has done to turn their faith to contempt and aversion. cowardly man! he knows now that he comes upon a city which wished to receive him only as a friend, and he cries, "with my cannon, with my bombs, i will compel you to let me betray you." the conduct of france--infamous enough before--looks tenfold blacker now that, while the so-called plenipotentiary is absent with the treaty to be ratified, her army daily assails rome,--assails in vain. after receiving these answers to his letter and proclamation, oudinot turned all the force of his cannonade to make a breach, and began, what no one, even in these days, has believed possible, the bombardment of rome. yes! the french, who pretend to be the advanced guard of civilization, are bombarding rome. they dare take the risk of destroying the richest bequests made to man by the great past. nay, they seem to do it in an especially barbarous manner. it was thought they would avoid, as much as possible, the hospitals for the wounded, marked to their view by the black banner, and the places where are the most precious monuments; but several bombs have fallen on the chief hospital, and the capitol evidently is especially aimed at. they made a breach in the wall, but it was immediately filled up with a barricade, and all the week they have been repulsed in every attempt they made to gain ground, though with considerable loss of life on our side; on theirs it must be great, but how great we cannot know. ponte molle, the scene of raphael's fresco of a battle, in the vatican, saw again a fierce struggle last friday. more than fifty were brought wounded into rome. but wounds and assaults only fire more and more the courage of her defenders. they feel the justice of their cause, and the peculiar iniquity of this aggression. in proportion as there seems little aid to be hoped from man, they seem to claim it from god. the noblest sentiments are heard from every lip, and, thus far, their acts amply correspond. on the eve of the bombardment one or two officers went round with a fine band. it played on the piazzas the marseillaise and roman marches; and when the people were thus assembled, they were told of the proclamation, and asked how they felt. many shouted loudly, _guerra! viva la republica romana!_ afterward, bands of young men went round singing the chorus, "vogliamo sempre quella, vogliamo liberta." ("we want always one thing; we want liberty.") guitars played, and some danced. when the bombs began to come, one of the trasteverini, those noble images of the old roman race, redeemed her claim to that descent by seizing a bomb and extinguishing the match. she received a medal and a reward in money. a soldier did the same thing at palazza spada, where is the statue of pompey, at whose base great cæsar fell. he was promoted. immediately the people were seized with emulation; armed with pans of wet clay, they ran wherever the bombs fell, to extinguish them. women collect the balls from the hostile cannon, and carry them to ours. as thus very little injury has been done to life, the people cry, "madonna protects us against the bombs; she wills not that rome should be destroyed." meanwhile many poor people are driven from their homes, and provisions are growing very dear. the heats are now terrible for us, and must be far more so for the french. it is said a vast number are ill of fever; indeed, it cannot be otherwise. oudinot himself has it, and perhaps this is one explanation of the mixture of violence and weakness in his actions. he must be deeply ashamed at the poor result of his bad acts,--that at the end of two weeks and so much bravado, he has done nothing to rome, unless intercept provisions, kill some of her brave youth, and injure churches, which should be sacred to him as to us. st. maria trastevere, that ancient church, so full of precious remains, and which had an air of mild repose more beautiful than almost any other, is said to have suffered particularly. as to the men who die, i share the impassioned sorrow of the triumvirs. "o frenchmen!" they wrote, "could you know what men you destroy! _they_ are no mercenaries, like those who fill your ranks, but the flower of the italian youth, and the noblest among the aged. when you shall know of what minds you have robbed the world, how ought you to repent and mourn!" this is especially true of the emigrant and garibaldi legions. the misfortunes of northern and southern italy, the conscription which compels to the service of tyranny those who remain, has driven from the kingdom of naples and from lombardy all the brave and noble youth. many are in venice or rome, the forlorn hope of italy. radetzky, every day more cruel, now impresses aged men and the fathers of large families. he carries them with him in chains, determined, if he cannot have good troops to send into hungary, at least to revenge himself on the unhappy lombards. many of these young men, students from pisa, pavia, padua, and the roman university, lie wounded in the hospitals, for naturally they rushed first to the combat. one kissed an arm which was cut off; another preserves pieces of bone which were painfully extracted from his wound, as relics of the best days of his life. the older men, many of whom have been saddened by exile and disappointment, less glowing, are not less resolved. a spirit burns noble as ever animated the most precious deeds we treasure from the heroic age. i suffer to see these temples of the soul thus broken, to see the fever-weary days and painful operations undergone by these noble men, these true priests of a higher hope; but i would not, for much, have missed seeing it all. the memory of it will console amid the spectacles of meanness, selfishness, and faithlessness which life may yet have in store for the pilgrim. june . matters verge to a crisis. the french government sustains oudinot and disclaims lesseps. harmonious throughout, shameless in falsehood, it seems oudinot knew that tire mission of lesseps was at an end, when he availed himself of his pacific promises to occupy monte mario. when the romans were anxious at seeing french troops move in that direction, lesseps said it was only done to occupy them, and conjured the romans to avoid all collision which might prevent his success with the treaty. the sham treaty was concluded on the th of may, a detachment of french having occupied monte mario on the night of the th. oudinot flies into a rage and refuses to sign; m. lesseps goes off to paris; meanwhile, the brave oudinot attacks on the d of june, after writing to the french consul that ire should not till the th, to leave time for the foreigners remaining to retire. he attacked in the night, possessing himself of villa pamfili, as he had of monte mario, by treachery and surprise. meanwhile, m. lesseps arrives in paris, to find himself seemingly or really in great disgrace with the would-be emperor and his cabinet. to give reason for this, m. drouyn de lhuys, who had publicly declared to the assembly that m. lesseps had no instructions except from the report of the sitting of the th of may, shamefully publishes a letter of special instructions, hemming him in on every side, which m. lesseps, the "plenipotentiary," dares not disown. what are we to think of a great nation, whose leading men are such barefaced liars? m. guizot finds his creed faithfully followed up. the liberal party in france does what it can to wash its hands of this offence, but it seems weak, and unlikely to render effectual service at this crisis. venice, rome, ancona, are the last strong-holds of hope, and they cannot stand for ever thus unsustained. night before last, a tremendous cannonade left no moment to sleep, even had the anxious hearts of mothers and wives been able to crave it. at morning a little detachment of french had entered by the breach of st. pancrazio, and intrenched itself in a vineyard. another has possession of villa poniatowski, close to the porta del popolo, and attacks and alarms are hourly to be expected. i long to see the final one, dreadful as that hour may be, since now there seems no hope from delay. men are daily slain, and this state of suspense is agonizing. in the evening 'tis pretty, though terrible, to see the bombs, fiery meteors, springing from the horizon line upon their bright path, to do their wicked message. 't would not be so bad, methinks, to die by one of these, as wait to have every drop of pure blood, every childlike radiant hope, drained and driven from the heart by the betrayals of nations and of individuals, till at last the sickened eyes refuse more to open to that light which shines daily on such pits of iniquity. letter xxxiii. siege of rome.--heat.--night attacks.--the bombardment.--the night breach.--defection.--entry of the french.--slaughter of the romans.--the hospitals.--destruction by bombs.--cessation of resistance.--oudinot's stubbornness.--garibaldi's troops.--their muster on the scene of rienzi's triumph.--garibaldi.--his departure.--"respectable" opinion.--the protectors unmasked.--cold reception.--a priest assassinated.--martial law declared.--republican education.--disappearance of french soldiers.--clearing the hospitals.--priestly baseness.--insult to the american consul.--his protest and departure.--disarming the national guard.--position of mr. cass.--petty oppression.--expulsion of foreigners.--effect of french presence.--address to the people.--visit to the scene of strife.--american sympathy for liberty in europe. rome, july , . if i mistake not, i closed my last letter just as the news arrived here that the attempt of the democratic party in france to resist the infamous proceedings of the government had failed, and thus rome, as far as human calculation went, had not a hope for her liberties left. an inland city cannot long sustain a siege when there is no hope of aid. then followed the news of the surrender of ancona, and rome found herself alone; for, though venice continued to hold out, all communication was cut off. the republican troops, almost to a man, left ancona, but a long march separated them from rome. the extreme heat of these days was far more fatal to the romans than to their assailants, for as fast as the french troops sickened, their place was taken by fresh arrivals. ours also not only sustained the exhausting service by day, but were harassed at night by attacks, feigned or real. these commonly began about eleven or twelve o'clock at night, just when all who meant to rest were fairly asleep. i can imagine the harassing effect upon the troops, from what i feel in my sheltered pavilion, in consequence of not knowing a quiet night's sleep for a month. the bombardment became constantly more serious. the house where i live was filled as early as the th with persons obliged to fly from the piazza di gesu, where the fiery rain fell thickest. the night of the st- d, we were all alarmed about two o'clock, a.m. by a tremendous cannonade. it was the moment when the breach was finally made by which the french entered. they rushed in, and i grieve to say, that, by the only instance of defection known in the course of the siege, those companies of the regiment union which had in charge a position on that point yielded to panic and abandoned it. the french immediately entered and intrenched themselves. that was the fatal hour for the city. every day afterward, though obstinately resisted, the enemy gained, till at last, their cannon being well placed, the city was entirely commanded from the janiculum, and all thought of further resistance was idle. it was true policy to avoid a street-fight, in which the italian, an unpractised soldier, but full of feeling and sustained from the houses, would have been a match even for their disciplined troops. after the d of june, the slaughter of the romans became every day more fearful. their defences were knocked down by the heavy cannon of the french, and, entirely exposed in their valorous onsets, great numbers perished on the spot. those who were brought into the hospitals were generally grievously wounded, very commonly subjects for amputation. my heart bled daily more and more at these sights, and i could not feel much for myself, though now the balls and bombs began to fall round me also. the night of the th the effect was truly fearful, as they whizzed and burst near me. as many as thirty fell upon or near the hotel de russie, where mr. cass has his temporary abode. the roof of the studio in the pavilion, tenanted by mr. stermer, well known to the visitors of rome for his highly-finished cabinet pictures, was torn to pieces. i sat alone in my much exposed apartment, thinking, "if one strikes me, i only hope it will kill me at once, and that god will transport my soul to some sphere where virtue and love are not tyrannized over by egotism and brute force, as in this." however, that night passed; the next, we had reason to expect a still more fiery salute toward the pincian, as here alone remained three or four pieces of cannon which could be used. but on the morning of the th, in a contest at the foot of the janiculum, the line, old papal troops, naturally not in earnest like the free corps, refused to fight against odds so terrible. the heroic marina fell, with hundreds of his devoted lombards. garibaldi saw his best officers perish, and himself went in the afternoon to say to the assembly that further resistance was unavailing. the assembly sent to oudinot, but he refused any conditions,--refused even to guarantee a safe departure to garibaldi, his brave foe. notwithstanding, a great number of men left the other regiments to follow the leader whose courage had captivated them, and whose superiority over difficulties commanded their entire confidence. toward the evening of monday, the d of july, it was known that the french were preparing to cross the river and take possession of all the city. i went into the corso with some friends; it was filled with citizens and military. the carriage was stopped by the crowd near the doria palace; the lancers of garibaldi galloped along in full career. i longed for sir walter scott to be on earth again, and see them; all are light, athletic, resolute figures, many of the forms of the finest manly beauty of the south, all sparkling with its genius and ennobled by the resolute spirit, ready to dare, to do, to die. we followed them to the piazza of st. john lateran. never have i seen a sight so beautiful, so romantic, and so sad. whoever knows rome knows the peculiar solemn grandeur of that piazza, scene of the first triumph of rienzi, and whence may be seen the magnificence of the "mother of all churches," the baptistery with its porphyry columns, the santa scala with its glittering mosaics of the early ages, the obelisk standing fairest of any of those most imposing monuments of rome, the view through the gates of the campagna, on that side so richly strewn with ruins. the sun was setting, the crescent moon rising, the flower of the italian youth were marshalling in that solemn place. they had been driven from every other spot where they had offered their hearts as bulwarks of italian independence; in this last strong-hold they had sacrificed hecatombs of their best and bravest in that cause; they must now go or remain prisoners and slaves. _where_ go, they knew not; for except distant hungary there is not now a spot which would receive them, or where they can act as honor commands. they had all put on the beautiful dress of the garibaldi legion, the tunic of bright red cloth, the greek cap, or else round hat with puritan plume. their long hair was blown back from resolute faces; all looked full of courage. they had counted the cost before they entered on this perilous struggle; they had weighed life and all its material advantages against liberty, and made their election; they turned not back, nor flinched, at this bitter crisis. i saw the wounded, all that could go, laden upon their baggage cars; some were already pale and fainting, still they wished to go. i saw many youths, born to rich inheritance, carrying in a handkerchief all their worldly goods. the women were ready; their eyes too were resolved, if sad. the wife of garibaldi followed him on horseback. he himself was distinguished by the white tunic; his look was entirely that of a hero of the middle ages,--his face still young, for the excitements of his life, though so many, have all been youthful, and there is no fatigue upon his brow or cheek. fall or stand, one sees in him a man engaged in the career for which he is adapted by nature. he went upon the parapet, and looked upon the road with a spy-glass, and, no obstruction being in sight, he turned his face for a moment back upon rome, then led the way through the gate. hard was the heart, stony and seared the eye, that had no tear for that moment. go, fated, gallant band! and if god care not indeed for men as for the sparrows, most of ye go forth to perish. and rome, anew the niobe! must she lose also these beautiful and brave, that promised her regeneration, and would have given it, but for the perfidy, the overpowering force, of the foreign intervention? i know that many "respectable" gentlemen would be surprised to hear me speak in this way. gentlemen who perform their "duties to society" by buying for themselves handsome clothes and furniture with the interest of their money, speak of garibaldi and his men as "brigands" and "vagabonds." such are they, doubtless, in the same sense as jesus, moses, and eneas were. to me, men who can throw so lightly aside the ease of wealth, the joys of affection, for the sake of what they deem honor, in whatsoever form, are the "respectable." no doubt there are in these bands a number of men of lawless minds, and who follow this banner only because there is for them no other path. but the greater part are the noble youths who have fled from the austrian conscription, or fly now from the renewal of the papal suffocation, darkened by french protection. as for the protectors, they entirely threw aside the mask, as it was always supposed they would, the moment they had possession of rome. i do not know whether they were really so bewildered by their priestly counsellors as to imagine they would be well received in a city which they had bombarded, and where twelve hundred men were lying wounded by their assault. to say nothing of the justice or injustice of the matter, it could not be supposed that the roman people, if it had any sense of dignity, would welcome them. i did not appear in the street, as i would not give any countenance to such a wrong; but an english lady, my friend, told me they seemed to look expectingly for the strong party of friends they had always pretended to have within the walls. the french officers looked up to the windows for ladies, and, she being the only one they saw, saluted her. she made no reply. they then passed into the corso. many were assembled, the softer romans being unable to control a curiosity the milanese would have disclaimed, but preserving an icy silence. in an evil hour, a foolish priest dared to break it by the cry of _viva pio nono!_ the populace, roused to fury, rushed on him with their knives. he was much wounded; one or two others were killed in the rush. the people howled then, and hissed at the french, who, advancing their bayonets, and clearing the way before them, fortified themselves in the piazzas. next day the french troops were marched to and fro through rome, to inspire awe in the people; but it has only created a disgust amounting to loathing, to see that, with such an imposing force, and in great part fresh, the french were not ashamed to use bombs also, and kill women and children in their beds. oudinot then, seeing the feeling of the people, and finding they pursued as a spy any man who so much as showed the way to his soldiers,--that the italians went out of the cafés if frenchmen entered,--in short, that the people regarded him and his followers in the same light as the austrians,--has declared martial law in rome; the press is stifled; everybody is to be in the house at half past nine o'clock in the evening, and whoever in any way insults his men, or puts any obstacle in their way, is to be shot. the fruits of all this will be the same as elsewhere; temporary repression will sow the seeds of perpetual resistance; and never was rome in so fair a way to be educated for a republican form of government as now. especially could nothing be more irritating to an italian population, in the month of july, than to drive them to their homes at half past nine. after the insupportable heat of the day, their only enjoyment and refreshment are found in evening walks, and chats together as they sit before their cafés, or in groups outside some friendly door. now they must hurry home when the drum beats at nine o'clock. they are forbidden to stand or sit in groups, and this by their bombarding _protector!_ comment is unnecessary. french soldiers are daily missing; of some it is known that they have been killed by the trasteverini for daring to make court to their women. of more than a hundred and fifty, it is only known that they cannot he found; and in two days of french "order" more acts of violence have been committed, than in two months under the triumvirate. the french have taken up their quarters in the court-yards of the quirinal and venetian palaces, which are full of the wounded, many of whom have been driven well-nigh mad, and their burning wounds exasperated, by the sound of the drums and trumpets,--the constant sense of an insulting presence. the wounded have been warned to leave the quirinal at the end of eight days, though there are many who cannot be moved from bed to bed without causing them great anguish and peril; nor is it known that any other place has been provided as a hospital for them. at the palazzo di venezia the french have searched for three emigrants whom they wished to imprison, even in the apartments where the wounded were lying, running their bayonets into the mattresses. they have taken for themselves beds given by the romans to the hospital,--not public property, but private gift. the hospital of santo spirito was a governmental establishment, and, in using a part of it for the wounded, its director had been retained, because he had the reputation of being honest and not illiberal. but as soon as the french entered, he, with true priestly baseness, sent away the women nurses, saying he had no longer money to pay them, transported the wounded into a miserable, airless basement, that had before been used as a granary, and appropriated the good apartments to the use of the french! july . the report of this morning is that the french yesterday violated the domicile of our consul, mr. brown, pretending to search for persons hidden there; that mr. brown, banner in one hand and sword in the other, repelled the assault, and fairly drove them down stairs; that then he made them an appropriate speech, though in a mixed language of english, french, and italian; that the crowd vehemently applauded mr. brown, who already was much liked for the warm sympathy he had shown the romans in their aspirations and their distresses; and that he then donned his uniform, and went to oudinot to make his protest. how this was received i know not, but understand mr. brown departed with his family yesterday evening. will america look as coldly on the insult to herself, as she has on the struggle of this injured people? to-day an edict is out to disarm the national guard. the generous "protectors" wish to take all the trouble upon themselves. rome is full of them; at every step are met groups in the uniform of france, with faces bronzed in the african war, and so stultified by a life without enthusiasm and without thought, that i do not believe napoleon would recognize them as french soldiers. the effect of their appearance compared with that of the italian free corps is that of body as compared with spirit. it is easy to see how they could be used to purposes so contrary to the legitimate policy of france, for they do not look more intellectual, more fitted to have opinions of their own, than the austrian soldiery. july . the plot thickens. the exact facts with regard to the invasion of mr. brown's house i have not been able to ascertain. i suppose they will be published, as oudinot has promised to satisfy mr. cass. i must add, in reference to what i wrote some time ago of the position of our envoy here, that the kind and sympathetic course of mr. cass toward the republicans in these troubles, his very gentlemanly and courteous bearing, have from the minds of most removed all unpleasant feelings. they see that his position was very peculiar,--sent to the papal government, finding here the republican, and just at that moment violently assailed. unless he had extraordinary powers, he naturally felt obliged to communicate further with our government before acknowledging this. i shall always regret, however, that he did not stand free to occupy the high position that belonged to the representative of the united states at that moment, and peculiarly because it was by a republic that the roman republic was betrayed. but, as i say, the plot thickens. yesterday three families were carried to prison because a boy crowed like a cock at the french soldiery from the windows of the house they occupied. another, because a man pursued took refuge in their court-yard. at the same time, the city being mostly disarmed, came the edict to take down the insignia of the republic, "emblems of anarchy." but worst of all they have done is an edict commanding all foreigners who had been in the service of the republican government to leave rome within twenty-four hours. this is the most infamous thing done yet, as it drives to desperation those who stayed because they had so many to go with and no place to go to, or because their relatives lie wounded here: no others wished to remain in rome under present circumstances. i am sick of breathing the same air with men capable of a part so utterly cruel and false. as soon as i can, i shall take refuge in the mountains, if it be possible to find an obscure nook unpervaded by these convulsions. let not my friends be surprised if they do not hear from me for some time. i may not feel like writing. i have seen too much sorrow, and, alas! without power to aid. it makes me sick to see the palaces and streets of rome full of these infamous foreigners, and to note the already changed aspect of her population. the men of rome had begun, filled with new hopes, to develop unknown energy,--they walked quick, their eyes sparkled, they delighted in duty, in responsibility; in a year of such life their effeminacy would have been vanquished. now, dejectedly, unemployed, they lounge along the streets, feeling that all the implements of labor, all the ensigns of hope, have been snatched from them. their hands fall slack, their eyes rove aimless, the beggars begin to swarm again, and the black ravens who delight in the night of ignorance, the slumber of sloth, as the only sureties for their rule, emerge daily more and more frequent from their hiding-places. the following address has been circulated from hand to hand. "to the people of rome. "misfortune, brothers, has fallen upon us anew. but it is trial of brief duration,--it is the stone of the sepulchre which we shall throw away after three days, rising victorious and renewed, an immortal nation. for with us are god and justice,--god and justice, who cannot die, but always triumph, while kings and popes, once dead, revive no more. "as you have been great in the combat, be so in the days of sorrow,--great in your conduct as citizens, by generous disdain, by sublime silence. silence is the weapon we have now to use against the cossacks of france and the priests, their masters. "in the streets do not look at them; do not answer if they address you. "in the cafés, in the eating-houses, if they enter, rise and go out. "let your windows remain closed as they pass. "never attend their feasts, their parades. "regard the harmony of their musical bands as tones of slavery, and, when you hear them, fly. "let the liberticide soldier be condemned to isolation; let him atone in solitude and contempt for having served priests and kings. "and you, roman women, masterpiece of god's work! deign no look, no smile, to those satellites of an abhorred pope! cursed be she who, before the odious satellites of austria, forgets that she is italian! her name shall be published for the execration of all her people! and even the courtesans! let them show love for their country, and thus regain the dignity of citizens! "and our word of order, our cry of reunion and emancipation, be now and ever, viva la republica! "this incessant cry, which not even french slaves can dispute, shall prepare us to administer the bequest of our martyrs, shall be consoling dew to the immaculate and holy bones that repose, sublime holocaust of faith and of love, near our walls, and make doubly divine the eternal city. in this cry we shall find ourselves always brothers, and we shall conquer. viva rome, the capital of italy! viva the italy of the people! viva the roman republic! "a roman. "rome, july , ." yes; july th, the day so joyously celebrated in our land, is that of the entrance of the french into rome! i know not whether the romans will follow out this programme with constancy, as the sterner milanese have done. if they can, it will draw upon them endless persecutions, countless exactions, but at once educate and prove them worthy of a nobler life. yesterday i went over the scene of conflict. it was fearful even to _see_ the casinos quattro venti and vascello, where the french and romans had been several days so near one another, all shattered to pieces, with fragments of rich stucco and painting still sticking to rafters between the great holes made by the cannonade, and think that men had stayed and fought in them when only a mass of ruins. the french, indeed, were entirely sheltered the last days; to my unpractised eyes, the extent and thoroughness of their works seemed miraculous, and gave me the first clear idea of the incompetency of the italians to resist organized armies. i saw their commanders had not even known enough of the art of war to understand how the french were conducting the siege. it is true, their resources were at any rate inadequate to resistance; only continual sorties would have arrested the progress of the foe, and to make them and man the wall their forces were inadequate. i was struck more than ever by the heroic valor of _our_ people,--let me so call them now as ever; for go where i may, a large part of my heart will ever remain in italy. i hope her children will always acknowledge me as a sister, though i drew not my first breath here. a contadini showed me where thirty-seven braves are buried beneath a heap of wall that fell upon them in the shock of one cannonade. a marble nymph, with broken arm, looked sadly that way from her sun-dried fountain; some roses were blooming still, some red oleanders, amid the ruin. the sun was casting its last light on the mountains on the tranquil, sad campagna, that sees one leaf more turned in the book of woe. this was in the vascello. i then entered the french ground, all mapped and hollowed like a honeycomb. a pair of skeleton legs protruded from a bank of one barricade; lower, a dog had scratched away its light covering of earth from the body of a man, and discovered it lying face upward all dressed; the dog stood gazing on it with an air of stupid amazement. i thought at that moment, recalling some letters received: "o men and women of america, spared these frightful sights, these sudden wrecks of every hope, what angel of heaven do you suppose has time to listen to your tales of morbid woe? if any find leisure to work for men to-day, think you not they have enough to do to care for the victims here?" i see you have meetings, where you speak of the italians, the hungarians. i pray you _do something_; let it not end in a mere cry of sentiment. that is better than to sneer at all that is liberal, like the english,--than to talk of the holy victims of patriotism as "anarchists" and "brigands"; but it is not enough. it ought not to content your consciences. do you owe no tithe to heaven for the privileges it has showered on you, for whose achievement so many here suffer and perish daily? deserve to retain them, by helping your fellow-men to acquire them. our government must abstain from interference, but private action is practicable, is due. for italy, it is in this moment too late; but all that helps hungary helps her also,--helps all who wish the freedom of men from an hereditary yoke now become intolerable. send money, send cheer,--acknowledge as the legitimate leaders and rulers those men who represent the people, who understand their wants, who are ready to die or to live for their good. kossuth i know not, but his people recognize him; manin i know not, but with what firm nobleness, what perserving virtue, he has acted for venice! mazzini i know, the man and his acts, great, pure, and constant,--a man to whom only the next age can do justice, as it reaps the harvest of the seed he has sown in this. friends, countrymen, and lovers of virtue, lovers of freedom, lovers of truth! be on the alert; rest not supine in your easier lives, but remember "mankind is one, and beats with one great heart." part iii. letters from abroad to friends at home. letters. from a letter to ---- ----. bellagio, lake of como, august, . you do not deceive yourself surely about religion, in so far as that there is a deep meaning in those pangs of our fate which, if we live by faith, will become our most precious possession. "live for thy faith and thou shalt yet behold it living," is with me, as it hath been, a maxim. wherever i turn, i see still the same dark clouds, with occasional gleams of light. in this europe how much suffocated life!--a sort of woe much less seen with us. i know many of the noble exiles, pining for their natural sphere; many of them seek in jesus the guide and friend, as you do. for me, it is my nature to wish to go straight to the creative spirit, and i can fully appreciate what you say of the need of our happiness depending on no human being. can you really have attained such wisdom? your letter seemed to me very modest and pure, and i trust in heaven all may be solid. i am everywhere well received, and high and low take pleasure in smoothing my path. i love much the italians. the lower classes have the vices induced by long subjection to tyranny; but also a winning sweetness, a ready and discriminating love for the beautiful, and a delicacy in the sympathies, the absence of which always made me sick in our own country. here, at least, one does not suffer from obtuseness or indifference. they take pleasure, too, in acts of kindness; they are bountiful, but it is useless to hope the least honor in affairs of business. i cannot persuade those who serve me, however attached, that they should not deceive me, and plunder me. they think that is part of their duty towards a foreigner. this is troublesome no less than disagreeable; it is absolutely necessary to be always on the watch against being cheated. * * * * * extract from a letter. one loses sight of all dabbling and pretension when seated at the feet of dead rome,--rome so grand and beautiful upon her bier. art is dead here; the few sparkles that sometimes break through the embers cannot make a flame; but the relics of the past are great enough, over-great; we should do nothing but sit, and weep, and worship. in rome, one has all the free feeling of the country; the city is so interwoven with vineyards and gardens, such delightful walks in the villas, such ceaseless music of the fountains, and from every high point the campagna and tiber seem so near. full of enchantment has been my summer, passed wholly among italians, in places where no foreigner goes, amid the snowy peaks, in the exquisite valleys of the abruzzi. i have seen a thousand landscapes, any one of which might employ the thoughts of the painter for years. not without reason the people dream that, at the death of a saint, columns of light are seen to hover on those mountains. they take, at sunset, the same rose-hues as the alps. the torrents are magnificent. i knew some noblemen, with baronial castles nestled in the hills and slopes, rich in the artistic treasures of centuries. they liked me, and showed me the hidden beauties of roman remains. * * * * * rome, april, . the gods themselves walk on earth, here in the italian spring. day after day of sunny weather lights up the flowery woods and arcadian glades. the fountains, hateful during the endless rains, charm again. at castle turano i found heaths, as large as our pear-trees, in full flower. such wealth of beauty is irresistible, but ah! the drama of my life is very strange: the ship plunges deeper as it rises higher. you would be amazed, could you know how different is my present phase of life from that in which you knew me; but you would love me no less; it is tire same planet that shows such different climes. * * * * * to her mother. rome, november , . i am again in rome, situated for the first time entirely to my mind. i have only one room, but large; and everything about the bed so gracefully and adroitly disposed that it makes a beautiful parlor,--and of course i pay much less. i have the sun all day, and an excellent chimney. it is very high, and has pure air and the most beautiful view all around imaginable. add, that i am with the dearest, delightful old couple one can imagine,--quick, prompt, and kind, sensible and contented. having no children, they like to regard me and the prussian sculptor, my neighbor, as such; yet are too delicate and too busy ever to intrude. in the attic dwells a priest, who insists on making my fire when antonia is away. to be sure, he pays himself for his trouble by asking a great many questions.... you cannot conceive the enchantment of this place. so much i suffered here last january and february, i thought myself a little weaned; but returning, my heart swelled even to tears with the cry of the poet, "o rome, _my_ country, city of the soul!" those have not lived who have not seen rome. warned, however, by the last winter, i dared not rent my lodgings for the year. i hope i am acclimated. i have been through what is called the grape-cure, much more charming, certainly, than the water-cure. at present i am very well, but, alas! because i have gone to bed early, and done very little. i do not know if i can maintain any labor. as to my life, i think it is not the will of heaven it should terminate very soon. i have had another strange escape. i had taken passage in the diligence to come to rome; two rivers were to be passed, the turano and the tiber, but passed by good bridges, and a road excellent when not broken unexpectedly by torrents from the mountains. the diligence sets out between three and four in the morning, long before light. the director sent me word that the marchioness crispoldi had taken for herself and family a coach extraordinary, which would start two hours later, and that i could have a place in that if i liked; so i accepted. the weather had been beautiful, but on the eve of the day fixed for my departure, the wind rose, and the rain fell in torrents. i observed that the river, which passed my window, was much swollen, and rushed with great violence. in the night i heard its voice still stronger, and felt glad i had not to set out in the dark. i rose at twilight and was expecting my carriage, and wondering at its delay, when i heard that the great diligence, several miles below, had been seized by a torrent; the horses were up to their necks in water, before any one dreamed of danger. the postilion called on all the saints, and threw himself into the water. tire door of the diligence could not be opened, and tire passengers forced themselves, one after another, into the cold water; it was dark too. had i been there, i had fared ill. a pair of strong men were ill after it, though all escaped with life. for several days there was no going to rome; but at last we set forth in two great diligences, with all the horses of the route. for many miles the mountains and ravines were covered with snow; i seemed to have returned to my own country and climate. few miles were passed before the conductor injured his leg under the wheel, and i had the pain of seeing him suffer all the way, while "blood of jesus!" and "souls in purgatory!" was the mildest beginning of an answer to the jeers of the postilions upon his paleness. we stopped at a miserable osteria, in whose cellar we found a magnificent relic of cyclopean architecture,--as indeed in italy one is paid at every step for discomfort and danger, by some precious subject of thought. we proceeded very slowly, and reached just at night a solitary little inn which marks the site of the ancient home of the sabine virgins, snatched away to become the mothers of rome. we were there saluted with, the news that the tiber also had overflowed its banks, and it was very doubtful if we could pass. but what else to do? there were no accommodations in the house for thirty people, or even for three; and to sleep in the carriages, in that wet air of the marshes, was a more certain danger than to attempt the passage. so we set forth; the moon, almost at the full, smiling sadly on the ancient grandeurs half draped in mist, and anon drawing over her face a thin white veil. as we approached the tiber, the towers and domes of rome could be seen, like a cloud lying low on the horizon. the road and the meadows, alike under water, jay between us and it, one sheet of silver. the horses entered; they behaved nobly. we proceeded, every moment uncertain if the water would not become deep; but the scene was beautiful, and i enjoyed it highly. i have never yet felt afraid, when really in the presence of danger, though sometimes in its apprehension. at last we entered the gate; the diligence stopping to be examined, i walked to the gate of villa ludovisi, and saw its rich shrubberies of myrtle, so pale and eloquent in the moonlight.... my dear friend, madame arconati, has shown me generous love; a contadina, whom i have known this summer, hardly less. every sunday she came in her holiday dress, a beautiful corset of red silk, richly embroidered, rich petticoat, nice shoes and stockings, and handsome coral necklace, on one arm an immense basket of grapes, on the other a pair of live chickens to be eaten by me for her sake ("_per amore mio_"), and wanted no present, no reward: it was, as she said, "for the honor and pleasure of her acquaintance." the old father of the family never met me but he took off his hat, and said, "madame, it is to me a consolation to see you." are there not sweet flowers of affection in life, glorious moments, great thoughts? why must they be so dearly paid for? many americans have shown me great and thoughtful kindness and none more so than william story and his wife. they are now in florence, but may return. i do not know whether i shall stay here or not: i shall be guided much by the state of my health. all is quieted now in rome. late at night the pope had to yield, but not till the door of his palace was half burned, and his confessor killed. this man, parma, provoked his fate by firing on the people from a window. it seems the pope never gave order to fire; his guard acted from a sudden impulse of their own. the new ministry chosen are little inclined to accept. it is almost impossible for any one to act, unless the pope is stripped of his temporal power, and the hour for that is not yet quite ripe; though they talk more and more of proclaiming the republic, and even of calling to rome my friend mazzini. if i came home at this moment, i should feel as if forced to leave my own house, my own people, and the hour which i had always longed for. if i do come in this way, all i can promise is to plague other people as little as possible. my own plans and desires will be postponed to another world. do not feel anxious about me. some higher power leads me through strange, dark, thorny paths, broken at times by glades opening down into prospects of sunny beauty, into which i am not permitted to enter. if god disposes for us, it is not for nothing. this i can say: my heart is in some respects better, it is kinder, and more humble. also, my mental acquisitions have certainly been great, however inadequate to my desires. * * * * * to her brother, k.f. fuller. rome, january , . my dear richard,--with my window open, looking out upon st. peter's, and the glorious italian sun pouring in, i was just thinking of you; i was just thinking how i wished you were here, that we might walk forth and talk together under the influence of these magnificent objects. i was thinking of the proclamation of the constitutional assembly here, a measure carried by courageous youth in the face of age, sustained by the prejudices of many years, the ignorance of the people, and all the wealth of the country; yet courageous youth faces not only these, but the most threatening aspect of foreign powers, and dares a future of blood and exile to achieve privileges which are our american common birthright. i thought of the great interests which may in our country be sustained without obstacle by every able man,--interests of humanity, interests of god. i thought of the new prospects of wealth opened to our countrymen by the acquisition of new mexico and california,--the vast prospects of our country every way, so that it is itself a vast blessing to be born an american; and i thought how impossible it is that one like you, of so strong and generous a nature, should, if he can but patiently persevere, be defrauded of a rich, manifold, powerful life. thursday eve, january . this has been a most beautiful day, and i have taken a long walk out of town. how much i should like sometimes to walk with you again! i went to the church of st. lorenzo, one of the most ancient in rome, rich in early mosaics, also with spoils from the temples, marbles, ancient sarcophagi with fine bassirilievi, and magnificent columns. there is a little of everything, but the medley is harmonized by the action of time, and the sensation induced is that of repose. it has the public cemetery, and there lie the bones of many poor; the rich and noble lie in lead coffins in the church vaults of rome, but st. lorenzo loved the poor. when his tormentors insisted on knowing where he had hid his riches,--"there," he said, pointing to the crowd of wretches who hovered near his bed, compelled to see the tyrants of the earth hew down the tree that had nourished and sheltered them. amid the crowd of inexpressive epitaphs, one touched me, erected by a son to his father. "he was," says the son, "an angel of prosperity, seeking our good in distant countries with unremitting toll and pain. we owe him all. for his death it is my only consolation that in life i never left his side." returning, i passed the pretorian camp, the campus salisetus, where vestals that had broken their vows were buried alive in the city whose founder was born from a similar event. such are the usual, the frightful inconsistencies of mankind. from my windows i see the barberini palace; in its chambers are the pictures of the cenci, and the galatea, so beautifully described by goethe; in the gardens are the remains of the tomb of servius tullius. yesterday as i went forth i saw the house where keats lived in rome, and where he died; i saw the casino of raphael. returning, i passed the villa where goethe lived when in rome: afterwards, the houses of claude and poussin. ah what human companionship here! how everything speaks! i live myself in the apartment described in andersen's "improvvisatore," which get you, and read a scene of the childhood of antonio. i have the room, i suppose, indicated as being occupied by the danish sculptor. * * * * * to the same. rome, march , . i take occasion to enclose this seal, as a little birthday present, for i think you will be twenty-five in may. i have used it a great deal; the design is graceful and expressive,--the stone of some little value. i live with the severest economy consistent with my health. i could not live for less anywhere. i have renounced much, have suffered more. i trust i shall not find it impossible to accomplish, at least one of my designs. this is, to see the end of the political struggle in italy, and write its history. i think it will come to its crisis within, this year. but to complete my work as i have begun, i must watch it to the end. this work, if i can accomplish it, will be a worthy chapter in the history of the world; and if written with the spirit which breathes through me, and with sufficient energy and calmness to execute well the details, would be what the motto on my ring indicates,--"_a possession for ever, for man_." it ought to be profitable to me pecuniarily; but in these respects fate runs so uniformly counter to me, that i dare not expect ever to be free from perplexity and uncongenial labor. still, these will never more be so hard to me, if i shall have done something good, which may survive my troubled existence. yet it would be like the rest, if by ill health, want of means, or being driven prematurely from the field of observation, this hope also should be blighted. i am prepared to have it so. only my efforts tend to the accomplishment of my object; and should they not be baffled, you will not see me before the summer of . meantime, let the future be what it may, i live as well as i can in the present. farewell, my dear richard; that you may lead a peaceful, aspiring, and generous life was ever, and must ever be, the prayer from the soul of your sister margaret. * * * * * undaunted rome. rome, may , . i write you from barricaded rome. the "mother of nations" is now at bay against them all. rome was suffering before. the misfortunes of other regions of italy, the defeat at novara, preconcerted in hope to strike the last blow at italian independence, the surrender and painful condition of genoa, the money-difficulties,--insuperable unless the government could secure confidence abroad as well as at home,--prevented her people from finding that foothold for which they were ready. the vacillations of france agitated them; still they could not seriously believe she would ever act the part she has. we must say france, because, though many honorable men have washed their hands of all share in the perfidy, the assembly voted funds to sustain the expedition to civita vecchia; and the nation, the army, have remained quiescent. no one was, no one could be, deceived as to the scope of this expedition. it was intended to restore the pope to the temporal sovereignty, from which the people, by the use of suffrage, had deposed him. no doubt the french, in case of success, proposed to temper the triumph of austria and naples, and stipulate for conditions that might soothe the romans and make their act less odious. they were probably deceived, also, by the representations of gaëta, and believed that a large party, which had been intimidated by the republicans, would declare in favor of the pope when they found themselves likely to be sustained. but this last pretext can in noway avail them. they landed at civita vecchia, and no one declared for the pope. they marched on rome. placards were affixed within the walls by hands unknown, calling upon the papal party to rise within the town. not a soul stirred. the french had no excuse left for pretending to believe that the present government was not entirely acceptable to the people. notwithstanding, they assail the gates; they fire upon st. peter's, and their balls pierce the vatican. they were repulsed, as they deserved, retired in quick and shameful defeat, as surely the brave french soldiery could not, if they had not been demoralized by the sense of what an infamous course they were pursuing. france, eager to destroy the last hope of italian emancipation,--france, the alguazil of austria, the soldiers of republican france, firing upon republican rome! if there be angel as well as demon powers that interfere in the affairs of men, those bullets could scarcely fail to be turned back against their own breasts. yet roman blood has flowed also; i saw how it stained the walls of the vatican gardens on the th of april--the first anniversary of the appearance of pius ix.'s too famous encyclic letter. shall he, shall any pope, ever again walk peacefully in these gardens? it seems impossible! the temporal sovereignty of the popes is virtually destroyed by their shameless, merciless measures taken to restore it. the spiritual dominion ultimately falls, too, into irrevocable ruin. what may be the issue at this moment, we cannot guess. the french have retired to civita vecchia, but whether to reëmbark or to await reinforcements, we know not. the neapolitan force has halted within a few miles of the walls; it is not large, and they are undoubtedly surprised at the discomfiture of the french. perhaps they wait for the austrians, but we do not yet hear that these have entered the romagna. meanwhile, rome is strongly barricaded, and, though she cannot stand always against a world in arms, she means at least to do so as long as possible. mazzini is at her head; she has now a guide "who understands his faith," and all there is of a noble spirit will show itself. we all feel very sad, because the idea of bombs, barbarously thrown in, and street-fights in rome, is peculiarly dreadful. apart from all the blood and anguish inevitable at such times, the glories of art may perish, and mankind be forever despoiled of the most beautiful inheritance. yet i would defend rome to the last moment. she must not be false to the higher hope that has dawned upon her. she must not fall back again into servility and corruption. and no one is willing. the interference of the french has roused the weakest to resistance. "from the austrians, from the neapolitans," they cried, "we expected this; but from the french--it is too infamous; it cannot be borne;" and they all ran to arms and fought nobly. the americans here are not in a pleasant situation. mr. cass, the chargé of the united states, stays here without recognizing the government. of course, he holds no position at the present moment that can enable him to act for us. beside, it gives us pain that our country, whose policy it justly is to avoid armed interference with the affairs of europe, should not use a moral influence. rome has, as we did, thrown off a government no longer tolerable; she has made use of the suffrage to form another; she stands on the same basis as ourselves. mr. rush did us great honor by his ready recognition of a principle as represented by the french provisional government; had mr. cass been empowered to do the same, our country would have acted nobly, and all that is most truly american in america would have spoken to sustain the sickened hopes of european democracy. but of this more when i write next. who knows what i may have to tell another week? * * * * * to her brother, r.b. fuller. rome, may , . i do not write to eugene yet, because around me is such excitement i cannot settle my mind enough to write a letter good for anything. the neapolitans have been driven back; but the french, seem to be amusing us with a pretence of treaties, while waiting for the austrians to come up. the austrians cannot, i suppose, be more than three days' march from us. i feel but little about myself. such thoughts are merged in indignation, and in the fears i have that rome may be bombarded. it seems incredible that any nation should be willing to incur the infamy of such an act,--an act that may rob posterity of a most precious part of its inheritance;--only so many incredible things have happened of late. i am with william story, his wife and uncle. very kind friends they have been in this strait. they are going away, so soon as they can find horses,--going into germany. i remain alone in the house, under our flag, almost the only american except the consul and ambassador. but mr. cass, the envoy, has offered to do anything for me, and i feel at liberty to call on him if i please. but enough of this. let us implore of fate another good meeting, full and free, whether long or short. love to dearest mother, arthur, ellen, lloyd. say to all, that, should any accident possible to these troubled times transfer me to another scene of existence, they need not regret it. there must be better worlds than this, where innocent blood is not ruthlessly shed, where treason does not so easily triumph, where the greatest and best are not crucified. i do not say this in apprehension, but in case of accident, you might be glad to keep this last word from your sister margaret. * * * * * to r.w. emerson. rome, june , . i received your letter amid the round of cannonade and musketry. it was a terrible battle fought here from the first to the last light of day. i could see all its progress from my balcony. the italians fought like lions. it is a truly heroic spirit that animates them. they make a stand here for honor and their rights, with little ground for hope that they can resist, now they are betrayed by france. since the th of april, i go almost daily to the hospitals, and though i have suffered, for i had no idea before how terrible gun-shot wounds and wound-fevers are, yet i have taken pleasure, and great pleasure, in being with the men. there is scarcely one who is not moved by a noble spirit. many, especially among the lombards, are the flower of the italian youth. when they begin to get better, i carry them books and flowers; they read, and we talk. the palace of the pope, on the quirinal, is now used for convalescents. in those beautiful gardens i walk with them, one with his sling, another with his crutch. the gardener plays off all his water-works for the defenders of the country, and gathers flowers for me, their friend. a day or two since, we sat in the pope's little pavilion, where he used to give private audience. the sun was going gloriously down over monte mario, where gleamed the white tents of the french light-horse among the trees. the cannonade was heard at intervals. two bright-eyed boys sat at our feet, and gathered up eagerly every word said by the heroes of the day. it was a beautiful hour, stolen from the midst of ruin and sorrow, and tales were told as full of grace and pathos as in the gardens of boccaccio, only in a very different spirit,--with noble hope for man, and reverence for woman. the young ladies of the family, very young girls, were filled with enthusiasm for the suffering, wounded patriots, and they wished to go to the hospital, to give their services. excepting the three superintendents, none but married ladies were permitted to serve there, but their services were accepted. their governess then wished to go too, and, as she could speak several languages, she was admitted to the rooms of the wounded soldiers, to interpret for them, as the nurses knew nothing but italian, and many of these poor men were suffering because they could not make their wishes known. some are french, some germans, many poles. indeed, i am afraid it is too true that there were comparatively few romans among them. this young lady passed several nights there. should i never return, and sometimes i despair of doing so, it seems so far off,--so difficult, i am caught in such a net of ties here,--if ever you know of my life here, i think you will only wonder at the constancy with which i have sustained myself,--the degree of profit to which, amid great difficulties, i have put the time,--at least in the way of observation. meanwhile, love me all you can. let me feel that, amid the fearful agitations of the world, there are pure hands, with healthful, even pulse, stretched out toward me, if i claim their grasp. i feel profoundly for mazzini. at moments i am tempted to say, "cursed with every granted prayer,"--so cunning is the demon. mazzini has become the inspiring soul of his people. he saw rome, to which all his hopes through life tended, for the first time as a roman citizen, and to become in a few days its ruler. he has animated, he sustains her to a glorious effort, which, if it fails this time, will not in the age. his country will be free. yet to me it would be so dreadful to cause all this bloodshed,--to dig the graves of such martyrs! then, rome is being destroyed; her glorious oaks,--her villas, haunts of sacred beauty, that seemed the possession of the world for ever,--the villa of raphael, the villa of albani, home of winckelmann and the best expression of the ideal of modern rome, and so many other sanctuaries of beauty,--all must perish, lest a foe should level his musket from their shelter. i could not, could not! i know not, dear friend, whether i shall ever get home across that great ocean, but here in rome i shall no longer wish to live. o rome, _my_ country! could i imagine that the triumph of what i held dear was to heap such desolation on thy head! speaking of the republic, you say, "do you not wish italy had a great man?" mazzini is a great man. in mind, a great, poetic statesman; in heart, a lover; in action, decisive and full of resource as cæsar. dearly i love mazzini. he came in, just as i had finished the first letter to you. his soft, radiant look makes melancholy music in my soul; it consecrates my present life, that, like the magdalen, i may, at the important hour, shed all the consecrated ointment on his head. there is one, mazzini, who understands thee well,--who knew thee no less when an object of popular fear than now of idolatry,--and who, if the pen be not held too feebly, will help posterity to know thee too! * * * * * to her sister, mrs. e.k. channing. rome, june , . as was eve, at first, i suppose every mother is delighted by the birth of a man-child. there is a hope that he will conquer more ill, and effect more good, than is expected from girls. this prejudice in favor of man does not seem to be destroyed by his shortcomings for ages. still, each mother hopes to find in hers an emanuel. i should like very much to see your children, but hardly realize i ever shall. the journey home seems so long, so difficult, so expensive. i should really like to lie down here, and sleep my way into another sphere of existence, if i could take with me one or two that love and need me, and was sure of a good haven for them on that other side. the world seems to go so strangely wrong! the bad side triumphs; the blood and tears of the generous flow in vain. i assist at many saddest scenes, and suffer for those whom i knew not before. those whom i knew and loved,--who, if they had triumphed, would have opened for me an easier, broader, higher-mounting road,--are everyday more and more involved in earthly ruin. eternity is with us, but there is much darkness and bitterness in this portion of it. a baleful star rose on my birth, and its hostility, i fear, will never be disarmed while i walk below. * * * * * to w.h. channing. july, . i cannot tell you what i endured in leaving rome, abandoning the wounded soldiers,--knowing that there is no provision made for them, when they rise from the beds where they have been thrown by a noble courage, and have suffered with a noble patience. some of the poorer men, who rise bereft even of the right arm,--one having lost both the right arm and the right leg,--i could have provided for with a small sum. could i have sold my hair, or blood from my arm, i would have done it. had any of the rich americans remained in rome, they would have given it to me; they helped nobly at first, in the service of the hospitals, when there was far less need; but they had all gone. what would i have given could i but have spoken to one of the lawrences, or the phillipses! they could and would have saved this misery. these poor men are left helpless in the power of a mean and vindictive foe. you felt so oppressed in the slave states; imagine what i felt at seeing all the noblest youth, all the genius of this dear land, again enslaved! * * * * * to her mother. florence, february , . dearest mother,--after receiving your letter of october, i answered immediately; but as richard mentions, in one dated december th, that you have not heard, i am afraid, by some post-office mistake, it went into the mail-bag of some sail-ship, instead of steamer, so you were very long without hearing. i regret it the more, as i wanted so much to respond fully to your letter,--so lovely, so generous, and which, of all your acts of love, was perhaps the one most needed by me, and which has touched me the most deeply. i gave you in that a flattering picture of our life. and those pleasant days lasted till the middle of december; but then came on a cold unknown to italy, and which has lasted ever since. as the apartments were not prepared for such weather, we suffered a good deal. besides, both ossoli and myself were taken ill at new-year's time, and were not quite well again, all january: now we are quite well. the weather begins to soften, though still cloudy, damp, and chilly, so that poor baby can go out very little; on that account he does not grow so fast, and gets troublesome by evening, as he tires of being shut up in two or three little rooms, where he has examined every object hundreds of times. he is always pointing to the door. he suffers much with chilblains, as do other children here; however, he is, with that exception, in the best health, and is a great part of the time very gay, laughing and dancing in the nurse-maid's arms, and trying to sing and drum, in imitation of the bands, which play a great deal in the piazza. nothing special has happened to me. the uninhabitableness of the rooms where i had expected to write, and the need of using our little dining-room, the only one in which is a stove, for dressing baby, taking care of him, eating, and receiving visits and messages, have prevented my writing for six or seven weeks past. in the evening, when baby went to bed, about eight, i began to have time, but was generally too tired to do anything but read. the four hours, however, from nine till one, beside the bright little fire, have been very pleasant. i have thought of you a great deal, remembering how you suffer from cold in the winter, and hope you are in a warm, comfortable house, have pleasant books to read, and some pleasant friends to see. one does not want many; only a few bright faces to look in now and then, and help thaw the ice with little rills of genial conversation. i have fewer of these than at rome,--but still several. * * * * * horace sumner, youngest son of father's friend, mr. charles p. sumner, lives near us, and comes every evening to read a little while with ossoli. he has solid good in his heart and mind. we have a true regard for him, and he has shown true and steadfast sympathy for us; when i am ill or in a hurry, he helps me like a brother. ossoli and sumner exchange some instruction in english and italian. * * * * * my sister's last letter from europe is full of solemnity, and evidences her clear conviction of the perils of the voyage across the treacherous ocean. it is a leave-taking, dearly cherished now by the mother to whom it was addressed, the kindred of whom she speaks, and by those other kindred,--those who in spirit felt near to and loved her. it is as follows:-- florence, may , . "dear mother,--i will believe i shall be welcome with my treasures,--my husband and child. for me, i long so much to see you! should anything hinder our meeting upon earth, think of your daughter, as one who always wished, at least, to do her duty, and who always cherished you, according as her mind opened to discover excellence. "give dear love, too, to my brothers; and first to my eldest, faithful friend, eugene; a sister's love to ellen; love to my kind good aunts, and to my dear cousin e. god bless them! "i hope we shall be able to pass some time together yet, in this world. but if god decrees otherwise,--here and hereafter, my dearest mother, "your loving child, "margaret." part iv. homeward voyage, and memorials. it seems proper that some account of the sad close of madame ossoli's earthly journeyings should be embodied in this volume recording her travels. but a brother's hand trembles even now and _cannot_ write it. noble, heroic, unselfish, _christian_ was that death, even as had been her life; but its outward circumstances were too painful for my pen to describe. nor needs it,--for a scene like that must have impressed itself indelibly on those who witnessed it, and accurate and vivid have been their narratives. the memoirs of my sister contain a most faithful description; but as they are accessible to all, and i trust will be read by all who have read this volume, i have chosen rather to give the accounts somewhat condensed which appeared in the new york tribune at the time of the calamity. the first is from the pen of bayard taylor, who visited the scene on the day succeeding the wreck, and describes the appearance of the shore and the remains of the vessel. this is followed by the narrative of mrs. hasty, wife of the captain, herself a participant in the scene, and so overwhelmed by grief at her husband's loss, and that of friends she had learned so much to value, that she has since faded from this life. a true and noble woman, her account deserves to be remembered. the third article is from the pen of horace greeley, my sister's ever-valued friend. several poems, suggested by this scene, written by those in the old world and new who loved and honored madame ossoli, are also inserted here. the respect they testify for the departed is soothing to the hearts of kindred, and to the many who love and cherish the memory of margaret fuller.--ed. letter of bayard taylor fire island, tuesday, july . to the editors of the tribune:-- i reached the house of mr. smith oakes, about one mile from the spot where the elizabeth was wrecked, at three o'clock this morning. the boat in which i set out last night from babylon, to cross the bay, was seven hours making the passage. on landing among the sand-hills, mr. oakes admitted me into his house, and gave me a place of rest for the remaining two or three hours of the night. this morning i visited the wreck, traversed the beach for some extent on both sides, and collected all the particulars that are now likely to be obtained, relative to the closing scenes of this terrible disaster. the sand is strewn for a distance of three or four miles with fragments of planks, spars, boxes, and the merchandise with which the vessel was laden. with the exception of a piece of her broadside, which floated to the shore intact, all the timbers have been so chopped and broken by the sea, that scarcely a stick of ten feet in length can be found. in front of the wreck these fragments are piled up along high-water mark to the height of several feet, while farther in among the sand-hills are scattered casks of almonds stove in, and their contents mixed with the sand, sacks of juniper-berries, oil-flasks, &c. about half the hull remains under water, not more than fifty yards from the shore. the spars and rigging belonging to the foremast, with part of the mast itself, are still attached to the ruins, surging over them at every swell. mr. jonathan smith, the agent of the underwriters, intended to have the surf-boat launched this morning, for the purpose of cutting away the rigging and ascertaining how the wreck lies; but the sea is still too high. from what i can learn, the loss of the elizabeth is mainly to be attributed to the inexperience of the mate, mr. h.p. bangs, who acted as captain after leaving gibraltar. by his own statement, he supposed he was somewhere between cape may and barnegat, on thursday evening. the vessel was consequently running northward, and struck head on. at the second thump, a hole was broken in her side, the seas poured through and over her, and she began going to pieces. this happened at ten minutes before four o'clock. the passengers were roused from their sleep by the shock, and hurried out of the cabin in their night-clothes, to take refuge on the forecastle, which was the least exposed part of the vessel. they succeeded with great difficulty; mrs. hasty, the widow of the late captain, fell into a hatchway, from which she was dragged by a sailor who seized her by the hair. the swells increased continually, and the danger of the vessel giving way induced several of the sailors to commit themselves to the waves. previous to this they divested themselves of their clothes, which they tied to pieces of plank and sent ashore. these were immediately seized upon by the beach pirates, and never afterward recovered. the carpenter cut loose some planks and spars, and upon one of these madame ossoli was advised to trust herself, the captain promising to go in advance, with her boy. she refused, saying that she had no wish to live without the child, and would not, at that hour, give the care of it to another. mrs. hasty then took hold of a plank, in company with the second mate, mr. davis, through whose assistance she landed safely, though terribly bruised by the floating timber. the captain clung to a hatch, and was washed ashore insensible, where he was resuscitated by the efforts of mr. oakes and several others, who were by this time collected on the beach. most of the men were entirely destitute of clothing, and some, who were exhausted and ready to let go their hold, were saved by the islanders, who went into the surf with lines about their waists, and caught them. the young italian girl, celesta pardena, who was bound for new york, where she had already lived in the family of henry peters gray, the artist, was at first greatly alarmed, and uttered the most piercing screams. by the exertions of the ossolis she was quieted, and apparently resigned to her fate. the passengers reconciled themselves to the idea of death. at the proposal of the marquis ossoli some time was spent in prayer, after which all sat down calmly to await the parting of the vessel. the marchioness ossoli was entreated by the sailors to leave the vessel, or at least to trust her child to them, but she steadily refused. early in the morning some men had been sent to the lighthouse for the life-boat which is kept there. although this is but two miles distant, the boat did not arrive till about one o'clock, by which time the gale had so increased, and the swells were so high and terrific, that it was impossible to make any use of it. a mortar was also brought for the purpose of firing a line over the vessel, to stretch a hawser between it and the shore. the mortar was stationed on the lee of a hillock, about a hundred and fifty rods from the wreck, that the powder might be kept dry. it was fired five times, but failed to carry a line more than half the necessary distance. just before the forecastle sunk, the remaining sailors determined to leave. the steward, with whom the child had always been a great favorite, took it, almost by main force, and plunged with it into the sea; neither reached the shore alive. the marquis ossoli was soon afterwards washed away, but his wife remained in ignorance of his fate. the cook, who was the last person that reached the shore alive, said that the last words he heard her speak were: "i see nothing but death before me,--i shall never reach the shore." it was between two and three o'clock in the afternoon, and after lingering for about ten hours, exposed to the mountainous surf that swept over the vessel, with the contemplation of death constantly forced upon her mind, she was finally overwhelmed as the foremast fell. it is supposed that her body and that of her husband are still buried under the ruins of the vessel. mr. horace sumner, who jumped overboard early in the morning, was never seen afterwards. the dead bodies that were washed on shore were terribly bruised and mangled. that of the young italian girl was enclosed in a rough box, and buried in the sand, together with those of the sailors. mrs. hasty had by this time found a place of shelter at mr. oakes's house, and at her request the body of the boy, angelo eugene ossoli, was carried thither, and kept for a day previous to interment. the sailors, who had all formed a strong attachment to him during the voyage, wept like children when they saw him. there was some difficulty in finding a coffin when the time of burial came, whereupon they took one of their chests, knocked out the tills, laid the body carefully inside, locked and nailed down the lid. he was buried in a little nook between two of the sand-hills, some distance from the sea. the same afternoon a trunk belonging to the marchioness ossoli came to shore, and was fortunately secured before the pirates had an opportunity of purloining it. mrs. hasty informs me that it contained several large packages of manuscripts, which she dried carefully by the fire. i have therefore a strong hope that the work on italy will be entirely recovered. in a pile of soaked papers near the door, i found files of the _democratie pacifique_ and _il nazionale_ of florence, as well as several of mazzini's pamphlets, which i have preserved. an attempt will probably be made to-morrow to reach the wreck with the surf-boat. judging from its position and the known depth of the water, i should think the recovery, not only of the bodies, if they are still remaining there, but also of powers's statue and the blocks of rough carrara, quite practicable, if there should be a sufficiency of still weather. there are about a hundred and fifty tons of marble under the ruins. the paintings, belonging to mr. aspinwall, which were washed ashore in boxes, and might have been saved had any one been on the spot to care for them, are for the most part utterly destroyed. those which were least injured by the sea-water were cut from the frames and carried off by the pirates; the frames were broken in pieces, and scattered along the beach. this morning i found several shreds of canvas, evidently more than a century old, half buried in the sand. all the silk, leghorn braid, hats, wool, oil, almonds, and other articles contained in the vessel, were carried off as soon as they came to land. on sunday there were nearly a thousand persons here, from all parts of the coast between rockaway and montauk, and more than half of them were engaged in secreting and carrying off everything that seemed to be of value. the two bodies found yesterday were those of sailors. all have now come to land but those of the ossolis and horace sumner. if not found in the wreck, they will be cast ashore to the westward of this, as the current has set in that direction since the gale. yours, &c. * * * * * the wreck of the elizabeth. from a conversation with mrs. hasty, widow of the captain of the ill-fated elizabeth, we gather the following particulars of her voyage and its melancholy termination. we have already stated that captain hasty was prostrated, eight days after leaving leghorn, by a disease which was regarded and treated as fever, but which ultimately exhibited itself as small-pox of the most malignant type. he died of it just as the vessel reached gibraltar, and his remains were committed to the deep. after a short detention in quarantine, the elizabeth resumed her voyage on the th ultimo, and was long baffled by adverse winds. two days from gibraltar, the terrible disease which had proved fatal to the captain attacked the child of the ossolis, a beautiful boy of two years, and for many days his recovery was regarded as hopeless. his eyes were completely closed for five days, his head deprived of all shape, and his whole person covered with pustules; yet, through the devoted attention of his parents and their friends, he survived, and at length gradually recovered. only a few scars and red spots remained on his face and body, and these were disappearing, to the great joy of his mother, who felt solicitous that his rare beauty should not be marred at his first meeting with those she loved, and especially her mother. at length, after a month of slow progress, the wind shifted, and blew strongly from the southwest for several days, sweeping them rapidly on their course, until, on thursday evening last, they knew that they were near the end of their voyage. their trunks were brought up and repacked, in anticipation of a speedy arrival in port. meantime, the breeze gradually swelled to a gale, which became decided about nine o'clock on that evening. but their ship was new and strong, and all retired to rest as usual. they were running west, and supposed themselves about sixty miles farther south than they actually were. by their reckoning, they would be just off the harbor of new york next morning. about half past two o'clock, mr. bangs, the mate in command, took soundings, and reported twenty-one fathoms. he said that depth insured their safety till daylight, and turned in again. of course, all was thick around the vessel, and the storm howling fiercely. one hour afterward, the ship struck with great violence, and in a moment was fast aground. she was a stout brig of tons, five years old, heavily laden with marble, &c., and drawing seventeen feet water. had she been light, she might have floated over the bar into twenty feet water, and all on board could have been saved. she struck rather sidewise than bows on, canted on her side and stuck fast, the mad waves making a clear sweep over her, pouring down into the cabin through the skylight, which was destroyed. one side of the cabin was immediately and permanently under water, the other frequently drenched. the passengers, who were all up in a moment, chose the most sheltered positions, and there remained, calm, earnest, and resigned to any fate, for a long three hours. no land was yet visible; they knew not where they were, but they knew that their chance of surviving was small indeed. when the coast was first visible through the driving storm in the gray light of morning, the sand-hills were mistaken for rocks, which made the prospect still more dismal. the young ossoli cried a little with discomfort and fright, but was soon hushed to sleep. our friend margaret had two life-preservers, but one of them proved unfit for use. all the boats had been smashed in pieces or torn away soon after the vessel struck; and it would have been madness to launch them in the dark, if it had been possible to launch them at all, with the waves charging over the wreck every moment. a sailor, soon after light, took madame ossoli's serviceable life-preserver and swam ashore with it, in quest of aid for those left on board, and arrived safe, but of course could not return his means of deliverance. by a.m. it became evident that the cabin must soon go to pieces, and indeed it was scarcely tenantable then. the crew were collected in the forecastle, which was stronger and less exposed, the vessel having settled by the stem, and the sailors had been repeatedly ordered to go aft and help the passengers forward, but the peril was so great that none obeyed. at length the second mate, davis, went himself, and accompanied the italian girl, celesta pardena, safely to the forecastle, though with great difficulty. madame ossoli went next, and had a narrow escape from being washed away, but got over. her child was placed in a bag tied around a sailor's neck, and thus carried safely. marquis ossoli and the rest followed, each convoyed by the mate or one of the sailors. all being collected in the forecastle, it was evident that their position was still most perilous, and that the ship could not much longer hold together. the women were urged to try first the experiment of taking each a plank and committing themselves to the waves. madame ossoli refused thus to be separated from her husband and child. she had from the first expressed a willingness to live or die with them, but not to live without them. mrs. hasty was the first to try the plank, and, though the struggle was for some time a doubtful one, did finally reach the shore, utterly exhausted. there was a strong current setting to the westward, so that, though the wreck lay but a quarter of a mile from the shore, she landed three fourths of a mile distant. no other woman, and no passenger, survives, though several of the crew came ashore after she did, in a similar manner. the last who came reports that the child had been washed away from the man who held it before the ship broke up, that ossoli had in like manner been washed from the foremast, to which he was clinging; but, in the horror of the moment, margaret never learned that those she so clung to had preceded her to the spirit land. those who remained of the crew had just persuaded her to trust herself to a plank, in the belief that ossoli and their child had already started for the shore, when just as she was stepping down, a great wave broke over the vessel and swept her into the boiling deep. she never rose again. the ship broke up soon after (about a.m. mrs. hasty says, instead of the later hour previously reported); but both mates and most of the crew got on one fragment or another. it was supposed that those of them who were drowned were struck by floating spars or planks, and thus stunned or disabled so as to preclude all chance of their rescue. we do not know at the time of this writing whether the manuscript of our friend's work on italy and her late struggles has been saved. we fear it has not been. one of her trunks is known to have been saved; but, though it contained a good many papers, mrs. hasty believes that this was not among them. the author had thrown her whole soul into this work, had enjoyed the fullest opportunities for observation, was herself a partaker in the gallant though unsuccessful struggle which has redeemed the name of rome from the long rust of sloth, servility, and cowardice, was the intimate friend and compatriot of the republican leaders, and better fitted than any one else to refute the calumnies and falsehoods with which their names have been blackened by the champions of aristocratic "order" throughout the civilized world. we cannot forego the hope that her work on italy has been saved, or will yet be recovered. * * * * * the following is a complete list of the persons lost by the wreck of the ship elizabeth:-- giovanni, marquis ossoli. margaret fuller ossoli. their child, eugene angelo ossoli. celesta pardena, of rome. horace sumner, of boston. george sanford, seaman (swede). henry westervelt, seaman (swede). george bates, steward. * * * * * death of margaret fuller. a great soul has passed from this mortal stage of being by the death of margaret fuller, by marriage marchioness ossoli, who, with her husband and child, mr. horace sumner of boston,[a] and others, was drowned in the wreck of the brig elizabeth from leghorn for this port, on the south shore of long island, near fire island, on friday afternoon last. no passenger survives to tell the story of that night of horrors, whose fury appalled many of our snugly sheltered citizens reposing securely in their beds. we can adequately realize what it must have been to voyagers approaching our coast from the old world, on vessels helplessly exposed to the rage of that wild southwestern gale, and seeing in the long and anxiously expected land of their youth and their love only an aggravation of their perils, a death-blow to their hopes, an assurance of their temporal doom! [footnote a: horace sumner, one of the victims of the lamentable wreck of the elizabeth, was the youngest son of the late hon. charles p. sumner, of boston, for many years sheriff of suffolk county, and the brother of george sumner, esq., the distinguished american writer, now resident at paris, and of hon. charles sumner of boston, who is well known for his legal and literary eminence throughout the country. he was about twenty-four years of age, and had been abroad for nearly a year, travelling in the south of europe for the benefit of his health. the past winter was spent by him chiefly in florence, where he was on terms of familiar intimacy with the marquis and marchioness ossoli, and was induced to take passage in the same vessel with them for his return to his native land. he was a young man of singular modesty of deportment, of an original turn of mind, and greatly endeared to his friends by the sweetness of his disposition and the purity of his character.] margaret fuller was the daughter of hon. timothy fuller, a lawyer of boston, but nearly all his life a resident of cambridge, and a representative of the middlessex district in congress from to . mr. fuller, upon his retirement from congress, purchased a farm at some distance from boston, and abandoned law for agriculture, soon after which he died. his widow and six children still survive. margaret, if we mistake not, was the first-born, and from a very early age evinced the possession of remarkable intellectual powers. her father regarded her with a proud admiration, and was from childhood her chief instructor, guide, companion, and friend. he committed the too common error of stimulating her intellect to an assiduity and persistency of effort which severely taxed and ultimately injured her physical powers.[a] at eight years of age he was accustomed to require of her the composition of a number of latin verses per day, while her studies in philosophy, history, general science, and current literature were in after years extensive and profound. after her father's death, she applied herself to teaching as a vocation, first in boston, then in providence, and afterward in boston again, where her "conversations" were for several seasons attended by classes of women, some of them married, and including many from the best families of the "american athens." [footnote a: i think this opinion somewhat erroneous, for reasons which i have already given in the edition recently published of woman in the nineteenth century. the reader is referred to page of that work, and also to page , where i believe my sister personified herself under the name of miranda, and stated clearly and justly the relation which, existed between her father and herself.--ed.] in the autumn of , she accepted an invitation to take part in the conduct of the tribune, with especial reference to the department of reviews and criticism on current literature, art, music, &c.; a position which she filled for nearly two years,--how eminently, our readers well know. her reviews of longfellow's poems, wesley's memoirs, poe's poems, bailey's "festus," douglas's life, &c. must yet be remembered by many. she had previously found "fit audience, though few," for a series of remarkable papers on "the great musicians," "lord herbert of cherbury," "woman," &c., &c., in "the dial," a quarterly of remarkable breadth and vigor, of which she was at first co-editor with ralph waldo emerson, but which was afterward edited by him only, though she continued a contributor to its pages. in , she accompanied some friends on a tour via niagara, detroit, and mackinac to chicago, and across the prairies of illinois, and her resulting volume, entitled "summer on the lakes," is one of the best works in this department ever issued from the american press. it was too good to be widely and instantly popular. her "woman in the nineteenth century"--an extension of her essay in the dial--was published by us early in , and a moderate edition sold. the next year, a selection from her "papers on literature and art" was issued by wiley and putnam, in two fair volumes of their "library of american books." we believe the original edition was nearly or quite exhausted, but a second has not been called for, while books nowise comparable to it for strength or worth have run through half a dozen editions.[a] these "papers" embody some of her best contributions to the dial, the tribune, and perhaps one or two which had not appeared in either. [footnote a: a second edition has since been published.--ed.] in the summer of , miss fuller accompanied the family of a devoted friend to europe, visiting england, scotland, france, and passing through italy to rome, where they spent the ensuing winter. she accompanied her friends next spring to the north of italy, and there stopped, spending most of the summer at florence, and returning at the approach of winter to rome, where she was soon after married to giovanni, marquis ossoli, who had made her acquaintance during her first winter in the eternal city. they have since resided in the roman states until the last summer, after the surrender of rome to the french army of assassins of liberty, when they deemed it expedient to migrate to florence, both having taken an active part in the republican movement which resulted so disastrously,--nay, of which the ultimate result is yet to be witnessed. thence in june they departed and set sail at leghorn for this port, in the philadelphia brig elizabeth, which was doomed to encounter a succession of disasters. they had not been many days at sea when the captain was prostrated by a disease which ultimately exhibited itself as confluent small-pox of the most malignant type, and terminated his life soon after they touched at gibraltar, after a sickness of intense agony and loathsome horror. the vessel was detained some days in quarantine by reason of this affliction, but finally set sail again on the th ultimo, just in season to bring her on our coast on the fearful night between thursday and friday last, when darkness, rain, and a terrific gale from the southwest (the most dangerous quarter possible), conspired to hurl her into the very jaws of destruction. it is said, but we know not how truly, that the mate in command since the captain's death mistook the fire island light for that on the highlands of neversink, and so fatally miscalculated his course; but it is hardly probable that any other than a first-class, fully manned ship could have worked off that coast under such a gale, blowing him directly toward the roaring breakers. she struck during the night, and before the next evening the elizabeth was a mass of drifting sticks and planks, while her passengers and part of her crew were buried in the boiling surges. alas that our gifted friend, and those nearest to and most loved by her, should have been among them! we trust a new, compact, and cheap edition or selection, of margaret fuller's writings will soon be given to the public, prefaced by a memoir. it were a shame to us if one so radiantly lofty in intellect, so devoted to human liberty and well-being, so ready to dare and to endure for the upraising of her sex and her race, should perish from among us, and leave no memento less imperfect and casual than those we now have. we trust the more immediate relatives of our departed friend will lose no time in selecting the fittest person to prepare a memoir, with a selection from her writings, for the press.[a] america has produced no woman who in mental endowments and acquirements has surpassed margaret fuller, and it will be a public misfortune if her thoughts are not promptly and acceptably embodied. [footnote a: the reader is aware that such a memoir has since been published, and that several of her works have been republished likewise. i trust soon to publish a volume of madame ossoli's miscellaneous writings.--ed.] * * * * * margaret fuller ossoli by c.p. cranch. o still, sweet summer days! o moonlight nights! after so drear a storm how can ye shine? o smiling world of many-hued delights, how canst thou 'round our sad hearts still entwine the accustomed wreaths of pleasure? how, o day, wakest thou so full of beauty? twilight deep, how diest thou so tranquilly away? and how, o night, bring'st thou the sphere of sleep? for she is gone from us,--gone, lost for ever,-- in the wild billows swallowed up and lost,-- gone, full of love, life, hope, and high endeavor, just when we would have welcomed her the most. was it for this, o woman, true and pure! that life through shade and light had formed thy mind to feel, imagine, reason, and endure,-- to soar for truth, to labor for mankind? was it for this sad end thou didst bear thy part in deeds and words for struggling italy,-- devoting thy large mind and larger heart that rome in later days might yet be free? and, from that home driven out by tyranny, didst turn to see thy fatherland once more, bearing affection's dearest ties with thee; and as the vessel bore thee to our shore, and hope rose to fulfilment,--on the deck, when friends seemed almost beckoning unto thee: o god! the fearful storm,--the splitting wreck,-- the drowning billows of the dreary sea! o, many a heart was stricken dumb with grief! we who had known thee here,--had met thee there where rome threw golden light on every leaf life's volume turned in that enchanted air,-- o friend! how we recall the italian days amid the cæsar's ruined palace halls,-- the coliseum, and the frescoed blaze of proud st. peter's dome,--the sistine walls,-- the lone campagna and the village green,-- the vatican,--the music and dim light of gorgeous temples,--statues, pictures, seen with thee: those sunny days return so bright, now thou art gone! thou hast a fairer world than that bright clime. the dreams that filled thee here now find divine completion, and, unfurled thy spirit-wings, find out their own high sphere. farewell! thought-gifted, noble-hearted one! we, who have known thee, know thou art not lost; the star that set in storms still shines upon the o'ershadowing cloud, and, when we sorrow most, in the blue spaces of god's firmament beams out with purer light than we have known. above the tempest and the wild lament of those who weep the radiance that is flown. * * * * * the death of margaret fuller ossoli. by mary c. ames. o italy! amid thy scenes of blood, she acted long a woman's noble part! soothing the dying of thy sons, proud rome! till thou wert bowed, o city of her heart! when thou hadst fallen, joy no longer flowed in the rich sunlight of thy heaven; and from thy glorious domes and shrines of art, no quickening impulse to her life was given. from the deep shadow of thy cypress hills, from the soft beauty of thy classic plains, the noble-hearted, with, her treasures, turned to the far land where freedom proudly reigns. after the rocking of long years of storms, her weary spirit looked and longed for rest; pictures of home, of loved and kindred forms, rose warm and life-like in her aching breast. but the wild ocean rolled before her home; and, listening long unto its fearful moan, she thought of myriads who had found their rest down in its caverns, silent, deep, and lone. then rose the prayer within her heart of hearts, with the dark phantoms of a coming grief, that "_nino_, ossoli, and i may go _together_;--that the anguish may be brief." the bark spread out her pennons proud and free, the sunbeams frolicked with the wanton waves; smiled through the long, long days the summer sea, and sung sweet requiems o'er her sunken graves. e'en then the shadow of the fearful king hung deep and darkening o'er the fated bark; suffering and death and anguish reigned, ere came hope's weary dove back to the longing ark. this was the morning to the night of woe; when the grim ocean, in his fiercest wrath, held fearful contest with the god of storms, who lashed the waves with death upon his path. o night of agony! o awful morn, that oped on such a scene thy sullen eyes! the shattered ship,--those wrecked and broken hearts, who only prayed, "_together let us die_." was this thy greeting longed for, margaret, in the high, noontide of thy lofty pride? the welcome sighed for, in thine hours of grief, when pride had fled and hope in thee had died? twelve hours' communion with the terror-king! no wandering hope to give the heart relief! and yet thy prayer was heard,--the cold waves wrapt those forms "together," and the woe was "brief." thus closed thy day in darkness and in tears; thus waned a life, alas! too full of pain; but o thou noble woman! thy brief life, though full of sorrows, was not lived in vain. no more a pilgrim o'er a weary waste, with light ineffable thy mind is crowned; heaven's richest lore is thine own heritage; all height is gained, thy "kingdom" now is found. * * * * * to the memory of margaret fuller. by e. oakes smith. we hailed thee, margaret, from the sea, we hailed thee o'er the wave, and little thought, in greeting thee, thy home would be a grave. we blest thee in thy laurel crown, and in the myrtle's sheen,-- rejoiced thy noble worth to own, still joy, our tears between. we hoped that many a happy year would bless thy coming feet; and thy bright fame grow brighter here, by fatherland made sweet. gone, gone! with all thy glorious thought,-- gone with thy waking life,-- with the green chaplet fame had wrought,-- the joy of mother, wife. oh! who shall dare thy harp to take, and pour upon the air the clear, calm music, that should wake the heart to love and prayer! the lip, all eloquent, is stilled and silent with its trust,-- the heart, with woman's greatness filled, must crumble to the dust: but from thy _great heart_ we will take new courage for the strife; from petty ills our bondage break, and labor with new life. wake up, in darkness though it be, to better truth and light; patient in toil, as we saw thee, in searching for the light; and mindless of the scorn it brings, for 't is in desert land that angels come with sheltering wings to lead us by the hand. courageous one! thou art not lost, though sleeping in the wave; upon its chainless billows tost, for thee is fitting grave. * * * * * sleep sweetly, gentle child.[a] [the only child of the marchioness ossoli, well known as margaret fuller, is buried in the valley cemetery, at manchester, n.h. there is always a vase of flowers placed near the grave, and a marble slab, with a cross and lily sculptured upon it, bears this inscription: "in memory of angelo eugene philip ossoli, who was born at rieti, in italy, th september, , and perished by shipwreck off fire island, with both his parents, giovanni angelo and margaret fuller ossoli, on the th of july, ."] sleep sweetly, gentle child! though to this sleep the cold winds rocked thee, on the ocean's breast, and strange, wild murmurs o'er the dark, blue deep were the last sounds that lulled thee to thy rest, and while the moaning waves above thee rolled, the hearts that loved thee best grew still and cold. sleep sweetly, gentle child! though the loved tone that twice twelve months had hushed thee to repose could give no answer to the tearful moan that faintly from thy sea-moss pillow rose. that night the arms that closely folded thee were the wet weeds that floated in the sea. sleep sweetly, gentle child! the cold, blue wave hath pitied the sad sighs the wild winds bore, and from the wreck it held _one_ treasure gave to the fond watchers weeping on the shore;-- now the sweet vale shall guard its precious trust, while mourning hearts weep o'er thy silent dust. sleep sweetly, gentle child! love's tears are shed upon the garlands of fair northern flowers that fond hearts strew above thy lowly bed, through all our summer's glad and pleasant hours: for thy sake, and for hers who sleeps beneath the wave, kind hands bring flowers to fade upon thy grave. sleep sweetly, gentle child! the warm wind sighs amid the dark pines through this quiet dell, and waves the light flower-shade that lies upon the white-leaved lily's sculptured bell;-- the "valley's" flowers are fair, the turf is green;-- sleep sweetly here, wept-for eugene! sleep sweetly, gentle child! this peaceful rest hath early given thee to a home above, safe from all sin and tears, for, ever blest to sing sweet praises of redeeming love.-- the love that took thee to that world of bliss ere thou hadst learned the sighs and griefs of this. juliet. laurel brook, n.h., september, . [footnote a: these lines are beautiful and full of sweet sympathy. the home of the mother and brother of margaret fuller being now removed from manchester to boston, the remains of the little child, too dear to remain distant from us, have been removed to mount auburn. the same marble slab is there with, its inscription, and the lines deserve insertion here.--ed.] * * * * * on the death of margaret fuller. by g.p.r. james. high hopes and bright thine early path bedecked, and aspirations beautiful though wild,-- a heart too strong, a powerful will unchecked, a dream that earth-things could be undefiled. but soon, around thee, grew a golden chain, that bound the woman to more human things, and taught with joy--and, it may be, with pain-- that there are limits e'en to spirit's wings. husband and child,--the loving and beloved,-- won, from the vast of thought, a mortal part, the impassioned wife and mother, yielding, proved mind has itself a master--in the heart. in distant lands enhaloed by, old fame thou found'st the only chain thy spirit knew, but captive ledst thy captors, from the shame of ancient freedom, to the pride of new. and loved hearts clung around thee on the deck, welling with sunny hopes 'neath sunny skies: the wide horizon round thee had no speck,-- e'en doubt herself could see no cloud arise. thy loved ones clung around thee, when the sail o'er wide atlantic billows onward bore thy freight of joys, and the expanding gale pressed the glad bark toward thy native shore. the loved ones clung around thee still, when all was darkness, tempest, terror, and dismay,-- more closely clung around thee, when the pall of fate was falling o'er the mortal clay. with them to live,--with them, with them to die, sublime of human love intense and fine!-- was thy last prayer unto the deity; and it was granted thee by love divine. in the same billow,--in the same dark grave,-- mother, and child, and husband, find their rest. the dream is ended; and the solemn wave gives back the gifted to her country's breast. * * * * * on the death of marquis ossoli and his wife, margaret fuller. by walter savage landor. over his millions death has lawful power, but over thee, brave ossoli! none, none! after a long struggle, in a fight worthy of italy to youth restored, thou, far from home, art sunk beneath the surge of the atlantic; on its shore; in reach of help; in trust of refuge; sunk with all precious on earth to thee,--a child, a wife! proud as thou wert of her, america is prouder, showing to her sons how high swells woman's courage in a virtuous breast. she would not leave behind her those she loved: such solitary safety might become others,--not her; not her who stood beside the pallet of the wounded, when the worst of france and perfidy assailed the walls of unsuspicious rome. rest, glorious soul, renowned for strength of genius, margaret! rest with the twain too dear! my words are few, and shortly none will hear my failing voice, but the same language with more full appeal shall hail thee. many are the sons of song whom thou hast heard upon thy native plains, worthy to sing of thee; the hour is come; take we our seats and let the dirge begin. * * * * * monument to the ossoli family. [from the new york tribune.] the family of margaret fuller ossoli have just erected to her memory, and that of her husband and child, a marble monument in mount auburn cemetery, in massachusetts. it is located on pyrola path, in a beautiful part of the grounds, and has near it some noble oaks, while the hand of affection has planted many a flower. the body of margaret fuller rests in the ocean, but her memory abides in many hearts. she needs no monumental stone, but human affection loves thus to do honor to the departed. the following is the inscription on the monument:-- erected in memory of margaret fuller ossoli, born in cambridge, mass., may , . by birth, a citizen of new england; by adoption, a citizen of rome; by genius, belonging to the world. in youth, an insatiate student, seeking the highest culture; in riper years, teacher, writer, critic of literature and art; in maturer age, companion and helper of many earnest reformers in america and europe. and in memory of her husband, giovanni angelo, marquis ossoli. he gave up rank, station, and home for the roman republic, and for his wife and child. and in memory of that child, angelo eugene philip ossoli, born in rieti, italy, sept. , , whose dust reposes at the foot of this stone. they passed from life together by shipwreck, july , . united in life by mutual love, labors, and trials, the merciful father took them together, and in death they were not divided. the end. [transcriber's note: obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. author's spelling has been maintained. page : the amount of barrels is obviously an error of the typographer, but the proper amount not being known, it has been left in place. "it is probable that they are now capable of manufacturing , , barrels of flour annually, and this quantity would require , , bushels of wheat." the inconsistencies of the typographer or author for punctuation (or lack of) in amount have not been corrected. the illustration of the frontispiece did not have any caption, the text has been added while processing this file.] [illustration of an indian woman near a river.] old mackinaw; or, the fortress of the lakes and its surroundings. by w. p. strickland. philadelphia: james challen & son, new york: carlton & porter.--cincinnati: poe & hitchcock. chicago: w. h. doughty.--detroit: putnam, smith & co. nashville: j. b. mcferrin. . entered according to act of congress, in the year, , by james challen & son, in the clerk's office of the district court of the united states, in and for the eastern district of pennsylvania. philadelphia: stereotyped by s. a. george, sansom street. preface. in the preparation of this volume a large number of works have been consulted, among which the author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to the following: "the travels of baron la hontan," published in english and french, ; "relations des jesuits," in three vols., octavo; "marquette's journal;" schoolcraft's works, in three volumes; "shea's catholic missions and discovery of the mississippi" "american annals;" "lanman's history of michigan;" "parkman's siege of pontiac;" "annals of the west;" "foster and whitney's geological report;" "ferris' great west;" "disturnell's trip to the lakes;" "lanman's summer in the wilderness;" "pietzell's lights and shades of missionary life;" "life of rev. john clark;" "lectures before the historical society of michigan;" "mansfield's mackinaw city;" "andrews' report of lake trade;" "heriot's canada;" "presbyterian missions," &c., &c. he desires particularly to mention the works of schoolcraft, which have thrown more light on indian history than the productions of any other author. he also desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to wm. m. johnson, esq., of mackinac island, for his valuable contributions to the history of that interesting locality. the statistics in relation to that portion of the country embraced in the work are taken from the most recent sources, and are believed to be perfectly reliable. we are indebted to j. w. bradley, of philadelphia, the publisher of "the north american indians," for the beautiful frontispiece in this work. mr. catlin, the author, visited every noted tribe, and, by residing among them, was initiated into many of their secret and hidden mysteries. it is a valuable work. contents. chapter i. page mackinaw and its surroundings -- indian legends -- hiawatha -- ottawas and ojibwas -- pau-pau-ke-wis -- san-ge-man -- kau-be-man -- an indian custom -- dedication to the spirits -- au-se-gum-ugs -- exploits of san-ge-man -- point st. ignatius -- magic lance -- council of peace -- conquests of san-ge-man. chapter ii. indian spiritualists -- medicine men -- legends -- the spirit-world -- difference between indian and modern spiritualists -- chusco the spiritualist -- schoolcraft's testimony of -- mode of communicating with spirits -- belief in satanic agency -- interesting account of clairvoyance. chapter iii. marquette's visit to iroquois point -- chapel and fort -- old mackinaw -- the french settlement in the northwest -- erection of chapel and fort -- the gateway of commerce -- the rendezvous of traders, trappers, soldiers, missionaries, and indians -- description of fort -- courriers des bois -- expedition of marquette and joliet to explore the mississippi -- green bay -- fox river -- wisconsin -- mississippi -- peoria indians -- return trip -- kaskaskia indians -- st. xavier missions -- mission to "the illinois" -- marquette's health declines -- starts out on return trip to mackinaw -- dies and is buried at mouth of marquette river -- indians remove his remains to mackinaw -- funeral cortege -- ceremonies -- burial in the chapel -- changes of time -- schoolcraft on the place of marquette's burial -- missilimackinac -- name of jesuit missions. chapter iv. la salle's visit to mackinaw -- english traders -- la hontan's visit -- mackinaw an english fort -- speech of a chippewa chief -- indian stratagem -- massacre of the english at the fort -- escape of mr. alexander henry -- early white settlement of mackinaw -- present description -- relations of the jesuits -- remarkable phenomena -- parhelia -- subterranean river. chapter v. island of the giant fairies -- possession by the english -- erection of government house -- french remain at old mackinaw -- finally abandoned -- extent of the island -- history -- description -- natural curiosities -- arch rock -- sugar loaf rock -- scull rock -- dousman's farm -- davenport's farm -- robinson's folly -- the devil's punch bowl -- healthful atmosphere -- transparency of the waters -- compared with saratoga, cape may, and mt. washington as a point for health and recreation -- description of a traveler in -- arrival of steamers and sailing vessels at the port during the year -- mr. johnson's reminiscences -- indian name of island -- mythology -- three brothers of the great genii -- visit to the subterranean abode of the genii -- vision -- apostrophe of an old indian chief -- old buildings -- door of marquette's chapel -- john jacob astor and the fur trade -- present support of the place -- fort mackinaw -- fort holmes -- fine view -- interesting localities -- war of -- death of major holmes -- soil of the island. chapter vi. lake superior -- scenery -- transparency of its waters -- climate -- isle royale -- apostles' islands -- la point -- thunder cape -- cariboo point -- a wonderful lake -- romantic scenery -- pictured rocks -- rock castle -- the grand portal -- the chapel -- fluctuations in the waters of lake superior -- curious phenomena -- retrocession of the waters -- mirage -- iron mountains and mines -- description of -- products -- shipments -- copper -- immense boulders -- produce of the mines for -- shipment of copper from the lake for -- centre of the mining country -- iron mountains -- copper mines of great britain -- coal -- mackinaw a great manufacturing point -- key to the upper lakes -- commerce of lakes -- growth of cities. chapter vii. lake huron -- eastern shore of michigan -- face of the country -- picturesque view -- rivers -- grand -- saginaw -- cheboy-e-gun -- natural scenery -- fort gratiot -- white rock -- saginaw bay -- thunder bay -- bois blanc island -- drummond's island -- british troops -- st. helena island -- iroquois woman's point -- point la barbe -- point aux sable -- point st. vital -- wreck of the queen city -- st. martin's island -- fox point -- moneto pa-maw -- mille au coquin -- great fishing places -- cross village -- catholic convent. chapter viii. three epochs -- the romantic -- the military -- the agricultural and commercial -- an inviting region -- jesuit and protestant missions -- first protestant mission -- first missionary -- islands of mackinac and green bay -- la pointe -- saut st. mary -- presbyterians -- baptists -- methodists -- revival at fort brady -- ke-wee-naw -- fon du lac -- shawnees -- pottawatimies -- eagle river -- ontonagon -- camp river -- iroquois point -- saginaw indians -- melancholy reflections -- number of indians in the states and territories. chapter ix. indian name of michigan -- islands -- lanman's summer in the wilderness -- plains -- trees -- rivers -- a traditionary land -- beautiful description -- official report in relation to the trade of the lakes -- green bay -- grand traverse bay -- beaver islands -- l'arbre croche -- boundaries of lake michigan -- its connections -- railroad from fort wayne to mackinaw -- recent report of -- amount completed -- land grants. chapter x. mackinaw, the site for a great central city -- the venice of the lakes -- early importance as a central position -- nicolet -- compared geographically with other points -- immense chain of coast -- future prospects -- temperature -- testimony of the jesuit fathers -- healthfulness of the climate -- dr. drake on mackinaw -- resort for invalids -- water currents of commerce -- surface drained by them -- soil of the northern and southern peninsulas of michigan -- physical resources -- present proprietors of mackinaw -- plan of the city -- streets -- avenues -- park -- lots and blocks for churches and public purposes -- institutions of learning and objects of benevolence -- fortifications -- docks and ferries -- materials for building -- harbors -- natural beauty of the site for a city -- mountain ranges -- interior lakes -- fish -- game. chapter xi. the entrepot of a vast commerce -- surface drained -- superiority of mackinaw over chicago as a commercial point -- exports and imports -- michigan the greatest lumber-growing region in the world -- interminable forests of the choicest pine -- facilities for market -- annual product of the pineries -- lumbering, mining, and fishing interests -- independent of financial crises -- mackinaw the centre of a great railroad system -- lines terminating at this point -- north and south national line -- canada grants -- growth of northwestern cities -- future growth and prosperity of mackinaw -- chicago -- legislative provision for opening roads in michigan -- the forty acre homestead bill -- its provisions. chapter xii. the great western valley -- its growth and population -- comparison of atlantic with interior cities -- relative growth of river and lake cities -- centre of population -- lake tonnage -- progress of the principal centres of population. chapter xiii. michigan agricultural reports for -- prof. thomas' report -- report of j. s. dixon -- products of states -- climate -- army meteorological reports. chapter xiv. agricultural interest -- means of transportation -- railways and vessels -- lumber -- vessels cleared -- lake cities and atlantic ports -- home-market -- breadstuffs -- michigan flour -- monetary panics -- wheat -- importations -- provisions -- fruit -- live stock -- wool -- shipping business -- railroads -- lake superior trade -- pine lumber trade -- copper interest -- iron interest -- fisheries -- coal mines -- salt -- plaster beds. chapter xv. desirableness of a trip to the lakes -- routes of travel -- interesting localities -- scenery -- southern coast -- portage lake -- dr. houghton -- ontonagon -- apostles' islands -- return trip -- points of interest -- st. mary's river -- lake st. george -- point de tour -- lake michigan -- points of interest -- chicago. chapter i. mackinaw and its surroundings -- indian legends -- hiawatha -- ottawas and ojibwas -- paw-pau-ke-wis -- san-ge-man -- kau-be-man -- an indian custom -- dedication to the spirits -- au-se-gum-ugs -- exploits of san-ge-man -- point st. ignatius -- magic lance -- council of peace -- conquests of san-ge-man. mackinaw, with its surroundings, has an interesting and romantic history, going back to the earliest times. the whole region of the northwest, with its vast wildernesses and mighty lakes, has been traditionally invested with a mystery. the very name of mackinaw, in the indian tongue, signifies the dwelling-place of the great genii, and many are the legends written and unwritten connected with its history. if the testimony of an old indian chief at thunder bay can be credited, it was at old mackinaw that mud-je-ke-wis, the father of hiawatha, lived and died. traditional history informs us that away back in a remote period of time, the ottawas and the ojibwas took up their journey from the great salt lake towards the setting sun. these tribes were never stationary, but were constantly roving about. they were compared by the neighboring tribes to paw-pau-ke-wis, a name given by the indians to the light-drifting snow, which blows over the frozen ground in the month of march, now whirling and eddying into gigantic and anon into diminutive drifts. paw-pau-ke-wis signifies running away. the name was given to a noted indian chief, fully equal in bravery and daring to hiawatha, plu-re-busta, or man-a-bosho. the ottawas and ojibwas dwelt for a time on the manitoulin island in lake huron. while the tribes dwelt here, two distinguished indian youths, by the name of san-ge-man and kau-be-man, remarkable for their sprightliness, attracted the attention of their particular tribes. both were the youngest children of their respective families. it was the custom of the indians to send their boys, when young, to some retired place a short distance from their village, where they were to fast until the manitoes or spirits of the invisible world should appear to them. temporary lodges were constructed for their accommodation. those who could not endure the fast enjoined upon them by the metais or medicine-men, never rose to any eminence, but were to remain in obscurity. comparatively few were able to bear the ordeal; but to all who waited the appointed time, and endured the fast, the spiritual guardian appeared and took the direction and control of their subsequent lives. san-ge-man in his first trial fasted seven days, and on the next he tasted food, having been reduced to extreme debility by his long abstinence, during which his mind became exceedingly elevated. in this exaltation his spiritual guide appeared to him. he was the spirit of the serpent who rules in the centre of the earth, and under the dark and mighty waters. this spirit revealed to him his future destiny, and promised him his guardianship through life. san-ge-man grew up and became remarkably strong and powerful. from his brave and reckless daring he was both an object of love and fear to the ottawas. about this time, as the legend runs, the former inhabitants of the manitoulin island and the adjoining country, who have the name of the au-se-gum-a-ugs, commenced making inroads upon the settlements of the combined bands, and killed several of their number. upon this the ojibwas and ottawas mustered a war party. san-ge-man, though young, offered himself as a warrior; and, full of heroic daring, went out with the expedition which left the island in great numbers in their canoes, and crossed over to the main land on the northeast. after traveling a few days they fell upon the war path of their enemies, and soon surprised them. terrified, they fled before the combined forces; and in the chase, the brave and daring youth outstripped all the rest and succeeded in taking a prisoner in sight of the enemies' village. on their return the ojibwas and ottawas were pursued, and being apprised of it by san-ge-man, they made good their escape, while the young brave, being instructed by his guardian spirit, allowed himself to be taken prisoner. his hands were tied, and he was made to walk in the midst of the warriors. at night they encamped, and after partaking of their evening meal, commenced their indian ceremonies of drumming and shaking the rattle, accompanied with war songs. san-ge-man was asked by the chief of the party, if he could che-qwon-dum, at the same time giving him the rattle. he took it and commenced singing in a low, plaintive tone, which made the warriors exclaim, "he is weak-hearted, a coward, an old woman". feigning great weakness and cowardice, he stepped up to the indian to whom he had surrendered his war club; and taking it, he commenced shaking the rattle, and as he danced round the watch-fire, increasing his speed, and, gradually raising the tone of his voice, he ended the dance by felling a warrior with his club, exclaiming, "a coward, ugh!" then with terrific yells and the power of a giant, he continued his work of death at every blow. affrighted, the whole party fled from the watch-fire and left him alone with the slain, all of which he scalped, and returned laden with these terrible trophies of victory to join his companions who returned to the island. san-ge-man having by his valor obtained a chieftainship over the ottawas, started out on the war path and conquered all the country east and north of lake huron. the drum and rattle were now heard resounding through all the villages of the combined forces, and they extended their conquests to saut st. mary. for the purpose of bettering their condition they removed from the island to the detour, or the mouth of the st. mary's river, where they occupied a deserted village, and there separated, part going up to the saut, which had also been deserted, and the other portion tarrying in the above village for a year. at the expiration of this time san-ge-man led a war party towards the west, and reached the present point st. ignatius, on the north side of the straits where he found a large village. there was also another village a little east of point st. ignatius, at a place now called moran's bay, and still another at point au chenes on the north shore of lake michigan, northeast of the island of mackinaw. at these places, old mounds, ditches, and gardens were found, which had existed from an unknown period. from this point a trail led to the saut through an open country, and these ancient works can be distinctly traced to this day though covered with a heavy growth of timber. after a hard fight with the inhabitants of these villages, san-ge-man at length succeeded in conquering them, and after expelling them burned all their lodges with the exception of a few at point st. ignatius. the inhabitants of this village fled across the straits southward from point st. ignatius and located at the point now known as old mackinaw, or mackinaw city. in the mean time, san-ge-man had returned to the detour and removed his entire band to point st. ignatius. in the following spring while the ottawas were out in their fields planting corn, a party of au-se-gum-ugs crossed over from old mackinaw, on the south side of the straits, and killed two of the ottawa women. san-ge-man at once selected a party of tried warriors, and going down the straits pursued the au-se-gum-ugs to the river cheboy-e-gun, whither they had gone on a war expedition against the mush-co-dan-she-ugs. on a sandy bay a little west of the mouth of the river, they found their enemies' canoes drawn up, they having gone into the interior. believing that they would soon return, san-ge-man ordered his party to lie in ambush until their return. they were not long in waiting, for on the following day they made their appearance, being heated and weary with their marches, they all stripped and went into the lake to bathe previous to embarking for mackinaw. unsuspicious of danger they played with the sportive waves as they dashed upon the shore, and were swimming and diving in all directions, when the terrific yell of armed warriors broke upon their ears. it was but the work of a moment and one hundred defenseless indians perished in the waters. when the sad intelligence came to the remainder of the tribe at mackinaw, they fled towards the grand river country. the village now deserted possessing superior attractions to san-ge-man and his warriors, the ottawas crossed the straits and took possession, and here he remained until after he unfairly succeeded in obtaining the magic lance. it was while here that a large delegation of indians of the mush-co-dan-she-ugs from the middle village, bear river, and grand traverse came to shake hands and smoke the pipe of peace with him. they had heard of his fame as a mighty warrior. the occasion was one of great rejoicing to the inhabitants of mackinaw, and all turned out to witness the gathering. san-ge-man and his warriors appeared in council, dressed in richest furs, their heads decorated with eagle feathers, and tufts of hair of many colors. among all the chiefs there assembled, for proud and noble bearing none excelled the ottawa. a fur robe covered with scalp-locks hung carelessly over his left shoulder leaving his right arm free while speaking. as the result of these deliberations the bands became united and thus the territory of the ottawa chief was enlarged. it was from this point that he sallied forth every summer in war excursions toward the south, conquering the country along the eastern shore of lake michigan, extending his conquests to grand river, and overrunning the country about the present site of chicago. it was here that he received reinforcements from his old allies the ojibwas, and extended his conquests down the illinois river until he reached the "father of waters." from this place he went forth to the slaughter of the iroquois at the detour, and expelled them from the island of mackinaw and point st. ignatius. from hence he went armed to wage an unnatural war against his relatives the ojibwas, and was slain by the noble chief kau-be-man, and it was to this place that the sad news came back of his fate. thus much for the indian history of old mackinaw. equally romantic is the history of the early missionaries and voyagers to this great centre of the indian tribes. on the far-off shores of the northwestern lakes the jesuit missionaries planted the cross, erected their chapels, repeated their _pater nosters_ and _ave marias_, and sung their _te deums_, before the cavaliers landed at jamestown or the puritans at plymouth. among the ottawas of saut st. marie and the ojibwas and hurons of old mackinaw, these devoted self-sacrificing followers of ignatius loyola commenced their ministrations upwards of two hundred years ago. they were not only the first missionaries among the savages of this northwestern wilderness, but they were the first discoverers and explorers of the mighty lakes and rivers of that region. in advance of civilization they penetrated the dense unbroken wilderness, and launched their canoes upon unknown rivers, breaking the silence of their shores with their vesper hymns and matin prayers. the first to visit the ancient seats of heathenism in the old world, they were the first to preach the gospel among the heathen of the new. chapter ii. indian spiritualists -- medicine men -- legends -- the spirit-world -- difference between indian and modern spiritualists -- chusco the spiritualist -- schoolcraft's testimony of -- mode of communicating with spirits -- belief in satanic agency -- interesting account of clairvoyance. the earliest traditions of the various indian tribes inhabiting this country prove that they have practiced jugglery and all other things pertaining to the secret arts of the old uncivilized nations of the world. among all the tribes have been found the priests of the occult sciences, and to this day we find metais, waubonos, chees-a-kees and others bearing the common designation of medicine men. in modern parlance we would call them professors of natural magic, or of magnetism, or spiritualism. the difference however between these indian professors of magic and those of modern date is, that while the latter travel round the country exhibiting their wonderful performances to gaping crowds, at a shilling a head, the former generally shrink from notoriety, and, instead of being anxious to display their marvelous feats, have only been constrained, after urgent entreaty and in particular cases, to exhibit their powers. the indian magicians have shown more conclusively their power as clairvoyants and spiritualists, than all the rapping, table-tipping mediums of the present day. numerous interesting and beautiful indian legends show their belief in a spiritual world--of a shadowy land beyond the great river. whether this was obtained by revelations from their spiritual mediums, or derived from a higher source of inspiration, we know not; but most certain it is, that in no belief is the indian more firmly grounded than that of a spirit-world. the indian chees-a-kees or spiritualists had a different and far more satisfactory mode of communicating with departed spirits than ever modern spiritualists have attained to, or perhaps ever will. forming, as they did, a connecting link or channel of communication between this world and the world of spirits, they did not affect to speak what the spirit had communicated; or, perhaps, to state it more fully, their organs of speech were not employed by the spirits to communicate revelations from the spirit world; but the spirits themselves spoke, and the responses to inquiries were perfectly audible to them and to all present. in this case all possibility of collusion was out of the question, and the inquirer could tell by the tones of the voice as as well as the manner of the communication, whether the response was genuine or not. chusco, a noted old indian who died on bound island several years ago, was a spiritualist. he was converted through the labors of protestant missionaries, led for many years an exemplary christian life, and was a communicant in the presbyterian church on the island up to the time of his death. mr. schoolcraft in his "personal memoirs," in which he gives most interesting reminiscences, running through a period of thirty years among numerous indian tribes of the northwest, and who has kindly consented to allow us to make what extracts we may desire from his many interesting works, says that "chusco was the ottawa spiritualist, and up to his death he believed that he had, while in his heathen state, communication with spirits". whenever it was deemed proper to obtain this communication, a pyramidal lodge was constructed of poles, eight in number, four inches in diameter, and from twelve to sixteen feet in height. these poles were set firmly in the ground to the depth of two feet, the earth being beaten around them. the poles being securely imbedded, were then wound tightly with three rows of withes. the lodge was then covered with ap-puck-wois, securely lashed on. the structure was so stoutly and compactly built, that four strong indians could scarcely move it by their mightiest efforts. the lodge being ready, the spiritualist was taken and covered all over, with the exception of his head, with a canoe sail which was lashed with bois-blanc cords and knotted. this being done, his feet and hands were secured in a like firm manner, causing him to resemble a bundle more than anything else. he would then request the bystanders to place him in the lodge. in a few minutes after entering, the lodge would commence swaying to and fro, with a tremulous motion, accompanied with the sound of a drum and rattle. the spiritualist then commenced chanting in a low, melancholy tone, gradually raising his voice, while the lodge, as if keeping time with his chant, vibrated to and fro with greater violence, and seemed at times as if the force would tear it to pieces. in the midst of this shaking and singing, the sail and the cords, with which the spiritualist was bound, would be seen to fly out of the top of the lodge with great violence. a silence would then ensue for a short time, the lodge still continuing its tremulous vibrations. soon a rustling sound would be heard at the top of the lodge indicating the presence of the spirit. the person or persons at whose instance the medium of the spiritualist was invoked, would then propose the question or questions they had to ask of the departed. an indian spiritualist, residing at little traverse bay, was once requested to enter a lodge for the purpose of affording a neighboring indian an opportunity to converse with a departed spirit about his child who was then very sick. the sound of a voice, unfamiliar to the persons assembled, was heard at the top of the lodge, accompanied by singing. the indian, who recognized the voice, asked if his child would die. the reply was, "it will die the day after to-morrow. you are treated just as you treated a person a few years ago. do you wish the matter revealed." the inquirer immediately dropped his head and asked no further questions. his child died at the time the spirit stated, and reports, years after, hinted that it had been poisoned, as the father of the deceased child had poisoned a young squaw, and that it was this same person who made the responses. old chusco, after he became a christian, could not, according to the testimony of schoolcraft, be made to waver in his belief, that he was visited by spirits in the exhibitions connected with the tight-wound pyramidal, oracular lodge; but he believed they were evil spirits. no cross-questioning could bring out any other testimony. he avowed that, aside from his incantations, he had no part in the shaking of the lodge, never touching the poles at any time, and that the drumming, rattling, singing, and responses were all produced by these spirits. the following account of chusco, or wau-chus-co, from the pen of william m. johnson, esq., of mackinaw island, will be found to be deeply interesting: * * * * * "wau-chus-co was a noted indian spiritualist and clairvoyant, and was born near the head of lake michigan--the year not known. he was eight or ten years old, he informed me, when the english garrison was massacred at old fort missilimackinac. he died on round island, opposite the village and island of mackinaw, at an advanced age. "as he grew up from childhood, he found that he was an orphan, and lived with his uncle, but under the care of his grandmother. upon attaining the age of fifteen his grandmother and uncle urged him to comply with the ancient custom of their people, which was to fast, and wait for the manifestations of the gitchey-monedo,--whether he would grant him a guardian spirit or not, to guide and direct him through life. he was told that many young men of his tribe tried to fast, but that hunger overpowered their wishes to obtain a spiritual guardian; he was urged to do his best, and not to yield as others had done. "wau-chus-co died in or ' . he had, for more than ten years previous to his death, led an exemplary christian life, and was a communicant of the presbyterian church on this island, up to the time of his death. a few days previous to his death, i paid him a visit. 'come in, come in, nosis!' (grandson) said he. after being seated, and we had lit our pipes; i said to him, 'ne-me-sho-miss, (my grandfather,) you are now very old and feeble; you cannot expect to live many days; now, tell me the truth, who was it that moved your chees-a-kee lodge when you practiced your spiritual art?' a pause ensued before he answered:--'nosis, as you are in part of my nation, i will tell you the truth: i know that i will die soon. i fasted ten days when i was a young man, in compliance with the custom of my tribe. while my body was feeble from long fasting, my soul increased in its powers; it appeared to embrace a vast extent of space, and the country within this space, was brought plainly before my vision, with its misty forms and beings--i speak of my spiritual vision. it was, while i was thus lying in a trance, my soul wandering in space, that animals, some of frightful size and form, serpents of monstrous size, and birds of different varieties and plumage, appeared to me and addressed me in human language, proposing to act as my guardian spirits. while my mind embraced these various moving forms, a superior intelligence in the form of man, surrounded by a wild, brilliant light, influenced my soul to select one of the bird-spirits, resembling the kite in look and form, to be the emblem of my guardian spirit, upon whose aid i was to call in time of need, and that he would be always prepared to render me assistance whenever my body and soul should be prepared to receive manifestations. my grandmother roused me to earth again, by inquiring if i needed food: i ate, and with feeble steps, soon returned to our lodge. "'the first time that i ever chees-a-keed, was on a war expedition toward chicago, or where it is now located--upon an urgent occasion. we were afraid that our foes would attack us unawares, and as we were also short of provisions, our chief urged me incessantly, until i consented. after preparing my soul and body, by fasting on bitter herbs, &c., i entered the chees-a-kee lodge, which had been prepared for me:--the presence of my guardian spirit was soon indicated by a violent swaying of the lodge to and fro. "tell us! tell us! where our enemies are?" cried out the chief and warriors. soon, the vision of my soul embraced a large extent of country, which i had never before seen--every object was plainly before me--our enemies were in their villages, unsuspicious of danger; their movements and acts i could plainly see; and mentally or spiritually, i could hear their conversation. game abounded in another direction. next day we procured provisions, and a few days afterward a dozen scalps graced our triumphant return to the village of the cross. i exerted my powers again frequently among my tribe, and, to satisfy them, i permitted them to tie my feet and hands, and lash me round with ropes, as they thought proper. they would then place me in the chees-a-kee lodge, which would immediately commence shaking and swaying to and fro, indicating the presence of my guardian spirit: frequently i saw a bright, luminous light at the top of the lodge, and the words of the spirit would be audible to the spectators outside, who could not understand what was said; while mentally, i understood the words and language spoken. "'in the year , the american garrison at this post expected a vessel from detroit, with supplies for the winter--a month had elapsed beyond the time for her arrival, and apprehensions of starvation were entertained; finally, a call was made to me by the commanding officer, through the traders. after due preparation i consented; the chees-a-kee lodge was surrounded by indians and whites; i had no sooner commenced shaking my rattle and chanting, than the spirits arrived; the rustling noise they made through the air, was heard, and the sound of their voices was audible to all. "'the spirits directed my mind toward the southern end of lake huron--it lay before me with its bays and islands; the atmosphere looked hazy, resembling our indian summer; my vision terminated a little below the mouth of the st. clair river--there lay the vessel, disabled! the sailors were busy in repairing spars and sails. my soul knew that they would be ready in two days, and that in seven days she would reach this island, (mackinaw,) by the south channel, [at that time an unusual route,] and i so revealed it to the inquirers. on the day i mentioned the schooner hove in sight, by the south channel. the captain of the vessel corroborated all i had stated. "'i am now a praying indian (christian). i expect soon to die, nosis. this is the truth: i possessed a power, or a power possessed me, which i cannot explain or fully describe to you. i never attempted to move the lodge by my own physical powers--i held communion with supernatural beings or souls, who acted upon my soul or mind, revealing to me the knowledge which i have related to you.' "the foregoing merely gives a few acts of the power exhibited by this remarkable, half-civilized indian. i could enumerate many instances in which this power has been exhibited among our indians. these chees-a-kees had the power of influencing the mind of an indian at a distance for good or evil, even to the deprivation of life among them: so also in cases of rivalship, as hunters or warriors. this influence has even extended to things material, while in the hands of those influenced. the soul or mind--perhaps nervous system of the individual, being powerfully acted upon by a spiritual battery, greater than the one possessed more or less by all human beings." * * * * * in schoolcraft's "american indians" an interesting account is given of a woman-spiritualist, who bore the name of the "prophetess of che-moi-che-goi-me-gou." among the indians she was called "the woman of the blue-robed cloud." the account was given by herself after she had become a member of the methodist church and renounced all connection with spirits. the following is her narrative:-- * * * * * "when i was a girl of about twelve or thirteen years of age, my mother told me to look out for something that would happen to me. accordingly, one morning early, in the middle of winter, i found an unusual sign, and ran off, as far from the lodge as i could, and remained there until my mother came and found me out. she knew what was the matter, and brought me nearer to the family lodge, and bade me help her in making a small lodge of branches of the spruce tree. she told me to remain there, and keep away from every one, and as a diversion, to keep myself employed in chopping wood, and that she would bring me plenty of prepared bass-wood bark to twist into twine. she told me she would come to see me, in two days, and that in the mean time i must not even taste snow. "i did as directed; at the end of two days she came to see me. i thought she would surely bring me something to eat, but to my disappointment she brought nothing. i suffered more from _thirst_ than hunger, though i felt my stomach gnawing. my mother sat quietly down and said (after ascertaining that i had not tasted anything), 'my child, you are the youngest of your sisters, and none are now left me of all my sons and children, but you _four_' (alluding to her two elder sisters, herself and a little son, still a mere lad). 'who,' she continued, 'will take care of us poor women? now, my daughter, listen to me, and try to obey. blacken your face and fast _really_, that the master of life may have pity on you and me, and on us all. do not, in the least, deviate from my counsels, and in two days more, i will come to you. he will help you, if you are determined to do what is right, and tell me, whether you are favored or not, by the _true_ great spirit; and if your visions are not good, reject them.' so saying, she departed. "i took my little hatchet and cut plenty of wood, and twisted the cord that was to be used in sewing _ap-puk-way-oon-un_, or mats for the use of the family. gradually i began to feel less appetite, but my thirst continued; still i was fearful of touching the snow to allay it, by sucking it, as my mother had told me that if i did so, though secretly, the great spirit would see me, and the lesser spirits also, and that my fasting would be of no use. so i continued to fast till the fourth day, when my mother came with a little tin dish, and filling it with snow, she came to my lodge, and was well pleased to find that i had followed her injunctions. she melted the snow, and told me to drink it. i did so, and felt refreshed, but had a desire for more, which she told me would not do, and i contented myself with what she had given me. she again told me to get and follow a good vision--a vision that might not only do us good, but also benefit mankind, if i could. she then left me, and for two days she did not come near me, nor any human being, and i was left to my own reflections. the night of the sixth day, i fancied a voice called to me, and said: 'poor child! i pity your condition; come, you are invited this way;' and i thought the voice proceeded from a certain distance from my lodge. i obeyed the summons, and going to the spot from which the voice came, found a thin, shining path, like a silver cord, which i followed. it led straight forward, and, it seemed, upward. after going a short distance i stood still and saw on my right hand the new moon, with a flame rising from the top like a candle, which threw around a broad light. on the left appeared the sun, near the point of its setting. i went on, and i beheld on my right the face of kau-ge-gag-be-qua, or the everlasting woman, who told me her name, and said to me, 'i give you my name, and you may give it to another. i also give you that which i have, life everlasting. i give you long life on the earth, and skill in saving life in others. go, you are called on high.' "i went on, and saw a man standing with a large, circular body, and rays from his head, like horns. he said, 'fear not, my name is monedo wininees, or the little man spirit. i give this name to your first son. it is my life. go to the place you are called to visit.' i followed the path till i could see that it led up to an opening in the sky, when i heard a voice, and standing still, saw the figure of a man standing near the path, whose head was surrounded with a brilliant halo, and his breast was covered with squares. he said to me: 'look at me, my name is o-shau-wau-e-geeghick, or the bright blue sky. i am the veil that covers the opening into the sky. stand and listen to me. do not be afraid. i am going to endow you with gifts of life, and put you in array that you may withstand and endure.' immediately i saw myself encircled with bright points which rested against me like needles, but gave me no pain, and they fell at my feet. this was repeated several times, and at each time they fell to the ground. he said, 'wait and do not fear, till i have said and done all i am about to do.' i then felt different instruments, first like awls, and then like nails stuck into my flesh, but neither did they give me pain, but, like the needles, fell at my feet as often as they appeared. he then said, 'that is good,' meaning my trial by these points. 'you will see length of days. advance a little further,' said he. i did so, and stood at the commencement of the opening. 'you have arrived,' said he, 'at the limit you cannot pass. i give you my name, you can give it to another. now, return! look around you. there is a conveyance for you. do not be afraid to get on its back, and when you get to your lodge, you must take that which sustains the human body.' i turned, and saw a kind of fish swimming in the air, and getting upon it as directed, was carried back with celerity, my hair floating behind me in the air. and as soon as i got back, my vision ceased. "in the morning, being the sixth day of my fast, my mother came with a little bit of dried trout. but such was my sensitiveness to all sounds, and my increased power of scent, produced by fasting, that before she came in sight i heard her, while a great way off, and when she came in, i could not bear the smell of the fish or herself either. she said, 'i have brought something for you to eat, only a mouthful, to prevent your dying.' she prepared to cook it, but i said, 'mother, forbear, i do not wish to eat it--the smell is offensive to me.' she accordingly left off preparing to cook the fish, and again encouraged me to persevere, and try to become a comfort to her in her old age, and bereaved state, and left me. "i attempted to cut wood, as usual, but in the effort i fell back on the snow, from weariness, and lay some time; at last i made an effort and rose, and went to my lodge and lay down. i again saw the vision, and each person who had before spoken to me, and heard the promises of different kinds made to me, and the songs. i went the same path which i had pursued before, and met with the same reception. i also had another vision, or celestial visit, which i shall presently relate. my mother came again on the seventh day, and brought me some pounded corn boiled in _snow-water_, for she said i must not drink water from lake or river. after taking it, i related my vision to her. she said it was good, and spoke to me to continue my fast three days longer. i did so; at the end of which she took me home, and made a feast in honor of my success, and invited a great many guests. i was told to eat sparingly, and to take nothing too hearty or substantial; but this was unnecessary, for my abstinence had made my senses so acute, that all animal food had a gross and disagreeable odor. "after the seventh day of my fast (she continued), while i was lying in my lodge, i saw a dark, round object descending from the sky like a round stone, and enter my lodge. as it came near, i saw that it had small feet and hands like a human body. it spoke to me and said, 'i give you the gift of seeing into futurity, that you may use it for the benefit of yourself and the indians--your relations and tribes-people.' it then departed, but as it went away, it assumed wings, and looked to me like the red-headed woodpecker. "in consequence of being thus favored, i assumed the arts of a medicine-woman and a prophetess: but never those of a wabeno. the first time i exercised the prophetical art, was at the strong and repeated solicitations of my friends. it was in the winter season, and they were then encamped west of the wisacoda, or brule river, of lake superior, and between it and the plains west. there were, beside my mother's family and relatives, a considerable number of families. they had been some time at the place, and were near starving, as they could find no game. one evening the chief of the party came into my mother's lodge. i had lain down, and was supposed to be asleep, and he requested of my mother that she would allow me to try my skill to relieve them. my mother spoke to me, and after some conversation, she gave her consent. i told them to build the _jee-suk-aun_, or prophet's lodge _strong_, and gave particular directions for it. i directed that it should consist of ten posts or saplings, each of a different kind of wood, which i named. when it was finished, and tightly wound with skins, the entire population of the encampment assembled around it, and i went in, taking only a small drum. i immediately knelt down, and holding my head near the ground, in a position as near as may be prostrate, began beating my drum, and reciting my songs or incantations. the lodge commenced shaking violently, by supernatural means. i knew this by the compressed current of air above, and the noise of motion. this being regarded by me, and by all without, as a proof of the presence of the spirits i consulted, i ceased beating and singing, and lay still, waiting for questions in the position i at first assumed. "the first question put to me was in relation to the game, and _where_ it was to be found. the response was given by the orbicular spirit, who had appeared to me. he said, 'how short-sighted you are! if you will go in a _west_ direction, you will find game in abundance.' next day the camp was broken up, and they all moved westward, the hunters, as usual, going far ahead. they had not proceeded far beyond the bounds of their former hunting circle, when they came upon tracks of moose, and that day they killed a female and two young moose, nearly full-grown. they pitched their encampment anew, and had abundance of animal food in this new position. "my reputation was established by this success, and i was afterward noted in the tribe, in the art of a medicine-woman, and sung the songs which i have given to you." chapter iii. marquette's visit to iroquois point -- chapel and fort -- old mackinaw -- the french settlement in the northwest -- erection of chapel and fort -- the gateway of commerce -- the rendezvous of traders, trappers, soldiers, missionaries, and indians -- description of fort -- courriers des bois -- expedition of marquette and joliet to explore the mississippi -- green bay -- fox river -- wisconsin -- mississippi -- peoria indians -- return trip -- kaskaskia indians -- st. xavier missions -- mission to "the illinois" -- marquette's health declines -- starts out on return trip to mackinaw -- dies and is buried at mouth of marquette river -- indians remove his remains to mackinaw -- funeral cortege -- ceremonies -- burial in the chapel -- changes of time -- schoolcraft on the place of marquette's burial -- missilimackinac -- name of jesuit missions. in the year , the devoted and self-sacrificing missionary, jean marquette, with a company of indians of the huron tribe, subsequently known as the wyandots from the georgian bay, on the northeastern extremity of lake huron, entered for the first time the old indian town on the northern side of the mackinaw straits. during the time he was planting his colony, and erecting his chapel at iroquois point, which he afterward designated st. ignace, he resided on the mackinaw island. in , he furnished an account of the island and its surroundings, which was published in "the relations des jesuits". he says: "missilimackinac is an island famous in these regions, of more than a league in diameter, and elevated in some places by such high cliffs as to be seen more than twelve leagues off. it is situated just in the strait forming the communication between lakes huron and illinois (michigan). it is the key, and, and as it were, the gate for all the tribes from the south, as the saut, (st. marie) is for those of the north, there being in this section of country only those two passages by water, for a great number of nations have to go by one or other of these channels, in order to reach the french settlements. "this presents a peculiarly favorable opportunity, both for instructing those who pass here, and also for obtaining easy access and conveyance to their places of abode. "this place is the most noted in these regions for the abundance of its fisheries; for, according to the indian saying, 'this is the home of the fishes.' elsewhere, although they exist in large numbers, it is not properly their 'home,' which is in the neighborhood of missilimackinac. "in fact, beside the fish common to all the other tribes, as the herring, carp, pike, gold-fish, white-fish and sturgeon, there are found three varieties of the trout--one common; the second of a larger size, three feet long and one foot thick; the third monstrous, for we cannot otherwise describe it--it being so fat that the indians, who have a peculiar relish for fats, can scarcely eat it. besides, the supply is such that a single indian will take forty or fifty of them through the ice, with a single spear, in three hours. "it is this attraction which has heretofore drawn to a point so advantageous, the greater part of the savages, in this country driven away by fear of the iroquois. the three tribes at present living on the _baye des puans_ (green bay) as strangers, formerly dwelt on the main land near the middle of this island--some on the borders of lake illinois, others on the borders of lake huron. a part of them, called _sauteurs_, had their abode on the main land at the west, and the others look upon this place as their country for passing the winter, when there are no fish at the _saut_. the hurons, called _etonontathronnons_, have lived for some years in the same island, to escape the iroquois. four villages of ottawas had also their abode in this quarter. "it is worthy of notice that those who bore the name of the island, and called themselves missilimackinac, were so numerous, that some of the survivors yet living here assure us that they once had thirty villages, all inclosed in a fortification of a league and a half in circuit, when the iroquois came and defeated them, inflated by a victory they had gained over three thousand men of that nation, who had carried their hostilities as far as the country of the _agnichronnons_. "in one word, the quantity of fish, united with the excellence of the soil for indian corn, has always been a powerful attraction to the tribes in these regions, of which the greater part subsist only on fish, but some on indian corn. on this account many of these same tribes, perceiving that the peace is likely to be established with the iroquois, have turned their attention to this point so convenient for a return to their own country, and will follow the examples of those who have made a beginning on the islands of lake huron, which by this means will soon be peopled from one end to the other, an event highly desirable to facilitate the instruction of the indian race, whom it would not be necessary to seek by journeys of two or three hundred leagues on these great lakes, with inconceivable danger and hardships. "in order to aid the execution of the design, signified to us by many of the savages, of taking up their abode at this point, where some have already passed the winter, hunting in the neighborhood, we ourselves have also wintered here, in order to make arrangements for establishing the mission of _st. ignace_, from whence it will be easy to have access to all the indians of lake huron, when the several tribes shall have settled each on its own lands. "with these advantages, the place has also its inconveniences, particularly for the french, who are not yet familiar, as are the savages, with the different kinds of fishery, in which the latter are trained from their birth; the winds and the tides occasion no small embarrassment to the fishermen. "the winds: for this is the central point between the three great lakes which surround it, and which seem incessantly tossing ball at each other. for no sooner has the wind ceased blowing from lake michigan than lake huron hurls back the gale it has received, and lake superior in its turn, sends forth its blasts from another quarter, and thus the game is played from one to the other--and as these lakes are of vast extent, the winds cannot be otherwise than boisterous, especially during the autumn." "old mackinaw," the indian name of which is pe-quod-e-non-ge, an indian town on the south side of the straits, became the place of the first french settlement northwest of fort frontenac, or cadaraeque on lake ontario. the settlement was made by father marquette, in . pe-quod-e-non-ge, as we have seen in a previous chapter, with its coasts and islands before it, has been the theatre of some of the most exciting and interesting events in indian history, previous to the arrival of the "white man." it was the metropolis of a portion of the ojibwa, and ottawa nations. it was there that their congresses met, to adopt a policy which terminated in the conquest of the country south of it--it was there that the tramping feet of thousands of plumed and painted warriors shook pe-quod-e-non-ge, while dancing their war dances--it was from there that the startling sound of the war yell of these thousands was wafted to the adjacent coast and islands, making the peaceful welkin ring with their unearthly shouts of victory or death. in process of time a chapel and fort were erected, and it became a strong-hold and trading post of the greatest importance to the entire region of the northwest, being the gateway of commerce between the st. lawrence and the mississippi, and also the grand avenue to the upper lakes of the north, and the rendezvous of the traders, merchants, trappers, soldiers, missionaries and indians of the whole northwest. villages of hurons and ottawas were located in the vicinity of the fort and chapel. the fort inclosed an area of about several acres, and was surrounded with cedar pickets. the remains of the fort and buildings can still be seen. on an eminence not far from the fort, the ottawas erected a fortification. within the inclosure of the fort and adjoining the chapel, the jesuits erected a college, the first institution of the kind in the western country. it was also the great depot for the _courriers des bois_, or rangers of the woods, who, from their distant excursions, would congregate here. the goods which they had brought from canada, for the purpose of exchanging for furs with the indians of green bay and illinois, and along the shores of lake superior, and the region lying between that and the banks of the mississippi, had to be deposited here, and they were usually on hand a long time before they could be disposed of and transferred to the distant marts of trade. in the year , while marquette was engaged in his duties as priest at the chapel, the site of which now bears the name of st. ignatius, and also employed in instructing the indian youth of the villages, he was visited by joliet, a member of the same order who bore a commission from frontenac, then governor of canada, empowering him to select marquette as a companion and enter upon a voyage of discovery. the winter was spent by these men in making preparations to carry out the commands of their superiors. the specific object of their mission was to explore the mississippi, which was supposed to empty into the gulf of california. that all possible information might be gained in regard to this unknown river, marquette held conversations with all the noted indian explorers and trappers, as well as the rangers of the woods within his reach. from the information thus gained he made out a map of the river, including its source and direction, and all the streams known to empty into it. spring at length came, and on a bright, beautiful morning in the month of may, having bid adieu to his charge at his mission, and commended his flock to god, marquette and his companion, with five others selected for the purpose, entered their bark canoes with paddles in hand, and st. ignatius was soon lost to the sight of the devoted missionary forever. after sailing along the straits they entered lake michigan, and continued their voyage until they arrived at green bay, passed the mouth of the menominee river, finally reaching that of the fox river. on the th of june, having sailed upwards of two hundred miles, the voyagers reached the mission of st. francis xavier. they had now reached the limit of all former french or english discoveries. the new and unknown west spread out before them, and the thousand dangers and hardships by river and land, heightened by tales of horror related to them by the indians, were presented to their imagination. resolutely determined to prosecute the enterprise committed to their charge, they knelt upon the shore of fox river to renew their devotions and obtain the divine guidance and protection. encouraged by past success, and urged on by a strong faith, they launched their canoes upon the bosom of the fox river, and breaking the silence of its shores by the dip of their paddles, they sailed up its current. when they reached the rapids of that river, it was with difficulty they were enabled to proceed. there was not power enough in the paddles of the two canoes to stem the current, and they were obliged to wade up the rapids on the jagged rocks, and thus tow them along. having made the voyage of the fox they arrived at the portage, and taking their canoes containing their provision and clothes upon their shoulders, they reached the wisconsin and launched them upon that stream. they had no longer to breast a rapid current, as the waters of the wisconsin flowed west. with renewed courage they prosecuted their voyage, and after ten days their hearts were made glad at the sight of the broad and beautiful river which they were entering, and which they supposed would bear them to the far-off western sea. they had reached the "father of waters." no sight could be more charming than that which presented itself to their vision as they beheld on either side, alternately stretching away to a vast distance, immense forests of mountain and plain. at length, on the th of june, as they were sailing along near the eastern shore, they discovered foot-prints in the sand. at sight of these they landed and fastening their canoes, that they might again look upon the face of human beings, they followed an indian path which led up the bank. they were not long in finding two indian villages, which proved to be those of the "pewa-rias" and "moing-wenas." in answer to a question proposed by marquette, who addressed them in indian, and inquired who they were; they answered, "we are illinois." after an exchange of friendly greetings with these peaceable indians, the voyagers re-embarked and passed on down the river. they continued on their downward passage until they reached the mouth of the missouri, which poured its turbid flood into the mississippi; and still further until they passed the mouth of the ohio, and then on down until they passed the arkansas, and arrived within thirty miles of the mouth of the mississippi. it was not necessary to proceed any further to satisfy the explorers that the river entered into the gulf of mexico, instead of that of california. having accomplished the end of the expedition, the company started out upon their return trip on the th of july. when they reached the mouth of the illinois river, they determined on returning by that route to mackinaw. arriving at the portage of that river they fell in with a tribe of indians who called themselves the kaskaskias, who kindly volunteered to conduct them to lake michigan, where in due time they arrived. after sailing along the western shore of the lake they again found themselves at green bay, and were heartily welcomed by the brethren at the mission of st. francis xavier. worn down with fatigue, marquette determined to remain here to recruit his health before returning to his missionary labors. he spent his time at this mission post in copying his journal of the voyage down the mississippi and back, which he accompanied by a map of the river and country, and sent by the ottawa flotilla to his superiors at montreal. the return of this flotilla brought him orders for the establishment of a mission among the illinois, with whom he had so friendly an interview on his exploring voyage. having passed the winter and succeeding summer at the st. xavier mission, he started out in the fall for kaskaskia. the difficulties of the journey were such, it having to be accomplished by land and water, that his health, which had been greatly enfeebled by his former voyage, was not sufficient to enable him to endure the cold winds of winter which had set in before the completion of the journey. on reaching the chicago river it was found closed, and he did not consider it prudent to undertake an over-land journey. he therefore resolved to winter at that point, and giving his indian companions who accompanied him the proper instructions and pious counsel, he sent them back to green bay. two frenchmen made an arrangement to remain with him during the winter. the nearest persons to their lodge were fifty miles distant. they were french trappers and traders, one of whom bore the title of a doctor. this latter person being informed of marquette's ill-health paid him a visit, and did what he could for his relief. he also received friendly offices from the indians in the neighborhood, a party of whom proposed to carry him and all his baggage to the contemplated mission at kaskaskia. his health, however, was such that it did not allow him to accept their kind offer, and he was obliged to remain in his camp during the winter. spring at length returned after a long and dreary winter, and marquette, with some indian companions, started out for the upper waters of the illinois river. in about two weeks he reached kaskaskia, and at once entered upon the duties of his mission. after having instructed the indians, so as to enable them to understand the objects of his mission to them, he called them all together in the open prairie, where he had erected a rude altar surmounted by the cross, and adorned with pictures of the virgin mary. the chiefs and warriors, and the whole tribe, were addressed by him in their native tongue. he made a number of presents to them, the more effectually to gain their affections and confidence, and then related to them the simple story of the cross, after which he celebrated mass. the scene was truly impressive, and the effect upon the sons of the forest was all that the missionary could desire. bright and cheering were the prospects of converting the kaskaskias to christianity, but the devoted missionary was doomed to disappointment. his former malady returned, and assumed a type of so alarming a nature, that he was satisfied his labors on earth would soon come to an end. thoughts of his beloved mission at mackinaw, where he had spent so many days in preaching to ottawas and hurons, and in teaching their youth christian science, filled his mind; and the christian, not to say natural, desire of his heart, was again to bow in the chapel of st. ignatius, and again behold the parents and children of his former charge. having received the last rites of the church he set out to the lake, accompanied by the kaskaskias who sorrowed much at his departure, but who were comforted by the dying missionary, who assured them that another would soon be sent to take his place. when they reached the shore of lake michigan the indians returned, and with his two french companions marquette embarked in a canoe upon its waters. as they coasted along the eastern shore of the lake the health of marquette continued to fail, and he at last became so weak that when they landed to encamp for the night they had to lift him out of the canoe. much further they could not proceed, as the journey of life with the missionary was rapidly drawing to a close. conscious of his approaching dissolution, as they were gently gliding along the shore, he directed his companions to paddle into the mouth of a small river which they were nearing, and pointing to an eminence not far from the bank, he languidly said, "bury me there." that river, to this day, bears the name of the lamented marquette. on landing they erected a bark cabin, and stretched the dying missionary as comfortably as they could beneath its humble roof. having blessed some water with the usual ceremonies of the catholic church, he gave his companions directions how to proceed in his last moments. he instructed them also in regard to the manner in which they were to arrange his body when dead, and the ceremonies to be performed when it was committed to the earth. he then, for the last time, heard the confessions of his companions, encouraging them to rely on the mercy and protection of god, and then sent them away to take the repose they so much needed. after a few hours he felt that he was about taking his last sleep, and calling them, he took his crucifix and placing it in their hands, pronounced in a clear voice his profession of faith, thanking the almighty for the favor of permitting him to die a jesuit missionary. then calmly folding his arms upon his breast with the name of jesus on his lips, and his eyes raised to heaven, while over his face beamed the radiance of immortality, he passed away to the land of the blest. in conformity with the directions of the deceased, in due time his companions prepared the body for burial, and to the sound of his chapel bell bore it slowly and solemnly to the place designated, where they committed it to the dust, and erected a rude cross to point out to the passing traveler the place of his grave. james marquette was of a most ancient and honorable family of the city of laon, france. born at the ancient seat of his family, in the year , he was, through his pious mother, rose de la salle, allied to the venerable john baptist de la salle, the founder of the institute known as the brothers of the christian schools. at the age of seventeen he entered the society of jesus, and after two years of study and self-examination had passed away, he was, as is usual with the young jesuits, employed in teaching, which position he held for twelve years. no sooner had he been invested with the priesthood, than his desire to become in all things an imitator of his chosen patron, st. francis xavier, induced him to seek a mission in some land that knew not god, that he might labor there to his latest breath, and die unaided and alone. his desire was gratified. for nine years he labored among the indians, and was able to preach to them in ten different languages; but he rests from his labors, and his works follow him. he died, may , . the indians of mackinaw and vicinity, and also those of kaskaskia, were in great sorrow when the tidings of marquette's death reached them. not long after this melancholy event, a large company of ojibwas, ottawas, and hurons, who had been out on a hunting expedition, landed their canoes at the mouth of the marquette river, with the intention of removing his remains to mackinaw. they had heard of his desire to have his body interred in the consecrated ground of st. ignatius, and they had resolved that the dying wish of the missionary should be fulfilled. as they stood around in silence and gazed upon the cross that marked the place of his burial, the hearts of the stern warriors were moved. the bones of the missionary were dug up and placed in a neat box of bark made for the occasion, and the numerous canoes which formed a large fleet started from the mouth of the river with nothing but the sighs of the indians, and the dip of the paddles to break the silence of the scene. as they advanced towards mackinaw, the funeral cortege was met by a large number of canoes bearing ottawas, hurons, and iroquois, and still others shot out ever and anon to join the fleet. when they arrived in sight of the point, and beheld the cross of st. ignatius as if painted against the northern sky, the missionaries in charge came out to the beach clad in vestments adapted to the occasion. how was the scene heightened when the priests commenced, as the canoe bearing the remains of marquette neared the shore, to chant the requiem for the dead. the whole population was out, entirely covering the beach, and as the procession marched up to the chapel with cross and prayer, and tapers burning, and laid the bark box beneath a pall made in the form of a coffin, the sons and daughters of the forest wept. after the funeral service was ended, the coffin was placed in a vault in the middle of the church, where the catholic historian says, "marquette reposes as the guardian angel of the ottawa missions." "he was the first and last white man who ever had such an assembly of the wild sons of the forest to attend him to his grave. "so many stirring events succeeded each other after this period--first, the war between the english colonists, and the french; then the colonists with the indians, the revolutionary war, the indian wars, and finally the war of , with the death of all those who witnessed his burial, including the fathers who officiated at the time, whose papers were lost, together with the total destruction and evacuation of this mission station for many years, naturally obliterated all recollections of the transaction, which accounts for the total ignorance of the present inhabitants of point st. ignatius respecting it. the locality of his grave is lost; but only until the archangel's trump, at the last, shall summon him from his narrow grave, with those plumed and painted warriors who now lie around him." the missionaries who succeeded marquette, at mackinaw, continued their labors until , when, finding it useless to continue the mission, or struggle any longer with superstition and vice, they burned down their college and chapel, and returned to quebec. the governor, alarmed at this step, at last promised to enforce the laws against the dissolute french, and prevailed on father marest to return. soon after the ottawas, discontented at detroit, a french post, which was served by the recollects, and where the blood of a recollect had been shed in a riot, began to move back to mackinaw, and the mission was renewed. in , charlevoix visited this mission, and this is the last we hear of it. nearly two hundred years have passed away since that event. the chapel of st. ignatius has passed away, and with it the chapel, and fort, and college at old mackinaw. nothing is left but the stone walls and stumps of the pickets which surrounded them, and which may be seen to this day. to the catholic, this consecrated spot, the site of one of their first chapels, and their first college in the great northwest, must possess unusual interest. as there is a difference of opinion in relation to the burial place of marquette, whether it was on the north or south side of the straits, we give the following from "schoolcraft's discovery of the sources of the mississippi." he says: "they carried his body to the mission of old mackinaw, of which he was the founder, where it was interred. it is known that the mission of mackinaw fell on the downfall of the jesuits. when the post of mackinaw was removed from the peninsula to the island, which was about , the bones of the missionary were transferred to the old catholic burial ground, in the village on the island. there they remained till a land or property question arose to agitate the church, and when the crisis happened the whole grave-yard was disturbed, and his bones, with others, were transferred to the indian village of la crosse, which is in the vicinity of l'arbre croche, michigan." there is a difference of opinion also as to the point from whence marquette and his companions started for the discovery of the mississippi. schoolcraft says: "wherever missilimackinac is mentioned in the missionary letters, or in the history of this period, it is the ancient fort on the apex of the michigan peninsula that is alluded to." in his introduction to the above work, he says, that "father marquette, after laying the foundation of missilimackinac, proceeded in company with sieur joliet, up the fox river of green bay, and crossing the portage into the wisconsin, entered the mississippi in ." it is an established fact, that marquette organized the mission at old mackinaw, in the year , subsequently to that at the opposite point, and that he remained there until the year , when he embarked with joliet on his exploring tour of the mississippi. charlevoix places the mission of st. ignace, on the south side of the straits, adjoining the fort, and has made no such designation on the north side, showing at least that this mission was more modern than the other. nearly all the jesuit missions bore the name of st. ignatius, in honor of their founder, as those of the franciscans bore the name of st. francis. ignatius loyola and francis xavier were the founders of these sects. chapter iv. la salle's visit to mackinaw -- english traders -- la hontan's visit -- mackinaw an english fort -- speech of a chippewa chief -- indian stratagem -- massacre of the english at the fort -- escape of mr. alexander henry -- early white settlement of mackinaw -- present description -- relations of the jesuits -- remarkable phenomena -- parhelia -- subterranean river. in the summer of the griffin, built by la salle and his company on the shore of lake erie, at the present site of the town of erie, passed up the st. clair, sailed over the huron, and entering the straits, found a safe harbor at old mackinaw. la salle's expedition passed eight or nine years at this place, and from hence they penetrated the country in all directions. at the same time it continued to be the summer resort of numerous indian tribes who came here to trade and engage in the wild sports and recreations peculiar to the savage race. as a city of peace, it was regarded in the same light that the ancient hebrews regarded their cities of refuge, and among those who congregated here all animosities were forgotten. the smoke of the calumet of peace always ascended, and the war cry never as yet has been heard in its streets. in heriot's travels, published in , we find the following interesting item: 'in father marquette came hither with a party of hurons, whom he prevailed on to form a settlement. a fort was constructed, and it afterward became an important spot. it was the place of general assemblage for all the french who went to traffic with the distant nations. it was the asylum of all savages who came to exchange their furs for merchandise. when individuals belonging to tribes at war with each other came thither, and met on commercial adventure, their animosities were suspended.' notwithstanding san-ge-man and his warriors had braved the dangers of the straits and had slain a hundred of their enemies whose residence was here, yet it was not in the town that they were slain. no blood was ever shed by indian hands within its precincts up to this period, and had it remained in possession of the french the terrible scenes subsequently enacted within its streets would in all probability never have occurred, and old mackinaw would have been a city of refuge to this day. the english, excited by the emoluments derived from the fur trade, desired to secure a share in this lucrative traffic of the northwestern lakes. they, accordingly, in the year , fitted out an expedition, and through the interposition of the fox indians, whose friendship they secured by valuable presents; the expedition reached old mackinaw, the "queen of the lakes," and found the el dorado they had so long desired. the following interesting description, from parkman's "history of the conspiracy of pontiac," of a voyage by an english merchant to old mackinaw about this time, will be in place here: "passing the fort and settlement of detroit, he soon enters lake st. clair, which seems like a broad basin filled to overflowing, while along its far distant verge a faint line of forests separates the water from the sky. he crosses the lake, and his voyagers next urge his canoe against the current of the great river above. at length lake huron opens before him, stretching its liquid expanse like an ocean to the furthest horizon. his canoe skirts the eastern shore of michigan, where the forest rises like a wall from the water's edge, and as he advances onward, an endless line of stiff and shaggy fir trees hung with long mosses, fringe the shore with an aspect of desolation. passing on his right the extensive island of bois blanc, he sees nearly in front the beautiful island of mackinaw rising with its white cliffs and green foliage from the broad breast of waters. he does not steer toward it, for at that day the indians were its only tenants, but keeps along the main shore to the left, while his voyagers raise their song and chorus. doubling a point he sees before him the red flag of england swelling lazily in the wind, and the palisades and wooden bastions of fort mackinaw standing close upon the margin of the lake. on the beach canoes are drawn up, and canadians and indians are idly lounging. a little beyond the fort is a cluster of white canadian houses roofed with bark and protected by fences of strong round pickets. the trader enters the gate and sees before him an extensive square area, surrounded by high palisades. numerous houses, barracks, and other buildings form a smaller square within, and in the vacant place which they enclose appear the red uniforms of british soldiers, the grey coats of the canadians, and the gaudy indian blankets mingled in picturesque confusion, while a multitude of squaws with children of every hue stroll restlessly about the place. such was old fort mackinaw in ." la hontan, who visited mackinaw in , says: "it is a place of great importance. it is not above half a league distant from the illinese (michigan) lake. here the hurons and ottawas have each of them a village, the one being severed from the other by a single palisade, but the ottawas are beginning to build a fort upon a hill that stands but one thousand or twelve hundred paces off. in this place the jesuits have a little house or college adjoining to a church, and inclosed with pales that separate it from the village of the hurons. the courriers de bois have but a very small settlement here, at the same time it is not inconsiderable, as being the staple of all the goods that they truck with the south and west savages; for they cannot avoid passing this way when they go to the seats of the illinese and the oumamis on to the bay des puanto, and to the river mississippi. missilimackinac is situated very advantageously, for the iroquese dare not venture with their sorry canoes to cross the stright of the illinese lake, which is two leagues over; besides that the lake of the hurons is too rough for such slender boats, and as they cannot come to it by water, so they cannot approach it by land by reason of the marshes, fens, and little rivers which it would be very difficult to cross, not to mention that the stright of the illinese lake lies still in their way." as rivals of the french, the english were never regarded with favor by the various indian tribes. constant encroachments by the english from year to year, though they were lavish of their gifts did not tend to soften the hostility of the tribes. thus matters continued until mackinaw passed into the hands of the english, which event took place after the fall of quebec in the year . this transfer of jurisdiction from a people that the indians loved to one that they experienced a growing hate for during three-quarters of a century, filled them with a spirit of revenge. such was the dislike of the indians of mackinaw to the english, that when alexander henry visited that place in , he was obliged to conceal the fact that he was an englishman and disguise himself as a canadian voyager. on the way he was frequently warned by the indians to turn back, as he would not be received at mackinaw, and as there were no british soldiers there as yet, he was assured that his visit would be attend with great hazard. he still persisted, however, and finally, with his canoes laden with goods he reached the fort, which, we have before remarked, was surrounded with palisades, and occupied the high ground immediately back from the beach. when he entered the village he met with a cold reception, and the inhabitants did all in their power to alarm and discourage him. soon after his arrival he received the very unpleasant intelligence, that a large number of chippewas were coming from the neighboring villages in their canoes to call upon him. under ordinary circumstances this information would not have excited any alarm, but as the french of mackinaw as well as the indians were alike hostile to the english trader, it was no difficult matter to apprehend danger. at length the indians, about sixty in number, arrived, each with a tomahawk in one hand and a scalping knife in the other. the garrison at this time contained about ninety soldiers, a commander and two officers. beside the small arms, on the bastions were mounted two small pieces of brass cannon. beside henry, there were four english merchants at the fort. after the indians were introduced to henry and his english brethren, their chief presented him with a few strings of wampum and addressed them as follows: "englishmen, it is to you that i speak, and i demand your attention. you know that the french king is our father. he promised to be such, and we in turn promised to be his children. this promise we have kept. it is you that have made war with this our father. you are his enemy, and how then could you have the boldness to venture among us, his children. you know that his enemies are ours. we are informed that our father, the king of france, is old and infirm, and that being fatigued with making war upon your nation, he has fallen asleep. during this sleep you have taken advantage of him and possessed yourselves of canada. but his nap is almost at an end. i think i hear him already stirring and inquiring for his children, and when he does awake what must become of you? he will utterly destroy you. although you have conquered the french you have not conquered us. we are not your slaves. these lakes, these woods and mountains are left to us by our ancestors, they are our inheritance and we will part with them to none. your nation supposes that we, like the white people, cannot live without bread, and pork, and beef, but you ought to know that he, the great spirit and master of life, has provided food for us in these spacious lakes and on these woody mountains. "our father, the king of france, employed our young men to make war upon your nation. in this warfare many of them have been killed, and it is our custom to retaliate until such time as the spirits of the slain are satisfied. but the spirits of the slain are to be satisfied in one of two ways; the first is by the spilling the blood of the nation by which they fell, the other by covering the bodies of the dead, and thus allaying the resentment of their relations. this is done by making presents. your king has never sent us any presents, nor entered into any treaty with us, wherefore he and we are still at war, and until he does these things we must consider that we have no other father or friend among the white men than the king of france. but for you, we have taken into consideration that you have ventured among us in the expectation that we would not molest you. you do not come around with the intention to make war. you come in peace to trade with us, and supply us with necessaries, of which we are in much need. we shall regard you, therefore, as a brother, and you may sleep tranquilly without fear of the chippewas. as a token of friendship we present you with this pipe to smoke." henry was afterwards visited by a party of two hundred ottawa warriors from _l'arbre croche_, about seventy miles southwest of mackinaw. one of the chiefs addressed him thus:-- "englishmen: we, the ottawas, were some time since informed of your arrival in this country, and of your having brought with you the goods we so much need. at this news we were greatly pleased, believing that, through your assistance, our wives and children would be able to pass another winter; but, what was our surprise, when a few days ago we were informed the goods which we had expected were intended for us were on the eve of departure for distant countries, some of which are inhabited by our enemies. these accounts being spread, our wives and children came to us crying, and desiring that we should go to the fort to learn with our ears the truth or falsehood. we accordingly embarked, almost naked as you see, and on our arrival here we have inquired into the accounts, and found them true. we see your canoes ready to depart, and find your men engaged for the mississippi and other distant regions. under these circumstances we have considered the affair, and you are now sent for that you may hear our determination, which is, that you shall give each of our men, young and old, merchandise and ammunition to the amount of fifty beaver skins on credit, and for which i have no doubt of their paying you in the summer, on their return from their wintering." the demands of the indians upon the english, and their dissatisfaction arising therefrom, had the effect to rouse the different tribes, and they were noticed assembling from the surrounding country in great numbers, and gathering in the vicinity of mackinaw. one night four hundred indians lay around the fort, evidently plotting mischief. a chippewa chief apprised henry of the impending danger; but when the suspicions were communicated to the commandant of the fort, major etherington, he took no notice of it, supposing that the indians only resorted to this for the purpose of intimidation. the next day being the king's birthday, the indians proposed to celebrate it by a game of _baggatiway_. it was played with bat and ball, and the contestants were the chippewas and sacs. major etherington was present at the game, and bet largely on the side of the chippewas. in the midst of the game, when all were in a high state of excitement, a warrior struck the ball and sent it whizzing over the palisade into the fort. instantly the indian war yell was heard, and the savages rushed within the gate, not however for the ball, but to tomahawk and scalp every englishman within the fort. the french stood by as silent spectators of the bloody scene, and were not attacked. henry witnessed the dreadful slaughter from his window, and being unarmed he hastened out, and springing over a low fence which divided his house from that of m. langlade, the french interpreter, entered the latter, and requested some one to direct him to a place of safety. langlade hearing the request, replied that he could do nothing for him. at that moment a slave belonging to langlade, of the pawnee tribe of indians, took him to a door which she opened, and informed him that it led to the garret where he might conceal himself. she then locked the door and took away the key. through a hole in the wall henry could have a complete view of the fort. he beheld the heaps of the slain, and heard the savage yells, until the last victim was dispatched. having finished the work of death in the fort, the indians went out to search the houses. some indians entered langlade's house and asked if there were any englishmen concealed in it. he replied that he did not know, they might search for themselves. at length they opened the garret door and ascended the stairs, but henry had concealed himself among a heap of birch-bark vessels, which had been used in making maple sugar, and thus escaped. fatigued and exhausted, he lay down on a mat and went to sleep, and while in this condition he was surprised by the wife of langlade, who remarked that the indians had killed all the english, but she hoped he might escape. fearing, however, that she would fall a prey to their vengeance if it was found that an englishman was concealed in her house, she at length revealed the place of henry's concealment, giving as a reason therefor, that if he should be found her children would be destroyed. unlocking the door, she was followed by several indians, who were led by wenniway, a noted chief. at sight of him the chief seized him with one hand, and brandishing a large carving knife, was about to plunge it into his heart, when he dropped his arm, saying, "i won't kill you. my brother, musinigon, was slain by the english, and you shall take his place and be called after him." he was carried to l'arbre croche as a prisoner, where he was rescued by a band of three hundred ottawas, by whom he was returned to mackinaw, and finally ransomed by his indian friend wawatam. at the capture of the place only one trader, m. tracy, lost his life. captain etherington was carried away by some indians from the scene of slaughter. seventy of the english troops were slain. an englishman, by the name of solomon, saved himself by hiding under a heap of corn, and his boy was saved by creeping up a chimney, where he remained two days. a number of canoes, filled with english traders, arriving soon after the massacre, they were seized, and the traders, dragged through the water, were beaten and marched by the indians to the prison lodge. after they had completed the work of destruction, the indians, about four hundred in number, entertaining apprehensions that they would be attacked by the english, and the indians who had joined them, took refuge on the island of mackinac, wawatam fearing that henry would be butchered by the savages in their drunken revels, took him out to a cave, where he lay concealed for one night on a heap of human bones. as the fort was not destroyed, it was subsequently reoccupied by british soldiers, and the removal to the island did not take place until about the year . old mackinaw, the theatre of so many thrilling scenes and tragic incidents, has a history as a white settlement, reaching back to , the year of the landing of the pilgrims at plymouth. w. m. johnson, esq., of mackinac island, in describing its history, says: "mackinaw city," for such has become the name of this wonderful point, "with its coasts and the islands before it, has been the theatre of some of the most exciting and interesting events in indian history, previous to the arrival of the 'white man.' it was the metropolis of a portion of the ojibwa and ottawa nations. it was there that their congresses met, to adopt a policy which terminated in the conquest of the country south of it; it was there that the tramping feet of thousands of plumed and painted warriors shook pe-quod-e-nonge--the indian name--while dancing their war dances, it was from thence that the startling sound of the war yell of these thousands was wafted to the adjacent coast and islands, making the peaceful welkin ring with their unearthly shouts of victory or death. "how remarkable, in reflecting upon the early and sound judgment of the indians in seizing upon the points commanding all the natural avenues and passes of the lakes, when it is considered that there selections must necessarily have been the result of an intimate knowledge with the geographical features of the country! this has been yearly proved by the re-occupation of posts and places long neglected, but the importance of which has become evident in proportion as we have set a just value upon the indian's judgment, with the natural advantages of the country. perhaps in no instance, is this more strikingly exemplified than in mackinaw city, the commanding position of which, although always known to the indians, traders, and missionaries, and lately confirmed by military scientific europeans; _but as yet not perceived by our government_. it is the only point which can control the passage of the straits of mackinaw, and also the indians living in numerous villages south of the straits. the island of mackinac was merely occupied by the english to escape a second massacre as in ; and which occupancy our government has blindly followed, believing it, as an evidence of english military skill and judgment in the selection of commanding posts, while they at that period did not make this selection with any reference to a future hostile maritime power who might wish to pass, or force a passage through the straits. [illustration: sugar loaf--mackinac.] [illustration: mackinac island. . lover's leap. . harbor. . village. . fort. . signal. . sugar loaf. . mission. . robinson's folly.] "the land rises gradually from the water at mackinaw city, until it reaches an elevation of seventy-five feet, from which beautiful and picturesque views are obtained of the waters of the straits, with the numerous islands sleeping on its bosom. the prospect from the city is beautiful, beyond description--the battery at new york can only be compared to it, which is like it in its location. the visitor will enjoy the view presented of the islands, points, and adjacent shores; especially on a calm day, for the lake, and the green woods upon isle and promontory, lie with a sleepy stillness before him, enhancing the beauty of the prospect; and when the mind contemplates the events of two hundred and fifty years ago, when thousands of the red sons of the forest passed and repassed the site upon which he now stands, he will appreciate more fully the rapid strides of civilization. "two hundred and fifty years ago, bark canoes only dotted the surface of the lake; this spell of quiet was then broken a few years afterward by the boisterous canadian _voyageur_ with his songs, as he rowed or paddled his _bateaux_ and large northwest canoe. now, the roaring noise of the wheels of steamers, the shrill whistle of the propeller, and the whitening sails of hundreds of vessels have succeeded to the past age of darkness and quiet. civilization and commerce have broken the charm which beautified indian scenery in years forever gone by." a work, published under the auspices of the canadian government, in three large octavo volumes, french, entitled "relations of the jesuits," containing the most remarkable events that transpired in the missions of the jesuits in new france, furnishes valuable information of the missions in the mackinaw region. among the remarkable phenomena which came under the observation of the jesuit fathers in mackinaw, was the appearance of a parhelion on the st of january, . this remarkable phenomenon occurred about two hours before sunset. it presented the form of a great crescent with its points turned toward the sun. at the same time two other suns appeared, equidistant from it, partly covered by a cloud having all the colors of the rainbow, very luminous and dazzling to the eye. the indians said it was a premonition of great cold, which followed soon after. on the th march the same parhelion appeared, and was seen from three different places more than fifty leagues apart. the observer at the mackinaw mission saw three suns distant some half league from each other. they were seen twice the same day, one hour before sunrise and one hour before sunset. in the morning they were on the south side of the true sun, and in the evening on the west side. that on the south side was so accurate that it was difficult to distinguish it from the true sun, excepting that it was partly surrounded by a scarlet band on the side toward the sun. that on the other side had more the appearance of an oval iris than a sun, nevertheless it was an image like those which painters adorn with golden rays, giving it a very magnificent appearance. the same parhelion was seen on the island of manitou in lake huron, and accompanied by a very remarkable appearance. three suns appeared in the west, parallel with the earth. they were equal in size, but not in beauty. the true sun was west-by-southwest, and the false sun on each side. at the same time were seen parts of two circles parallel to the horizon, having the colors of the rainbow, beside a fourth part of the circle perpendicular to the horizon, having nearly the same color, touched the false sun, which was in the southwest, and cutting the half circle parallel to the horizon, was mingled and lost in its rays. the false suns disappeared from time to time, and even the true sun. finally, a fourth sun was seen placed in a right line. when the false suns disappeared they left after them two rainbows, as beautiful as their own light. the indians, who attributed all these signs to the genii, and who believe that they are married, wanted to know of the missionary if these were not the wives of the sun. at this question it occurred to him that a favorable opportunity was presented for explaining to them the mysteries of the trinity. on the next day the indian women, who before would not come to hear prayers, came and presented their children to be baptized. at the saut st. mary, seven false suns appeared around the true sun. the true sun was in the centre of a circle formed by the colors of the rainbow. on either side were two false suns, and also one above and one below. these four were placed on the circumference of the circle, and at equal distances directly opposite from each other. beside this, another circle of the same color as the first, but much larger, rested the upper part of its circumference in the centre of the true sun, while below and on either side were the false suns. all these eight luminaries made a grand spectacle. auroras, even in midsummer, are of frequent occurrence, and exhibit a brilliancy and extent rarely observed in lower latitudes. the phenomena which most frequently occur are the following: a dark cloud tinged on the upper edge with a pale luminous haze, skirts the northern horizon. from this streaks of orange and blue colored light flash up, and often reach a point south of the zenith. they rapidly increase and decrease, giving to the whole hemisphere the appearance of luminous waves and occasionally forming perfect corona. they commence shortly after sunset and continue during the night. the voyagers regard them as the precursors of storms and gales, and our own observations have confirmed the result. occasionally broad belts of light are seen spanning the whole arc of the heavens, of sufficient brilliancy to enable one to read. in the winter these phenomena are much more frequent, and the ground appears tinged with a crimson hue. we find in these relations of the jesuits other matters of equal interest. the fathers of the missions in and around the straits of mackinaw gave it as their opinion, that the waters of lake superior entered into the straits by a subterranean passage, and in support of it, mention the wonderful fact that the current floats against the wind, and notwithstanding it drives furiously in one direction, vessels are enabled to sail in a contrary direction as rapidly as though the wind were not blowing. in addition to this, they refer to the constant boiling up of the waters. without admitting this theory, they affirmed that it was impossible to explain two things. the first is, that without such subterranean passage it is impossible to tell what becomes of the waters of lake superior. this vast lake has but one visible outlet, namely, the river of the saut, while it receives into its bosom the waters of a large number of rivers, some twelve of which are of greater dimensions than the saut. what then, they ask, becomes of all these waters if they do not find an issue through a subterranean river. the second reason for their belief in this theory is the impossibility to explain from whence come the waters of lake huron and lake michigan? but very few rivers flow into these lakes, and their size is such as to justify the belief that they must be supplied through the subterranean river entering into the straits. chapter v. island of the giant fairies -- possession by the english -- erection of government house -- french remain at old mackinaw -- finally abandoned -- extent of the island -- history -- description -- natural curiosities -- arch rock -- sugar loaf rock -- scull rock -- dousman's farm -- davenport's farm -- robinson's folly -- the devil's punch bowl -- healthful atmosphere -- transparency of the waters -- compared with saratoga, cape may, and mt. washington as a point for health and recreation -- description of a traveler in -- arrival of steamers and sailing vessels at the port during the year -- mr. johnson's reminiscences -- indian name of island -- mythology -- three brothers of the great genii -- visit to the subterranean abode of the genii -- vision -- apostrophe of an old indian chief -- old buildings -- door of marquette's chapel -- john jacob astor and the fur trade -- present support of the place -- fort mackinaw -- fort holmes -- fine view -- interesting localities -- war of -- death of major holmes -- soil of the island. the old fort having been deserted by the english, as we have noticed in a previous chapter, and they having fled to the island of mackinaw, which, in the indian name, signifies island of the giant fairies, preparations were made for a settlement. sir wm. johnston called a grand council with those indians who had been engaged in the massacre at old mackinaw. by this council, which was held in , the spring following the siege, a way was opened for st. clair to negotiate for the island, and also for the grants previously made by the indians to the french for military purposes. the first thing done after the island had been obtained was the erection of a government house. the french and others who still remained at old mackinaw, amounting only to about three hundred, continued a few years, when they finally left, and everything was suffered to go into decay. a desolation reigned over it for many years, and, on account of the bloody siege, that point, which was the most attractive as well as the most important to indians, french, and english in all the lake region was, as if by common consent, abandoned. [illustration: arch rock.] [illustration: rock castle--pictured rocks.] the "new mackinaw," as it is called, distant seven miles from the old, is on an island about nine miles in circumference, and covers an area of six thousand acres. its extreme elevation above the lake is about three hundred and twelve feet. the village and fortress are situated on the southeastern extremity of the island, where there is a good harbor protected by a water battery. the island remained in possession of the british until , when it was surrendered to the united states. it was retaken in , but restored again by the treaty of ghent, in . it is situated in north lat. ° ', west lon. ° ' from greenwich, being ° ' west from washington. it is three hundred and fifty miles north of chicago and about three hundred miles north from detroit, and about two hundred and fifty miles west of collingswood, canada. the fort stands on an elevated ground about two hundred feet above the water. the town contains at present three hotels, six boarding houses, eight dry-goods stores, and seven groceries. its public buildings are a court house, jail, custom house, post office, and express office. there are two churches, the roman catholic and presbyterian. the first thing we shall notice as a natural attraction on the island, is what is called "the arch rock." this is a natural arch projecting from the precipice on the northeastern side of the island, about a mile from the fort, and elevated about one hundred and forty feet above the level of the water. its abutments are formed of calcareous rock, and have been produced by the falling down of great masses of rock, leaving a chasm of eighty or ninety feet in height, and covered by the arch which spans it of fifty or sixty feet sweep. the scene presented by cliff and chasm is one of wild grandeur. like the natural bridge of virginia, it possesses an attraction to all fond of natural curiosities, sufficient of itself to justify a visit to the northern lakes. the view from the beach is particularly grand. before you is a magnificent arch suspended in mid air. indian tradition says that this wonderful arch was formed by the giant spirits who inhabited this island. geological tradition, however, indicates that it was formed by the action of the waters, which were at a remote period much higher than at the present time. the next object which strikes the attention of the visitors is the "sugar loaf rock," a high, isolated, conical rock which, resting upon the elevated plateau that forms the next highest point of the island from that of fort holmes, exhibits a rise of some sixty to eighty feet. this is but little less than the elevation of the ridge which forms the crowning plan of the island, and upon which the dismantled post of fort holmes is seen, being separated therefrom by a distance not exceeding one hundred and fifty yards. by what violent throe of nature it has become severed from the adjacent ridge, of which it no doubt, formed a part, is matter of curious inquiry. has nature done this by gradual recession, or by the slow upheaval of the land? on inspection, this rock is found cavernous, slightly crystalline, with its strata distorted in every conceivable direction. in its crevices grow a few cedars and vines. as the visitor approaches it by the road side its effect is grand and imposing; still more so, perhaps, when beheld from the top of the ridge, where its isolated position with its bold form, breaking the outline of the island, strikes the beholder with wonder and admiration. robinson's folly is a high bluff, northeast from the village of mackinaw, half a mile from the mission house. soon after the settlement of the modern mackinaw, capt. robinson, of the english army, then commanding this port, had a summer house built on the brow of this bluff, now called robinson's folly, for the purpose of enjoying the prospect from that cool and elevated spot. often he and his brother officers resorted there during the summer days, to while away lonely and tedious hours. pipes, cigars, and wine, were brought into requisition. no englishman at that period was without them; in fact, no hospitality or entertainment was complete without them. they were indeed isolated; the nearest white settlements being then detroit, green bay, saut st. mary, and chicago. communications with these places were not frequent. a few years after, from the action of the elements, the brow of the bluff, where robinson's folly stood, was precipitated to the base of the rock, where the fragments can now be seen, which disastrous event gave rise to its name. the "scull rock," half a mile or three quarters northwest from the rear of fort mackinaw, is chiefly noted for a cavern, which appears to have been a receptacle for human bones, many of which were still to be observed about its mouth a few years ago. the entrance is low and narrow, and seems to promise little to reward the labors of exploration. it is here probably that alexander henry was secreted by the chief wawatam after the horrid massacre of the british garrison at old mackinaw. chimney rock well repays the trouble of a visit, with the other points of interest on the island. dousman's farm, two miles west from the village of mackinaw, consists of a section of land; the road to the english or british landing passes through it, also to scott's or flinn's cave, which is on the northwestern portion of the farm. there are three springs of cold delicious water on this farm, two of them are shaded by beech and maple trees. this farm yields yearly from eighty to one hundred tons of hay, besides a large quantity of potatoes and other farm produce. davenport's farm, about one and a half miles from the village, is situated on the southwestern portion of the island. at the base of the bluff, on the south part of this farm, is the devil's caves, and near them is a beautiful spring of clear cold water, shaded by evergreens and other trees. half way up the bluff, which is nearly, if not fully, three hundred feet high at this point; stands out, detached from the limestone, an isolated rock, in appearance similar to the sugar loaf rock, which some persons have called the lover's leap; it is worth the trouble of a visit, which a few minutes walk from the village accomplishes. there are several points called lover's leap, so called by romantic visitors, within the last few years. a gentleman from chicago, has purchased this farm, and report says that several summer-houses are to be built upon it, which will enhance the beauty of this locality. wm. m. johnston esq., furnishes the following tradition of lover's leap: "the huge rock called the 'lover's leap' is situated about one mile west of the village of mackinaw. it is a high perpendicular bluff, one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet in height, rising boldly from the shore of the lake. a solitary pine tree formerly stood upon its brow, which some vandal has cut down. "long before the pale faces profaned this island home of the genii, a young ojibwa girl, just maturing into womanhood, often wandered there, and gazed from its dizzy heights and witnessed the receding canoes of the large war parties of the combined bands of the ojibwas and ottawas speeding south, seeking for fame and scalps. "it was there she often sat, mused and hummed the songs ge-niw-e-gwon loved; this spot was endeared to her, for it was there that she and ge-niw-e-gwon first met and exchanged words of love, and found an affinity of souls existing between them. it was there she often sat and sang the ojibwa love song-- 'mong-e-do-gwain, in-de-nain-dum, mong-e-do-gwain, in-de-nain-dum, wain-shung-ish-ween, neen-e-mo-shane, wain-shung-ish-ween, neen-e-mo-shane, a-nee-wau-wau-sau-bo-a-zode, a-nee-wau-wau-sau-bo-a-zode.' i give but one verse, which may be translated as follows: a loon, i thought was looming, a loon, i thought was looming: why! it is he, my lover, why! it is he, my lover; his paddle, in the waters gleaming, his paddle in the waters gleaming. "from this bluff she often watched and listened for the return of the war parties, for amongst them she knew was ge-niw-e-gwon; his head decorated with war-eagle plumes, which none but a brave could sport. the west wind often wafted far in advance the shouts of victory and death, as they shouted and sang upon leaving pe-quod-e-nong (old mackinaw), to make the traverse to the spirit, or fairiy island. "one season, when the war party returned, she could not distinguish his familiar and loving war shout. her spirit, told her that he had gone to the spirit-land of the west. it was so: an enemy's arrow had pierced his breast, and after his body was placed leaning against a tree, his face fronting his enemies, he died; but ere he died he wished the mourning warriors to remember him to the sweet maid of his heart. thus he died far away from home and the friends he loved. "me-she-ne-mock-e-nung-o-qua's heart hushed its beatings, and all the warm emotions of that heart, were chilled and dead. the moving, living spirit of her beloved ge-niw-e-gwon, she witnessed continually beckoning her to follow him to the happy hunting grounds of spirits in the west--he appeared to her in human shape, but was invisible to others of his tribe. "one morning her body was found mangled at the foot of the bluff. the soul had thrown aside its covering of earth, and had gone to join the spirit of her beloved ge-niw-e-gwon, to travel together to the land of spirits." another point of interest and curiosity is the devil's punch bowl, situated south from the gateway, as you enter the farm of the late j. dousman, esq. this island which rises like a gem on the brow of the lakes, is favored by the clearest and most healthful atmosphere, and washed by the purest and most transparent water in the world, imparting the most pleasurable sensations imaginable. when this enchanting region shall become fully known, saratoga, cape may, and mount washington will be forgotten by those who fly from the heat and dust of our inland cities, to breathe a pure air and drink health-giving waters. a traveler in , thus describes this interesting locality, "everything on the island is a curiosity, the roads or streets that wind around the harbor or among the grove-like forests of the island, are naturally pebbled and macadamized, the buildings are of every style, from an indian lodge to an english house, the island is covered with charming natural scenery, from the beautiful to the grand, and one may spend weeks constantly finding new objects of interest, and new scenes of beauty. the steamers all call here on their way to and from chicago, and hundreds of small sail vessels in the fishing trade have here their head quarters. drawn upon the pebbled beach, or gliding about the bay, are bark canoes, and the far-famed mackinaw boats, without number. these last are the perfection of light sail boats, and i have often been astonished at seeing them far out in the lake, beating up against winds that were next to gales." we are indebted to mr. johnston for the following official list, giving the number of sail vessels and steamers that have passed through the straits of mackinaw during the _day time_, as reported to the revenue department, for six months, ending september th, . barques. brigs. schr's. steamers. april, may, june, next mon's --- --- --- --- total, . it would be a pretty correct estimate to add at least one-third more of the total number for those that passed during the night,--which would be a very low estimate of the shipping passing through our straits. but few of the vessels passing through the straits leave the main channel, and go to the island some miles out of the way. the lake traffic has of late years become perfectly enormous, the increase of the western navigation being unprecedented. for example, three thousand and sixty-five steamers passed up from lake erie to lakes huron and superior, by detroit, in , and three thousand one hundred and twenty-one passed down. the greatest number up in a single day was eighty-five--down seventy-three. detroit statistics show that five steamers, five propellers, four barques, seven brigs, and eighty-five schooners have been more or less engaged in the lake superior trade during the past season. forty vessels left during the season for european and seaboard ports, some of which have returned, and one has taken her second departure. navigation at detroit opened march th, and closed december th. william johnston, esq., who has long resided on the island, says: 'the indians, from the earliest times, have always regarded the island of mackinaw with veneration. the indian name is 'moc-che-ne-mock-e-nug-gonge,' which, as before stated, signifies island of great or giant fairies. "indian mythology relates that three brothers of great or giant fairies, occupied different islands in this section of the country. the eldest occupied the island missilimackinac, the second lived on the island tim-au rin-ange-onge, in lake michigan, now called pottawattime island, the youngest inhabited an island called pe-quoge-me-nis, in lake huron. the heathen indians, to this day, look upon them with awe and veneration, and in passing to and fro, by their shores, still offer to the great spirits tobacco and other offerings, to propitiate their goodwill. the stories they relate of these great fairies, are very interesting and worthy of record. "the present southern gate of fort mackinac overlooks the spot, where in olden times a door existed, to the entrance of the subterraneous abode of these giant fairies. an indian chees-a-kee, or spiritualist, who once encamped within the limits of the present garrison, related, that some time during the night, after he had fallen asleep, a fairy touched him and beckoned him to follow. he obeyed and his spirit went with the fairy; they entered the subterraneous abode, through an opening beneath the present gate near the base of the hill. he there witnessed the giant spirits in solemn conclave in what appeared to be a large beautiful wigwam. after being there some time, lost in wonder and admiration, the chief spirit directed one of the lesser ones, to show the indian spirit out and conduct him back to his body. this indian could never be induced to divulge the particulars of what he witnessed in his mysterious visit. "an old indian chief upon leaving this island, to visit his friends in lake superior, thus soliloquized, as he sat on the deck of mcknight's splendid steamer, the illinois, while the darkness began dimly to shadow forth the deep blue outlines of the island: "'moc-che-ne-mock-e-nug-gonge, thou isle of the clear, deep-water lake, how, soothing it is from amidst the curling smoke of my opawgun (pipe), to trace thy deep blue outlines in the distance; to call from memory's tablets the traditions and stories connected with thy sacred and mystic character, how sacred the regard, with which thou hast been once clothed by our indian seers of gone-by days; how pleasant in imagination for the mind to picture and view, as if now present, the time when the great spirit allowed a peaceful stillness to dwell around thee, when only light and balmy winds were permitted to pass over thee, hardly ruffling the mirror surface of the waters that surrounded thee. nothing then disturbed thy quiet and deep solitude, but the chippering of birds, and the rustling of the leaves of the silver-barked birch; or to hear, by evening twilight the sound of the giant fairies as they with rapid step, and giddy whirl, dance their mystic dance on thy lime-stone battlements.' "several old buildings are now standing, the frames of which were brought from old mackinaw in the year , which gives an odd and venerable appearance to the village. mr. schoolcraft had the door of marquette's chapel pointed out to him, which had been brought over from mackinaw, and hung to one of the edifices of the town. "the village formerly received its greatest support from the fur trade, when in the hands of the late john jacob astor, esq., being, at that time, the outfitting and furnishing place for the indian trade. his outfits extended then to the head waters of the mississippi, on the northwest, south to chicago, southwest by the way of green bay, to the mississippi, and missouri rivers, in fact his business was carried on throughout all the then northwest indian country. this trade became extinct in , when mr. astor sold out to ramsey crooks, esq., of new york, and others, but it lacked the energy and controlling influence which had been characteristic of mr. astor's business, and after languishing a few years, the new company became involved and their outposts were discontinued. "the place since then has been mostly supported from the fisheries, which are excellent and extensive. it is estimated that twenty thousand barrels of white fish and trout are exported from this country alone annually, estimated worth, at this point, about one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. a material support is also derived from the immense amount of trade. "the population is fluctuating, owing to the influx of strangers seeking health, traders, and indians; but the permanent inhabitants of the village are about one thousand and fourteen, as per census of . "fort mackinac stands on a rocky eminence immediately above the town, and is at present garrisoned by a company of united states troops: a chaplain (episcopalian) is attached to the garrison, and services are held there every sabbath. fort holmes occupies the highest bluff of the island, and is not at present occupied: this fortress was erected by the english, while they held possession of the island, during the last war, and by them named fort george. but after the surrender of the island in , the name was altered in compliment to the memory of major holmes of the united states army, who fell in the unfortunate attack upon the island by col. croghan. the gallant holmes was killed a little below the rise of ground, as you descend toward the dousman farm-house, on your way to the british landing. on fort holmes is a triangular station for the government engineers, who have been at work some years in the straits. "visitors mounting the station on a still clear day, have a view of this island, the straits with its curves, islands and points, and the adjacent shores, which well repays them, especially on a calm day, for the lake and green woods lie in stillness before them, taking the mind for hundreds of years back, to the time when thousands of warriors occupied the prominent points brought within view. "off to the northwest, some four or five miles, lies the mixed canadian and indian settlement of point st. ignace and moran bay, with a few farms, which give a more agreeable view to the otherwise sameness of wood and water. there the indians, called the au-se-gum-ugs, lived until driven away by the ojibwas and ottawas, as they extended their conquests south and west. there also the iroquois were permitted to locate and live before the french reached and settled on the st. lawrence, there some of the iroquois were massacred and driven off by the ojibwas and ottawas. north of this can be seen the outlines of the bluff called "rabbit sitting," northeasterly the st. martin islands, the entrance of the chenoux, and the dividing ridge between this and the saut st. mary. on the northeast can be seen the detour, and to the south, bois blanc light-house, and the cheboy-e-gun; and on the west the straits of lake michigan, with waugoohance point and light-house. "to the northwest of the ridge, where the woods slope by a gradual descent to the shores of the island, is the place at which the english in the last war ( ), from six to eight hundred strong, composed of a few english, canadians, the majority being indians, landed at night, and having secured michael dousman's cattle, at his farm adjoining the landing, and succeeded during the night in reaching the hollow, which may be seen on the way from fort mackinac to fort holmes, a little northwest of the present parade-ground, or nearly opposite the northwest rear gate of the present fort, with their cannon, which by daylight, was placed in battery on the knoll south of the hollow before alluded to, which by its position completely commanded the western gate and the garrison itself, took their station. "at dawn the citizens of the village were roused, and told to flee to a place called the distillery, west of the present village, as the english troops were about to attack the american fort, and that the english commanding officer had pledged his word for the safety of the lives of those citizens who would flee to the place designated. this was the first intimation the citizens had of war being declared between the united states and great britain. soon a cannon shot was fired over the fort, its booming being also the first intimation the american garrison had of the country being in a state of war. an english officer appeared with a flag to summon the garrison to surrender, stating the overwhelming force they had in command. the american garrison, being short of one full company of men, was surrendered, and the few troops taken and sent to detroit on parole. after this the english built and occupied fort george, (now called fort holmes) between the years and . the english government paid ten thousand pounds as prize-money to the volunteers and soldiers, and merchandise and arms to the indians. in the year i examined the list or pay-roll for this prize-money; the names of all those who participated in the taking of fort mackinac were there enrolled, the money was divided according to rank, and each person receipted for his individual share. "it is worth knowing, that by the treaty of paris, of , acknowledging the independence of the united states, and fixing its boundaries, fort mackinac fell under the jurisdiction of the united states, and was surrendered, according to mckenzie, in . in it was taken, as before stated, by the english and their indian allies. it resisted an attack from a strong detachment of the american army and navy in , under col. croghan, and was finally restored to the united states by the treaty of ghent. "in col. croghan landed at the english landing, under cover of the guns of the american vessels. the troops moved from the landing, and had reached mr. m. dousman's farm-house. the skirmishing with the english and indians had already commenced. east from the house is a ridge over which the road lay. on this ridge and back of it, also on each side of the road, the english were posted in force. the gallant major holmes, on reaching the clearing near the house, formed his men for a charge upon the enemy posted on the ridge. to encourage his troops he led the charge. the english and indians, seeing the strong force, had commenced retreating, when an english sergeant thought he might as well discharge the cannon before retreating with his comrades, so accordingly applied the match. at this instant, major holmes was either killed by a grape shot, or by an accidental musket ball. his death threw the americans into a panic, and they immediately commenced a retreat, which ended in confusion. "when the fleet first appeared before the island, there was only one company of troops in the fort--had col. croghan then summoned it to surrender, it would have been given up; but he sailed away, went and burnt the trading-houses at old st. joseph's island, and from thence sent an expedition to the saut st. mary, under major holmes, who burned the north west fur company houses on the canada side, and carried away all the personal property of individuals on the american side. thus ten or twenty days were lost. in the mean time, the indians had come to the defense of fort mackinac, and, on the second appearance of col. croghan, they were prepared, and our troops shamefully defeated. "this island, although the bluffs present the appearance of sterility, is covered with a strong soil, which is continually renovated by the spontaneous decomposition of calcareous rock. the common growth of trees on the island are the sugar-maple, beech, birch, white and yellow pine, white and red spruce, balsam fir, white cedar, iron wood, and the poplar; the trees now seen are the second and third growth. on the northwestern part of mr. dousman's farm, a few of the old patriarchs of the forest are still standing." chapter vi. lake superior -- scenery -- transparency of its waters -- climate -- isle royale -- apostles' islands -- la point -- thunder cape -- cariboo point -- a wonderful lake -- romantic scenery -- pictured rocks -- rock castle -- the grand portal -- the chapel -- fluctuations in the waters of lake superior -- curious phenomena -- retrocession of the waters -- mirage -- iron mountains and mines -- description of -- products -- shipments -- copper -- immense boulders -- produce of the mines for -- shipment of copper from the lake for -- centre of the mining country -- iron mountains -- copper mines of great britain -- coal -- mackinaw, a great manufacturing point -- key to the upper lakes -- commerce of lakes -- growth of cities. lake superior, though it possesses not all the vastness of the ocean, is yet equal in sublimity. in gazing upon its surface, whether spread out like a vast mirror reflecting the varying tints of the sky, or ruffled by gently curling waves, or lashed into fury by the tempest, one is impressed with the idea of the infinite. it is known to be the largest body of fresh water on the globe, being nearly four hundred miles long from east to west, and one hundred and thirty wide. it is the grand reservoir from whence proceed the waters of michigan, huron, and erie. it gives birth to niagara, the wonder of the world, fills the basin of ontario, and rolls a mighty flood down the st. lawrence to the atlantic. this lake lies in the bosom of a mountainous region, where the indian yet reigns and roams in his wonted freedom. except an occasional picketed fort or trading house, it is yet a perfect wilderness. the entire country is rocky and covered with a stunted growth of vegetation such as is usual in high latitudes. the waters of this lake are marvelously clear, and, even at midsummer, are exceedingly cold. mr. charles lanman, who has written a most admirable book, entitled "summer in the wilderness," says, "in passing along its rocky shores, in my frail canoe, i have often been alarmed at the sight of a sunken boulder, which i fancied must be near the top, and on further investigation have found myself to be upward of twenty feet from the danger of a concussion. i have frequently lowered a white rag to the depth of one hundred feet and been able to discern its every fold or stain. the color of the water near the shore is a deep green; but off soundings it has all the dark blue of the ocean." speaking of the climate, he says: "in midsummer it is beyond compare, the air is soft and bracing at the same time. a healthier region does not exist on the earth, an assertion corroborated by the fact, that the inhabitants usually live to an advanced age, notwithstanding the many hardships. the common diseases of mankind are here comparatively unknown, and i have never seen an individual whose breast did not swell with a new emotion of delight as he inhaled the air of this northern wilderness." the largest island in lake superior is isle royale. it is forty miles in length and from six to ten miles in width. its hills reach an altitude of four hundred feet. during the winter season it is entirely uninhabited, but in the summer it is frequently visited, particularly by copper speculators. near the western extremity of the lake are the apostles' islands, which are detachments of a peninsula running out in the same direction with keweenaw, which is known as la point. the group consist of three islands, which rise like gems from the water. there is a dreamy summer about them which make them enticing as the hesperides of the ancients. the two most prominent peninsulas are thunder cape and cariboo point. thunder cape is about fourteen hundred feet high. it looms up against the sky in grandeur, and is a most romantic spot. cariboo point is less lofty and grand in its appearance, but is celebrated for its unknown hieroglyphics painted upon its summits by a race which has long since passed away. in the vicinity of the bluff are found the most beautiful agates in the world. in the northeastern part of the lake is an island situated about twenty miles from the canadian shore, which has a wonderful lake in its centre, about one mile in length. it is as beautiful as it is wonderful. it is imbosomed in the fastnesses of perpendicular cliffs, which rise to a height of seven hundred feet. it has but one outlet and is impassable even to a canoe. at the opening of this narrow chasm stands a column of solid rock which has a base of about one hundred feet in diameter. the column rises, gradually tapering until it reaches a height of eight hundred feet. a solitary pine surmounts the summit of this wonderful column. there it stands like the sentinel of this calm, deep lake, whose silence and solitude are rarely ever broken, and whose tranquil bosom has never been ruffled by the slightest breeze. [illustration: rock chapel.] [illustration: the castles.] the scenery on the shores of lake superior is in some places of the most romantic character. about one hundred miles west of saut st. mary, a range of cliffs are to be seen, what has been called the "pictured rocks." they are a series of sandstone bluffs extending along the shore of the lake for about five miles, and rising, in most places vertically from the water, from fifty to two hundred feet in height. these towering cliffs have been worn away by the action of the lake, which for centuries has dashed an ocean-like surf against their base. the surface of these rocks has been, in large portions, strangely colored by bands of brilliant hues, which present to the eye of the voyager a singularly pleasing appearance. one of these cliffs resembles so much the turreted entrance and arched portal of some old feudal castle that it has been called "rock castle." beyond this is another architectural curiosity, denominated "the grand portal," which consists of an arched opening in the rocks. the cliff is composed of a vast mass, of a rectilinear shape, projecting out into the lake six hundred feet, and presenting a front of three hundred feet, and rising to a height of two hundred feet. an entrance has been excavated from one side to the other, opening out into large vaulted passages which communicate with the great dome, some three hundred feet from the front of the cliff. the grand portal, which opens out on the lake, is of magnificent dimensions, being one hundred feet high, and one hundred and sixty-eight feet wide at the water level. the distance from the verge of the cliff, over the arch to the water, is one hundred and thirty-three feet, leaving three feet for the thickness of the rock above the arch itself. the extreme height of the cliff is about fifty feet more, making in all one hundred and eighty-three feet. it is impossible, adequately, to describe this wonderful scene. the vast dimensions of the cavern, the vaulted passages, the rare combination of colors, the varied effects of the light as it streams through the great arch and falls on the different objects; the deep, emerald green of the water, the unvarying swell of the lake, keeping up a succession of musical echoes; the reverberation of one's voice coming back with startling effect, must all be seen and heard to be fully appreciated. not far from this point is "the chapel" of the voyagers which nature has cut out of the cliff thirty or forty feet above the lake. the interior consists of a spacious vaulted apartment. an arched roof from ten to twenty feet in thickness rests on four gigantic columns of rock. these columns consist of finely stratified rock, and have been worn into curious shapes. at the base of one of these pillars an arched cavity or niche has been cut, access to which is had by a flight of steps formed by the projecting strata. the arrangement of the whole resembles very much the pulpit of a church, while the arched canopy in front, opening out to the voluted interior, with a flat tabular mass rising to a convenient height for a desk, and an isolated block resembling an altar, all fashioned as appropriately as if formed by the hand of man, constantly impresses one that he is within the walls of a church. in the geological report, made by foster and whitney, to congress, we find the following remark: "it is a matter of surprise, that so far as we know, none of our artists, have visited this region, and given to the world representations of scenery, so striking and so different from any which can be found elsewhere. we can hardly conceive of any thing more worthy of the artist's pencil, and if the tide of pleasure-travel should once be turned in this direction, it seems not unreasonable to suppose, that a fashionable hotel may yet be built under the shade of the pine groves near the chapel, and a trip thither become as common as one to niagara now is." beyond the grand portal, the rock, being less exposed to the force of the waves, bears fewer marks of their destructive action. the entrance to chapel river is at the most easterly extremity of a sandy beach, which extends for a quarter of a mile, and affords a convenient landing place, while the drift terrace elevated about thirty feet above the level of the lake, being an open pine plain, affords excellent camping ground, and is the most central and convenient spot for the traveler to pitch his tent, while he examines the most interesting localities in the series which occur in the vicinity, particularly the castle and the chapel. one who had resided upon the shores of lake superior for several summers says, "our attention has been directed to the fluctuations in the level of its waters, and while we have failed to detect any ebb and flow corresponding with the tidal action, we have on the other hand noticed certain extraordinary swells, which appear to be independent of the action of the sun and moon." the jesuit fathers in - , had their attention called to these extraordinary swells. in their "relations," they say, "we found at one time the motion of the waters to be regular and at others extremely fluctuating. we have noticed however, that at full moon and new moon, the tides change once a day for eight or ten days, while during the remainder of the time there is hardly any change perceptible. the currents set almost invariably in one direction, namely toward lake michigan, and they almost invariably set against the wind, sometimes with great force." mackenzie who wrote in , relates a very curious phenomenon, which occurred at grand portage, on lake superior, and for which no obvious cause could be assigned. he says, "the water withdrew, leaving the ground dry, which had never before been visible, the fall being equal to four perpendicular feet, and rushing back with great velocity above the common mark. it continued thus rising and falling for several hours, gradually increasing until it stopped at its usual height." professor mather, who observed the barometer at copper harbor during the prevalence of one of these fluctuations, remarks, "as a general thing, fluctuations in the barometer accompanied the fluctuations in the level of the water, but sometimes the water level varied rapidly in the harbor, while no such variations occurred in the barometer at the place of observation. the variations in the level of the water may be caused by varied barometric pressure of the air on the water, either at the place of observation or at some distant points. a local increased pressure of the atmosphere at the place of observation would lower the water level, where there is a wide expanse of water; or a diminished pressure, under the same circumstances, would cause the water to rise above its usual level." in the summer of , according to the report of foster and whitney, made to congress, in , an extraordinary retrocession of the waters took place at saut st. mary. the river here is nearly a mile in width, and the depth of the water over the sandstone rapids is about two and a half feet. the phenomenon occurred at noon. the day was calm but cloudy; the water retired suddenly, leaving the bed of the river bare, except for the distance of about twenty rods where the channel is deepest, and remained so for the space of an hour. persons went out and caught fish in the pools formed in the rocky cavities. the return of the waters was sudden and presented a sublime spectacle. they came down like an immense surge, roaring and foaming, and those who had incautiously wandered into the river bed, had barely time to escape being overwhelmed. a similar event occurred in , when the current set back from the rapids, and the water rose upward of two feet above the usual mark. in , foster and whitney, while coasting in an open boat between copper harbor and eagle river, observed the water rise up, at a distance of a fourth of a mile to the northwest, to the height of twenty feet. it curled over like an immense surge, crested with foam and swept toward the shore. it was succeeded by two or three swells of less magnitude, when the lake resumed its former tranquillity. at the same time the mirage was beautifully displayed, and imaginary islands were seen along the horizon. in , they witnessed at rock harbor, isle royale, the ebbing and flowing of the water, recurring at intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes, during the entire afternoon. the difference between the temperature of the air and the lake, gives rise to a variety of optical illusions known as _mirage_. mountains are seen with inverted cones, headlands project from the shore where none exist. islands clothed with verdure or girt with cliffs rise up from the bosom of the lake. on approaching keweenaw point, mount houghton is the first object to greet the eye of the mariner. in peculiar stages of the atmosphere, its summit is seen inverted in the sky long before the mountain itself is visible. on the north shore the paps, two elevated mountains near the entrance of neepigon bay, at one time appear like hour glasses, and at another like craters, emitting long columns of smoke, which gradually settles around their cones. the mines and minerals of the northwest constitute the most striking feature of the country, and at the present time one of the great sources of its wealth. the centre of the mining country is called the superior country, or the northern peninsula of michigan, but there is no reason to believe it is confined to this region. coal and iron, the most valuable of all minerals are found in various places in the northwest. the principal and most valuable minerals found west of mackinaw, are iron, copper, and lead. a general view of the mineral region may be found in owen's geological survey of iowa, wisconsin, minnesota, and superior. great beds of iron are found in ridges or cliffs, some of which rise up to an immense height. some of these ore-beds of lake superior are fifteen feet in thickness, and one of them contains iron enough to supply the world for ages. above them are immense forests, suitable for charcoal. the discovery of the iron mountains and mines of lake superior was made in , but they were not fully developed until the year , when the ship canal at saut st. mary was completed. the mines are from three to sixteen miles from marquette, a thriving village of upward of one thousand inhabitants, overlooking the lake, about one hundred and forty miles above the saut. the mine nearest the lake is about two and a half miles distant from marquette, and bears the name of eureka. the ore is said to be of surpassing richness, and yields an iron of the best quality, adapted to cutlery. the jackson iron mountain, and the cleveland iron mountain, are fourteen and sixteen miles distant. they send to marquette an aggregate of one thousand tons per week. these mountains rise gradually to the height of six or seven hundred feet, and are a solid mass of iron ore, yielding from to per cent. of the best iron. the new england iron mountain is two and a half miles beyond the cleveland mountain, and abounds with ore of equal richness. a mile or two further is the burt mountain, and the same may be said of this, both as it regards quantity and quality, as of the others. a railroad has been constructed from marquette to the iron regions, and immense quantities of ore and iron are transported over it daily. all the hills and mountains surrounding lake superior, abound in valuable minerals of which copper is the most abundant. it exists in every variety of form. according to the opinion of the lamented houghton, this region contains the most extensive copper mines in the known world. the native copper boulder discovered by the traveler henry in the bed of the ontonagon river, and now in washington, originally weighed thirty-eight hundred pounds. a copper mass of the same material, found near copper harbor, weighed twelve hundred pounds. at copper falls, there is a vein of solid ore which measures nine feet in depth, and seven and a half inches in thickness. at eagle river a boulder was found weighing seventeen hundred pounds. the number of mining companies in operation on the american shore is upward of a hundred. the minnesota mine, fifteen miles from ontonagon, during the year ending january , , produced , , pounds of copper. the cliff mine during the year, produced , , pounds of copper. the portage lake district, including isle royale, portage, huron, quincy and pewabic shipped tons of copper in . the lake superior miners estimate the total shipment of copper mineral from the lake during the year , at , tons, of an average purity of per cent--making the product of ingot copper about , tons, worth in the market at present $ , , . estimating the population of the copper region at , persons, this gives an annual product of about $ for each man, woman and child. the shipments were as follows: from keweenaw point , tons; from portage lake , tons; from ontonagon district , tons; total , tons. the extent and importance of the copper mines of superior, in relation to the general trade in that metal, may be estimated by the following account of the amount of pure copper produced in other parts of the world. the united kingdom of great britain , tons, norway , tons, russia , , mexico , hesse cassel , hartz mountains ; sweden , , hungary , , east germany ; making a total, out of america, of , tons. the single district of ontonagon can produce as much copper as the entire kingdom of great britain. the copper mines of the united states, are doing their part as effectually in adding to the solid wealth of the country, as the gold mines of california, or the silver mines of the arizonia. the copper mining countries are another illustration of the principle upon which success is based, namely, that concentrated talent, effort and capital are necessary to a development of the resources of a country. when we look into the manufacture of this article, we shall find a new element in the future growth of towns to arise in this region. at present, a large portion of this copper is shipped abroad to be smelted. but is there not every reason, as well of economy as of material, for carrying on smelting, and all other manufacturing processes, at the point of production? the cost of transporting the raw material is greater than that of carrying the manufactured product. but when all the elements of successful manufacturing exist where the raw material is found, then the economy of the process is doubled. of metals, of navigation, of food, we have shown there is an inexhaustible supply. but there is also coal near enough to supply the last and only material which might be supposed wanting. coal is found in the southern peninsula of michigan, in abundance and of good quality. this coal is found at jackson and at lansing. this was a matter of so much importance that prof. douglas, of the state university, proceeded immediately to analyze it. the following are the principal results of his analysis. it was made chiefly in reference to the manufacture of gas:-- "the coal was of the bituminous variety, having a jet black color and slaty structure. it was readily ignited, burning with a dull flame and smoke, the fragments comminuting more or less by the heat. it had a specific gravity of about . . " parts gave volatile matter . , sulphur . , iron . , ash . , carbon (not volatilized) . . "the value of coal for the manufacture of gas is usually estimated by the amount of volatile matter it yields at a full red-heat." of ten samples of english coal, this had more volatile matter than six. of american coals, it had more of the burning principle than any, except one. the quality of this coal is unquestionably good, and its distance from mackinaw is no objection, since access can be obtained both by water and railroad. both the coal and iron used in the manufactures of cincinnati are brought from places distant from one hundred to five hundred miles; and yet scarcely any place in america has prospered more by manufactures than the queen of the west. mackinaw has more than the advantages of cincinnati for manufactures. it not only has iron and coal, but copper and lead, near enough for all the purposes of successful manufacture. favorable indications of coal exist within fifty miles south of the straits, and indications also exist of lead. when we consider these facts, and the vast extent of country, of inland oceans, and of streams around it, why should not mackinaw be a point of concentration for manufactures, as well as of distribution for commerce? mackinaw is centrally situated in the mineral region, and with coal and hard wood for charcoal in perpetual abundance, and the cheapest possible mode of transportation, will become a great manufacturing point, and be able to manufacture innumerable articles, which are now made in europe, and which our people have been compelled to import for use, simply because the material hitherto employed has been of a quality unsuitable for such purposes. besides the healthful and bracing temperature of this locality, when compared with ohio and pennsylvania, whose summers are found to be exceedingly enervating, especially to those employed in the manufacture of iron, affords advantages, and offers inducements which cannot be overlooked, since in the physical strength and comfort of the workmen, is involved the all-important question of economy. if it should be asked, is the site such that a great city can be built upon it, without imperial wealth, like to that of st. petersburg, or with the artificial foundations like to those of chicago, or bankrupting successive companies like cairo on the ohio,--the answer is at hand and decisive. at mackinaw there are no marshes to fill up or drain, no tide sands, no flood-washed banks, no narrow and isolated rocks or ridges, to intercept the progress of commercial growth and activity. on the contrary, the lake rises under the heaviest rains but little, and breaks its waves on a dry shore rising gradually far above its level. there is no better natural site for the foundation of a city in the world, nor one possessing more inviting or beautiful surroundings, and when we consider its available resources, it is evident that nothing can prevent its rise and progress. the straits are so completely the key of the upper lakes, mackinaw must, as in the days of the fur trade, unlock the vast treasures of the entire northwest. the shore of lake superior, being but about fifty miles north of mackinaw and dependent on a canal navigation, annually navigable sixty days less than the straits, on account of ice, to say nothing of breakage, it is perfectly obvious that there can be no competing city further north. the following from the toledo blade shows the immense importance of this point as a key position: "the immense commerce of the lakes, the growth of which has been unparalleled by anything in the history of the world, and the vast mineral, timber and agricultural resources of their shores, which are even now, only beginning to attract attention, may well awaken a desire on the part of enterprise to get possession of the key position which is to command and unlock the future treasures of this vast empire. already, six important commercial cities, with an aggregate population of about , inhabitants, have sprung up on these island waters, and are the most flourishing of any away from the atlantic coast. others are struggling into notoriety on the borders of lake superior, and must, at no very distant time, become important and active places of business. but the place of all others, where we would expect a city to spring up and grow rapidly into importance, is still undeveloped. "the straits of mackinaw, four and a half miles wide, make the only natural ferry communication between the great peninsula, enclosed by the lakes and the rich mineral region lying on the southern border of lake superior; and must, hence, be the terminus of all the great railroad lines that traverse michigan longitudinally and compete for the trade north of the straits, now rapidly growing up into importance. it must therefore be the point of radiation, eastward, through canada; westward through the mineral region; and southward, through michigan. canada has already made grants of land for several important roads which must ultimately reach the straits; and lines are also provided for by government grants, from the straits through the northern peninsula, and from the straits southward to fort wayne by the way of grand rapids, and to toledo, through lansing. the culminating point being thus settled for several roads, all others will naturally centre at the same crossing, even if the coast line had not made such a thing inevitable. "the point which projects northward into the lake, from the michigan peninsula, to form this strait, is admirably located for a great city. it is the site of old fort mackinaw, and in health and commercial position, can have no rival in those southern waters. this point has been selected by a company of capitalists, on which to plant the commercial city of the north; the venice of the lakes, foreshadowed in the extract which we have placed at the head of the article. this new city is to bear the name of the ancient fort and strait, and to be called mackinaw. it will hold the key of all the northern lakes; and should its growth be marked by energy and enterprise, will command the trade of the greatest mining region in the world; be the chief depot of the northern fisheries; the outlet of an immense lumber trade; and the focus of a great network of railways, communicating with tropics on the south, and stretching out its iron arms, at no distant day, to the atlantic on the east, and pacific on the west. "the proposed city will have the advantage of the most salubrious climate to be found in the temperate zone, and will be the resort of those seeking health, as well as those seeking wealth. it has a northern position, being on the same parallel as montreal; but the winters are equable, and the summers though short, are mild and pleasant, being modified by the great body of water which stretches out on every side, except at the south. as a manufacturing point it may well command universal attention. the lake superior iron is known to be the best in the world, and coal and wood are at hand in the greatest abundance; while communication by water is so wide as to leave nothing to desire on that head. it should be as famous for smelting as swansea, in england, for it must have unbounded supplies of iron and copper ore. "but we have no space to speak of its commercial position. it must be seen at a glance that, as all the produce which flows through chicago, milwaukee, and the great west must sweep by on its way to the east, and all the goods and merchandise of the east, must be borne by its wharves on their way to the west, that it cannot fail to be a point which must spring at once into importance. the government, too, must have a fort, a light-house, and customhouse there, which with the fisheries, must supply a large profitable business to its earlier population." chapter vii. lake huron -- eastern shore of michigan -- face of the country -- picturesque view -- rivers -- grand -- saginaw -- cheboy-e-gun -- natural scenery -- fort gratiot -- white rock -- saginaw bay -- thunder bay -- bois blanc island -- drummond's island -- british troops -- st. helena island -- iroquois woman's point -- point la barbe -- point aux sable -- point st. vital -- wreck of the queen city -- st. martin's island -- fox point -- moneto pa-maw -- mille au coquin -- great fishing places -- cross village -- catholic convent. lake huron, which, with lake erie and st. clair, washes the eastern boundary of the southern peninsula of michigan, is two hundred and fifty miles long and its average width is about one hundred miles. its depth is about eight hundred feet. the southeastern shore of michigan presents a level surface covered with a dense forest, at points meeting the edge of the bank. the trees of this heavily-timbered land, with their massive shafts standing close together, "cast a gloomy grandeur over the scene, and when stripped of their foliage appear like the black colonnade of a sylvan temple." in advancing into the interior, a picturesque and rolling country opens to view, covered with oak-openings or groves of white oak thinly scattered over the ground, having the appearance of stately parks. the appearance of the surface of the country is as if it was covered with mounds, arranged without order, sometimes rising from thirty to two hundred feet in height, producing a delightful alternation of hill and dale, which is sometimes varied by a rich prairie or burr-oak grove. the principal rivers of the state are the grand, st. joseph's, kalamazoo, the raisin, the clinton, the huron, and the rouge. the grand is two hundred and seventy miles in length, and has a free navigation for steamboats which ply regularly between lake michigan and grand rapids, a distance of forty miles. the saginaw empties into lake huron and is navigable for sixty miles. these, with the others we have named, interlock their branches running through different parts of southern michigan, and while they beautify the landscape they afford water-power and fertilize the soil. the river cheboy-e-gun is the largest stream in the northern portion of the lower peninsula and empties into the straits of mackinaw opposite bois blanc island. at its mouth is a village containing two steam saw mills and one water saw mill. a light-house stands a mile or two east from this point. brook-trout, bass, pike, pickerel, and perch, are caught at the entrance of the river. in the fall and spring numerous water-fowl resort to the upper forks of the river and to the small lakes forming its sources. these lakes also abound with a great variety of fish, which can be taken by spearing. the natural scenery of michigan is imposing. the extensive tracts of dense forests, clothed with the richest verdure, fresh as when it first came from the hands of the creator; the prairies and lakes which abound, the wide parks, whose soil is entirely covered for miles with large and rich flowers, present a striking and agreeable contrast. the beech and black walnut, the elm, the maple, the hickory, and the oaks of different species and large size, the lind and the bass-wood, and various other kinds of forest trees, plainly indicate the fertility of the soil from whence they spring. grape vines often hang from the branches a foot in circumference, clustering around their trunks, or thickening the undergrowth along the banks of rivers; and, while the glades open to the sun like cultivated grounds, the more thickly-timbered forests, shut out from the sky by the mass of vegetation, present in summer a gloomy twilight. in traveling along the main roads of michigan, splendid tracts of park-like lawns sweep along the path for miles covered with flowers, broken by prairies, thick forests, and lakes. fort gratiot stands at the foot of lake huron and commands the entrance to the upper lakes. advancing along the western shore of this lake the voyager sees a long, alluvial bank covered with a forest of pine, poplar, beech, and hemlock. on advancing further the banks become more elevated until they rise to forty feet in height. about fifty miles from fort gratiot, a large rock rises to the surface of the lake, a mile or so from the shore, which is called the "white rock." from the earliest period this rock has been regarded as an altar or a landmark. it was to the early voyagers a beacon to guide them in their course; but to the indians it was a place of oblation, where they offered sacrifices to the spirits of the lakes. saginaw bay is a large indentation of the shoreline like to that of green bay in lake michigan, but not so large. near its centre are a number of small islands. twenty miles from its mouth stands the thriving town of saginaw. from the northwesterly cape of saginaw bay to flat rock point, the shore of lake huron presents a bank of alluvial soil, with a margin of sand along its border intersected with frequent masses of limestone rock, in some places ground to fragments by the surging of the waves. thunder bay is also another indentation made by the lake. it was thus called from the impression that at this point the air was more than ordinarily charged with electricity. bois blanc island, at the head of lake huron, stretches in the form of a crescent between the island of mackinac and the lower peninsula of michigan. it is from ten to twelve miles in length by three or four in breadth. the lower part of this island is sandy, but the larger portion of it is covered with a fertile soil bearing a forest of elm, maple, oak, ash, whitewood and beech. it has been surveyed and a government light-house stands on its eastern point. in the northern part of lake michigan are located beaver islands. there are five or six of this group bearing different names. big beaver is the most considerable, and contains perhaps forty square miles. these islands all lie in the vicinity of each other, and within a few miles northwest of grand and little traverse bays in lake michigan. the big beaver was, up to july, , in possession of the mormons, who claimed it as a gift from the lord. another interesting locality is drummond's island, between the detour and the false detour. it was taken possession of by the british troops when they surrendered fort mackinaw in . on this island they built a fort and formed quite a settlement. upon an examination of the boundary line between the united states and great britain, it was ascertained that this island was within the jurisdiction of the former, and it was accordingly evacuated by the british in . the british subjects living on the island followed the troops, and the place was soon deserted and became a desolation. st. helena island is a small island near the straits of mackinaw, not far from the shore of the northern peninsula, containing a few acres over a section of land. it is a great fishing station, and enjoys a good harbor protected from westerly winds. its owner, who has exiled himself _a la napoleon_, spends his time in fishing, and other pursuits adapted to his mind. in addition to the numerous islands constituting the surroundings of mackinaw there are a number of interesting localities denominated "points", that we must not omit to mention. the first, because the most important, and one which is connected with many historic associations which we shall direct attention to, is the "iroquois woman's point," the indian name for point st. ignatius on the opposite side of the straits from mackinaw, distant between three and four miles, about the same as from the battery at new york to staten island. the original inhabitants with their descendants have long since passed away. its present occupants are principally canadians. it has a catholic chapel. point la barbe, opposite to green island shoals and mackinaw, is a projection of the upper peninsula into the straits. it is four miles distant from gross cape, and derives its name from a custom which prevailed among the indian traders in olden time on their annual return to mackinaw of stopping here and putting on their best apparel before making their appearance among the people of that place. about half way between mackinaw and cheboy-e-gun, a projection from the lower peninsula into the straits, is point aux sable. point st. vital is a cape projecting into lake huron from the southeastern extremity of the upper peninsula. there is a reef of rocks off this point where the steamer queen city was wrecked. on a clear day this point may be seen from fort holmes, and it presents an enchanting view. the st. martin's islands are also in full view from this point. in the southwestern part of the straits, about twenty miles distant from mackinaw, is fox point. a light-house has been erected on a shoal extending out two miles into the lake. moneto-pa-maw is a high bluff still further west, on the shore of michigan, where there are fine fisheries, and is a place of considerable resort. further west, near the mouth of the mille au coquin river which empties into michigan, there are also excellent fisheries, and to those who are fond of this kind of sport apart from the profit connected with it, there is no place in the world possessing half the attractions as mackinaw and its surroundings, while the "mackinaw trout," with the "mackinaw boat" and the "mackinaw blanket," are famous over the world. between little traverse and mackinaw is the village of cross, or la crosse. the following interesting account of a visit to that place is taken from the mackinaw herald in : "the name of this village--'cross,' recalls to one's mind, some reminiscences connected with the early history of the indian missions. suffice it to observe, that it derives its name from the circumstance of a large cross having stood for many years on the brow of the hill, on which the present indian village stands, planted there by some of the followers of james marquette, during their explorations and missions in this part of the country. the old cross was of oak, and was still standing about forty-five years ago. recently it has been replaced by another. an old indian, called _the short-arm_, over whose head some eighty winters had passed, was still living in , and who, when a little boy, recollected to have seen the last missionary of this place. 'i am old, my children,' said the aged missionary, 'and i wish to die among my own people--i must leave you.' he left; and in the course of time the arbre-croche indians relapsed into paganism. they continued in this state until a young christian ottawa, named _aw-taw-weesh_, who had just returned from among the catholic algonquins in canada, appeared among them and taught religion. he became also, in some respects, what cadmus was of old, or guess among the cherokees--the first teacher of letters, among his people. as writing paper was then scarce, at least among the indians, he taught them to write on birch bark, with sharpened sticks, instead of pens. this man is still living. he is now old, poor, almost entirely blind; and although having been a real benefactor to his people, he may go down to his grave, unpitied, and unknown. "but awakened by his teachings, the indians afterward called loudly on missionaries to come among them, and they have had them during the past thirty or forty years. "at this day two catholic clergymen and a convent of four brothers and twelve sisters--being a religious community, of the third order of st. francis--are stationed at this place. but, to return: as rough voyaging generally gives keen appetite, so the party did ample justice to the eatables, which had been prepared by the indians. perhaps some reader at a distance might suppose this supper to have been taken in a _wigwam_; with the fire-place in the centre, a hole above for the escape of smoke; and the party squatting down upon the ground, with legs crossed in tailor fashion, around a single dish: no, no; but it was prepared in a good, substantial house; on a table with a table-cloth, with crockery, dishes, tea-cups and saucers, and knives and forks, such as are used by common white folks. then there stood the waiters, ready to assist the double-handed manipulations going on at the table. at a convenient hour, the party separated for the night; the agent was put in possession of the clergyman's house, then temporarily absent on a mission, by the rev. mr. weikamp, the superior of the convent. "the next day, after the forenoon services of the church at the village, the agent and party, according to previous invitation, went to the convent for dinner. arrived there, they were introduced first into a log cabin, situated at some distance in the rear of the convent, occupied by the four brothers, belonging to the order, and the rev. superior. he occupies a single room, in real new-settler style. this is his sitting-room, library, study and bed-room. he has traveled in europe, and some parts of asia; he has various objects of curiosity; and among these is a silver coin of about the size and value of a mexican quarter of a dollar, which he brought with him from jerusalem. this piece of money is said to be one of the kind of which judas received thirty pieces, from the chief priests and magistrates, the price for which he sold his divine master. another thing, is a turkish pipe, with its long, pliable stem, with which the lover of the 'weed' could regale himself without being annoyed by the smoke, as usual; for the pipe, which is made somewhat in the shape and of the size of a small decanter and half filled with water is so arranged that while the wet tobacco is burning in the cup on the top, the smoke, during suction at the stem, descends through a tube into the water, and none of it escapes visibly, into the open air. the rev. mr. weikamp, the superior, is a german, and speaks english fluently. he is in the prime of life, and is full of energy and perseverance. he is not one of those who, from the fact of belonging to a religious order, may be supposed to be gloomy, with head bowed down, not hardly daring to cast his eyes up into the beautiful light of the heavens; but he converses with freedom, ease and assurance; and he relishes a joke as well as any man, when it comes _a propos_. a fanciful peculiarity, though nothing strange in it, attends his steps wherever he goes, in the shape of a small black dog called "finnie," with a string of small horse-bells round his neck. "finnie" has two black, watery and glistening spots in his head for eyes, which seem ready to shoot out from their sockets, especially when spoken to. when told in german, to speak, 'finnie' begins to tremble--he shakes his head--jingles his bells; and utters a kind of guttural snuffling, and half-suppressed growl or bark. but, as we are not acquainted with the german language, we cannot say, that "finnie" pronounces it well! "dinner being announced at the convent, the party went over with the superior to partake of it. everything about the table was scrupulously neat--an abundance of the substantial of good living had been prepared by the sisters. some time after dinner the vesper bell rang at the convent; and by special permission, the party were shown into the choir usually occupied by the brothers alone during the services of the church. this was on one side of the altar; and on the other, was a similar choir for the sisters. in the body of the church, the indians or others are admitted. for a few moments after entering, all was silence;--but the priest having intoned the vespers, the sweet tones of a large melodeon suddenly swelled through the sanctuary, mingling with the voices of the sisters. this for a time had a singular effect. to hear music in these wild woods, far away from civilized society where instrumental music forms part of the ordinary pleasures and amenities of life, served to recall to one's memory other days and other climes. after vespers, the superior of the convent conducted the party through the building to view it. the dimensions are: feet long, wide, and feet high. there are two court yards, each by feet, and the church also by , placed between them. when finished, this building will contain bedrooms, a large schoolroom, carpenter and blacksmith shops, dining-rooms, kitchen, store-rooms, halls, corridors, &c. it will be separated into two parts; one to be occupied exclusively by the sisters, and the other by the brothers. at the time of this visit, there were some cultivated flowers yet in bloom in the court-yard. so much for the material building: and now a hasty sketch of this religious order may not be unacceptable to some of our readers. "this religious community, is the third order of st. francis, of assisi, instituted in europe by this saint in . it was established for persons married or single living in the world, united by certain pious exercises, compatible with a secular state. it soon spread over all europe, and even kings and queens on their thrones vied with the poorest peasants in eagerly entering this order, to share the labors of the mission within its sphere, and to participate in its spiritual benefits. among the persons of this order, who were expelled from their cloister homes during the revolution which agitated europe in , was sister teresa hackelmayer. this nun, at the proposal of a missionary father in america, and by permission of her superior, came to new york in the winter of , to establish a community of her order in that state. but meeting with disappointment there, she finally established a convent at oldenburg, in the state of indiana. in , a second convent of this order was founded at nojoshing, four miles from milwaukee, on lake michigan. in , the rev. j. b. weikamp founded, in west chicago, the third convent of this order, and also formed a community of brothers;--and in october , with the understanding of bishop baraga, then vicar apostolic of upper michigan, he transferred those two communities to 'cross village'--his present location. "the company having ranged through the building, as observed, took a walk outside. from the south side of the convent, a broad walk is laid out reaching to an inclosure of some forty feet square, at the distance of about fifteen rods. another and narrower walk through the centre of this inclosure leads to a small square building, on the opposite side, having a four-sided roof meeting in a point, and surmounted by a cross. on entering this building, a lounge or settee, stands in front, and on the wall above it, hangs a piece of board or canvass, painted black, on which are human skulls of different sizes, each with two cross bones painted in white. a trap-door is raised from the floor, and a deep, spacious vault is opened to view: this is the place of burial for the superior of the convent. on the outside, the spaces on either side of the little walk are intended to be the last resting-places of the brothers and sisters. it is a solemn thought to see men thus prepare deliberately for _death!_ but as the party retraced their steps in such cheerful, good humor, loitering toward the convent, one might have supposed that the beautiful weather, the bright sunshine, and the bracing air had, for the time, scattered away all thoughts of death. among the questions proposed to the superior was, 'whether at any time the brothers and sisters were allowed to have social, familiar intercourse with each other?' the superior answered, in substance, that they were not; nor even allowed to speak to each other, without permission of the superior. 'then according to your principle,' some one rejoined, 'the world would soon come to an end!' the remark raised a general laugh, in which the superior himself joined heartily." chapter viii. three epochs -- the romantic -- the military -- the agricultural and commercial -- an inviting region -- jesuit and protestant missions -- first protestant mission -- first missionary -- islands of mackinac and green bay -- la pointe -- saut st. mary -- presbyterians -- baptists -- methodists -- revival at fort brady -- ke-wee-naw -- fon du lac -- shawnees -- pottawatimies -- eagle river -- ontonagon -- camp river -- iroquois point -- saginaw indians -- melancholy reflections -- number of indians in the states and territories. the history of this region, in the language of one, exhibits three distinct and strongly marked epochs. the first may be properly denominated the romantic, which extends to the year , when its dominion passed from the hands of the french to the english. this was the period when the first beams of civilization had scarcely penetrated its forests, and the paddles of the french fur trader swept the lakes, and the boat songs of the _voyageurs_ awakened the tribes on their wild and romantic shores. the second epoch is the military, which commenced with the pontiac war, running down through the successive struggles of the british, the indians, and the americans, to obtain dominion of the country, and ending with the victory of commodore perry, the defeat of proctor, the victory of general harrison and the death of tecumseh, the leader of the anglo-savage conspiracy on the banks of the thames. the third may be denominated the enterprising, the hardy, the mechanical, and working period, commencing with the opening of the country to emigrant settlers, the age of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, of harbors, cities, canals, and railroads, when the landscapes of the forest were meted out by the compass and chain of the surveyor, when its lakes and rivers were sounded, and their capacity, to turn the wheel of a mill or to float a ship, were demonstrated, thus opening up avenues of commerce and industry. its wild and savage character has passed away, and given place to civilization, religion, and commerce, inviting the denizens of over-crowded cities to its broad lakes and beautiful rivers, its rich mines and fertile prairies, and promising a rapid and abundant remuneration for toil. we have alluded to the labors and sacrifices of the jesuit missionaries in the early period of the history of the northwest, and it is right and proper that the labors of the protestant missionaries, though of a much later period, should not be forgotten. the jesuit fathers were not alone in sacrifice and toil in introducing the gospel among the tribes of the northwest. the first protestant missions established in this region, as far as we have been able to learn, were those of the presbyterian church on the island of mackinac and at green bay. the first missionary who visited mackinaw was the rev. david bacon, father of the rev. leonard bacon, d. d., of new haven. he was sent out by the connecticut missionary society in , and commenced his mission in detroit, where, after remaining a year or two, he relinquished his field to a moravian missionary, rev. mr. denky, and visited the indians on the maumee. from this he returned to detroit, and from thence went to mackinac, where he remained until the missionary society was compelled, from want of funds, to recall their missionary. the following interesting account was given by c. j. walker, esq., before the historical society of detroit: "the connecticut missionary society is, i believe, the oldest missionary association in america. it was organized in june, , the general association of connecticut, at its annual meeting that year, having organized itself into a society of that name. its object was 'to christianize the heathen in north america, and to support and promote christian knowledge in the new settlements within the united states.' for some years its efforts were principally directed to sending missionaries 'to the new settlements in vermont, new york, and pennsylvania,' and subsequently 'new connecticut,' or the western reserve of ohio, became an important field of its operations. the trustees, in june, , determined 'that a discreet man, animated by the love of god and souls, of a good common education, be sought for, to travel among the indian tribes south and west of lake erie, to explore their situation and learn their feelings with respect to christianity, and so far as he has opportunity to teach them its doctrines and duties.' a very sensible letter of 'instructions' was adopted and a long message 'to the indian tribes bordering on lake erie' prepared, showing very little knowledge of indian mind and character. mr. david bacon presented himself as a candidate for this somewhat unpromising field of labor. his son says he was one of those men who are called visionary and enthusiasts by men of more prosaic and plodding temperament. he had not a liberal education, but was a man of eminent intellectual powers and of intensely thoughtful habits, and beside a deep religious experience, he had endeavored diligently to fit himself for a missionary life, the self-denying labors of which he ardently coveted. on examination mr. bacon was accepted. "on the th of august, , mr. bacon left hartford on foot with his pack upon his back, and on the th of september he was at buffalo, having walked most of the distance. on the th, he left on a vessel for this city, which he reached after a quick and pleasant voyage on the th. he was made welcome at the house of the commandant, major hunt, where, i believe, his first religious services were held. gen. uriah tracy, of litchfield, conn., general agent of the united states for the western indians, was then here, and, together with the local indian agent, jonathan schieffelin, took an active interest in the mission of mr. bacon. john askin, esq., the same liberal-minded merchant, who so essentially befriended the moravians twenty years before, and benjamin huntington, a merchant here, formerly of norwich, conn., rendered him valuable information and assistance. learning from these sources that the delawares at sandusky, were about to remove, that the wyandottes were mostly catholics, and that there were no other indians 'south and west of lake erie,' among whom there was an inviting field of labor, his attention was turned to the north, and, with the advice of these judicious friends, on the th of september, he took passage with general tracy in a government vessel bound for mackinac, and went to harson's island, at the head of lake st. clair, near which there was quite an indian settlement. although only forty miles distant, he did not reach there until the th, being four days upon the voyage. jacob harson or harsing, as it was originally spelled, the proprietor of this island, was an albany dutchman, who, in , on appointment of sir wm. johnson, came to niagara as indian blacksmith and gunsmith, and his original commission or letter of appointment, written by sir william, is now before me. on the breaking out of the revolution, finding mr. harson friendly to the americans, the british stripped him of his property and sent him, sorely against his will, to this frontier. he established himself upon the island as early as , where his descendants now reside, acquired great influence with the indians, and lived in a very comfortable manner. he received mr. bacon in this beautiful retreat, with great kindness and hospitality, and he thanks the lord that he is provided a comfortable house, a convenient study, and as good a bed and as good board as i should have had if i had remained in connecticut. i know of no place in the state of new york so healthy as this, i believe the water and the air as pure here as in any part of new england, and i have never been before where venison and wild geese and ducks were so plenty, or where there was such a rich variety of fresh-water fish. there were many indians in the vicinity. mr. harson encouraged the establishment of a mission, and mr. bacon deemed it a most favorable opening. bernardus harson, a son of jacob, was engaged as interpreter. he returned to detroit on the same vessel with general tracy, sept. th, to attend an indian council which was held here on the th of october, when he was formally introduced to the indians by general tracy, and was most favorably received. he returned to the island and remained until the indians departed for their winter hunting grounds, when he left for connecticut, where he arrived about the middle of december. he was soon ordained to the ministry, and i believe married, for he returned with a young wife of whom nothing is heard previously. "late in january , mr. bacon commenced his return journey with his wife and her brother, beaumont parks, esq., now of springfield, illinois, a young man who came with him to learn the chippewa language and to become a teacher. the sleighing leaving them they remained at bloomfield, ontario county, new york, until spring, and did not reach here until may th. mr. bacon's plan was to remain at detroit, until he became so familiar with the indian language that he could successfully prosecute his mission. he remained here until the spring of , holding regular religious services in the council house. for a time he preached twice upon the sabbath, but the afternoon attendance being thin, he accepted a call from the settlement on the river rouge to preach to them half a day. to aid in defraying expenses he commenced keeping a school in the house where he lived on st. james street, just in the rear of the masonic hall, and in this he was assisted by his wife. one at least of our present fellow citizens was a pupil of mr. bacon, and has pleasant memories of that little school. amid many discouragements the study of the chippewa was pursued by this missionary family, and although they made 'but slow progress' and it was 'hard work to commit their words to memory' and 'extremely difficult to construct a sentence according to the idioms of their language,' they 'hope and expect we shall be able to surmount every difficulty.' "while thus toilfully but hopefully preparing for his anticipated work, getting acquainted with indians, their life and character, and as yet uncertain at what precise point to commence his mission, mr. denhey, a moravian missionary, desired to occupy the field upon the st. clair river, which mr. bacon in some measure occupied the year before, and to this mr. bacon assented. his attention had been called to mackinac and l'arbre croche, but he resolved to visit the indians upon the maumee, and ascertain by personal interviews and examination what encouragement there was for a mission in that vicinity. for this purpose, with his brother-in-law and a hired man, on th of april, , he left in a canoe for the 'miami,'as the maumee was then called. he found most of the indian chiefs engaged in a drunken debauch, and it was not until the th of may, and after repeated efforts, that he succeeded in gathering a full council, and addressing them upon the subject of establishing a mission among them. he felt it his duty to have translated the message sent to the indians by the missionary society. the poor savages listened courteously to this long piece of abstruse theological narrative and argument, but they must have been terribly bored, notwithstanding mr. bacon's efforts to 'express the ideas in language better adapted to the capacity and more agreeable to their ways of speaking.' no wonder that little otter was 'too unwell to attend in the afternoon.' after this translation, mr. bacon made a well conceived speech of considerable length, setting forth the advantages which the indians would derive from a mission. there was no little point in the polished reproof of little otter, in the commencement of his speech, who said: 'now brother, if you will listen to us we will give you an answer. but it is our way to be very short. our white brothers, when they make speeches, are very lengthy. they read and write so much that they get in a great many little things. but it is not so with your red brothers. when we go on any great business and have any great things to say, we say them in a few words.' with no little ingenuity, but with apparent courtesy, these sons of the forest declined a mission in their midst. the gist of the reply is contained in the following sentence: 'brother, your religion is very good; but it is only good for white people. it will not do for indians, they are quite a different sort of people.' "on the following day mr. bacon started for detroit, and remained here until june d, when, with his family, he removed to missilimackinac, then the great centre of indian population in our territory. here he remained until august , perfecting himself in the language, teaching, preaching and pursuing the other labors incident to his mission. he very clearly saw that a successful indian mission involved no inconsiderable expenditure in establishing schools and in educating the indians in agriculture and the ruder arts of civilization. these expenditures were too large for the means of the missionary society, and in january, , they directed the mission to abandoned, and that mr. bacon should remove to the western reserve. the intelligence of this reached mr. bacon in july, and in august he removed and became the first founder of the town of tallmadge, ohio. thus ended this first protestant effort to convert the indians of michigan to the faith of the cross. it was while mr. bacon was residing here that rev. dr. bacon was born. we may therefore, with pride, claim him as a native of our beautiful city." sometime after a mission was established at la pointe near the southern extremity of lake superior. the mission at mackinac was subsequently revived and continued until , when the population had so entirely changed, and the indians had discontinued their visits for purposes of trade, that it was deemed best to abandon it, which was done, and the property sold. the rev. mr. pitezel, in his "lights and shade of missionary life," who visited the island in , thus speaks of this mission: "we visited the mission establishment once under the care of the presbyterian church, but now abandoned. it is a spacious building, and was once thronged with native and half-bred children and youth, there educated at vast expense. little of the fruit of this self-sacrificing labor is thought now to be apparent, but the revelations of eternity may show that here was a necessary and a very important link in the chain of events, connected with the christianization of benighted pagans." during the time of mr. pitezel's visit, a large number of indians of different tribes had assembled at the island, for the purpose of receiving their annuity, among which were several christian indians, from saut st. mary, grand traverse, and elsewhere. the rev. mr. daugherty, a presbyterian minister, from the latter place, accompanied his indians, and had his tent among them for the purpose of keeping his sheep from the hands of the wolfish white man, who would first rob him of his religion, and then of his money. in , the baptists established a mission at saut st. mary. this mission was opened under the most favorable auspices by the rev. a. bingham, and continued in a state of prosperity for many years. in it was still under the superintendence of the rev. mr. bingham, who for twenty years had been laboring to bring the indians under christian influence. indian children were boarded in the mission establishment, and a school was kept up, which, in the language of one, would have been a credit to any land. the rev. mr. porter, a congregationalist missionary, also labored here. the labors of these missionaries were greatly blessed, and numbers of officers and soldiers at the fort and garrison, as well as indians, were converted. the baptist missionaries extended their labors to various points on the northern peninsula and on the shores of lake superior. the methodists commenced a mission at saut st. mary, under the labors of "john sunday," a converted indian, soon after that established by the baptists. in a portion of the oneida indians removed to green bay, and the rev. john clark was sent out as a missionary among them the following year. in a report made by the missionary to the board, he thus describes his field of labor: "the white settlement is located on the left bank of the fox river, extending up the river about five miles from the head of the bay. the population is about one thousand, but greatly amalgamated with the menominee indians, over whom it is said they have great influence. the indian settlement is about twenty-five miles from this place, on the left bank of the fox river." mr. clark preached at this settlement and at green bay on alternate sabbaths. messrs. marsh and stevens, of the presbyterian church, were located here, laboring among the stockbridge indians and kindly welcomed mr. clark among them. these indians emigrated from stockbridge, mass., and were at one time under the pastoral care of jonathan edwards. while this distinguished divine was missionary among these indians, at stockbridge, he wrote his famous "treatise on the will." mr. clark was cordially received by the indian agent, mr. schoolcraft. in , he visited saut st. mary, and found a revival in progress. nearly all the officers, and thirty or forty soldiers, in fort brady had been converted. the command was soon after removed to chicago, and was succeeded by another. a gracious revival followed his labors at the fort, and officers and soldiers were seen bowing at the same altar, happy in the enjoyment of a common salvation. still holding his connection with green bay, he visited that place and preached in fort howard and also among his indians who had removed to duck creek. at ke-wee-naw, john sunday commenced a mission among the chippewas, and in mr. clark visited that interesting field. he continued to superintend the missions in this region, until he volunteered as a missionary for texas, and the superintendence of the indian mission was given to the rev. w. h. brockway. the rev. mr. pitezel labored at ke-wee-naw with great success for several years, preaching at the different mines on the shores of lake superior. the methodists also established a mission at fon du lac near the east shore of the winnebago lake. in the year , a branch mission was organized among the wyandottes and shawnees on the huron river, and also one among the pottawatimees at fort clark on the fox river, at which place, in , upward of one hundred were converted. in a mission was established at the cliff mine, on eagle river, a stream which empties into lake superior, about twenty miles west of copper harbor. the methodists have missions also at ontonagon and carp river, all of which are more or less prosperous. at present this church has maintained missions and schools among small bands of indians collected on reserves in isabella and oceana counties in the lower peninsula of michigan. the indians at the old mission in the vicinity of saut st. mary, are assembling at iroquois point at the lower end of lake superior, and are supplied with a missionary. a mission was also established in the bay shore reservation, among the saginaw indians, which still exists. it is a matter of melancholy reflection, that the immense tribes, each of which could muster thousands of warriors in this vast region, have dwindled down to small and feeble bands. the same remark will apply to all the tribes in north america. the race is rapidly passing away, and the nation, like that of edom, will at no distant day become entirely extinct. the last report of the secretary of the interior, states, that the whole number of indians within the limits of the states and territories of the union, does not now exceed three hundred and twenty-five thousand. chapter ix. indian name of michigan -- islands -- lanman's summer in the wilderness -- plains -- trees -- rivers -- a traditionary land -- beautiful description -- official report in relation to the trade of the lakes -- green bay -- grand traverse bay -- beaver islands -- l'arbre croche -- boundaries of lake michigan -- its connections -- railroad from fort wayne to mackinaw -- recent report of -- amount completed -- land grants. the indian name of the state of michigan, is michi-sawg-ye-gan, the meaning of which in the algonquin tongue is the lake country. surrounded as it is almost entirely by water, it possesses all the advantages of an island. it has numerous streams which are clear and beautiful, abounding in fish. the surface of the western half (we allude now to the lower or southern peninsula) is destitute of rocks, and undulating. in the language of lanman in his "summer in the wilderness," "it is here that the loveliest of lakes and streams and prairies are to be found. no one who has never witnessed them can form any idea of the exquisite beauty of the thousand lakes which gem the western part of michigan. they are the brightest and purest mirrors the virgin sky has ever used to adorn herself. on the banks of these lakes, grow in rich profusion, the rose, the violet, the lily and the sweet brier. "a great proportion of michigan is covered with white-oak openings. standing on a gentle hill, the eye wanders away for miles over an undulating surface, obstructed only by the trunks of lofty trees,--above you a green canopy, and beneath, a carpet of velvet grass, sprinkled with flowers of every hue and form. "the prairies are another interesting feature of michigan scenery. they meet the traveler at every point, and of many sizes, seeming often like so many lakes, being often studded with wooded islands, and surrounded by shores of forests. this soil is a deep black sand. grass is their natural production, although corn, oats and potatoes flourish upon them. never can i forget the first time i entered white pigeon prairie. sleeping beneath the shadows of sunset, as it was, the effect upon me was like that which is felt on first beholding the ocean,--overpowering awe. all that the poet has said about these gardens of the desert is true. "burr oak plains. the only difference between these and the oak openings, is the character of the trees and the evenness of their surface. the soil is a mixture of sand and black loam. they have the appearance of cultivated orchards, or english parks; and on places where the foot of the white man has never trod, a carriage and four could easily pass through. they produce both wheat and corn. "the wet prairies have the appearance of submerged land. in them the grass is often six or seven feet high. they are the resort of water-fowl, muskrats, and otters. "but the best and most fertile soil in michigan is that designated by the title of timbered land. it costs more to prepare it for the plough, but when once the soil is sown it yields a thousand-fold. and with regard to their beauty and magnificence, the innumerable forests of this state are not surpassed by any in the world, whether we consider the variety or grandeur of their production. this timber is needed for prairie states, lake cities, and exports. "a friend of mine, now residing in western michigan, and who once spent several years in europe, thus writes respecting this region: "'oh, such trees as we have here! magnificent, tall, large-leafed, umbrageous. vallombrosa, the far-famed vallombrosa of tuscany, is nothing to the thousand vallombrosas here! a fig for your italian scenery! this is the country where nature reigns in her virgin beauty; where trees grow, where corn grows; where men grow better than they do anywhere else in the world. this is the land to study nature in all her luxuriant charms, under glorious green branches, among singing birds and laughing streams; this is the land to hear the cooing of the turtle-dove, in far, deep, cool, sylvan bowers; to feel your soul expand under the mighty influences of nature in her primitive beauty and strength.' "the principal inland rivers of michigan, are the grand river, the kalamazoo, the st. joseph, the saginaw, and the raisin. the first three empty into lake michigan, and are about seventy miles apart. their average length is about two hundred and fifty miles, and they are about thirty or forty rods in width. at present, they are navigable about half their length for small steamboats and bateaux. their bed is of limestone, covered with pebbles. i was a passenger on board the matilda barney, on her first trip,--the first steamer that ever ascended the st. joseph, which i consider the most perfectly beautiful stream that i ever have seen. i remember well the many flocks of wild turkeys and herds of deer that the 'iron horse' frightened in his winding career. the indian canoe is now giving way to the more costly but less beautiful row-boat, and those rivers are becoming deeper and deeper every day. instead of the howl of the wolf, the songs of husbandmen now echo through their vales, where may be found many comfortable dwellings. "the saginaw runs toward the north and empties into lake huron,--that same huron which has been celebrated in song by the young poet, louis l. noble. this river is navigable for sixty miles. the river raisin is a winding stream, emptying into lake erie, called so from the quantity of grapes that cluster on its banks. its indian name is nummasepee, signifying river of sturgeons. sweet river! whose murmurs have so often been my lullaby, mayst thou continue in thy beauty forever. are there not streams like thee flowing through the paradise of god? "notwithstanding the comparative newness of michigan, its general aspect is ancient. the ruin of many an old fort may be discovered on its borders, reminding the beholder of wrong and outrage, blood and strife. this was once the home of noble but oppressed nations. here lived and loved the algonquin and shawnese indians; the names of whose warrior chiefs--pontiac the proud, and tecumseh the brave--will long be treasured in history. i have stood upon their graves, which are marked only by a blighted tree and an unhewn stone, and have sighed deeply as i remembered their deeds. but they have gone--gone like the lightning of a summer day! "it is traditionary land. for we are told that the indian hunters of old saw fairies and genii floating over its lakes and streams, and dancing through its lonely forests. in these did they believe, and to please them was their religion. "the historian, james h. lanning, esq., of this state, thus writes, in alluding to the olden times: 'the streams rolled their liquid silver to the lake, broken only by the fish that flashed in their current, or the swan that floated upon their surface. vegetation flourished alone. roses bloomed and died, only to be trampled by the deer or savage; and strawberries studded the ground like rubies, where the green and sunny hillsides reposed amid the silence, like sleeping infants in the lap of the forest. the rattlesnake glided undisturbed through its prairies; and the fog which hung in clouds over its stagnant marshes spread no pestilence. the panther, the fox, the deer, the wolf, and bear, roamed fearless through the more remote parts of the domain, for there were none to dispute with them their inheritance. but clouds thickened. in the darkness of midnight, and silence of the wilderness, the tomahawk and scalping knife were forged for their work of death. speeches were made by the savages under the voice-less stars, which were heard by none save god and their allies; and the war-song echoed from the banks of lakes where had never been heard the footsteps of civilized man.' "then followed the horrors of war; then and there were enacted the triumphs of revenge. but those sounds have died away; traced only on the page of history, those deeds. the voice of rural labor, the clink of the hammer, and the sound of sabbath-bells now echo in those forests and vales. the plough is making deep furrows in its soil, and the sound of the anvil is in every part. a well-endowed university, and seminaries of learning are there. railroads and canals, like veins of health, are gliding to its noble heart. the red man, in his original grandeur and state of nature, has passed away from its more fertile borders; and his bitterest enemy, the pale face is master of his possessions." from a report made, by order of congress, by israel d. andrews, in , in relation to the trade of the great lakes and rivers, we extract the following "michigan is the second of the great lakes in size, being inferior only to lake superior, and in regard to situation and the quality of the surrounding soil and the climate is, in many respects, preferable to them all. its southern extremity, rising south in fertile regions, nearly two degrees to the south of albany, and the whole of its great southern peninsula being imbosomed in fresh waters, its climate is mild and equable, as its soil is rich and productive. the lake is three hundred miles long by sixty in breadth, and contains sixteen thousand nine hundred and eighty-one square miles, having a mean depth of nine hundred feet. on the western shore it has the great indentation of green bay; itself equal to the largest lakes in england, being one hundred miles long and thirty broad. it is well sheltered at its mouth by the traverse islands, and has for its affluent the outlet of winnebago and the fox river. "grand traverse bay is a considerable inlet of lake michigan, which sets up into the lower peninsula, one hundred miles south from the island of mackinac. it is a good farming and lumbering country. there are two mission stations and six or seven steam and water mills located at this point. it is now an organized county called grand traverse. the county seat is at grand traverse city, west bay, where they have a court-house and jail. "l'arbre croche village is an old indian town, situated about twenty-five miles southwest from mackinaw, on the lower peninsula. it is composed mostly of indians. it has a catholic church and a home mission station, with a teacher and other assistants to instruct the indians in the english language. it has extensive clearings for miles, along the banks of the lake shore, and extending from one to six miles back into the interior, indicating that once a large population must have inhabited this section of the country. "the principal tributaries of lake michigan are the manistee, great kalamazoo, and st. joseph's rivers, from the southern peninsula of michigan, the des-plaines, the o plaines and chee rivers, from indiana, illinois, and from the northern peninsula, the menominee, escambia, noquet, white fish and manistee rivers. the lake is bounded to the eastward by the rich and fertile land of the southern peninsula, sending out vast quantities of all the cereal grains, equal if not superior in quality to any raised in the united states. it is bounded on the south and southwest by indiana and illinois, which supply corn and beef of the finest quality, in superabundance, for exportation. on the west it is bounded by the productive grain and grazing lands and lumber district of wisconsin, and on the northwest and north by the invaluable and not yet half-explored mineral district of northern michigan. "the natural outlet of its commerce, as of its waters, is by the straits of mackinaw into lake huron, thence by the st. clair river down to the lower marts. of internal communications it already possesses many, both by canal and railroad, equal to those almost of any of the older states, in length and availability, and inferior to none in importance. first, it has the green bay, lake winnebago, and fox river improvement connecting it with the wisconsin river, by which it has access to the mississippi river, and thereby enjoys the commerce of its upper valleys, and its rich lower lands and prosperous states;--and second, the illinois and michigan canal, rendering the great commercial valley of the illinois tributary to its commerce. by railways, perfected and projected, it has, or will soon have, connection with the mississippi in its upper tributaries and lead regions by way of the milwaukee and mississippi, and chicago and galena lines. to the eastward, by the michigan central and southern railroad, it communicates with the lake shore road, and thence with all the eastern lines from buffalo to boston. to the southward it will speedily be united by the great system of projected railroads. "a road is now in progress extending from fort wayne, indiana, to mackinaw. from a recent report made of this road, which will prove of vast importance in developing the immense resources of michigan, we extract the following:-- "the distance from point to point, as measured by the engineers, are as follow: "from fort wayne to the 'air-line railroad, indiana, miles; the air-line railroad, to wolcottville, ; wolcottville to lagrange, ; lagrange to lima, ; lima to sturgis, mich., - / ; sturgis to mendon, ; mendon to brady, ; brady to kalamazoo, ; kalamazoo to grand rapids, ; grand rapids to laphamville, ; laphamville to little traverse bay, ; little traverse to the straits of mackinaw, . total; . "the work of construction now performed, is mostly between wolcottville and kalamazoo. between lagrange and sturgis the earth-work and bridges are nearly done--$ , will complete it for the ties. about one-fourth of the earth-work, bridges and ties, of the remainder of the line from wolcottville to kalamazoo, is done. between kalamazoo and grand rapids, work to the amount of $ , has been done. "the construction of the road bed, bridging, ties, ballasting, &c., from kalamazoo to the north bank of the muskegon river, one hundred and three miles, is let to daniel beckel, esq., of dayton, ohio. near two hundred hands are engaged on the work--on the twenty miles north of grand rapids. it is the intention of the company, as we are informed, to complete this twenty miles early the coming summer. "we are informed by the annual report, that on july st, $ , had been collected and expended. "the land grant made by congress is of great value. the portion of the road to which it attaches, extends from grand rapids to little traverse bay; the precise length of which is, as adopted by the proper departments at washington, one hundred and eighty-two miles and three thousand and sixty-seven feet. under the rules of adjustment adopted by the department, the quantity of lands granted will be somewhere from , to , acres. "these lands are generally timbered farm lands--of the best quality, in timber, soil and water. some are pine lands, some pine and hard wood mixed; and a small portion are cedar swamp lands. but there is none too much of either description for the value of the lands and the prosperity of the country. nature has distributed and interspersed them in such proportions as will best contribute to the support of a populous and well improved agricultural country. the great bulk of these lands are what are generally denominated 'beech and sugar-tree lands.' the soil is generally rich sandy loam. the estimated value of the lands, when the road is completed, has been put, by different parties, from $ to $ per acre. "the lands granted are the odd numbered sections within six miles of the line; and if any such sections are sold or pre-empted, then the company has the right to select other sections outside of the six miles and within fifteen miles of the road, to make up such deficit. "the odd numbered sections, outside of the six-mile limits, and within the fifteen-mile limits, are set apart to this company, out of which to select lands to make up any deficit that may occur in the six miles. "by those best acquainted with the value of these lands--and who are familiar with that portion of the state--they are estimated at $ per acre, on the completion of the road. this will give the company the sum of $ , , . and if the road when fully equipped costs $ , per mile, then the gross cost will be $ , , ; which by the proceeds of the land grant will be reduced to the sum of $ , , , and will reduce the actual cost of the road to $ , , per mile. anything like fair success in the construction of the road will enable the company to do it, after applying the proceeds of the land grant, for about _eleven thousand dollars per mile_. such a result will not only give to the country all the advantages of this much-needed work; but when done the capital stock must prove to be a good paying investment." chapter x. mackinaw, the site for a great central city -- the venice of the lakes -- early importance as a central position -- nicolet -- compared geographically with other points -- immense chain of coast -- future prospects -- temperature -- testimony of the jesuit fathers -- healthfulness of the climate -- dr. drake on mackinaw -- resort for invalids -- water currents of commerce -- surface drained by them -- soil of the northern and southern peninsulas of michigan -- physical resources -- present proprietors of mackinaw -- plan of the city -- streets -- avenues -- park -- lots and blocks for churches and public purposes -- institutions of learning and objects of benevolence -- fortifications -- docks and ferries -- materials for building -- harbors -- natural beauty of the site for a city -- mountain ranges -- interior lakes -- fish -- game. ferris, in his "states and territories of the great west," says: "if one were to point out, on the map of north america, a site for a great central city in the lake region, it would be in the immediate vicinity of the straits of mackinaw. a city so located would have the command of the mineral trade, the fisheries, the furs, and the lumber, of the entire north. it might become the metropolis of a great commercial empire. it would be the venice of the lakes." mackinaw, both straits and peninsula, was so naturally the key point of the great system of northern lakes and their connection with the mississippi, that while the new england colonies were yet but infant and feeble settlements, the indians of the northwest, the jesuit missionaries, the french voyagers, all made mackinaw the point from whence they diverged--in all directions. when philadelphia and baltimore had not begun, and when the sites of pittsburg, cincinnati, and st. louis were unknown places in the wilderness, nicolet took his departure from quebec in search of the mysterious river of the west. in passing to meet the indians at green bay, he was the first to notice the straits of mackinaw. about thirty years after, james marquette established, on the northern shore of the straits, the mission of st. ignace. here, amidst the wilds and solitudes of the north american forests, and on the shores of its great inland seas, marquette and joliet planned their expedition as we have already described, and it was mackinaw and not new orleans or new york that the lines radiated from to the earliest settlements of the west. mackinaw presents one of the most remarkable geographical positions on the earth. constantinople on the bosphorus, the straits of gibraltar, singapore on the strait of malacca, and the isthmus of panama, are the only ones which seem to present a parallel. the two former have been for ages renowned as the most important in the commercial world. singapore has rapidly become the key and centre of asiatic navigation, at which may be found the shipping and people of all commercial nations, and panama is now the subject of negotiation among the most powerful nations with a view to the exceeding importance of its commercial position. geographically, mackinaw is not inferior to either. from the northwest to the southeast, midland of the north american continent, there stretches a vast chain of lakes and rivers dividing the continent nearly midway. this chain of lakes and rivers is in the whole nearly three thousand miles long. at the straits of mackinaw the whole system of land and water centres. the three greatest lakes of this system, superior, huron, and michigan, are spread around, pointing to the straits, while between them three vast peninsulas of land press down upon the waters until they are compressed into a river of four miles in width. on the north is the peninsula of canada, on the south that of michigan, and on the west that of the copper region, all of which are divided only by the narrow straits of mackinaw. here are three inland seas of near eighty thousand square miles and about five thousand miles of coast. from coast to coast and isle to isle of this immense expanse of waters, navigation must be kept up, increasing with the ever-increasing population on their shores till tens of millions are congregated around. of all this vast navigation and increasing commerce, mackinaw is the natural centre around which it exists, and toward which it must tend by an inevitable law of necessity. superior, huron, and michigan have no water outlet to each other but that which flows through the straits of mackinaw, and its geographical position is unrivaled in america. whoever lives twenty years from this time will find mackinaw a populous and wealthy city, the queen of the lakes. if any serious objection be made to the site of a city at this place, it can only be that the climate is _supposed_ to be cold. but, what is climate? climate is relative and composed of many elements. the first is temperature, as determined by latitude. the straits of mackinaw are in the _latitude_ of ° '. north of this lies a part of canada, containing at least a million of inhabitants. north of this latitude lies the city of quebec in america; london, paris, amsterdam, berlin, vienna, warsaw, copenhagen, moscow, and st. petersburg, in europe; odessa and astracan, in asia. north of it, are in prussia, poland, and russia, dense populations, and a great agricultural production. the latitude of mackinaw, therefore, is in the midst of that temperate zone, where commerce, population, cities, and the arts have most flourished. the climate, however, is actually milder than the latitude represents. the isothermal line, which passes through mackinaw, also passes in wisconsin, nearly as low as °, and in the east also deflects south. this is the true line of vegetation; and thus it appears that the actual climate of mackinaw is about that of ° '. the same isothermal line, passes through prussia and poland, the finest grain countries of europe. the climate of the straits is, therefore, as favorable as that of most civilized states, either for the production of food or the pursuits of commerce. the marquette journal gives some items relative to the winter of that locality. the mercury was not below zero until the evening of january th, and then only ° below. the highest point reached in january, was ° above, and lowest ° below zero. in february, the highest point was ° above, the lowest ° below zero. the average temperature for the three winter months had been about ° above zero. in the "relations of the jesuits," d. volume, , it is stated that the "winter in mackinaw is short, not commencing until after christmas and closing the middle of march, at which time spring begins." the lake superior journal for february , , says:-- "we are now within five days of the first spring month, and have scarcely had a brush of winter yet. but very few days has the thermometer been below zero, and but a single day as low as ten degrees below. most of the time it has been mild. for two weeks past, there has been a blandness and mellowness in the atmosphere, which was enough to cause the moodiest heart to sing for joy. there was a flare-up, however, for a single day (the th), when the storm descended, the wind blew, and there was great commotion in the elements, but the next day all was calm and delightful as before. we have quite a depth of snow on the ground, have had fine sleighing since the th of november. but our bay has not been closed more than a week at a time this winter, and but a few days in all. it is open now, and 'the stern monarch of the year,' seems to be melting away into spring. "in regard to the healthfulness of mackinaw, it may be remarked that the northern regions of the earth are everywhere the most healthy. yet there are differences in situation and exposure which make differences in health. mackinaw has now been known and settled for two hundred years, a period long enough to have both tested its healthiness, and created a permanent reputation. the jesuit missionaries, the frontier traders, and the french voyageurs, have lived and died there; yet we have never heard of any prevalent disease, or local miasm. it seems to have been the favorite resort of all the frontiers men, who inhabited or hunted in the region of the northern lakes. in recent years, it has been visited by men of science, and accomplished physicians, and their report has been uniformly in favor of its superior healthiness. dr. drake, who visited mackinaw in , for the express purpose of examining the climate and topography, says, 'from this description, it appears, that the conditions which are held to be necessary to the generation of autumnal fever, are at their _minimum_ in this place; and when we consider this fact, with its latitude nearly °, and its altitude above the sea, from six to eight hundred feet, we are prepared to find it almost exempt from that disease; and such from the testimony of its inhabitants is the fact, especially in reference to the intermittent fevers, which, i was assured by many respectable persons, never originated among the people, and would cease spontaneously in those who returned, or came with it from other places.' "speaking of this region as a place of resort for invalids, the same writer says: "'the three great reservoirs of clear and cold water, lakes huron, michigan, and superior, with the island of mackinac in their hydrographical centre, offer a delightful hot-weather asylum to all invalids who need an escape from the crowded cities, paludal exhalations, sultry climates and officious medication. lake erie lies too far south, and is bordered by too many swamps to be included in the salutiferous group.' "'on reaching mackinaw, an agreeable change of climate is at once experienced.' 'to his jaded sensibilities all around him is fresh and invigorating.'" dr. drake looked upon mackinaw as one of the healthiest portions of the whole northwest, and to which, in time, tens of thousands of persons, even from the furthest south, would resort to be reinvigorated in body, refreshed in mind, and delighted with the contemplation of the sublime and beautiful scenery in that region of expansive waters, of rocky coasts, of forest-bearing lands, and distant islands. "here the great currents, which are the natural lines of _movement_ for the people, commerce, and productions of half north america, concentrate around a single point. no other place has the same advantage of _radial lines_. quebec is relatively on the atlantic. the upper end of lake superior is comparatively on an inhospitable land. chicago is at a lateral point on the south end of lake michigan,--three hundred miles from the main channel of commerce. at mackinaw concentrate all the radial lines of water navigation in the upper lakes. which will be seen, if we take the following distances of direct navigation from this point to the principal points on the upper lakes: "from mackinaw to fon du lac (west end of lake superior), miles; to chicago, ; to east end of georgian bay, ; to detroit, ; to buffalo, ; to gulf of st. lawrence, , . "here are two important points to be observed. any city which, by competition, or the rivalry of production, or the power of wealth, can be supposed to interfere with the growth of mackinaw, must arise on lakes michigan or superior; for _there_ only can be any commercial mart to receive and distribute the products around those immense bodies of water. but in consequence of the form and surface of those lakes, no lines of transit to the waters of the st. lawrence can be made so short or cheap as the water transit through the straits of mackinaw. the concentration of products will, therefore, be ultimately made at mackinaw, for all that immense district of country which lies around the upper lakes. again, it will be seen that as the water transportation to that point is the best, so the radial line from that point to the atlantic by water, is much the shortest. a steam propeller, leaving any one of the principal points on the upper lakes for either buffalo or the gulf of st. lawrence, must, as compared with mackinaw, pass over the following lines of transit, viz., from fon du lac (west end of lake superior) to buffalo, , miles; chicago, ill., , ; mackinaw, michigan, ; fon du lac to the gulf of st. lawrence, , ; chicago to the gulf of st. lawrence, , ; mackinaw to the gulf of st. lawrence, , . "it must be granted, at once, that for any water communication with the ports of the atlantic, mackinaw has greatly the advantage over any commercial point in minnesota, wisconsin, northern illinois, northern michigan, or northwest canada. how great this advantage is, we shall see from the consideration of the surface drained by the water current of mackinaw. an inspection of the map will show that from long lake, above latitude °, to the south end of lake michigan, below latitude, °, and from the lake of the woods, longitude °, to saginaw bay, longitude °, the country is entirely within the drainage of lakes and river whose currents concentrate at the straits of mackinaw. this surface comprehends a square of over six hundred miles on the side, or nearly four hundred thousand square miles. deducting the surface of the lakes, it is enough to make eight states as large as ohio. in that whole surface, there is not a single point which can rival mackinaw as a point of _distribution for the products of that country_. that the advantage by water lines is in favor of mackinaw, we have shown. that it will be equally so by railroad, is evident, from the fact that mackinaw city to port huron, and thence to buffalo, need not exceed four hundred miles, while that from chicago to buffalo, in a direct line is five hundred and fifteen miles. "from any other point of lakes michigan or superior, where a city can be built, it is further. mackinaw is, therefore, the natural centre of drainage and distribution for a surface equal to that of eight large states, and whose products, whether of field, fruit, or mines, are superabundant in whatever creates commerce, sustains population, or affords the materials of industry. "we are now considering mackinaw in a state of nature, and must look to its natural products as the first and greatest elements of success. we have considered its climate, its water currents, its lines of navigation, and the surface drainage for its support. the latter within a space where there can be no competition, we have found to be but little less than , square miles. vast as this is, it could not support a great commercial city, if that were a barren plain. "hence, we must now consider how far the products of the earth will sustain the city, which such lines of navigation, such means of commerce, and such an extensive, surface leads us to anticipate. "the soil is the first thing to be examined. the peninsula of michigan--that of wisconsin and the copper region--of minnesota and canada, which make up the larger portion of surface drained by the currents of mackinaw, has been supposed to be cold and wet. but is it more so than northwestern ohio or northern illinois, which, but twenty years since, were scarcely inhabited, but now are found to afford some of the richest lands in the country? on this point, we have numerous and competent witnesses, and whatever character they give to the country, we shall adopt as the true criterion of its producing resources. "first of the superior country, the least agricultural portion of this district, we have the concurrent testimony of geologists, miners, settlers, and travelers, that it is one of the richest mining districts in the world. but in the midst of it are found some fertile sections. of these, mr. ferris, in his account of the great west, says: 'the surveyors report some good agricultural lands (of which many townships are specially enumerated), and these tracts of fertile land will become of great value, when the rivers shall have been opened and a mining population introduced, creating a sure and convenient home market for the productions of the farm.' "_disturnell_, an accurate authority, speaking of the superior region, says: 'the traveler finds the whole district to within a few miles of lake superior, abounding in every resource which will make a country wealthy and prosperous. clear, beautiful lakes are interspersed, and these have plenty of large trout and other fish. water and water powers are everywhere to be found, and the timber is of the best kind--maple groves, beech, oak, pine, etc. no thing is now wanted but a few roads to open this rich country to the settler, and it will soon teem with villages, schools, mills, farming operations, and every industrial pursuit, which the more southern portion of our state now exhibits.' "turning to the immense territory north and northwest of superior and the straits, now constituting a portion of the british dominions, and every part of which must be tributary to mackinaw, we find that it affords, like prussia and poland, a fine agricultural region for all the breadstuffs and vegetables which are raised in the northern part of europe. a writer in the _toronto globe_, exhibiting the value of a canal from georgian bay to toronto--(a canal, the whole commerce of which coming from the northwest, must first have passed the straits of mackinaw) says: 'westward we possess vast and fertile countries adapted to all the pursuits of agriculture life, countries susceptible to the highest cultivation and improvement. between lake superior and the lake of the woods (above ° of latitude), we possess a country of this description, in soil and character inferior to no part of minnesota, and bordering upon this territory lies the valley of the assinibone, or the red river, as it is sometimes called. as a wheat growing country, it will rival canada. it does so now in soil and climate.' the writer is here speaking of british possessions north of lake superior, and several degrees north of mackinaw. he says they are as fertile and grain-growing as canada, and canada we know already produces not only its own breadstuffs, but large quantities for exportation. the valley of the assinibone, referred to, and the whole region west of superior to the lake of the woods and the red river, can have no market outlet except through lake superior, and thence near the straits of mackinaw. the writer sees this, and says: 'the future products of these immense countries must seek the seaboard, and all the canals and railroads which can be constructed will scarce suffice to afford facilities for the products of the west.' "let us next examine the southern peninsula of michigan. if the country far north of it is so productive, it can scarcely happen that this can be very deficient, although not ranked among the most fertile districts. on this point, we need only cite the same accurate authority to which we have referred. he says: 'the numerous streams which penetrate every portion of the peninsula, some of which are navigable for steamboats a considerable distance from the lake, being natural outlets for the products of the interior, render this whole region desirable for purposes of settlement and cultivation.' even as far north as the straits of mackinaw, the soil and climate, together with the valuable timber, offer great inducements to settlers; and if the proposed railroads under the recent grant of large portion of these lands by congress, are constructed from and to the different points indicated, this extensive and heavily timbered region will speedily be reclaimed, and become one of the most substantial and prosperous agricultural portions of the west.' after speaking of the timber in that country, the same writer adds: 'but as the timber is exhausted, the soil is prepared for cultivation, and a large portion of the _northern part_ of the southern peninsula of michigan will be settled and cultivated, as it is _the most reliable wheat-growing portion of the union_.' "the detroit daily tribune of , says: "michigan is greatly undervalued because greatly unknown. the tide of emigration sweeps past us to illinois, wisconsin, iowa and minnesota, because the public do not know--what is but the sober truth--that michigan possesses advantages unrivaled by any sister state in the northwest, and an undeveloped wealth that will far exceed any one of those named. this is not a random statement, originating in state pride or self-interest, but the simple truth which is slowly being found out by the shrewd among men. we propose to speak of some of the advantages which we possess in the northern half of our lower peninsula, as yet almost uninhabited and unknown. "'no other state can boast of such valuable forests of such perfect timber. already our lumber trade exceeds in value and importance that in any other staple products, not excepting wheat, while if it were to increase in the ratio of the past five years, in five years more it would exceed all the other staples united, excepting only copper. but such a rate of increase would exhaust the pine timber to a great extent within ten years' time. yet the demand for pine lumber is absolutely unlimited, and cannot be met. "look for a moment at the vast region depending upon the pineries of michigan for its supply of lumber for building purposes of every kind--houses, fence and shelter of every description. the great states of illinois, iowa, and missouri, and the territory of minnesota, depend almost solely upon michigan, and must do so. the present season, lumber has been taken from the forest of southwestern new york and northern pennsylvania, and sold in the market of st. louis, so urgent is the demand and so entirely inadequate are the present or prospective rates of supply for that demand. we have before us the statistics of the lumber trade of the different states and the principal markets in the country, but of what use is a parade of figures when a simple fact will show that the value of the pine forest of michigan _must_ be? take the state iowa alone. if every quarter section were to be enclosed with a common post and board fence, it would take every foot of pine on the soil of michigan! leave out of sight the great territory of minnesota, which can find but a mere drop of supply from the pineries of the upper mississippi. leave out of sight the great state of illinois, which depends upon us wholly. forget entirely that villages are springing up like magic all along the lines of a dozen railroads running from lake michigan to the mississippi; that cities are growing and spreading with unprecedented rapidity--and that every town and village, and city, and farm, must have its dwellings, and that the cheapest and best material for construction is pine. leave all these out of the calculation, and remember only that one of these states would consume all our vast forests of pine in _fence boards alone_, and the dullest comprehension can perceive, with all these other demands of which we have spoken, in all those other regions, the value of the pine region is as certain as though it were a gold mine. and when we consider the pressing need for material whereof to build over all the western prairies, the wealth of northern michigan cannot be put at any low amount. it must be immense--untold. "after the timber shall have been removed in obedience to the pressing demands of a cash market and high prices, the value of northern michigan will just begin to be developed. the soil possesses riches of which the heavy growth of timber is the outcropping. rich as any prairie land, even more substantial in the elements of fertility, with a genial climate, southern michigan, itself a garden, we predict will have to yield the palm of productive wealth to this portion of the state. any one who will take the trouble to examine a map of this half of the state, projected on an extended scale, cannot fail to be struck with the superabundant water privileges that exist. it is literally covered with navigable rivers, and their tributaries, large streams, like the veins in the human system. these waters reach the remotest part and thread every portion, affording unfailing supplies and thousands of valuable sites for mills of every description and of all magnitudes. the state is divided near its geographical centre by a slight ridge, sufficient to divide the course of its streams. two of the largest rivers of the state, the manistee and the eastern au sauble, rise within about three miles of each other, run parallel, southward, for twenty miles or more, approaching then within half a mile of each other, then turning abruptly almost due east and west, emptying into lakes michigan and huron respectively on almost the same parallel of latitude. "the grand traverse region, embracing the valley of the manistee, is also one of the finest agricultural regions of the state; lying in the northerly portion, this region still has a mild climate, and the finest grains and fruits are raised at the settlements, as far north as the bay. "much might be said of other counties throughout this region. the whole slope of the peninsula embracing the courses of the muskegon and manistee rivers, and from grand river to mackinaw, is a region of rich soil, excellent timber of all kinds, good climate, and of easy access. "the counties in the eastern part of the state, alpena, alcona, iosco, arrenac, and others north of saginaw bay, well situated, having a large extent of coast on lake huron, are not so well adapted for agricultural purposes, there is much good farming land in them all; but the forests of pine extending to within a few miles of the coast, render them very desirable. alcona county, watered by thunder bay river, with some smaller streams emptying into lake huron, is almost wholly a pine region. some of the finest specimens of yellow, or norway pine, in the whole state are found in this country. the white and yellow pine is nearly equally distributed in this region, extending also into the counties south, and reaching rifle river in saginaw and arrenac counties, having an outlet on saginaw bay. "this part of the state, upon whose advantages we have not space to particularize as we would like, will be very soon penetrated by railroads. "there are _three_ roads contemplated by the act of congress granting lands to this state at its last session. these, if built, will add more to the development of the natural wealth of michigan than anything heretofore proposed in the way of public improvement. "the different routes pass through some of the best counties in the state, and the opening of such thoroughfares will induce a tide of emigration, such as will soon render northern michigan what it ought to be, one of the most important points in the west. "the state of michigan is in all respects more favorably situated than any of the western states, being surrounded by the lakes and with railroads extending in every direction, affording the most extraordinary opportunities to reach markets of every class, great or small. "with these natural advantages of transportation considered with the immense natural resources of this region (soil and timber) no one will doubt the very great value of michigan lands. "fruit of all kinds is abundant in every part of this state. all our exchanges from the interior are acknowledging presents of luscious peaches, plums, pears, apples, etc., etc. this is as it should be. may they all, each succeeding year, be remembered in like manner. "what is here said of the northern part of michigan, is directly applicable to wisconsin, the northern half of which must contribute directly to mackinaw. of the agricultural capacity of this new state, we need say no more, than that it has already attained half a million of inhabitants, and pours forth its surplus products though the ports of lake michigan. "of minnesota, and its productiveness, less is known. as three-fourths of that rich and beautiful country, and the regions around the heads of the mississippi, must contribute to the commercial importance of mackinaw, let us glance at its agricultural capacity and prospects. minnesota, of which we heard but yesterday, has now two hundred thousand inhabitants, produces this year two millions of bushels of wheat. st. paul, its principal town has fourteen thousand inhabitants, and far to the northwest from st. peters to the red river, and assinibone, the settlers are crowding in to till farms and create towns, where but recently the wild wolf and the wilder savage, alone possessed the face of the earth. in latitudes higher than that of mackinaw, michigan or canada west, settlements are forming, and it requires no flight of imagination to see that beautiful land of lakes, rivers, forests, and prairies,--cold as it may be in winter--settled, tilled, and civilized. the fact of its rapid progress in population, is sufficient proof of its agricultural capacity; but we shall again refer to the testimony of actual observers. turning to mr. ferris's first description of the northwest, we find his summing of the climate, and agricultural advantages of upper minnesota. 'minnesota is destined to become a great agricultural, and grazing region. its upland and lowland plains would support a dairy that would enrich an empire. all the principal grains, and roots thrive there in great vigor, as high toward the north as pembina, below the dividing line between the united states and british america. latitude does not always indicate the climate as has already been shown. the character of the soil has great influence upon the temperature of the air. a quick warm soil makes a warm atmosphere. the autumns of minnesota are greatly lengthened out by the indian summer, that smoky, dreary, balmy season, which protects the surface from frost, like a mantle flung upon the earth. the cold nips the vegetation, about as early along the ohio, as along the st. peters. the winters of minnesota are cold; but then they are still and calm, and the icy air does not penetrate, as it does in a windy climate.' "in the brief review of the agricultural advantages of that great northwestern region, whose centre of commerce must ever be at mackinaw; we have arrived at the certain fact, that except small portions of the superior country, where mining and mines absorb all other interests, no country in the northern part of america or europe, has greater advantages. it is filled with inexhaustible springs, and streams; fertile in soil, rich in production, and only needs the cultivating hand of man, to render it capable of sustaining such dense populations as now inhabit the same isothermal parallel in prussia and poland. "let us now turn to its forests, mines, fisheries and resources, which though not bread, are those from which the implements, conveniences, and much of the wealth of civilization is derived. of forests, furnishing almost illimitable quantities of timber and lumber--this is the very centre. of this, we have evidence in the wharves of chicago, milwaukee, detroit, and far down the lakes. the testimony of actual observers on this point, is so strong as to seem almost incredible. we shall cite but two or three unquestionable authorities. the peninsula, of michigan is at the present moment, one of the greatest depositories of lumber in the world. mr. ferris says: 'on going toward the north, the lumber becomes more and more plentiful. beeches begin to mingle with the oaks, and in a day or two beeches and maples will predominate over other varieties of timbers; large white-woods and bass-woods will be seen towering above the forest. the white ash, the shag bark, the black cherry, will have become abundant. the woods will seem to have been growing deeper and denser every mile of the way. soon the traveler will doubt, whether omnipotence himself could have planted the trees larger, taller, and thicker together, than they are.' "pressing still forward, the emigrant will enter the great pine woods of the north. for a while, however, before reaching them, he will have been wandering through groves of oak, and along the borders of natural meadows, and through clumps of beech and maple. but soon, as with a single step, the timber has become all pine--yellow pine, moaning overhead, darkening all the ground, shutting out the sun, shutting out the wind." the tall trunks support the dark green canopy full fifty feet above the earth. this belt of pine woods, stretches across the peninsula of michigan from saginaw bay. after a while as you proceed further to the north, the pine grows thinner, and is succeeded by other timber. "the level lands again become covered with beech and maple, of a full and convenient growth, with here and there a gigantic norway pine, six feet through without limb, till it begins to stretch up half its length above the surrounding trees. "in northern wisconsin, we find another great pinery, in which, in one year, was sawed not less than two hundred millions of feet of pine timber. the same authority to which we have frequently referred, says: "still further north and northwest, is one of the finest tracts of pine land in america, through which the streams tumbling down frequent falls, afford an incalculable amount of water-power, just where it is most needed for the manufacture of lumber. the wisconsin forest of evergreens is perfectly immense, covering one-third the state. the prairies of the upper wisconsin and its tributaries, are at the present most extensive, and those are distinguished still more for the fine quality, than for the inexhaustible quantities of the timber." in the same manner, an immense forest extends over the upper part of minnesota, while far to the northwest in the british possessions, extend deep forests of pine, spruce, and hemlock. it is evident, therefore, that on the great current of the straits of mackinaw, there will float for generations to come, all the timber and lumber, which are necessary for the markets of commerce, or the uses of a growing population. nor are the fisheries to be neglected, in any right estimate of the natural resources of that region. not only do the one hundred thousand square miles of lakes and streams, furnish illimitable quantities of fish; but they furnish varieties, which are nowhere else to be found, and which an epicurean taste has long since pronounced among the richest luxuries of the palate. the lake trout, the mackinaw trout, the muskelunge, and the white fish, are celebrated throughout america. good fishing grounds occur all along the north shore of lake superior, affording a bountiful supply. on the south shore, there are fisheries at white fish point, grand island near the pitcairn's rodes, keweenaw point, la point, and apostles' islands, and at different stations on isle royal, where large quantities are taken and exported. mackinac island alone exports yearly a quarter million of dollars' worth. the site of old mackinaw, now the county seat of emmet county, and its surroundings, belonged to the government of the united states until the year , when edgar conkling, esq., of cincinnati, realizing its importance as a vast commercial centre, and one of the finest positions for a great city, formed a company consisting of seven persons, and entered at the land office in ionia, michigan, near one thousand eight hundred acres. in that portion embracing the ancient site of old mackinaw was surveyed and divided into lots. mr. conkling has, recently, become the sole proprietor of the city, and intends devoting his energies to its development. a pamphlet, published some time since, describes it as follows: "the streets of the city are laid out eighty feet in width, and the avenues from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet respectively. in the deed of dedication to the public, of these streets and avenues, provision is made for side-walks fifteen feet in width on each side, to be forever unobstructed by improvements of any kind, shade trees excepted, thus securing a spacious promenade worthy of a place destined to become a principal resort for health and pleasure. provision is also made for the proper use of the streets and avenues by railroad companies adequate to the demands of the business of a city. the lots, with the exception of those in fractional blocks, are fifty by one hundred and fifty feet, thus affording ample room for permanent, convenient, and ornamental improvement." the park, now laid off and dedicated to the city, embraces the grounds of old fort mackinaw, sacred in the history of the country. these grounds, now in their natural condition, are unequaled for beauty of surface, location, soil, trees, etc., by any park in any city in the country, and when the skillful hand of the horticulturist has marked its outline and threaded it with avenues and paths, pruned its trees, and carpeted its surface with green, it will present the very perfection of all that makes a park delightful. the character of the soil, being a sandy loam, with sand and gravel underlying it, renders it capable of the easiest and most economical improvement, securing walks always dry, hard, and smooth. the park, with suitable blocks and lots for county and city purposes, such as public buildings, schoolhouses, etc., will be duly appropriated to those uses, whenever the proper authorities are prepared to select suitable sites; and lots for churches, institutions of learning, and charity, will be fully donated to parties contemplating early improvements. thus the proprietor proposes to anticipate, by avoiding the errors of older cities, the wants of mackinaw city in perpetuity, and free forever its citizens from taxation for any grounds required for the public good. he also designs to place it in the power of the general government, to secure, by like donation at an early day, the grounds necessary for such fortifications as the wants of the country and commerce may require, on the simple condition of speedy improvement. this liberal policy will best promote the true interests of the city and country, and at the same time be productive of pecuniary profit to the proprietors and all who may make investments at that point. the proprietor intends also to expend a large portion of the income from sales in providing for the public wants by the construction of docks at the most important points, and the establishment of ferries, for which he has purchased the land on the opposite side of the straits. he intends to make loans also, as his means will justify, to aid parties in the establishment of manufactories. building materials of great variety and in abundance are at hand. lumber can be had for the mere cost of preparation, and the soil, at no distant point, is suitable for making bricks; while for immediate use, milwaukee can furnish the articles of the best kind in any quantities. the shores of lake superior abound with exhaustless quantities of granite, sandstone and marble; the limestone and sand are on the spot. three fine harbors adjoin mackinaw; the one on the east being the most spacious, and the best protected. the new united states charts show the depth of water sufficient for vessels of the largest size navigating the lakes. as many as thirty vessels have been at anchor in this harbor. the country in the rear of mackinaw rises gradually until, at the distance of a mile or two, it rises into an elevation of high table land, from points of which there is a fine view of the straits and surrounding islands. a mountainous ridge extends up to within two miles of mackinaw, covered with a dense forest of hard wood. the southern extremity of this range reaches to the head waters of the grand and saginaw rivers. from two to ten miles south of mackinaw are several beautiful lakes, surrounded by a rich, warm soil of great fertility and covered with a heavy forest of hard wood, some of which has attained a gigantic growth. these lakes abound with fish of different varieties. turtles have been taken from them, measuring from one and a half to two feet in diameter. almost every kind of game can be found in the woods bordering upon these lakes, such as the black bear, raccoon, martin, fox, lynx, rabbit, ducks, partridges and pigeons. chapter xi. the entrepot of a vast commerce -- surface drained -- superiority of mackinaw over chicago as a commercial point -- exports and imports -- michigan the greatest lumber-growing region in the world -- interminable forests of the choicest pine -- facilities for market -- annual product of the pineries -- lumbering, mining and fishing interests -- independent of financial crises -- mackinaw, the centre of a great railroad system -- lines terminating at this point -- north and south national line -- canada grants -- growth of northwestern cities -- future growth and prosperity of mackinaw -- chicago -- legislative provisions for opening roads in michigan -- the forty acre homestead bill -- its provisions. the physical resources of this region are of such a nature and variety as to make mackinaw city the entrepot of a vast commerce. this will appear, if we consider that it is the nearest point of that extensive district, including the entire north of the lakes inaccessible to chicago. when all the lines of internal communication are completed, and the different points on the lakes settled down upon, then the real limits of mackinaw will drain a geographical surface of three hundred thousand square miles; deducting the surface of the lakes from which, there will remain two hundred and eighty thousand square miles of country, with all the resources of agriculture and mining in the most extraordinary degree. it will be nearly three-fold that which can be drained by chicago, and in point of territory, whether of quantity or quality, mackinaw is vastly superior, as a commercial point. with the exception of a small portion of the mineral region, the agricultural advantages of michigan, upper wisconsin, minnesota, canada west, and the superior country, are at least equal, at the present time, to the district shipping at chicago, while it is more extensive, and will have a large home market in a country affording diversity of employment. nothing can be more obvious, than the superior advantages of mackinaw, as a manufacturing point, over any other on the lake coast. the value of exports and imports which flow through the straits of mackinaw and the saut st. mary was estimated a year or two since at over _one hundred millions of dollars_. but, who can estimate a commerce which every year increases in many fold? in , there were sent through the st. mary canal , tons of raw iron, , tons of blooms, and , , lbs. of copper; and the commercial value of what passed through the canal amounted to upward $ , , . but perhaps the most correct idea of the rapid increase of commerce in lake superior may be taken from the arrivals at superior city for the last three years, taken from the superior chronicle of january, . in there were two steamboats and five sail vessels. in there were twenty-three steamers, and ten sail vessels; and in forty steamers and sixteen sail vessels. we thus see that in three years the increase was seven-fold. it is scarcely possible to imagine the limits of northwestern commerce on the lake, when a few years shall have filled up with inhabitants the surrounding territories. according to the testimony of senator hatch, made on the floor of congress on the th of february, , there were over one thousand six hundred vessels navigating the northwestern lakes, of which the aggregate burden was over four hundred thousand tons. they were manned by over thirteen thousand seamen, navigating over five thousand miles of lake and river coast, and transporting over six hundred millions of exports and imports, being greater than the exports and imports of the united states. the state of michigan is the greatest lumber-growing region in the world, not only on account of its interminable forests of the choicest pine, but in the remarkable facilities for getting it to market. with a lake coast, on the lower peninsula alone, of over one thousand miles--with numberless watercourses debouching at convenient distances into her vast inland seas--she enjoys advantages which mighty empires might envy. her white-winged carriers are sent to almost every point of the compass with the product of her forests, which, wherever it may go, is the sign of improvement and progress, while by the large expenditures involved in the manufacture, and the employment of thousands of hardy laborers, the general prosperity is materially enhanced, and a market opened within her own borders for a considerable share of the surplus production of her own soil. the annual product of the pineries alone amount to the sum of _ten and a half millions of dollars_. the lumbering, mining, and fishing interest combine to furnish by far the best home market in the union, and one which in seasons when a large surplus is not compelled to seek a market, can boast its independence of the "bulls" and "bears" of the great commercial metropolis. the dense forests in the interior of the state have not yet been reached, and when the contemplated roads are made, a field will be presented for the investment of capital of a most remunerative character. the government has already taken such steps as will soon make mackinaw the centre of a great railroad system. we need only refer to the actual facts in order to make this clear. congress, by an act passed in - , granted to the state of michigan a large body of land for railroad purposes, designating four routes. . from little noquet bay to marquette, in the superior country. . from amboy, on the state-line of ohio, through lansing to or near mackinaw. . from grand rapids to mackinaw. . from grand haven to port huron. it will be seen that this plan is formed on the basis of a direct line from lake superior through the mineral regions to lake michigan. the law fortunately permitted the last two companies to make their lines at or _near_ traverse bay, and as mackinaw is but comparatively a short distance, both companies have wisely concluded to terminate their lines at mackinaw. it is at once evident that the michigan line, centering at mackinaw, must be met _there_, by railroads penetrating various sections of the northern peninsula. this is evident, and we understand is already foreseen, and measures will be adopted to accomplish that end. in the mean time, let us examine the prospects and influence of the two long lines of michigan railway terminating at mackinaw. the whole amount of land granted to the michigan railways is estimated to be about , , acres. from this, however, there will be some deduction in consequence of lands already selected, and which may not be supplied by the quantity within the limited distance. the deficiency will not be great, and we understand that the amount estimated for the two mackinaw roads will scarcely be less than _two millions of acres_. of the quantity and value of these lands, we give the estimate made by these roads, as well as the cost of construction. the estimate made by the _grand rapids and indiana railroad_ is as follows: "the proximity to lake navigation; having several navigable rivers passing through them, the abundance of hydraulic power, the healthfulness of the climate, the fertility of the soil; and lying immediately on the line of this road, are facts which contribute to enhance the value of these lands. "the length of this road from the straits of mackinaw to fort wayne, will be about three hundred and fifty miles. if the company meet with as good success as the merits of the enterprise deserve, the entire cost of the road should not be over $ , per mile, which makes an aggregate sum of $ , , ." on the supposition that the minimum amount of land is obtained and sold, at half the price above stated, there will yet be broad enough basis to secure the construction of the work. the amboy and lansing company are equally confident of success. they have also located a large quantity of land, and expect their value to be equivalent to the construction of their road. accordingly, they have put a portion of their road under contract, and have obtained large local subscriptions. both these lines of railroad will terminate at mackinaw, on the north, and cincinnati on the south; hence they will be carried south till they terminate at norfolk, charleston, savannah, and pensacola, thus forming the grandest and most extensive system of railroads on the continent. nothing in america equals it--nothing in europe can compare with it! when all the links shall have been completed, it will stand out the greatest monument to human labor and genius which the world presents. the single line from mackinaw to pensacola has been looked upon as one of the most important undertakings of the age. we extract from the "exposition of its plan and prospects," by e. d. mansfield, esq., some of the facts, which exhibit its importance, and bearing, and influence on mackinaw city. "to illustrate," says the exposition, "the value of this north and south national line, by its power of producing commerce, mark, in a tabular form, the natural products of each degree of latitude, thus:-- _states._ _latitude._ _productions._ florida, deg. oranges. " " sugar. " " cotton. alabama, " " " " " " " cotton, corn. tennessee, " " " " " cotton, corn, tobac., iron. kentucky, " corn, tobac., coal, iron. " " corn, wh't, cat. tob. h'mp. ohio, " corn, wh't, cat. h'gs, wine. " " wh't, c'rn, h'gs, cat., flax. " " wheat, corn, cattle. michigan, " wheat, cattle, hay, wool. " " pine, cedar, coal. " " pine, cedar, coal. " " pine, hemlock, cedar. " " pine, copper, lead, fish. "this statement is enough to show an extraordinary stimulus to commerce, on a line of railway. the length of the entire line will be less than half that which is proposed to be made from cincinnati and other cities to san francisco; yet, will pass through varieties of production, which that line cannot have. in two days, every inhabitant on that line may be supplied, from their native source, with sugar, cotton, corn, wheat, tobacco, iron, coal, lead, copper, pine, cedar, with wool, flour, hemp, and fruits of every description; with fish of the sea and fish of the lakes; with bread, and oil, and wine; in fine, with everything that supports, clothes, or houses man; with everything that supplies his wants, or contributes to his material happiness." it is obvious, that such a line of railroad as this--peculiar in its resources, vast in its comprehensions, and embracing in its grasp all the products of tropic or of temperate climes--must, of itself, rear, at its _termini_, commercial towns of great importance. but, this is not all. the road from grand haven to port huron will intersect the amboy and lansing line about midway, and then a railroad will at once be made in the direction of the canada lines and buffalo--completing the _radii_ from the far northwest through mackinaw, to the eastern atlantic. the natural point of termini for the northern pacific and canada railroads is also at the straits of mackinaw. the one giving financial strength and business to the other, connecting portland with the mouth of columbia by the nearest possible route. canada has already granted four million acres of land to railroads running to saut st. mary. those having the management of the northern pacific railroad will do well to consider the propriety of co-operating and uniting with the canada and pacific railroad at the straits. the following from the new york daily news is valuable in this connection. it is from the pen of e. conkling, esq.:-- "you will please excuse me for calling your attention, not to the importance of a pacific railroad, for that is conceded, and our country is suffering from want of it, but to the mode of getting the means to construct the northern pacific railroad. i don't remember to have noticed as yet any allusion to this method, or any other practical one, and i trust you will consider the suggestions, and add thereto any other methods. "the railroads now provided for and made to st. paul, and crow wing from chicago and milwaukee will have exhausted local means, state aid and available land grants. however desirable it may be to sustain those roads by a business beyond that, and to the country beyond that, by extending the northern pacific railroad, yet for want of means it cannot be done, unless foreign capitalists can be induced by land grants, at least to invest sufficient to make the road finally, and be made to see that their present large unproductive investments in canada railroads can be made productive in the use of more of their capital. "canada railroads lie _too far north_ to receive any benefit in business from railroads terminating from the northwest as far south as chicago, and but little from the railroads terminating at milwaukee, as the cost of transhipment and delay to cross by steam ferry eight months yearly at milwaukee with eighty-five miles ferriage, must divert the trade and travel either to the north or south end of lake michigan, and every year will render that delay and cost more unpopular. and yet to get that trade the great western railroad of canada have permanently invested $ , , in the detroit and milwaukee railroad, and recently loaned a half a million more, demonstrating the idea i shall advance, that to make good present investments more means can be had. the state of michigan itself will furnish a good trade to roads through it and to roads east of it. "the straits of mackinaw is the great natural ferry of about four miles wide for roads of michigan and canada to centre, the point necessarily for the passage of lake commerce, and for a large population north of it to cross, naturally attracting and combining elements of great importance to railroads. "land grants are now made to the straits from the south. the grand trunk and great western railroads of canada can go to the straits of mackinaw, aided by those grants. the ottawa and huron railroad to saut st. mary, may also go to the straits, aided by land grants from saut st. mary. from there the three canadian railroads, aided by land grants yet to be made, can go to crow wing or near there, and there form a junction with the chicago roads--thence to the pacific, aided by land grants. "by affording the canada interest a chance for a portion of the pacific trade, and thus making present canada investments profitable, it is made the interest of foreign capitalists to make our northern pacific railroad. "this protective interest to canada railroads is the greatest inducement to be offered them. "they will not invest in the road beyond crow wing, simply for the sake of grants of lands, made valuable only by the outlay of their money; even should the lands finally redeem the previous outlay for the road, that is no object, because the road will not pay more than cost of running and sustaining it, and if it should some beyond that, it will be frittered away by bad management and stealing. at least it is fair to suppose so, and hence they must be assured of enough of land grants to finally make the road, which of itself will pay nothing, only in the way of affording the roads east of crow wing, owned by them, fair dividends. this consideration will of itself induce them to furnish capital to the pacific, and it is in the power of the government thus to interest them. no other proposed route can claim foreign aid because of such good reasons. our government can aid only in lands; in valueless lands she is or may be wealthy. no bill can pass congress, only by affording equal aid in lands to the northern, central and southern routes, each standing on their commercial merits before capitalists. "the chance for us thus to enlist them, is but for a limited time. soon they will become committed to the north canada pacific road, north of lake superior, when they will not help ours, and thus protract ours for want of means and competing road. at present, two of the most important canada roads can be enlisted in the above views, because if the canada road north of lake superior is made, it will divert the trade from them, they being too far south to be benefited. but by going to the straits of mackinaw, they secure a division of the western trade--among the three roads. the road through the mineral regions will develop that country and afford a good market for the produce of the country west of it. "chicago is no more on the direct route from the east to iowa, than is mackinaw city on the direct route to the northwest from new york. "lake michigan naturally forces such a division of the western and northwestern trade, and the strait of mackinaw is most favorably situated for crossing. cars can be transferred by ferry boat from point to point, without delay or cost of train shipment. "that country is nearer to market than any other western state; cheaper lands and good soil, and healthy climate, and a superior wheat country, affording employment in lumbering, fishing, mining, manufacturing, &c., offering great inducements to foreigners, and of interest to new york, to be settled." the history of the west has presented some remarkable facts, contrary to the ordinary experience of human progress. it is assumed, as an historical fact, in european or asiatic progress, that the growth of towns and states must be slow. it requires generations to bring them to maturity, and even imperial power has failed to create cities, without the aid of time and gradual increase. but, this has been reversed in america. we cannot take it for granted that because the natural site of a town is now clothed with the forest, and remote from habitations, that it will not become a prosperous city, within a half-dozen years. for, we know that in the northwest, cities have arisen on a substantial basis, to a numerous population, in a space so brief that history has no record of their existence, and the school maps no name for the place of their being. chicago which commenced its growth in , had a population in , of , , milwaukee in twenty-one years rose to , , st. paul in fifteen years to , ; keokuk in eighteen years to , , grand rapids in twelve years to ; saginaw city in twenty-two years , and superior city in the short space of two years to . we thus see, that, in the northwest, cities do grow up, in the midst of the wilderness, and the wilderness itself soon blooms as the rose. to say, then, that a point affording every natural and commercial advantage for the growth of a large city is not _now_ a city, is to say nothing against its position or prospects. within the memory of a generation the five great states, (which have heretofore been termed the northwest,) contained less then a half a million of people, and cleveland, toledo, chicago, milwaukee, and st. paul, were not even dots on the map of states. a mission or a military fort was all they could boast. these states now contain six millions of inhabitants, and the towns on the lake shore two hundred and fifty thousand. but to present the point of growth, in the clearest point of view, let us consider it dependent wholly on that of the surrounding country. this we can tell almost precisely. we know the rate of growth in michigan, wisconsin, minnesota and canada west. canada west in , had a population of , , in , of , , and in , , , , michigan in , was , , in , , , and in , , . the population of wisconsin in , was , , in , it was , , and in , it was , . the increase in minnesota in seventeen years was , . the annual _increment_ from to , was , per annum, or about six per cent. the annual increment from to , was , , or about twelve per cent. the _ratio_ of increase is, therefore, increasing, and we may assume it will not be less than _ten_ per cent, per annum till . this will give , , for , or _fourfold the population_ of ! at a diminishing ratio the territory round mackinaw will contain , , in , and ( , , ) _eight millions_ in . the principal city of the district (wherever it may be) must then contain about _one hundred thousand inhabitants_. of the cities and towns we have above enumerated, the greatest and most rapid in its development is chicago, whose first warehouse lot was sold in , and which, in , is said to contain near one hundred thousand inhabitants. let us, for a moment, compare the _material advantages and resources_ of that place, with those of mackinaw city. dean swift said, that a large city must combine the resources of agriculture, commerce and manufactures. cities have risen, however, to large size almost exclusively on commerce. witness tyre and palmyra. but commerce, we concede, when left to itself, is so fluctuating, that the cities it builds, like tyre and palmyra, may, in the decay of commerce, be left to ruin and desolation. cities may, likewise, be built up almost exclusively on manufactures, such as birmingham and sheffield; and it is quite remarkable that the oldest and most stable cities have depended largely on manufactures. damascus, the oldest historical city--which has resisted all the destructive influences of time and revolution--has always been a manufacturing town. paris, lyons, lisle, the great interior towns of france, depend very largely on the manufacture of fine and fashionable articles, distributed throughout europe and america. of the great elements of civic success, we consider manufactures the most important; but, to make a city of the first magnitude, it is obviously necessary to have all the resources of food, industry and commerce. chicago is remarkable chiefly as a grain city--like odessa, on the baltic. but, whence is the grain derived? by the construction of railroads, at that point, from indiana, illinois, missouri, wisconsin and iowa, the whole mass of surplus grain in that region--amounting to more than twenty millions of bushels per annum--has been exported from chicago. but, this is the drainage of three hundred thousand square miles, two-thirds of which will not export through chicago when railroads extend directly east to milwaukee, superior and mackinaw, from wisconsin and iowa, and connect, from the south, at cairo, with missouri and illinois. reduced to its own proper limits, the agricultural resources of chicago must be confined to half the surface of illinois, missouri and iowa, or about one hundred thousand square miles. this is but little over one-third the surface drained of agricultural products toward the straits of mackinaw. will it be said that this new region of the northwest is less productive in agriculture? the contrary, for the great element of breadstuffs, is likely to be true. attentive observers of agricultural production have remarked, that the different grains _produced most on the northern edge of the belt_, in which _they will grow at all_. is it not so in europe? the _isothermal line_ of mackinaw passes in the midst of those countries which alone produce the surplus grain of europe, viz., prussia, pomerania, poland, southern russia. as if to place this beyond a doubt, the crops of canada west have, in fact, failed much less frequently than those of ohio, indiana and illinois. in regard to agricultural production, it will be difficult to show that the country drained by chicago, has any advantage over that which will be drained by the straits of mackinaw. in regard to commerce--the natural position of mackinaw is far superior to chicago. mackinaw is at the _head_ of lake michigan--chicago, at the _foot_. mackinaw is at the junction of _three_ great lakes; chicago at the foot of one. mackinaw will concentrate the navigation of _eighty thousand_ square miles of water _surface_; chicago of _twenty-four thousand_. mackinaw is three hundred and fifty miles nearer the atlantic by water; three hundred miles nearer the upper extremity of the lakes, and as much nearer any of the eastern lake ports which are points of distribution. the comparison need be made no further, for whoever looks upon the map will see, that, while chicago touches one end of a single lake, a world of waters gather round mackinaw. for an internal water commerce, it has no equal. it will be said, that railroads now carry commerce. this is true, but, railroads do not carry commerce over the surface of lakes, and the multiplication of vessels on the lakes proves that _that_ commerce will ever be great and increasing. but what railroad commerce can be greater than that which will concentrate at mackinaw, when it connects, in a direct line, not only with the cities of the ohio valley, but with those of the far south. to cincinnati, to louisville, to charleston, savannah, and pensacola, will the cars move, laden with the people and products of the north. lastly, neither chicago nor any other point can be superior to mackinaw in the elements necessary to support manufactures, the great support of cities, these elements we have already exhibited in detail. copper, iron, lead, coal, wood, timber, bread, in fine, everything which can feed machinery, give material for its work, or feed the people who gather in the great workshops of industry, and distribute the products of labor. here materials all lie near enough for the purposes of either work or distribution. birmingham, manchester, lyons, and cincinnati, have their materials no nearer. there, if anywhere, is a site peculiarly proper for a manufacturing town. but, neither agriculture, commerce, nor manufactures are the only things necessary to build up a large city. healthiness is more important than either. here again, mackinaw has more advantage over chicago. mackinaw has been proved by two hundred years experience to be one of the healthiest points in america. chicago is generally healthy, but is subject to more severe epidemics. the cholera visited it in and in , with fearful force; while its very low position and muddy streets expose its inhabitants to those diseases which arise from damps. the legislature of michigan, recently passed a bill to provide for the drainage and reclamation of the swamp lands of the state by a system of state roads, accompanied by a lengthy and able report. the bill provides among others, a road from ionia north to the straits, and thence to saut st. mary. they also passed a bill entitled the "forty acre homestead act." this act requires the commissioners of the state land office to issue a certificate of purchase to every settler on the swamp lands belonging to the state, for forty acres of said lands, whenever such settler shall have resided upon it for five continuous years, and when he has drained the same so as to comply with the provisions of the act of congress making this grant to the state. before the settler can acquire the right thus to occupy and drain any of the swamp lands, he is required to file with the commissioner his application, accompanied by an oath of his intention to settle upon and drain it for the purpose of obtaining a title thereto. and he must also make oath that he is not already the owner of forty acres of land in any state of the united states. it is also expressly provided that he shall not cut or carry away any timber from said land, unless it be to clear it for cultivation, under such penalties as are now prescribed for trespassing upon state lands. it will be seen, therefore, that the object of the law is to provide homes for the homeless, and at the same time promote the actual, _permanent_ settlement of the northern portion of the state. no man who possesses forty acres of land either in michigan or anywhere else, is entitled to the benefits of the act. it is emphatically a law for the poor man. to all such it secures a _home_, without money and without price. all it requires of him is to settle upon and cultivate it. how many are there in detroit and other portions of the state, who will avail themselves of this beneficent republican measure? chapter xii. the great western valley -- its growth and population -- comparison of atlantic with interior cities -- relative growth of river and lake cities -- centre of population -- lake tonnage -- progress of the principal centres of population. the following chapter on the population and growth of the great western valley is taken from de bow's review:-- the westward movement of the caucasian branch of the human family from the high plains of asia, first over europe, and thence, with swelling tide, pouring its multitudes into the new world, is the grandest phenomenon in history. what american can contemplate its results, as displayed before him, and as promised in the proximate future, without an emotion of pride and exultation? our nation has the great middle region of the best continent of the world, and our people are descendants from the most vigorous races. western europe, over-peopled, sends us her most energetic sons and daughters, in numbers augmenting with each succeeding decade. asia is beginning to send forth a portion of her surplus population to our shores. though of inferior race, the eastern asiatics are industrious and ingenious cultivators and artisans. a large influx of these laborers, though it may lower the average character of our people, will, it is hoped, in a greater degree elevate theirs; and thus, while adding to the wealth and power of a nation, do something toward the general amelioration of the race. while, then, we contemplate with patriotic pride the position which, as a nation, we hold in the world's affairs, may we not indulge in pleasant anticipations of the near approach of the time, when the commercial and social heart of our empire will occupy its natural place as the heart of the continent, near the centre of its natural capabilities? new york has long been, and for some decades of years it will continue to be, the necessary chief focal point of our nation. but, in all respects, it is not the true heart. in its composition and dealings, it is almost as much foreign as american. located on our eastern border, fronting the most commercial and the richest transatlantic nations, and of easy access to extensive portions of our atlantic coast, it is the best point of exchange between foreign lands and our own, and for the cities of the sea border of our republic. as tyre, alexandria, genoa, venice, lisbon, and amsterdam, in their best days, flourished as factors between foreigners and the people of the interior regions, whose industries were represented in their markets, so new york grows rich as the chief agent in the exchange-commerce between the ocean shores and the interior regions of our continent. as our numbers have swelled, since we became a nation, from three and a half millions to thirty millions, so new york, including brooklyn and other suburbs, has increased in population and wealth still more rapidly, to wit, from twenty-five thousand to more than one million. while the nation has increased less than tenfold, new york has grown more than four times tenfold. in the city of new york contained thirty-three thousand, and the state of new york three hundred and forty thousand--the city having less than one-tenth of the people of the state. believing that this most prosperous of the atlantic cities will be eclipsed in its greatness and glory by one or more of the interior cities of the great plain, we have selected it as the champion of the atlantic border, to hold up its progress during the thirty years from to , the most prosperous years of its existence, in comparison with the progress, during the same period, of the aggregate cities and towns of the plain. the result of our investigation, the summing up, will be found in the following table. it will be seen that many of the items are put down in round numbers--no document being accessible or in existence to furnish the exact number of many of the new towns, in . the estimate for may, in some instances, be above the figures which the census will furnish, but the over-estimate for is believed to be in a larger proportion to actual numbers at that time. making a liberal allowance for errors, the result of the aggregate cannot be materially varied from that at which our figures bring us: . est. increase. new york, including brooklyn and other suburbs , , , times. cities and chief towns of the great plain , , , " nearly leaving out the exterior cities of the plain, to wit, new orleans, mobile, galveston, quebec and montreal, the comparison between new york and suburbs, and the interior cities of the plain will be shown by the following figures: . est. increase. new york and accessories , , , fold interior cities and town of the plain , , , " the five largest cities of the atlantic border exhibit a growth, as compared with the five largest cities of the plain, as follows: . est. new york and dependencies , , , philadelphia " , , baltimore " , , boston " , , charleston " , , , , , cincinnati and suburbs , , new orleans " , , st. louis " , , chicago " , pittsburg " , , , , this table shows the five atlantic cities to have quadrupled, and the five cities of the interior plain have increased nine times. is this relative rate of increase of the exterior and interior cities to be changed, and, if it is to be changed, when is the change to commence? we can foresee no cause adequate to that effect, or tending toward it. on the contrary, it seems to us certain as any future event, that the rate of growth of the interior cities, compared with those on the atlantic border, will be increased. the proportion which their present numbers bear to the numbers of the rural population does not exceed one to six, whereas the urban population of the atlantic border is not less than one to three of the rural. this disproportion of city and rural population will hereafter change more rapidly in favor of the interior than the atlantic cities, because of the greater fertility of soil producing more food from an equal amount of labor; and also, by reason of the more rapid growth of the general population, of which an increasing proportion will prefer city to country life. will it not be so? will not the general increase of population be greater in the interior states? will not the productions of the soil increase faster? and can there be a doubt that the large disproportion in the distribution of the population between city and country, in the interior, will be lessened, so that, instead of being, as now, only one to five or six, they will rapidly approach the proportion of one to two or three? here, then, are the sources of superior increase so obviously true, as to need only to be stated to insure conviction. let us now compare the growth, for the thirty years since , of the five largest atlantic cities, with the five largest cities of the plain, and, by its side, extend the comparison to , , and of the largest city of each section: . est. new york and accessories , , , philadelphia " , , baltimore " , , charleston " , , , , , increase times. . est. cincinnati and suburbs , , new orleans " , , st. louis " , , chicago " , pittsburg " , , , , , increase times. let us now compare the _ten_ largest of each section. _atlantic._ . est. the aggregate of the five largest as above , , , providence , , lowell , , washington , , albany , , richmond , , ------- --------- , , , increase times. _interior._ . est. aggregate as above , , buffalo , , louisville , , milwaukee , detroit , , cleveland , , ------- --------- , , , increase - . aggregate of the ten, with five more of each section added, added, to wit: . est. aggregate as above , , , troy , , portland , , salem , , new haven , , savannah , , ------- --------- , , , increase - times. . est. aggregate as above , , , toronto , , rochester , , mobile , , memphis , , hamilton , , -------- -------- , , , increase - times. aggregate of the fifteen, with five more added in each section: . est. aggregate as above , , , springfield, mass , , worcester, " , , bangor, me. , , patterson, n. j. , , manchester, n. h. , ------- --------- , , , increase - times. . est. aggregate as above , , , dayton , , indianapolis , , toledo , oswego , , quincy , , ------- --------- , , , increase - times. from the above tables, we see that the city of new york, with its neighboring dependencies, will have made in growth in thirty years, between and , increasing its population times. during the same period, the largest atlantic cities and suburbs, including new york, increased - times. the largest atlantic cities and suburbs, including new york, increased " the largest atlantic cities and suburbs, including new york, increased - " the largest atlantic cities and suburbs, including new york, increased - " and that the largest cities of the great plain, during the same period, increased " and the largest cities of the great plain, during the same period, increased - " and the largest cities of the great plain, during the same period, increased - " and the largest cities of the great plain, during the same period, increased - " if the number of cities and towns of each section were increased to twenty-five, thirty, and thirty-five of each section, the disparity would increase in favor of the interior cities, most of these to be brought into comparison, having come into existence since . we commend the comparison between the old and the new cities so far back as , to give the former a better chance for a fair showing. if a later census should be chosen for a starting point, the advantages would be more decidedly with the interior cities. in the article on the great plain, in the may number of this review, we gave prominence to the two great external gateways of commerce offered to its people in their intercourse with the rest of the world: that is to say, the mississippi river entrance into the gulf of mexico, and the outlet of the lakes through st. lawrence and hudson rivers. these constitute the present great routes of commerce of the people of the plain, and draw to the cities on the borders of the great lakes and rivers the trade of the surrounding country. between the cities of the great rivers and lakes there has of late sprung up a friendly rivalry, each having some peculiar advantages, and all, in some degree, drawing business into their laps for the benefit of their rivals. that is to say: river cities gather in productions from the surrounding districts which seek an eastern market through lake harbors; and lake cities perform the same office for the chief river cities. each year increases, to a marked extent, the intercourse which these two classes of cities hold with each other; and it may be safely anticipated that no long period will elapse before this intercourse will become more important to them than all their commerce with the world beside. in comparing the interior cities of the great plain, situated on the navigable rivers, with those located on the borders of the lakes, two considerations bearing on their relative growth should be kept in view. the river cities were of earlier growth, the settlement from the atlantic states having taken the ohio river as the high-road to their new homes, many years before the upper lakes were resorted to as a channel of active emigration. this gave an earlier development to country bordering the central rivers, the ohio, wabash, illinois, and lower missouri. the states of kentucky and tennessee, also, had been pretty well settled, in their more inviting portions, before any considerable inroad had been made on the wilderness bordering on the upper lakes. owing to these and other circumstances, the river cities, pittsburg, cincinnati, louisville, and others of less note, were well advanced in growth, before the towns on the lakes had begun, in any considerable degree, to be developed. another advantage the river cities possessed in their early stage, and which they still hold; that of manufacturing for the planting states bordering the great rivers. for many years, in a great variety of articles of necessity, they possessed almost a monopoly of this business. of late, transportation has become so cheap, that the planters avail themselves of a greater range of choice for the purchase of manufactured articles, and the lake cities have commenced a direct trade with the plantation states, which will doubtless increase with the usual rapidity of industrial development in the fertile west. if we claim for the upper lake country some superiority of climate for city growth over the great river region, we do not doubt that the future will justify the claim. more labor will be performed for the same compensation, in a cool, bracing atmosphere, such as distinguishes the upper lake region, than on the more sultry banks of the central affluents of the mississippi, where are the best positions for the chief river cities. refraining from further comment, let us bring the actual development of the interior cities--on the navigable rivers and on the lakes--into juxtaposition for easy comparison. as our comparison of atlantic cities with the cities of the plain has been made for thirty years, from to , we continue it here for the same period, between the river cities and lake cities. we select twenty cities, now the largest of each region, and put down the population in round numbers as nearly accurate as practicable. that for , is of course, an estimate only, but it is certainly near enough to the truth to illustrate the growth, positive and comparative, of our interior cities. this table exhibits a growth of the interior cities on the navigable waters of the mississippi and its affluents, which brings their population, in , up to - - that of . this is, unquestionably, much beyond the expectation of their most sanguine inhabitants, at the commencement of that period, being three times that of the chief cities of the atlantic border. yet even this rapid development is seen, by our figures, to fall far behind that which has characterized the cities created by lake commerce during the same period. interior river cities . . cincinnati and dependencies, , , pittsburg, " , , st. louis, " , , louisville, " , , memphis, " , , wheeling, " , , new albany, " , , quincy, " , , peoria, " , galena, " , , keokuk, " , dubuque, " , nashville, " , , st. paul, " , madison, ind., " , , burlington, ind., " , la fayette, ind., " , rock island, " , jeffersonville, " , , , lake cities. . . chicago and dependencies , buffalo, " , , detroit, " , , milwaukee, " , cleveland, " , , toronto, c. w., , , rochester, " , , hamilton, c. w., " , , kingston, c. w., " , , oswego, " , , toledo, " , sandusky city, " , erie, " , , g. rapids, mich., " , kenosha, " , racine, " , st. catharine's, c. w., " , waukegan, " , port huron, " , fon du lac, " , , , these, according to the table, exhibit a growth which makes them, in , more than _twenty-three_ times as populous as they were in . this is double the progress of the river cities, and more than five times that of the cities of the atlantic coast. in the face of these facts, how can intelligent men continue to hold the opinion that new york is to continue long to be, as now, the focal point of north american commerce and influence? yet well informed men _do_ continue to express the opinion that new york will _ever_ hold the position of the chief city of the continent. every one at all familiar with the location and movement of our population, knows that the central point of its numbers is moving in a constant and almost unvarying direction west by north. an able investigator, now professor of law in the university of michigan, thomas m. cooley, five years ago, entered into an elaborate calculation to ascertain where the centre of population of the united states and canadas was, at that time. the result showed it to be very near pittsburg. it is generally conceded that it travels in a direction about west by north, at a rate averaging not less than seven miles a year. in , it will have crossed the ohio river, and commenced its march through the state of ohio. as our internal commerce is more than ten times as great as our foreign commerce, and is increasing more rapidly, it is plain that it will have the chief agency in building the future and permanent capital city of the continent. if the centre of population were, likewise the centre of wealth and industrial power, other things being equal, it would be the position of the chief city, as it would be the most convenient place of exchange for dealers from all quarters of the country. but this centre of wealth and industrial power does not keep up, in its western movement, with the centre of population! nor, if its movement were coincident, would it be at or near the right point for the concentration of our domestic and foreign trade, while traversing the interior of ohio. if we suppose our foreign commerce equal to one fifteenth of the domestic, we should add to the thirty-three millions of the states and canadas, upward of two millions of foreigners, to represent our foreign commerce. these should be thrown into the scale represented by new york. this, with the larger proportion to population of industrial power remaining in the old states, would render it certain that the centre of industrial power of our nation has not traveled westward so far as to endanger, for the present, the supremacy of the cities central to the commerce of our atlantic coast. until the centre of industrial power approaches a good harbor on the lakes, new york will continue the best located city of the continent for the great operations of its commerce. that the centre of wealth and consequent industrial power is moving westward at a rate not materially slower than the centre of population, might be easily proved; but, as those who read this article with interest must be cognizant of the great flow of capital from the old world and the old states to the new states, and the rapid increase of capital on the fertile soil of the new states, no special proof seems to us to be called for. the centre of power, numerical, political, economical, and social, is then, indubitably, on its steady march from the atlantic border toward the interior of the continent. that it will find a resting place somewhere, in its broad interior plain, seems as inevitable as the continued movement of the earth on its axis. the figures we have submitted of the growth of the principal lake cities plainly show great power in lake commerce, so great as to carry conviction to our mind that the _principal city of the continent will find its proper home and resting-place on the lake border, and become the most populous capital of the earth_. a full knowledge of the geography of north america will tend to confirm this conviction in the mind of the fair inquirer. the lakes penetrate the continent to its productive centre. they afford, during eight or nine months of the year, pleasant and safe navigation for steam-propelled vessels. their waters are pure and beautifully transparent, and the air which passes over them exceedingly invigorating to the human system. their borders are replete with materials for the exercise of human industry and skill. the soil is fertile and very productive in grains and grasses. coal in exhaustless abundance crops out on or near their waters, to the extent of nearly one thousand miles of coast. the richest mines of iron and copper, convenient to water transport, exist, in aggregate amount, beyond the power of calculation. stone of lime, granite, sand, and various other kinds suitable for the architect and the artist, are found almost everywhere convenient to navigation. gypsum of the best quality crops out on the shores of three of the great lakes, and salt springs of great strength are worked to advantage, near lakes ontario and michigan. timber trees in great variety and of valuable sorts, give a rich border to the shores for thousands of miles. of these, the white oak, burr oak, white pine, whitewood or tulip tree, white ash, hickory and black walnut, are the most valuable. they are of noble dimensions, and clothe millions of acres with their rich foliage. nowhere else on the continent are to be seen such abundance of magnificent oak, and the immense groves of white pine are not excelled. heretofore little esteemed, the great tracts of timber convenient to lake navigation and to the wide treeless prairies of the plain, are destined soon to take an important place in the commercial operations of the interior. already, oak timber, for ship-building and other purposes, finds a profitable market in new york and boston. the great russian steamship "general admiral," was built in part from the timber of the lake border. a great trade is growing up, based on the products of the forest. whitewood (diriodendron tulipifera), oak staves, black and white walnut plank, and other indigenous timber, are shipped, not only to the atlantic cities, but to foreign ports. the lumber yards of albany, new york, philadelphia, as well as those of chicago, milwaukee, detroit, toledo, cleveland and buffalo, receive large supplies from the pineries bordering the great lakes. cincinnati and other ohio river cities, receive an increasing proportion of pine lumber from the same source. these great waters are also, as is well known, stocked with fish in great variety, whose fine gastronomic qualities have a world-wide reputation. as before stated, these lakes penetrate the continent toward the northwest as far as its productive centre. they now have unobstructed connection with the atlantic vessels of nine feet draft and three hundred tons burden, by the aid of sixty-three miles of canals overcoming the falls of the st. mary, niagara and st. lawrence rivers, with a lockage of less than six hundred feet. by enlarging some of the locks and deepening the canals, at a cost of a very few millions, navigation for propellers of from one thousand to two thousand tons may be secured with the whole world of waters. the cost is much within the power of the canadas and the states bordering the lakes, and will be but a light matter to these communities when, within the next fifteen years, they shall have doubled their population and trebled their wealth. the increase of the commerce of the lakes, during the last fifteen years, is believed to be beyond any example furnished by the history of navigation. a proportionate increase the next fifteen years, would give for the yearly value of its transported articles, thousands of millions. according to the best authorities it is now over four hundred millions. in , that portion of the tonnage belonging to the united states was one fifteenth of the entire tonnage of the union. during the same year the clearances of vessels from ports of the united states to the canadas, and the entrance of vessels from the canadas to ports of the united states, as exhibited in the following table, show a greater amount of tonnage entered and cleared than between the united states and any other foreign country: clearances from ports in the united states to ports in canada in : number of american vessels , " canadian " , whole number , tonnage american , " canadian , total cleared from the states, , , the registered tonnage of all the states, the same year, was , , ; and the registered and enrolled together, , , . the value of lake tonnage was, in , $ , , . the total value of the commerce of the lakes, the same year, was estimated, by high authority, (including exports and imports) at twelve hundred and sixteen millions ($ , , , .) this seems to us an exaggerated estimate, though based principally on official reports of collectors of customs. eight hundred millions would, probably, be near to the true amount. it will surprise many persons to learn that the trade between the united states and canadas, carried on chiefly by the lakes and their connecting waters, ranks third in value and first in tonnage, in the table of our foreign commerce; being, in value, only below that of england and the french empire, and in tonnage above the british empire. american goods to canada $ , , foreign goods , , $ , , canadian goods to the states, , , $ , , we here append a table showing the progress, from decade to decade, of the principal centres of population of the plain since . it has been made with all the accuracy which our sources of information enable us to attain. there are in it, no doubt, many errors, but it will be found, in the main, and for general argument, substantially correct. for future reference, it will be valuable to persons who take an interest in the development of our new urban communities. included in each city are its outlying dependencies--such as newport and covington with cincinnati, and lafayette with new orleans. . . . . new orleans , , , , cincinnati , , , , st. louis , , , , chicago , , , pittsburg , , , , buffalo , , , , montreal , , , , louisville , , , , detroit , , , , milwaukee , , , cleveland , , , , toronto , , , , rochester , , , , quebec , , , , columbus, o. , , , , mobile , , , , hamilton, c. w. , , , , memphis , , , , nashville , , , , dayton , , , , indianapolis , , , , wheeling, va. , , , , kingston, c. w. , , , , lockport, n. y. , , , , oswego , , , , toledo , , , zanesville , , , , est. est. new albany , , , , est. est. peoria , , , est. est. quincy, ill. , , , , galena , , , , dubuque , , , keokuk ... , , , davenport ... , , burlington, ia. ... , , , columbus, ga. , , , , alton, ill. , , , steubenville , , , , chillicothe , , , , grand rapids, mich. , , , huntsville, ala. , , , , adrian, mich. , , , ann arbor , , , sandusky city , , , fort wayne, ia. , , , madison, ia. , , , , st. paul ... ... , , lafayette, ia. , , , maysville, ky. , , , , terre haute, ia. , , , evansville, ia. , , , jeffersonville, ia. , , , portsmouth, ohio , , , , marietta, o. , , , , springfield, ill. , , , rock island city ... , , chattanooga, ten. , , , bytown, or } ottawa, c. w. } , , , london, c. w. , , , st. catharines, do. , , galveston, texas , , , , houston, " ... , , erie, pa. , , , , lexington, ky. , , , , ogdensburg , , , , natchez, miss. , , , , three rivers, c. e. , , , racine, wis. ... , , , waukesha ... , , marshall, mich. , , , pontiac, " , , , p't huron " , , jackson " , , , kalamazoo " , , mineral pt., wis. , , kenosha " ... , , fon du lac, " ... , , , janesville " ... , , , beloit " ... , , madison " ... , , elgin " ... , , oshkosh, " ... ... , , monroe, mich. , , , lansing " ... , , columbus, miss. , , , jacksonville, ill. , , , waukegan " ... , , lasalle " , , , joliet " ... , , , jefferson city, mo. , , , , st. joseph " ... , , , independence " ... , , iowa city, iowa ... ... , , muscatine " ... , , springfield, ohio , , , , newark " , , , , hamilton " , , , lancaster " , , , , akron " , , , mt, vernon " , , , tiffin " ... , , urbana " , , , massillon " , , , lawrenceburg, ia. , , , richmond, ia. , , , knoxville, tenn. , ... , , the preceding table is instructive, showing, as it does, the steady and rapidly increasing tendency of the people of the plain to seek a home in cities and villages, notwithstanding the great temptation which fertile, cheap, and easily-improved lands hold out to become tillers of the soil and growers of cattle. stock farming is largely remunerative, but our western people--wild and uncultivated as they are supposed to be by those unacquainted with their true character--prefer homes where the advantages of education and social intercourse is a constant enjoyment. nowhere in the world are educational establishments on a better footing or more universally accessible than in some of the new states of the centre, as in ohio, michigan, wisconsin and other states. chapter xii. michigan agricultural reports for -- professor thomas's report -- report of j. s. dixon -- products of states -- climate -- army meteorological reports. from the agricultural reports of the state of michigan we take the following:-- "from old fort mackinaw to the manistee river, the land immediately upon the lake shore, and not unfrequently extending back for many miles, is considerably elevated, and occasionally rises very abruptly to the height of from one hundred to three or four hundred feet. the country (more particularly the northern portion) continues to rise as we proceed into the interior, until it attains an elevation equal to any other portion of the peninsula. "this is more particularly the case in the rear of traverse bay, where this elevation continues for many miles into the interior, giving to the landscape a very picturesque appearance when viewed from some of the small lakes, which abound in this as well as in the more southern portion of the state. "the tract of country under consideration is based on limestone, sandstone, and shales, which are covered, excepting at a few points, with a deposit of red clay and sand, varying in thickness from a few inches to more than four hundred feet. the interior of the northern portion of the peninsula, west of the meridian, is generally more rolling than that on the east. it is interspersed with some extensive cedar swamps and marshes, on the _alluvial_ lands, and in the vicinity of heads of streams and some of the lakes. the upland is generally rolling, has a soil of clay, loam and sand, and is clad with evergreen timber, intermixed with tracts of beech and maple, varying in extent from a few acres to several townships. several of the most extensive of these tracts are in the vicinity of the cheboygan and tahweegon rivers, their lakes and tributary streams. there are also large tracts of beech and maple timber lying between the head of grand traverse bay, and the manistee and muskeegon rivers. "the elevated portion of land on the shore of lake michigan, known as the 'sleeping bear' as well as manitou island, (see latitude ) which, when viewed from a distance, has the appearance of sand, is found to be composed of alternate layers of highly marly clay and sand. the clay is of a deep red color, and in many places its strata are much contorted. "the hilly region, to which allusions have been made, is mostly heavily timbered with beech, maple, bass, oak, ash, elm, birch, etc., interspersed with an occasional cedar swamp. in the vicinity of grand traverse bay, this character of country extends into the interior for many miles, bordering on a series of small and beautiful lakes, which vary in length from two to eighteen miles, and are generally free from marsh and swamp. this country, as also that in the interior from little traverse bay, is well adapted to the purposes of agriculture. "passing south of this rolling district, the country becomes less elevated and more variable, the soil assuming a more sandy character, and being generally clad with evergreen timber. there are, however, exceptions to this in some fine tracts of beech and maple near the lake coast, also, in the vicinity of some of the streams in the interior. "it is nevertheless true, that there are many extensive swamps and marshes in this part of the peninsula, but it is doubted whether, upon the whole, they exceed the quantity or extent of those of the more southern part of the state. "in point of soil and timber, this portion of the state is not inferior to the more southern--and such are the advantages it offers to the settler, that the day is not distant when it will be sought as a place of residence by the agriculturist. "the beauty of its lakes and streams is not anywhere surpassed. such is the transparency of their waters as to permit objects to be distinctly seen at the depth of more that thirty feet. "that part of the peninsula situate north of grand river is usually regarded by many of the inhabitants of the more southern part of the state, as being either an impenetrable swamp, or a sandy barren waste, and as possessing too rigorous a climate to admit of its successful application to purposes of agriculture. "this is an erroneous opinion, and one which will most certainly be corrected, as the facts with regard to this part of our state come more fully to be known. the inhabitants of flat, royale, muskegon and white rivers, and the ottawa indians, living on the grand and little traverse bays, and on the manistee river, have extensive cultivated fields, which uniformly produce abundant crops. "the country on flat and royale rivers is generally rolling, interspersed with level and knobby tracts; but none is so rough as to prevent it from being successfully cultivated. the timber in the vicinity of the streams consists of black, white, and burr oak, which is scattering, and forms what is denominated openings and plains; small tracts of pine barrens, beech, maple and oak lands, interspersed with tracts of white pine. "settlements are rapidly advancing in this part of our state, and much of the land under cultivation produces excellent crops of wheat, oats, corn, potatoes, etc., and so far as experience has been brought to the test, is not inferior to, or more subject to early frosts in the fall, than more southern counties of the state. "the soil varies from a light sand to a stiff clay loam. "the country on the muskegon is rolling, and may be considered as divided into beech and maple land, pine lands, pine barrens, oak openings, plains and prairies. small tracts of the latter are situated near the forks of the river, about forty-five miles from its mouth, and between thirty and forty-five miles north of the grand river. "crops of corn, oats, wheat, etc., were here as flourishing as those of the more southern part of state. the soil of the prairies and openings is sandy, while that of the beech and maple lands is a sand and clay loam. "the indians on grand and little traverse bays and vicinity, also obtain good crops of corn, potatoes, squashes, etc. some of the most intelligent indians informed me that they were seldom injured by frosts in the fall or spring. they also have many apple trees which produce fruit in considerable quantities. "the soil is strictly a warm one, and, exposed as the whole country, bordering on lake michigan, is to the influence of the southern winds during summer and parts of spring and fall, it seldom fails to be productive." professor thomas, geologist, has placed in our hands the following report of the geology of mackinaw, michigan: "from the site of old fort mackinaw, at the very extremity of the peninsula, south to the manistee river, a direct distance of about one hundred and forty miles, the immediate shores of the lake are almost invariably considerably elevated, sometimes rising abruptly to a height of from three to four hundred feet. "the soil of the vicinity, in consequence of the large amount of calcareous matter which enters into its composition, possesses a fertility that a superficial observer would scarcely ascribe to it. "the limestone chiefly consists of an irregular assemblage of angular fragments united by a tufaceous cement. these fragments usually appear at first sight to have a compact structure, but a more minute examination shows them to contain _minute_ cells, sufficiently large to admit water, which, by the action of frost, subjects the rock to rapid disintegration. portions of the rock may, nevertheless, be selected partially free from this difficulty, and which are possessed of sufficient compactness to render them of value as a coarse building stone; horn-stone, striped jasper (imperfect); hog-toothed spar, calcareous spar, and fluor spar, are imbedded in the rock, although the latter is of rare occurrence. "lime rock again occurs at the straits of mackinaw, and in the vicinity, it appears upon the island of mackinac, together with the bois blanc, round, and st. martin's islands, as also upon the northern peninsula north from mackinaw. "gypsum occurs on the st. martin's group of islands, and also upon the northern peninsula between green bay and mackinac. "mackinaw limestone.--the rock is of a light color, and the fragments of which it is composed frequently contain numberless minute cells. these were undoubtedly once filled with spar, which has been washed out of the exposed part of the rock by the action of water. the upper part is unfit for building purposes, but the lower is more compact, and has marks of regular stratification. "coal.--the coal is highly bituminous, a character in common with all that has been seen in the state, and it may safely be said, that none other may be looked for in the peninsula. "from the facts now before me, i am led to hope that coal will be found in the elevated hills of the northern part of the peninsula, easterly from little traverse bay, a circumstance which, should it prove to be the case, will add much to the value of that portion of the state."--_houghton geological reports of michigan._ "foster and whitney, united states geologists, in their reports to the government, laid down the onondago salt group of rocks as extending over a portion of the southern part of the northern peninsula of michigan, not a great distance from mackinaw, and also as existing on the st. martin's and mackinaw islands. "onondaga salt group.--as a whole, it is an immense mass of argillo-calcareous shaly rocks, inclosing veins and beds of gypsum; hence this has been designated by some as the 'gypseous shales.' "four divisions have been distinguished in the description of the onondaga salt group, though the lines of separation are by no means well defined. " . red and greenish shales below. " . green and red marl, shale, and shaly limestone with some veins of gypsum. " . shaly, compact, impure limestone, with shale and marl, embracing two ranges of plaster beds with hopper-shaped cavities between. " . drab-colored, impure limestone with fibrous cavities; the 'magnesian deposit of vanuxem.' of these, the third is the only one that has yielded gypsum in profitable quantities. the included masses of gypsum, though, for the most part, even-bedded at their base, are usually very irregular at their upper surface, often conical. the plaster beds are supposed to be separations by molecular attraction from the marl. "this third division contains not only the gypseous beds, but is most probably the source of all the salt so extensively manufactured at onondaga, cayuga, and madison; at least vanuxem informs us that, except in these gypseous beds, there is no evidence of salt existing in the solid state in any of the other divisions of the onondaga salt group. "the fourth division is remarkable for a fine columnar structure, or needle-formed cavities, dispersed through the mass. "in the middle counties of new york, the entire thickness of the onondaga salt group must be from six hundred to a thousand feet. notwithstanding its great thickness, this formation is very barren in fossils. the corals and shells of the niagara group suddenly ceased to exist, perhaps, as hall suggests, being overwhelmed by a sudden outbreak of a buried vulcano at the bottom of the ocean, by which the waters became surcharged not only with argillaceous sediment, but became contaminated, either with free sulphuric acid, or sulphate of magnesia and soda. "the country through which the onondaga salt group extends, is usually marked by a series of low, gravelly hills, and clayey valleys, on which a stunted growth of timber prevails, known by the name of 'oak openings.' small portions of sulphate of strontia, galena, and blende, with rhomb spar, occur in the upper portion of the group. gypsum and salt are, however, the only minerals of economical value: of the former many thousand tons are excavated. several acidulous springs issuing from these deposits, have been found to contain free sulphuric acid."--_d. d. owen's review of the n. y. geological reports._ jules marcou, in his geology of the united states, places the northern portion of the southern peninsula of michigan in the terrain devonian. report of j. s. dixon and others, on grand traverse bay, p. , in michigan agricultural reports for , says: "the atmosphere is moist and wholesome--no disease, and healthy as any portion of country. it is a well established fact, that water cools first on the surface, then sinks while the warm water rises, and consequently ice never forms till the whole body of water has been cooled to thirty degrees. now, from this fact, the philosopher will at once deduce the climate of this region. traverse bay is from one hundred to nine hundred feet deep and the water never cools to thirty-two degrees till the middle of february, and in lake michigan in the middle never, and so long as the water in these continuous reservoirs is warmer than the air, the former must obviously warm the latter. "it is accordingly well known that in england, on the east side of the atlantic ° or ° farther north than traverse bay, the climate, as it regards cold in winter, is about equal to that of washington city, and so it is on the east side of the pacific ocean, in oregon. hence it is evident that the seasons on the east side of lake michigan must be uniform. "around traverse bay the frost seldom kills vegetables till in november, and seldom occurs in spring later than the st of may. in november it gets cold enough to freeze. the vapors arising from the lake and bay fall in snow and cover the ground before the frost has penetrated it at all; it accumulates several months till it is two feet deep, sometimes deeper, and remains till april; and when it goes off; cattle find enough to eat in the woods. this region is much more sunny between the middle of march and december than southern michigan, and every vegetable physiologist will at once state that the influence of this on vegetation must be very great, and accordingly spring crops grow with such rapidity that corn is fit to be cut by the st of september. from december to march, as above, the atmosphere is hazy, cloudy, and frosty, though the thermometer never sinks so low as in the south of michigan by ten or twelve degrees ( or degrees below zero, being the lowest yet known), and a winter thaw is unknown here. hence we never have mud in winter, and but little at any season. "with the very defective cultivation hitherto used here, yield of crops are as follows:--potatoes, free of rot, to bushels to the acre; oats to ; corn to ; wheat (spring) the largest yet raised bushels. wheat raised here is much more plump than in southern michigan, and there is no instance of its being smothered or injured by snow, because the snow never thaws and alternately freezes into a hard crust, or ice, so as to exclude the air from the wheat, as in other places. "we confidently predict that this will become the most prolific wheat region in the west; rust and insects are unknown. all experience goes to prove that this will be a great fruit country. the indian apple and peach trees, although few in number bear well every year; and as to wild blackberries and raspberries, both as to size and flavor, there is absolutely no end. they serve all the inhabitants and millions of pigeons for several months." united states census, , shows products of states. average per acre of wheat. oats corn. potatoes. michigan bushels illinois " indiana " iowa " average per acre of wheat. oats corn. potatoes. ohio " wisconsin " pennsylvania " new york " climate.--council bluffs is in latitude - / °, dubuque - / °, green bay - / °, and mackinaw city about °. by reference to the following tables of temperature, it will be seen that these points are about on the same isothermal line, practically removing, by these tables, the prejudices generally existing against the climate of northern michigan--see blodgett's climatology and army meteorological reports of united states. quebec, canada. average in january above zero, ° montreal, " " " " hampden, maine " " " portland, " " " " cannel, " " " " burlington, vt. " " " deerfield, mass. " " " granville, n. y. " " " potsdam, " " " " plattsburgh, " " " " gouverneur, " " " " lowville, " " " " oneida, " " " " buffalo, " " " " silver lake, pa. " " " concord, n. h. " " " boston, mass. " " " albany, n. y. " " " chicago, illinois " " " ottawa, " " " " muscatine, iowa " " " detroit, michigan " " " pittsburgh, pa. " " " philadelphia, " " " " cincinnati, ohio " " " green bay, wis. " " " dubuque, iowa " " " council bluffs " " " mackinaw city " " " these extremes of latitude of philadelphia and mackinaw include the principal agricultural, mining, manufacturing, and commercial interests of america, elements naturally pertaining to michigan, and second in their variety and extent to no state of the union. archangel, russia, in january, averages above zero . ° st. petersburg, " " " " . christiana, norway, " " " " . st. bernard, switzerland, " " " " . moscow, russia, " " " " . erzeroum, turkey, " " " " . taganwa, sea of azof, " " " " . astracan, caspian sea, " " " " . kasow (volga) russia, " " " " . stockholm, sweden, " " " " . cracow, poland, " " " " . pekin, china, " " " " . odessa, s. russia, " " " " . berlin, prussia, " " " " . extremes below zero, . bangor, maine january , below ° bath " " " portland, " " " boston, mass. " " salem, " " " chicago, ill. february , " st. louis, mo. " " cincinnati, o. " " lexington, ky. " " nashville, tenn. " " huntsville, ala. " " philadelphia, pa. " " lancaster, pa. " " washington city " " clarksville, geo. " " army meteorological reports for . january. range. above below mean. max'm. min'm. mean. mean. fort hamilton, n. y. . ° . . . . fort niagara, " . . . . . alleghany, pa. . . . . . fort delaware, md. . . . . . cincinnati, ohio . . . . . fort snelling, min. . . . . . " leavenworth, kan. . . . . . " mackinaw, mich. . . . . . blodgett's and army rain charts, showing rain and snow in inches for a series of years. jan. feb. m'ch. dec. total in year. mack'w island, mich. . . . . . fort kent, maine. . . . . . portland, " . . . . . jan. feb. m'ch. dec. total in year. charleston, mass. . . . . . montreal, canada . . . . . fayetteville, vt. . . . . . cincinnati, ohio. . . . . . green bay, wis. . . . . . detroit, mich. . . . . . st. louis, mo. . . . . . fort hamilton, n. y. . . . . . pittsburgh, pa. . . . . . philadelphia, pa. . . . . . chapter xiii. agricultural interest -- means of transportation -- railways and vessels -- lumber -- vessels cleared -- lake cities and atlantic ports -- home-market -- breadstuffs -- michigan flour -- monetary panics -- wheat -- importations -- provisions -- fruit -- live stock -- wool -- shipping business -- railroads -- lake superior trade -- pine lumber trade -- copper interest -- iron interest -- fisheries -- coal mines -- salt -- plaster beds. we copy from the detroit tribune of , a somewhat elaborate and lengthy article containing recent and highly important information in regard to the industrial interests of michigan. though there are portions of this article which we have to some extent anticipated in some of our previous chapters, we consider it highly important to extract largely from it, because of its more recent date. to all interested in the development and future growth of the northwest, it will prove most valuable. the writer, mr. kay haddock, commercial editor of the tribune, says:-- "we know of no similar extent of country on the globe so highly favored by nature as our own state, which but twenty-three years since emerged from the chrysalis condition of a territory, but which to day, by the quickening influence brought to bear upon her natural advantages by an enterprising and enlightened people, possesses elements of wealth and greatness that might well be coveted by empires. the characteristics for which she is pre-eminent are neither few in number nor ordinary in character. she occupies the very front rank in respect to important minerals, as well as in the extent and quality of her forest products, while her fisheries are altogether unrivaled, and, like her mines and forests, are the source of exhaustless wealth. with regard to the extent and diversity of her natural resources, it would indeed seem difficult to over-estimate them. predictions that seem visionary to-day, are to-morrow exceeded by the reality, as some new treasure is revealed. a glance at the map is of itself the most eloquent commentary that could be presented with reference to her geographical position. as nature does nothing in vain, the shipping facilities afforded by the noble inland seas that clasp our shores, are a sign and promise of the commercial greatness that awaits us in the future. we may well be proud of the condition of our agricultural interest--that great interest which underlies every other; which alike gives to the wealthy his opulence and the beggar his crust. our farmers have unmistakably indicated their determination to accept of no secondary position in the quality of their wheat, and their wool is not only rapidly gaining the first rank as respect the amount produced, but is sought for with avidity for its superior quality by all the principal manufacturers of the country. pomona, too, has thrown her influence in the scale. the region that has thus far been devoted to the culture of fruit, in proportion to its extent, cannot be surpassed in the union, if indeed it can be equaled. such is a faint picture of the 'peninsular state.' "the snail-like progress hitherto made in the settlement of a large share of the state, is an enigma to those not versed in our early history. while occupying the position of a dependent of the central power at washington, we were so unfortunate in some instances as to have men placed over us with whom personal interests were paramount to the great interests of the territory, which, at the critical period when the seeds of prosperity should have been planted, was fatal to our advancement. next came the era of utopian projects of internal improvement, by which our people were saddled with an onerous load of debt. in the mean time immigrants were misled by false reports concerning the character of the soil in the interior of the state, and there were no roads by means of which they could satisfy themselves of the true character of the country. they therefore passed on to find homes upon what then seemed the most attractive prairies of the far west. but there is at last a great change in the tide of affairs. the value of our timber is justly regarded as greatly overbalancing the doubtful advantage of settling upon prairie land, and the active demand that has recently sprung up for it must constantly make a still greater difference in our favor. lands long held in the iron grasp of speculators are rapidly coming into the possession of actual settlers. our state is being intersected by a system of roads, which will ere long demonstrate the necessity of an extension of the system. our course is indeed onward and upward. "having seen a statement, given upon the authority of some gazeteer, to the effect that about six million dollars were invested in this state in manufacturing, which we felt assured was a libel upon the state, we have taken steps to procure statistics of the more important industrial establishments throughout the entire state. we find that in the manufacture of pine lumber alone, there are about seven million dollars invested, exclusive of the standing timber of proprietors, which perhaps might properly be included as part of the capital." such indications of thrift, enterprise, and prosperity in a region that twenty-four years ago was a howling wilderness, it may be safely said, is without a parallel. the other counties, we are tolerably safe in estimating, will swell the amount to $ , , , making, with the lumber manufactories, and the $ , , , invested in the iron manufacture, more than twenty million dollars! the apathy of the citizens of detroit in availing themselves of the magnificent advantages possessed by the city for prosecuting manufacturing upon an extensive scale, is wholly inexplicable. there is a mine of unproductive wealth in our midst that might at once be placed at compound interest. it now lies dormant in the sinewy arms of men and the nimble fingers of women and children. there is thus a moral aspect in this question that addresses itself with peculiar earnestness to the philanthropic. but it were a philanthropy that would lay up treasures on earth. daily, almost hourly, raw material takes its departure from our city destined to be received at eastern manufactories, there to be worked up and returned to us for our consumption, by which we are taxed with the freight both ways, in addition to losing the profit of the manufacture. every property holder has a direct interest at stake. if a liberal sum were to be subscribed to-morrow for investment in this important branch of enterprise, the direct benefit that would accrue to the real estate of the city would be at least double the amount invested. the western states look with deep interest to the grand trunk railway, and are hopeful that it may prove a great benefit to them in enabling producers to reach the markets of european consumers at a cheap rate for carriage. unquestionably great benefits will grow out of the opening up of the great thoroughfare. at the same time there are questions of grave importance to shippers which will soon have to be met, and nothing can be lost, while something may be gained, by meeting them at the outset. we set out, then, with the proposition that the bulky products of the west must be carried by water and not by rail, and will state a few facts that in our humble opinion will place this proposition beyond all cavil. so for as figures can be obtained, and correct calculations made, it has been demonstrated that freight cannot be moved on american railroads for less than one cent per ton per mile. this is actually the _first cost_, even in the coal regions of pennsylvania. it is therefore fair to presume that the grand trunk, with conceded advantages of superior and economical management, cannot move freight at a less cost, and that the figure named will yield nothing to the stockholders in the shape of dividend. it is true that freight has been carried at an actual loss, and, as we are about to show, the same thing will to some extent be done again, but if persevered in this can only result in ruin, and no one will assert that it ought to be taken as a legitimate basis for future calculations. it follows, then, that $ , is the lowest sum for which a ton can be moved from detroit to portland, the distance between the two cities being eight hundred and eighty miles. this showing may not be relished by those most immediately interested in the grand trunk railway, nor may it be palatable to the producers of the west, who have built high hopes on this road as an outlet to the atlantic, but it is useless to attempt to shut our eyes to obvious facts. the west has for years possessed shorter and consequently cheaper routes to the seaboard, and in winter the cost of reaching-the atlantic cities has always been and now is from to per cent, greater by rail than during the navigation season by the cheaper mode. this is easily proved. let us look at the distance by the old route by the way of suspension bridge: detroit to suspension bridge, is miles; the bridge to albany, ; albany to boston ; total . thus we see that the whole distance from detroit to boston is seven hundred and thirty-two miles, or one hundred and forty-eight _less_ than from detroit to portland. as regards shipments from detroit to boston, via the grand trunk, the matter is worse, for we have to add one hundred and three miles from portland to boston, making the old route two hundred and fifty-three miles shorter to that point than by the newly opened road. it is evident therefore, that the west is not likely to gain anything permanently by the new route, except in so far as it may open up some local trade, which, inconsiderable at first, may eventually assume considerable importance. of course, what is true regarding detroit, is also true with respect to every point west of us. every one conversant with trade must admit that goods can be carried as cheap from any port in europe to new york as to portland. the distance from new york to detroit, _via_ albany and suspension bridge, is six hundred and eighty-two miles, or one hundred and ninety-eight miles less than from portland to detroit. goods ought certainly to be carried cheaper from new york to detroit than by a route near two hundred miles further. we learn that the new york central railroad company are now perfecting a plan for ticketing passengers and goods from any point in the western, southern, and southwestern states, and _vice versa_. thus at least one important advantage to the west is already apparent, growing out of the comprehensive action of the grand trunk managers, while the action of the new york central is the sure precursor of a momentous era in railroad annals. the present year is likely to witness the first battle in a war for the european and domestic trade of the west, that may in the end turn the entire current into other channels. it will be a strife of giants, and the prize the most magnificent ever battled for, either in the tented field or in the nobler contests of nations for commercial supremacy. that prize is the carrying trade of an empire fast rising into manly vigor, and destined to attain to a point during the present generation that will dazzle the world with its vastness and grandeur. on one side will be arrayed the grand trunk railway, with its sixty million dollars of capital, backed by the government of canada, and sustained by every merchant of the british north american colonies, aided by powerful friends in europe--men of character, standing and capital, who will strain every nerve to supply their darling road with business, in which they will have the sympathy of the whole english people--for in both england and canada the grand trunk is looked upon as a great triumph of national engineering skill, while at the same time it gratifies the national pride, as it gives the world one more convincing proof of that indomitable pluck that is the chief secret of the great celebrity attained by the merchants of the "fast anchored isle" for commercial enterprise. on the other side will be marshaled the forces of the "grand trunk" lines of railroad leading to the western states from the atlantic seaboard. the most prominent on the list is the new york central railroad, with her natural allies, the great western of canada, the hudson river railroad, and the western railroad of massachusetts. next in order, as parties in the struggle, are the new york and erie, the pennsylvania central, and the baltimore and ohio railroad, not to speak of the local roads in ohio, indiana, and michigan, that will be affected more or less in the contest for supremacy. the grand trunk will fight under one banner, and that banner will carry on its broad folds the commercial prestige of the british empire, and will have the sympathy of the british people. this, which will probably carry with it, as a coincident, plenty of the "sinews of war," will be decidedly a vantage ground to stand upon. the american interests will come into the field under different leaders, having no unity of action, and hating and fearing each other; who have never had confidence in each others' words or actions; who have never displayed any generosity toward each other; whose dealings with each other have been marked by cheating and bad faith, as the breaking of all convention treaties has proved. under such a load of demoralization, all of them combined are perhaps not more than a match for the grand trunk. one of the american roads will have to stand in the van and sustain the first onset, and the elected one will be the new york central. in every point of view it is the one best able to do so. it is managed and controlled by men of large experience and iron will--men who do not know what defeat is, and who, come what may, will show that their metal has the true ring. the result of such a contest none can foresee; albeit after the smoke of the battle is cleared away, the wreck will only show that it has been a costly and useless fight for the stockholders, and the conviction that god's highways are superior to man's will gain strength, insomuch as to assume far more practical importance than it has hitherto attained. the only method of carrying on a successful trade between the western states and the seaports of europe, is by water, and to this conclusion all must come, in the end, on both sides of the atlantic. in order to make the trade productive of substantial benefit to all interested in it, the west must have free course down the st. lawrence, and an enlargement of the canadian canals, so that vessels of say eighteen hundred tons can pass down to the ports of montreal and quebec without unloading, and continue on their way to europe without breaking bulk. a depth of fourteen feet water, with locks of corresponding capacity on the canals would accomplish this important end. the multifarious and rapidly increasing products of the great west, her timber, flour, wheat, corn, oats, rye, barley, pork, beef, butter, lard, cheese, meal, and every description of agricultural produce could then be laid down in the ports of england so cheaply that it would greatly reduce the cost of the necessaries of life, and give a new impetus to the manufacturing interest of great britain. at the same time it would directly tend to cheapen every article that the west requires to import, thus proving of double advantage to our producers. in both cases the producer and consumer would be brought face to face, to the obvious advantage of all concerned. the manufacturing prosperity of england depends upon an unlimited supply of cheap labor, and that supply cannot be had unless she can supply such laborers with an unlimited supply of cheap food. the west has the capacity not only to furnish an inexhaustible quantity of cheap food, but it can purchase and consume a larger amount of the productions of english skill and labor than any other section of the world. why, then, cannot both parties hit on some scheme that will bring them more closely into the fellowship of trade? it can be done, if both will unite to obtain an unimpeded outlet via the st. lawrence for vessels and steamers of heavy burden. so far as quebec and montreal are concerned, it is very difficult to say whether the consummation of the proposed enlargement would redound most to their benefit, or to that of our western lake cities. in both cases the gain would be beyond computation. the two important canadian cities named would become at once important seaports. they would become two of the depots for the vast commerce of two continents, and would derive great benefits from the opening up of a local traffic with the west, which at present amounts to but very little, so far as they are concerned. our lake cities would all become large commercial centres, and would supply the population of the region tributary to them, respectively, with dry goods, crockery, hardware, paints, oils, and all kinds of imported merchandise, at a cheaper rate by a considerable per centage, than they could be purchased at new york, or any city on the atlantic. detroit would be much nearer liverpool than buffalo now is by the usual route, and chicago and milwaukee would be almost as near, practically. a few figures will show the decided advantage of water over rail as a medium of transporting the bulky products of the west to market. it has already been shown that a ton of any kind of freight cannot be laid down at portland from detroit, by rail, under $ . , without a loss to the stockholders, nor to boston under $ . , except with the same result; nor at new york _via_ the great western, new york central, and hudson river roads under $ . , without actual loss to those roads, so that the case would stand thus:--detroit to portland, per ton, _via_ g. t. r., $ . ; detroit to boston, do. do., $ . ; detroit to new york, $ . . add $ . per ton for ocean freights, and we have in each case respectively, $ . , $ . , and $ . per ton to liverpool. now we maintain that a screw steamer of tons burden, costing, when completed, $ , , can carry much cheaper than a road like the grand trunk, costing $ , , , or the new york central and its connections. a steamer of that capacity would carry , tons of freight; tons of coal would run her across the atlantic, and she could coal from chicago or detroit to newfoundland, and from the latter point to liverpool. by doing this, she could carry tons more freight than if she coaled for the entire voyage from chicago to liverpool. all the principal exports and imports of michigan, indiana, western ohio, kentucky, &c., would find their way to detroit, and this point would of necessity become the great centre of the direct trade between europe and the states above mentioned. two steamers per week could be run with profit on the route during the season of navigation; each steamer would make two round trips and a half per season of seven months' navigation, allowing two months for each round trip. at this rate sixteen ocean steamers would be required to make up a semi-weekly line, and were the canadian canals enlarged and ready for use by the middle of next april, there would be at once sufficient trade to sustain them, at much cheaper rates for freight and passage than is now charged by any route or combination of routes in existence, as the following will show conclusively: each round trip would give the following sums for freight and passage:-- tons of freight at $ per ton, $ , ; cabin passengers at $ each, $ , ; steerage do. do. $ each, $ , . total for the trip out, $ , . inward bound:-- tons freight at $ , $ , ; cabin passengers at $ , $ , ; steerage do. do., $ , $ , --$ , . add outward receipts, $ , . total, $ , . the total cost of the trip, including insurance, would not exceed $ , . total net profits, $ , . it will be seen by the above figures that our staple products can be carried to england in the right kind of vessels, at one half the cost that railroads and connecting steamers can perform the same service, even when the latter carry at a rate that brings no profit to the shareholders, while the former would pay large dividends. at the rates named for passage (but little more than one-half the present cost of going from detroit to england) crowds of the european settlers in this country would flock to the mother country to see dear friends and relatives, and tens of thousands of the american people would embrace the opportunity to behold the tombs and temples and wonders of the land from whence their ancestors came. a feeling of friendship of the true stamp would spring up spontaneously between the anglo-saxon races on each side of the atlantic that never could be severed, and which would alternately shed the blessings of christianity and civilization to every corner of the world. such free intercourse would show that to be appreciated by each other they only need to be better acquainted. and it is our firm belief, that the day that beholds the commencement of direct trade between the old world and in the inland seas of the great west, by vessels of the class named, will see a day of glory and promise brighter and greater than has ever yet dawned on any efforts put forth to subdue the world by human means, to peace and universal brotherhood. our readers are aware that a trade of great importance has sprung up within two or three years between detroit and other lake ports, and the leading seaports of europe. the particulars of its inauguration are already familiar to the public. of the vessels which cleared hence in this trade in , one was owned and sent out by a merchant of this city; another was loaded by a cleveland house; the others were all owned or chartered by capt. d. c. pierce, the enterprising pioneer of the trade. his first venture on the _kershaw_, notwithstanding some few incidental circumstances that worked to his disadvantage, was productive of some direct profit, but a much greater profit inured to himself, and those who followed him in this important commerce, by his becoming well versed in the european trade, insomuch as to be enabled to avail himself of the peculiar advantages offered by each market, as well as in determining the character of freight most profitable to carry. the cheapest, best and safest means of transporting the diversified products of the west, and particularly the region of which detroit is the centre, to the european markets, returning with foreign fabrics in exchange, had long challenged the attention of capitalists, who saw in it the germ of a mighty commerce, but seemed to lack the practical knowledge and tact to put the ball in motion. last year twenty-one vessels cleared from the different lake ports, mostly from detroit. another important point which is now in a fair way to be gained, is the making of european consumers acquainted with the fact that their wants can be supplied to any desired extent. when this information becomes general the consumption must be vastly stimulated, affording one of the most inviting fields for enterprise known in the commercial annals of the world. the resources of the state are amply sufficient to afford employment for half a century to a tenfold larger number of vessels than have yet engaged in it. by a carefully compiled estimate, it has been ascertained that in prosperous times the annual product of our _pineries_ is hard upon ten million dollars. large as this sum is, it is the opinion of those who are well qualified to form an estimate, that it may easily be surpassed by the product of our hard timber. take for example the region around saginaw bay, which is perhaps the most remarkable locality in the world as respects the quality and variety of hard wood timber. here, for near a hundred miles in extent, upon streams debouching into the bay, are dense forests of the choicest oak, with a profusion of hickory, black walnut, white ash, whitewood, and other desirable varieties. the manufacture of agricultural implements, as well as many other articles that afford employment to the toiling millions of the old world, must receive a new impetus when it is found that wood admirably adapted to their construction can be had direct from our forests at the moderate rate at which it will bear transportation. so of birds-eye maple for cabinet ware, red elm for carriage hubs, and other varieties applicable to specific uses. we have designated only such as abound in great plenty. the profusion of the growth is in fact equaled only by its accessibility, the whole country being so permeated by streams that it can be floated off with very little trouble. the saginaw district, important and extensive as it is, comprises but a small portion of our hard-wood lumber region. in addition to numerous almost interminable forests in the north, equally accessible and almost equally valuable, there are extensive regions in the interior where timber abounds of such choice quality as to abundantly warrant railroad transportation hither. although some of the shipments last season were of the far-famed canada oak, shippers all concur in assuring us that the michigan timber was held in as high estimation, if not higher, than any other offered in the foreign market. a most significant fact, coming right to the point, came under our observation a few months since. in the summer of , five passenger cars for the michigan southern road were built at adrian, which unprejudiced judges pronounced the finest ever built in the united states. every foot of timber in them--as well as every pound of iron--was of michigan production. last spring, after being in use some twenty months, these cars were for the first time overhauled for repairs, along with a number of eastern cars which had been in use for a like period of time, when it was found that the latter, owing to the inferior quality of timber, cost for repairs nearly as many dollars as the michigan cars did cents! we have the authority of gentlemen of the highest respectability for stating this as a literal fact. the following is a complete list of the vessels which cleared for european ports the past year, together with the character of their cargoes, respectively, and the port to which they sailed:-- bark d. c. pierce, staves, liverpool. " allies, lumber and staves, cork. " w. s. pierson, lumber and staves, greenock. " massillon, lumber and staves, liverpool. brig j. g. deshler, staves, glasgow. " caroline, lumber and staves, liverpool. " black hawk, staves, london. schr r. h. harmon, staves, liverpool. " j. f. warner, staves, liverpool. " gold hunter, staves, cork. " dousman, staves, london. " valeria, lumber and staves, liverpool. " vanguard, staves, liverpool. " grand turk, lumber, hamburg. " st. helena, lumber and staves, cork. " chieftain, lumber and staves, london. " c. h. walker, lumber and staves, liverpool. " m. s. scott, lumber, hamburg. " e. bates, lumber and staves, liverpool. " h. barclay, staves, london. " republican, lumber and staves, cadiz. " messenger, staves, &c. calais. of the above, messenger cleared from buffalo; the pierson and republican hailed from milan, ohio; the massillon and valeria from cleveland; the scott loaded at st. joseph, and was sent out by a milwaukee house; all the others either loaded at this port, or were owned or chartered here. eight of the number were chartered by messrs. aspinwall & son, and two of the others were owned here. the following is the aggregate amount of lumber and staves shipped to europe the past year, exclusive of the cargoes from cleveland, milan, and buffalo:-- west india staves no. , standard pipe staves, no. , lumber, feet , [a quebec standard pipe is equal to four west india staves.] the lily of kingston, was the first vessel that ever passed down from the lakes to the ocean, bound to an european port. her destination was liverpool. this was about the year . she afterward sailed in the quebec and liverpool trade, but was lost, we believe, on her third ocean voyage. as collateral to this trade, an important commerce has sprung up between the lake cities and the atlantic ports which promise to increase rapidly. prior to , the passage of vessels from the welland canal to the ocean was of very rare occurrence. as a matter of curiosity, we present a complete statement of the vessels which have passed through the canal bound for atlantic or european ports, with the year of sailing, avoiding a repetition of the list above given. the dean richmond, and those clearing in and , all sailed for europe. those designated in this list as having sailed in , all cleared for atlantic ports: american steam revenue cutter dallis. " canadian barque arabia. american barque eureka. canadian schooner scotia. canadian schooner cherokee. canadian bark reindeer. american schooner dean richmond. american bark c. j. kershaw. " english schooner madeira pet. american brig black hawk. " american schooner r. h. harmon. " american schooner col. cook. " american schooner correspondent. " american bark d. c. pierce. " american schooner d. b. sexton. " american schooner john e. warner. " american bark h. e. warner. " american bark c. j. kershaw. " american schooner c. reeve. " american schooner harvest. " american bark parmelia flood. american bark magenta. " american brig sultan. " american brig indus. " american brig kate l. bruce. " canadian schooner union. " american schooner kyle spangler. " american schooner muskingum. " american schooner adda. " american schooner clifton. " american schooner metropolis. " american schooner energy. " american schooner w. b. castle. " american schooner alida. " american tug uncle ben. " american tug cushman. " american schooner typhoon. " american schooner sarah hibbert. presuming that those who may hereafter become interested in this commerce, would like the benefit of the experience of those who have already embarked it, we have procured some valuable information for their benefit. first, as to the kind of timber most profitable to ship: although black walnut appears to be growing in favor, and where once it has been used is again inquired for, yet a decided preference is given to oak, with the qualities of which all are entirely familiar. choice, selected oak commands more money for cabinet purposes in all the foreign markets than the same quality of black walnut. contrary to previous expectation, it is not likely that the latter can ever be brought into general use in great britain. it is the greatest mahogany market in the world, and that wood is in universal use, particularly the common or cheap kind. if ever so common, it is not liable to warp, which cannot be said of black walnut, although, as we have before intimated, those who have worked it, praise it very highly. beech, elm and ash, are used for a great many purposes, and are in good demand, but oak commands more money than either of them, and is therefore the most profitable to ship at present. the fact is not generally known, but the information has been purchased at a dear rate, that the purchase of lumber for the foreign market by board-measure, instead of cubic, involves a heavy loss. in european markets all lumber is sold by the cubic foot, so that the cost of sawing is completely thrown away. black walnut, for example, cannot be laid down in detroit, or any lake port, under $ to $ per m., while the lumber can be obtained for $ to $ per m. cubic feet, , feet cubic measure being equal to , feet board measure. thus in purchasing by cubic measure, the buyer pays only $ to $ for an amount that by board measure would cost $ to $ , making a clear difference of _ninety dollars_ upon only one thousand cubic feet, equal to $ upon a cargo of some of the vessels engaged in the trade last year. the same rule would apply substantially to other kinds of lumber. independent of this, a decided preference is given to lumber in the log, owing to the good condition in which it can be delivered. there is one more point which manufacturers as well as shippers should bear in mind. the value of much of the lumber sent out was greatly impaired by being attached to the heart, which is the most porous part of the tree, and therefore most liable to crack. to obviate this objection the saw should pass upon each side of the heart, thus leaving the whole of it attached to a single piece of timber, instead of one or more pieces, and thereby making only one cull. by observing this rule a difference will be made in the market of thirty or forty per cent. are staves or lumber the more profitable to ship? this depends upon circumstances. last year it was very dull for both. for staves especially the season could not, for various reasons, have been more unfavorable. in the first place, the grape crop was a very short one, not only in france, but in all the vine countries, including the canaries. this, of course, greatly lessened the demand for staves, and there were consequently very few taken from england to france, although french vessels are in the habit of taking them for ballast at a merely nominal rate, owing to the difficulty they experience in procuring return freights from england. the short crops in canada and the great scarcity of money, forced an unusual number of laborers in that country into the stave and lumber business. under advices that heavy shipments were in prospect, coupled with the general check upon business on account of the war, prices became depressed. notwithstanding all this, the shipments hence, being early in the market, sold to advantage, and may therefore be considered as a signal success, under the circumstances. the smallest vessel going out from here netted a freight of $ , . the most striking feature with regard to detroit, in a commercial point of view, is her admirable location, which constitutes her the metropolis of a vast region, than which no city off the seaboard can boast one equally grand or important. the region embraces a circuit of some three thousand miles, composed of land and water, which both seem to vie with each other in contributing to the material prosperity of our city, while every interest involved is benefited in some degree by her. in the far north, where the rugged coast of the upper peninsula is lashed by the waters of the monarch of lakes, detroit enterprise assists in redeeming the hidden treasures of the earth from their state of profitless inertion. there is not a hardy delver in the mines who is not familiar with the skill of detroit machinists, nor an echo in all the majestic wilds skirting that noble expanse of waters, that has not been awakened by detroit steamers. further down upon the limpid waters of lake huron, where the army or rather the navy of fishermen set their nets for the capture of the finny tribes, here, too, our city possesses an interest almost as direct as if the canvas of their tiny crafts were spread within sight of her spires, the product comprising one of the most important staples in her multiform commerce. last, but not least, is the great lumber region with which the prosperity of michigan is so largely identified. the population of this region, as well as of the others we have referred to, raise almost literally nothing for their own consumption, their respective pursuits being inconsistent with that of tillers of the soil, so that in addition to the usual stores required by farmers, they have to purchase their breadstuffs and similar supplies. the bulk of these are bought of our dealers, this being not only the most convenient, but the cheapest and best market, as is amply proven by experience. under the appropriate head will be found a complete and authentic statement of the commerce of the saut st. mary canal, by which it will be seen that the aggregate value of the upward-bound freight is estimated at $ , , . the up-freight nearly all carried by steamers, of which the number running the entire season was seven, three from detroit, one from chicago, and three from cleveland. the detroit boats have generally been loaded to their utmost capacity, while we have the word of the cleveland captains to the effect that two-thirds of their cargoes are usually taken on at this port. we must therefore be clearly within bounds in claiming that three-fourths of the above amount is part and parcel of the commerce of our city which would show our lake superior exports to be $ , , . in seasons in which the crops of our canadian neighbors partially fail--a common occurrence within the past few years, but which we hope may never occur again--they naturally become our customers; and since the partial destruction of the wheat crop in ohio last summer by frost, there have been considerable shipments of breadstuffs to cleveland, toledo, sandusky, etc., which may very properly be included in the home traffic. the shipments of flour and grain for the supply of our home trade by lake craft, from the opening of navigation for the year , as appears by the books of our custom house, are as follows: flour. wheat. corn. port huron , , saginaw , cleveland , , , thunder bay green bay northport sandusky huron, o. toledo lake superior , other american ports malden , , chatham , , wallaceburg goderich , saugeen bayfield other canadian ports , there were also , bushels oats to port huron, and bushels do. to other ports, beside , bushels corn, and , bushels oats which were included in the heavy shipments to lake superior. we give the places for which vessels cleared; many of the shipments were for intermediate ports. besides the flour and grain there were large shipments of pork, butter, lard, meal, etc., etc. the above were all by water. there were in addition large local shipments to various points on the great western, the detroit and milwaukee, and other roads, that may with equal propriety be regarded as pertaining to the home trade. the article of corn is one to secure customers, for in canada it is not essential there should be short crops there. large amounts are taken for the supply of the numerous distilleries on that side. a single house in our city has sold the past year , bushels for that purpose. during the year commodities have been interchanged by lake craft between detroit and no fewer than sixty-three lake and river ports, to say nothing of the hundreds of towns and cities on the various railroads that are daily trading with us. we have not included those ports to which the bulk of our surplus produce is forwarded, but only such as come strictly within the scope of our subject. there are few places where trade develops statistics of similar character, or anything approximating thereto, while there are plenty of cities of no inconsiderable pretensions, and even great advantages, that would think themselves made if they possessed one-fourth the commercial facilities we enjoy. within the past year, by the opening up of new and most important channels of railway communication, our position with respect to the great railway system of the continent, is rendered all that could be desired. in that regard it is indeed difficult to point out how any improvement could be made. with respect to our local advantages, however, admirable as they are, there is yet much in store for us. the signs are far more favorable than at any former period for the rapid settlement of the state, as well as for the more adequate development of her resources. we are constantly receiving intelligence that some new source of wealth has been revealed within our borders, or that one previously discovered is likely to surpass the expectations at first entertained. these events must not only tend directly to hasten the settlement of the state, but also add in a still greater ratio to her commercial importance and her wealth. if we were to fail to refer, in this connection, to the law passed by our legislature last winter, providing for the reclamation of the "swamp lands," technically so called, and inaugurating an admirable system of state roads throughout all the upper portions of the state, we should be ignoring decidedly the most pregnant of the signs of promise. in adopting so well-timed and beneficent a measure, our law-givers have proved themselves worthy guardians of a commonwealth whose interests so plainly bespeak a much greater degree of wise legislation than has heretofore been wielded for her benefit. next in importance to these wholesome measures, is the law providing for the appointment of commissioners of emigration--one resident here, and the other stationed in new york. those seeking homes in the west have only to be made aware of the unequaled inducements presented by our state, to secure immense accessions to our population. detroit does not alone reap the benefit of her advantageous position. it is shared by all interests, but perhaps by none others to so great an extent as the tillers of the soil. it is a most significant fact that breadstuffs and provisions not unfrequently bring as high prices here as in new york, giving producers all the advantages at home of a seaboard market, and virtually putting the cost of shipment into their pockets. thus a farmer whose land possesses a nominal value of ten or twenty dollars per acre, can enjoy all the pecuniary advantages of a location near one of the largest eastern cities, where farms are valued at one to two hundred dollars per acre. this fact alone should go very far toward transforming our northern wilderness into cultivated fields. as a matter of interest, and to some extent of curiosity, we present a comparative statement exhibiting the ruling prices of extra michigan flour twice a month throughout the year, in detroit, new york and liverpool, and also the prices in the latter market, for the corresponding dates in the year : liverpool, ' . liv'l, ' . n. york, ' . detroit, ' . jan. st. a a a a " th. a a a a feb. st. a a a a " th. a a a a mar'h st. a a a a " th. a a a a april st. a a a a " th. a a a a may st. a a a a " th. a a a a june st. a a a a " th. a a a a july st. a a a a " th. a a a a aug. st. a a a a " th. a a a a sept. st. a a a a " th. a a a a oct. st. a a a a " th. a a a a nov. st. a a a a " th. a a a a dec. st. a a a a " th. a a a a the detroit mills manufacture excellent flour, and it is to be regretted that they are not capable of making a much larger quantity of their well-known brands. there are six flouring mills of different capacities in the city, and although they are generally at full work such is the demand for flour they make, that they are very often not able to supply their customers. these mills ought to be enlarged, or others built. detroit, the commercial metropolis of a great wheat-growing state, should be capable of manufacturing an immense quantity of flour. the increased expenditure of money, in the purchase of wheat, would be very beneficial to the trade of the city. for the last fifteen years, the exports of breadstuffs from the united states have fluctuated very much. in they amounted to nearly twenty-eight millions of dollars, and rose in to sixty-nine millions. in they fell to thirty-seven, and in to twenty-six millions. in they amounted to nearly thirty-three millions, and in they rose to about sixty-millions, but fell in to about thirty-nine millions, and again rose in to seventy-seven millions. in they again declined to about fifty millions. we cannot accurately detail the exports of , but they have been very light on account of fall in the european market, after the termination of the war in italy. during these years there were various causes for the remarkable fluctuations which we have noted; namely, famine in ireland, the crimean war, and the failures of the harvest at home and abroad, nor have these exportations been regularly divided or spread over the various months of each year. they have increased or diminished according to the european demand, governed by the supply at home and regulated by advices from the other side of the atlantic. it is likely that the export of breadstuffs in will be very considerable. michigan possesses many advantages over her sister states, and these enable her to bear up against monetary panics better than they. her immense length of lake coast is indented with excellent harbors, which invite commerce from every quarter, and furnish excellent outlets for her surplus produce or mineral wealth. the great and diversified resources of the state support her in the evil day, and bring her through a commercial crisis in safety. from the ushering in of the year to the close, there is not a day in which the marts of commerce are not enlivened by the contributions of grain or live stock from our fields, fish from our lakes, lumber from our forests, or ores of various kinds from our inexhaustible mines. according to the census returns of , the state of michigan produced , , bushels of wheat, there were flouring mills at work, employing hands, and producing , barrels of flour annually. in this state produced , , bushels of wheat, there were flouring mills at work, employing persons, and manufacturing , , barrels of flour in a year. it will be seen that the flouring mills have increased greatly both in number and capacity since , and that very large quantities of flour are now manufactured in the interior of the state, a circumstance which partly accounts for the comparatively small quantity of wheat that is now exported. the number of flouring mills have doubtless increased since , and as steam power has been applied in many instances their manufacturing capacity must now be very great. farmers are beginning to understand the importance of disposing of their produce near home, and having the surplus exported in a manufactured state, instead of sending away the raw material; the bran and "shorts" being very valuable for mixing with the food of horses, cattle, and swine. a flouring mill is a great benefit in a rural district, it furnishes the farmer with a home market, and when he receives the price of his produce, there are many domestic wants which must be supplied, and on this account we always see stores and mechanics' shops clustering around a mill, and villages springing up in places where the solitude of the forest was, until lately, unbroken by a sound. it is evident that the mill power of michigan is increasing rapidly, and that in future the greater part of the surplus grain crop will be exported in a manufactured state. in former years the prices of grain in the united states were controlled by the european markets, and consequently the grain trade of the western states was governed by the produce merchants in the atlantic ports, but lately the whole order of things seems to have been reversed, as breadstuffs of every kind were dearer in the western than in the eastern markets. there were several reasons for this anomaly. on account of the ravages of insects, and other causes which we have alluded to, farmers were induced to place very little reliance on the wheat crop, and many were driven into other branches of husbandry, and in some places wheat became scarce. add to this the rapid increase of the population which created a local demand for all kinds of food, and caused immense quantities of breadstuffs to be required in places where a few years before there was no market for anything. the rapid and extraordinary growth of detroit and all the western cities, and the formation of new settlements, created a home market for western produce, for the population of cities being consumers of the fruits of the land, instead of producers, have always a wonderful effect on the markets of their localities, and the pioneers in the forest or prairie must for a time depend on the older settlements for subsistence. from a defective system of agriculture the soil of the old states has been deteriorating for several years. in massachusetts the hay crop declined twelve per cent. from to , notwithstanding the addition of , acres of mowing lands and the grain crop depreciated bushels, although no less than acres had been added to the tillage lands of that state. in the wheat crop of new york was about twelve and a quarter millions of bushels, and only nine millions in , a decrease of per cent., while the indian corn in the same state increased during the same period from about ten to twenty millions of bushels. the harvest of , found several parts of the country entirely destitute of flour, and the farmers with a fixed and firm determination never again to allow themselves to run out of the staff of life. the number and capacity of the flouring mills have increased considerably since , so that it is probable that there are at present more than three hundred of them at work in the state, and the number of hands employed by them cannot be much less than twelve hundred. it is probable that they are now capable of manufacturing , , barrels of flour annually, and this quantity would require , , bushels of wheat. add to this the large quantity of seed required for sowing an increased breadth of land, and the portion of the crop kept for domestic use, and the result will be sufficient to explain the reason why so little wheat has been exported from michigan this season. there are about , families in this state who depend on agriculture for subsistence; all of these had suffered more or less inconvenience from failure of the wheat crop, and the high price of flour for the last few years, and it is no wonder that they should endeavor to secure a full supply of wheat or flour of the produce of the late harvest, and a very large portion of the crop was disposed of in this way. since the reciprocity treaty came into operation, there has been considerable exportation of flour from detroit to canada on account of the repeated failures of the wheat crop in that country, and thus a new market for michigan produce has been opened near home. some of these sources of demand are trifling when standing alone, but the aggregate makes a very large amount. it is considered that about half the produce of the wheat crop still remains in the hands of the farmers and may be expected to reach the market gradually. michigan wants woolen and cotton, and various other factories to provide employment for the over-crowded population of her cities and villages, and to open a market for all her produce. the farmers of great britain and ireland could not pay the high rents and taxes which are imposed on them, were it not for their proximity to the great manufacturing cities of england. the cotton factories of manchester, the woolen factories of leeds and huddersfield, the hardware works of birmingham and sheffield, and the potteries of staffordshire, employ hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children, who consume the fruits of the soil, and create a steady demand for the farmer's stock and grain. all these manufactures were fostered by protective laws until they had attained a magnitude and importance which enabled them to protect themselves by the wealth of their proprietors and the excellence of their products. large cities always afford a market for farm produce, and on this account exert a very beneficial influence on agriculture. the population of london is about two and a half millions, and they are possessed of so much wealth, and are so fastidious in their requirements, that almost every part of the world contributes to supply them with the necessaries or luxuries of life. the rapid growth of the cities of michigan afford a home market for the fruits of the soil. a great deal of land in the old settlements of this state has been exhausted by a too frequent repetition of the wheat crop, and is now being employed as pasture for sheep and cattle. after remaining in grass for a few years, this land will be in excellent condition for producing wheat, especially when fertilized with that plentiful supply of barn-yard dung which the raising of stock always produces. there are some varieties of wheat which are much better suited to the climate and soil of michigan than others, as they are in a great measure able to withstand the combined attacks of wheat insects and the various diseases to which the plant is liable. these are now fast supplanting the worn out grain, and as every malady has its cure or preventive, it is probable that the introduction of the best kind of seeds, the alternation between grass and tillage, and the supply of rich manure which the raising of stock creates will have a very great tendency to improve the wheat crop of this state. it is remarkable fact although the wheat crop has rather declined in the majority of states, the corn crop has steadily increased in all of them. thus in , the entire corn crop of the united states amounted to , , of bushels; in it was nearly , , , of bushels. the crop of was between and , , and that of was fully , , of bushels. taking into consideration the large breath of land planted in and the damage by frost, we might with safety set down the crop as amounting to , , bushels. last year our importations from indiana were large, but since the new crop came in, that state has been shipping largely toward the ohio river, and we get comparatively little. the immense distilleries of cincinnati consume a very large quantity of corn annually, and indiana is beginning to find a good market in that quarter. the demand for michigan corn is always active on account of its excellent milling qualities, and on this account it generally sells from wagons as high, or a shade higher than the outside figure for western corn from store. the corn crop of illinois has been much injured by the frosts of june and july, and on this account the receipts in chicago up to this date have been much lighter than usual. the european potato crop has been greatly damaged by rot, and it is probable that a large export of corn will take place from this country in order to supply a deficiency occasioned by this failure. it is said that several new york capitalists have gone west and purchased corn and provisions, storing them up until next spring, anticipating at that time a considerable advance in price. the generality of farmers have sorted their corn carefully this year and used up the unripe and inferior part for feeding hogs and cattle: there is a large quantity of very good corn in the country, which will no doubt command a good price in the spring. indian corn is one of the staple productions of michigan, and can be raised with success in any suitable soil in the lower peninsula. according to the statistics of this state produced nearly , , of bushels that year. it is probable that the census of the present year will show a vast increase in the amount. in the value of this crop in all the states amounted to nearly $ , , , being about equal to the united values of the wheat, hay, and cotton crops, and it has perhaps doubled since that date. in fact the value of the corn crop to michigan and all the other states can not be estimated, as it is much used for the food of man and all the domestic animals, and to it the american farmer is indebted for much of his prosperity, for without it he would not be able to bring his cattle and hogs into the market at the right time and in proper condition. heretofore the amount of pork packed has always been insufficient to meet the demand, and the deficiency has been supplied by importations from other cities, chiefly from cincinnati. this season not only has there been a considerable increase in the number packed, but the market opens a great deal duller than last year, when the canada trade and the building of the detroit and port huron link of the grand trunk railway induced a fair demand. cincinnati is the greatest provision market on the continent or in the world. at that place speculation has been quite rife for the past two or three years, operators obtaining a controlling interest in the stock for the purpose of putting up prices. last year the plan did not work well, owing to various causes, one of which was the small number of works in progress, such as railroads, etc., the supply of the laborers upon such works, being the life of the provision trade. heavy losses were sustained, but it is said that the sufferers were a different class from that regularly engaged in the trade. this season the speculative fever has again prevailed. the issue has yet to be revealed. last year nearly , head of cattle were slaughtered here, all of which were forwarded to lake superior as soon as packed. the price of mess beef has ranged from $ . to $ . . about the first of july prices reached their highest point. during the fall the range has been from $ . to $ . . when the marshy lands, skirting our watercourses in st. clair, macomb, wayne, and monroe counties, shall have been drained, (which will, no doubt, be consummated at no distant day,) a large tract will be rendered available for grazing, which will prove equal for that purpose to any in the union. butter and cheese will then become a leading article in our commerce. potatoes constitute another of our staple products, and, in seasons of scarcity elsewhere, large purchases are made for shipment, but being generally based on present demand, they can hardly be called speculative. the crop of was rather meagre, and last spring and summer prices ruled high, going up to $ . for a short time in june. last year we had an abundant crop, since which, under a limited export demand, prices have ruled low. the receipts at this point, from all sources, did not vary greatly from , bushels, of which , bushels were exported, chiefly to ohio and the upper country. it is claimed, that southern michigan produces more fine fruit than any other locality of the same extent in the united states, if not on the globe. at the same time almost every quarter of the state is constantly improving both in quality and quantity. this fact is creditable to the sagacity of our agriculturists, for probably in nothing else can an equal amount of profit be realized with the same outlay. our market is not an important one for live stock, much of the greater share of the receipts by rail being through freight. our wholesale market is mainly governed by that at the east, buyers for shipment are always on the look-out, and whenever anything can be purchased that affords even a moderate margin, it is promptly taken. extra cattle are always sought for by our butchers, and command full rates. a spirit of emulation on the subject of fine stock is pervading the minds of our farmers, and, as a consequence, its quality is rapidly improving. at the last state fair, the display of cattle was such as to elicit the admiration of good judges from abroad. there are so many interests claiming the attention of our agriculturists, that the idea of becoming famous as to _quantity_, is perhaps precluded; if so, they may well rest content in the attainment of high rank in point of _quality_. the raising of fine sheep is constantly attracting more and more attention, and from the progress already made by our state, she bids fair at no distant day to take a position in advance of all her sister states. the year opened with rather flattering prospects for wool-growers. the last year's stock was nearly exhausted before the new clip came into the market. prices of woolen fabrics were advancing, and bid fair to rule high. on the eve of the wool season prices declined in the eastern markets, although there was no particular reason for this unfavorable turn. it was considered at the time, that the fall in prices was occasioned by a regular combination among buyers to break down the market. the news of the passage of the ticino by the austrians, and the actual commencement of hostilities in italy, arrived in this country before the wool was brought into the market, and this circumstance was seized on as a pretext for lowering the price of the new clip. buyers were very industrious in circulating reports that a general european war was commencing, and, as it was not known how affairs would terminate, it would be unsafe for american buyers to make investments in the wool trade, except at prices that would leave a large margin for profit. it was fortunate that farmers did not take the same view of transatlantic complications, for they refused to sell except at remunerating prices, a decision which caused some of the eastern buyers to retire from the market in disgust. almost the entire press of michigan supported the views of the farmers on this occasion, and declared that they could see no reason why the war in italy should affect the prices of wool in america, especially as all the domestic clip, and a very large quantity of foreign wool would be manufactured in this country. michigan produces excellent wool. there are numerous flocks of french, spanish, and saxon merinos in this state, which have been selected or bred with the greatest care, and the wool produced by them cannot be surpassed in any of the western states. there are also flocks of coarse-wooled sheep which produce heavy fleeces, and when fattened for the butcher make excellent mutton. in the wool clip of this state was about , lbs., in something over , , lbs., and it amounted to nearly , , lbs. it will be seen by these figures that it has nearly doubled during the last nine years. there are but few woolen manufactories in michigan, and the most of the wool clip of this state is purchased by eastern manufacturers. a considerable portion of it goes to boston and other parts of massachusetts. we want a large woolen factory in detroit, where everything that is necessary for its operation can be easily procured. we want more manufactories of every kind in michigan. our city is largely interested in the shipping business, and its trade gives employment to a larger number of side-wheel steamboat lines than any other three cities on the entire chain of lakes. during the last season, the following regular lines of steamers were in successful operation: detroit and cleveland. detroit and toledo. detroit and sandusky. detroit and saginaw. detroit and new baltimore. detroit and maiden. detroit, g. bay and buffalo. detroit and lake superior. detroit and port huron. detroit and chatham. detroit and wallaceburg. detroit and gibraltar. two of the above routes sustain opposition lines, and to the list might be added the line of lake steamers to buffalo, and the line to goderich, which though not run last year, will probably be in successful operation the coming season, making in all sixteen lines. it is significant that the late financial revulsion, which fell with such crushing weight upon the shipping interest all over the country did not occasion the withdrawal of any of our steamboat lines, save one. as a still more striking fact, we may state that until last season none of the cities located in the vast region between the foot of lake michigan and the foot of lake erie, has for many years past supported a single line of steamers that did not make detroit a terminus. last year a line was put in successful operation between buffalo and cleveland, and another between the latter place and toledo, but it ought to be added that both of these were established by detroit enterprise. in addition to the line above enumerated, we have daily lines of propellers to ogdensburg, buffalo, dunkirk and to the upper lakes, which do an immense freighting business. we are indebted to captain j. h. hall, the public-spirited proprietor of the detroit shipping-office for following statement of the number of vessels that passed detroit in : _number of vessels passing detroit, ._ no. times. steamers passed up, propellers, " barks, " brigs, " schooners, " , ----- total number up, , no. times. steamers passed down, propellers, " barks, " brigs, " schooners, " , ----- total number down, , greatest number passed up in one day, eighty-five; greatest number down, seventy-three. the number of entries and clearances reported at the custom house during the year is as follows: arrived. cl'd. jan. feb. march april may june july aug. sept. oct. nov. dec. during the past year the amount of total losses has been light, not greater, probably, than the number of vessels built, so that although the classification is slightly changed, there is no material change so far as concerns the aggregate tonnage. detroit owns, therefore, _nearly one-sixth of the entire tonnage of the lakes_. as a matter of some interest we present a comparative statement showing the tonnage, steam, and total, of a number of the more important maritime places in the country, taken from the report of the register of the treasury on commerce and navigation: steam tonnage. total tonnage. new york , , , new orleans , , philadelphia , , baltimore , , pittsburg , , cincinnati , , chicago , , st. louis , , boston , , buffalo , , detroit , , charleston, s. c. , , the following exhibits the number and tonnage of vessels owned in this district--nearly all of them in this city--on the st of december, : number tons. ths steamers , propellers , barks , brigs , schooners , scows and all others , --- ------ -- total , in , --- ------ -- increase in two years , the following was the aggregate tonnage of the lakes in december : american. side-wheel steamers register tons , propellers do. , tugs (propellers) do. , barks do. , brigs do. , schooners do. , scows do. , ---- ------- total , canadian. side-wheel steamers, register tons , propellers do. , tugs (propellers) do. barks do. , brigs do. , schooners do. , scows do. ---- ------- total , the michigan central was the first railroad built in the state, and since its completion has been known as one of the best managed in the west. its beneficial effects to the region of country through which it passes, is incalculable. on its line, have sprung up a number of beautiful towns and villages as if by magic, while many of those that had an existence prior to its construction have grown into flourishing cities. ypsilanti, ann arbor, jackson, marshall, battle creek, albion, kalamazoo, niles, and others that might properly be included, all located upon this road, are beautiful places, noted for their thrift and enterprise as well as for their rapid advances in all that pertains to well-regulated cities. their commerce is rapidly increasing and the country along the entire route will vie with that traversed by the great thoroughfares of any of the older states along the seaboard. the central was commenced and partially built by the state, but in , passed into the possession of the company now owning it, who completed it to chicago. a telegraph line has been in use for some years past along the entire line of the road, with an office at each station, by which means the exact position of each train may be at all times known at each and every point. to this admirable system may be attributed in a very great degree the extraordinary exemption of the road from serious accidents, while its advantages are very great in every point of view respecting the general management. the eastern terminus of the road being at detroit, it has the full advantages of the numerous connections at this point, the great western and grand trunk railways, the important steamboat route from cleveland, the lines of detroit and buffalo propellers with their immense freight traffic, as well as the numerous other steamboat routes of which our city is the nucleus. at chicago it has the advantages of connection with all the roads radiating from that flourishing city. freight is now taken from chicago to portland without breaking bulk but once. an important "feeder" is the joliet cut-off, by means of which it has a direct connection with st. louis, via the chicago, alton, and st. louis railroad. an important arrangement was consummated last summer with the latter road, for the direct transmission of freight between this city and st. louis. fifty cars have been diverted to this route, under the name of the "detroit and st. louis through freight line." the time between the two cities is thirty-eight hours. the advantages of this line to shippers are very considerable, and the arrangement is adding, and will continue to add, materially to the commerce of our city. a commendable progressive spirit has latterly been evinced by the managers generally, of our railroads, in the transmission of freight, especially live stock and grain. the improvement is a most grateful one to shippers, who have ordinarily quite enough anxiety and vexation to suffer in the fluctuations of the market and subjection to unlooked for and onerous charges, without having superadded unreasonable exposure and deterioration of their property while en route to market. in this movement the management of the central has fully sympathized. their stock and grain cars have received high commendations from those for whose benefit they were intended. the entire equipment of the road is such as to comport with them; the safety, comfort and convenience of the public, being constantly kept in view, regardless of the cost incurred. the three staunch and magnificent steamers belonging to the company, the plymouth rock, western world and mississippi, owing to the hard times have been laid up at their dock since the fall of , to the great regret of the public generally, as well as to the detriment of the business interest of our city. with the return of a more prosperous era they will doubtless be again placed in commission. the line formed by these boats is the most pleasant and expeditious medium of communication between the east and the west and southwest, and cannot fail to be well patronized, especially now that the dayton and michigan railroad is completed, which will bring a large amount of both freight and passenger traffic by way of detroit that formerly sought other routes. the rolling stock now on the road consists of ninety-eight engines, seventy first class passenger cars, twelve second class cars; twenty-nine baggage cars, and two thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight freight cars, making a total of two thousand eight hundred and eighty-nine cars and all of which were built in the company's own shops. this road is one hundred and eighty-eight miles long, and has been in operation throughout its whole extent since november, . it is deserving of the distinctive appellation of the _back bone road of michigan_, having been of incalculable value in developing the resources of the region through which it is located, decidedly one of the richest and most important in the west. the principal towns and cities upon its line are pontiac, fentonville, st. johns, ionia, grand rapids and grand haven. the growth of these places has received a great impetus since its completion, while numerous villages have also sprung into being as if by magic at various points along the line. these changes are plainly visible in the improved trade of our city, and the increase from the same cause, must continue to be strongly marked. last season over one-fourth of the wheat and wool received here was by this new route, and a number of vessels loaded at the company's noble and spacious wharf for european ports direct. within the year past, the company have completed one of the finest railway wharves in the world. it is , feet long by broad, the west end of which is occupied by the freight house, the dimensions of which are by feet. one of the most important events to detroit and the entire west, that has transpired for many years, is the completion of this great thoroughfare. the link from port huron to this city was opened to traffic on the st of november, since which date the businesses crowding upon it has fully equaled its capacity. it is the minerva of railways, having reached at a single bound a condition of prosperity outrivaling many of the oldest established roads on the continent. it possesses important advantages over any other road both for freight and passenger traffic. being of uniform gauge, no change of cars will be necessary from sarnia to portland; and being also under the management of one corporation, it affords better facilities for the protection of passengers and the preservation of their baggage than where they are required to pass over lines under the control of different and perhaps conflicting corporations. having only one set of officers quartered upon its exchequer, it can afford to do business at lower proportionate rates, than a number of shorter lines, each having a different set to salary, while the delay and vexation which not unfrequently arise from short routes, being compelled to wait upon each other's movements, will all be avoided, which is certainly no small consideration both to passengers and shippers. the harbor of portland is one of the finest and most eligible in the world, and our immediate connection with a point of such importance is of itself a matter deserving particular mention. portland district, as appears by the official statement of the tonnage of the united states, made to june, , then owned , tons of shipping, being the ninth port in the union in point of tonnage; she is very largely interested in the west india trade, her annual imports of molasses exceeding those of any port in the united states. she offers, therefore, to the western states, peculiar facilities for procuring at a cheap rate the products of the west indies. the harbor is without any bar, and so easy of access that no pilots are required, and strangers, with the sailing directions given in the american coast pilot, have brought their ships into it with safety. there are no port charges, harbor dues, or light-house fees, excepting the official custom house fees. the grand trunk railway is likely to become the avenue through which an immense tide of immigration will pour into michigan. it will be a favorite route for emigrants, who will thus avoid the rascally impositions of the swindlers and peter funks of new york, who have given that city an unenviable notoriety throughout the world. it is predicted that more immigrants will hereafter come by the new route than by all others put together. there is no valid reason why this prediction should not prove strictly true. this is therefore a matter likely to be of vast importance to our state, with a large share of her territory as yet an unbroken wild, offering tempting inducements to the hardy settler. the completion of this stupendous bond of connection between the eastern and western states, canada and europe, will render markets available which were before difficult of access, and enable far-distant countries to exchange their products at all seasons. the grand trunk may be called the first section of the pacific railroad, as it already communicates with the mississippi through michigan, illinois and wisconsin railroads, and we expect to see the line completed from the mississippi to california. it is not easy to form an estimate of the amount of traffic and intercourse that the , miles of grand trunk railway will bring to michigan and the neighboring states. a junction has been already formed with that model of western lines the michigan central by which freight and passengers reach chicago and the numerous lines which diverge from that great commercial city. it is probable that another junction will be made with the detroit and milwaukee railway by means of a branch from port huron to owasso. in this case there will be a direct line across michigan connecting with the milwaukee railroads by the ferry across the lake, and penetrating into iowa, minnesota, nebraska, and oregon by lines which have not yet been traced on the railway maps of the united states. the ostensible western terminus of this road is at windsor, opposite our city, but it is practically as much a detroit road as any that can be named. the connections with the other routes centering here is made by a number of ferry boats of the most staunch and powerful description. the receipts by this route of general merchandise consigned to the cities and points westward of us is immense, and it enjoys a large and growing local traffic. the main line of the southern michigan and northern indiana railroad, which taps a rich and important portion of michigan, is miles in length. the business on this line has recently shown a decided improvement. the d. and t. road, which is miles in length, was opened to traffic in january . it was built by the "detroit, monroe, and toledo railroad company," who leased it to the michigan southern road. it is now an important link in the great railway system extending from the east to the great southwest, of which system, detroit, from its favorable position, has become the centre and soul. since the opening of the grand trunk, in november, a large amount of freight has passed through, billed for liverpool direct, a species of freight which must steadily increase. l. p. knight is agent at detroit. the office is in the depot building of the detroit and milwaukee railway. the dayton and michigan railroad was completed last fall, placing us within a few hours' ride of the queen city of the west. this is justly regarded as a most important route to our city, and will develop new features to some of our leading business interests. the consumer of our state will have the benefit of lower prices for the products of kentucky, tennessee, louisiana, and the west indies. the want of direct communication between detroit and new orleans has long been felt. sugars and molasses can now be laid down here for fifty cents per lbs., including all charges from new orleans, via the mississippi and ohio rivers, and d. and m. railway, giving us, in a word, the benefits of as low freights in winter as in summer. with the cost of transportation thus reduced to a merely nominal standard, prices of southern products will be upon an average no higher here than in louisville. it is more than probable, nay, quite certain, that the advantages which must ultimately accrue to the state from our connection with cincinnati _per se_, if not so general, will be even more marked and important than those to which we have above referred. the prices of provisions will be equalized, giving our lumbermen and miners the benefit of reduced rates throughout most of the year, and when speculation is rampant, and the price of pork, the great staple of our neighbors, reaches an extreme figure--as has been the case for two successive seasons, and will be the case again--our farmers will reap the benefit of the movement. the growth of cincinnati is altogether without parallel in the world, taking into account the character of that growth--its _quality_, so to speak. all its great interests, particularly its manufactures, have kept pace with its numerical increase. it is indeed difficult to determine whether manufactures or commerce is most intimately identified with its prosperity. the connection with her will give us new and desirable customers for some of our surplus products, particularly our choice lumber. the entire line of the flint and pere marquette railroad, as located, is - / miles; track laid and completed, - / miles; additional length graded - / miles, the ties for which have all been delivered. it is thought that hereafter twenty miles per year will be completed without difficulty until the whole is completed. this road will be important in developing the resources of a very rich tract of country. on the line of amboy, lansing, and grand traverse railroad, the entire distance from owasso to lansing, twenty-six miles, is ready for the iron, except three miles. on the division from lansing to albion, thirty-six miles, the work of grading and furnishing ties is progressing, and some one hundred men at work. between owasso and saginaw, thirty-three miles, arrangements are nearly completed to start the work. the work of grading and preparing for the iron is done by local subscriptions, of which $ , per mile has been subscribed and is being paid. the existence of copper on the shores of lake superior appears to have been known to the earliest travelers, but it has been only a few years since it has entered largely into western commerce. but the country had long been a favorite resort for fur traders, and as long ago as , and perhaps still further back, the northwest company (british) owned vessels on lake superior. this organization was at that period the great trading company of the region in question, the operations of the hudson's bay company being confined chiefly to the region further north. at the period of which we speak, the bulk of the trading was done by means of birch canoes, some of them large enough to carry two or three tons. with these, the traders passed up to the indian settlements in the fall, with goods, provisions, and trinkets, usually returning to the trading posts during the month of june with the furs which they had procured in exchange. mackinac and the saut were trading posts at an early day. at a somewhat later period, the northwest company had an agency on an island in lake huron, not far from the month of saut river. the formation of the american fur company was of more recent date, that company dating its origin during the war of , or soon after. prior to the building of the canal, a number of steamers had been taken over the portage to lake superior, but so far as our knowledge extends, only one or two craft larger than a canoe were ever taken over the rapids, one of which was the schooner mink. she was built of red cedar, on lake superior, about the year , and was of some forty tons burden. she became the property of mack & conant, who had her brought down the rapids. in making the descent she suffered some injury by striking against a rock, but, notwithstanding this mishap, she lived long enough to ride out many a stormy sea, running for several years in the trade between buffalo and the city of the straits. shubael conant, esq., at this day an honored citizen of detroit, was one of the firm that purchased the mink. in the spring of , the fleet on lake superior consisted of the schooner white fish, belonging to the hudson's bay company, the siscowit, belonging to the american fur company, and the algonquin, owned by a mr. mendenhall. the same year the schooners napoleon, swallow, uncle tom, merchant, chippewa, ocean, and fur trader, were all added. in , the propeller independence, the first steamer that ever floated on lake superior, was taken across the portage, and the next year the julia palmer followed her, she being the first side-wheel steamer. in the winter of - , the schooner napoleon was converted into a propeller. in , the propeller manhattan was hauled over by the messrs. turner, and the monticello in , by col. mcknight. the latter was lost the same fall, and col. mck. supplied her place the next winter with the baltimore. in or , e. b. ward took over the sam ward, and col. mcknight took the propeller peninsula over in the winter of or . in the spring of , the saut canal was completed, since which date the trade with that important region has rapidly grown into commanding importance. it will be seen by the table below that the importations of machinery, provisions, supplies, and merchandise, for the past year amounted to $ , , , while the exports of copper, iron, fur and fish amount to $ , , . the following are the names of the steam craft now regularly employed in this trade: s. b. illinois. prop. mineral rock. s. b. lady elgin. prop. montgomery. s. b. north star. prop. northern light. prop. marquette. prop. iron city. a number of other steam-craft made occasional trips last year, and next season it is expected that another line will be placed on the route permanently. the detroit shipping-office has published the names of ninety-six sail vessels that have been engaged in the iron trade the past year. rapid as this trade has increased, it is destined, no doubt, to yet undergo a still greater transformation. the latent resources of the upper peninsula are of a character and magnitude that defy all estimates of their future greatness. with regard to the importance of the trade to our city, and the steps to be taken to retain it, ample comments have already appeared in the _tribune_, both editorially and in the form of communications, to which we can add nothing. the aggregate amount of tolls collected in may, july, august and september, was $ , . , a large increase over the corresponding months last year. including the probable amount for the months not reported, and we have at the lowest not less probably than $ , , as the tolls for . number of passengers: may, , ; june, , ; july, , ; august, , ; september, , ; october, , . it is _now_ almost universally admitted that the state of michigan possesses in her soil and timber the material source of immense wealth. while in years past it has been difficult to obtain satisfactory information concerning the real condition and natural resources of a large portion of the surface of the lower peninsula, the re-survey of portions of the government land, the exploration of the country by parties in search of pine, the developments made by the exploring and surveying parties along the lines of the land grant railroads, and the more recent examinations by the different commissions for laying out the several state roads under the acts passed by the last legislature, have removed every doubt in reference to the subject. the universal testimony from all the sources above mentioned, seems to be that in all the natural elements of wealth the whole of the northern part of the peninsula abounds. the pine lands of the state, which are a reliable source of present and future wealth, are so located and distributed as to bring almost every portion of the state, sooner or later in connection with the commerce of the lakes. the pine timber of michigan is generally interspersed with other varieties of timber, such as beech, maple, white-ash, oak, cherry, etc., and in most cases the soil is suited to agricultural purposes. this is particularly the case on the western slope of the peninsula, on the waters of lake michigan and along the central portion of the state. on the east and near lake huron, the pine districts are more extensively covered with pine timber, and generally not so desirable for farming purposes. there are good farming lands, however, all along the coast of lake huron and extending back into the interior. a large proportion of the pine lands of the state are in the hands of the canal company, and individuals who are holding them as an investment, and it is no detriment to this great interest, that the whole state has been thus explored and the choicest of the lands secured. the developments which have thus been made of the quality and extent of the pine districts, have given stability and confidence to the lumbering interest. and these lands are not held at exorbitant prices, but are sold upon fair and reasonable terms, such as practical business men and lumber men will not usually object to. it is a remarkable fact that almost every stream of water in the state, north of grand river, penetrates a district of pine lands, and the mouths of nearly all these streams are already occupied with lumbering establishments of greater or less magnitude. those lumber colonies are the pioneers, and generally attract around them others who engage in agriculture, and thus almost imperceptibly the agricultural interests of the state are spreading and developing in every direction. the want of suitable means of access alone prevents the rapid settlement of large and fertile districts of our state, which are not unknown to the more enterprising and persevering pioneers, who have led the way through the wilderness, and are now engaged almost single-handed in their labors, not shrinking from the privations and sufferings which are sure to surround these first settlements in our new districts. the grand traverse region, with its excellent soil, comparatively mild climate, and abundance of timber of every description, is attracting much attention, and extensive settlements have already commenced in many localities in that region. the coast of lake michigan, from grand river north, for upward of one hundred miles to manistee river, presents generally a barren, sandy appearance, the sand hills of that coast almost invariably shutting out from the view the surrounding country. north of the manistee, however, this characteristic of the coast changes, and the hard timber comes out to the lake and presents a fine region of country extending from lake michigan to grand traverse bay and beyond, embracing the head waters of the manistee river. this large tract of agricultural land is one of the richest portions of the state, and having throughout its whole extent extensive groves of excellent pine timber interspersed, it is one of the most desirable portions of the peninsula. grand traverse bay, the manistee and the river aux becs scies are the outlets for the pine timber, and afford ample means of communication between the interior and the lake for such purposes. the proposed state roads will, if built, do much toward the settlement of this region. a natural harbor, which is being improved by private enterprise, is found at the mouth of the river aux becs scies, and a new settlement and town has been started at this point. this is a natural outlet for a consideration portion of the region just described. the lands here, as in other localities in the new portions of the state, are such as must induce a rapid settlement whenever the means of communication shall be opened. the valley of the muskegon embraces every variety of soil and timber, and is one of the most attractive portions of the peninsula. the pine lands upon this river are scattered all along the valley in groups or tracts containing several thousand acres each, interspersed with hard timber and surrounded by fine agricultural lands. the pere marquette river and white river, large streams emptying into lake michigan, pass through a region possessing much the same characteristics. this whole region is underlaid with lime rocks, a rich soil, well watered with living springs, resembling in many features the grand river valley. beds of gypsum have been discovered on the head waters of the pere marquette. the unsettled counties in the northern portion of the state, the northern portion of montcalm and gratiot, isabella, gladwin, clare and a portion of midland, are not inferior to any other portion. there is a magnificent body of pine stretching from the head of flat river in montcalm county to the upper waters of the tettibiwassee, and growing upon a fine soil well adapted to agriculture. this embraces a portion of the saginaw valley, and covers the high ground dividing the waters of lakes huron and michigan. the eastern slope of the peninsula embraces a variety of soil and timber somewhat different in its general features from other portions of the state. the pine lands of this region are near the coast of the lake, and lie in large tracts but with good agricultural land adjoining. there are in the lower peninsula, in round numbers, about , , acres of land. taking houghton lake, near the centre of the state, as a point of view, the general surface may be comprehended as follows: the muskegon valley to the southwest following the muskegon river in its course to lake michigan. the western slope of the peninsula directly west, embracing the pine and agriculture districts along the valleys of several large streams emptying into lake michigan. the large and beautiful region to the northwest embracing the valley of the manistee and the undulating lands around the grand traverse bay. northward, the region embraces the head-waters of the manistee and au sauble, with the large tracts of excellent pine in that locality, and beyond, the agricultural region extending to little traverse bay and the straights of mackinaw. to the northeast, the valley of the au sauble, and the pine region of thunder bay. to the east, the pine and hard timber extending to saginaw bay. to the southeast, the saginaw valley; and to the south, the high lands before described in the central counties. that portion of the state south of saginaw and the grand river valley is so well known that a description here would be unnecessary. thus we have yet undeveloped over half the surface of this peninsula, embracing, certainly, , , to , , of acres, possessing stores of wealth in the timber upon its surface, reserving soil for the benefit of those, who, as the means of communication are opened, will come in and possess it, and thus introduce industry and prosperity into our waste places. we have not the figures at hand, but it is probable that at least one-tenth of the area north of the grand river is embraced in the pine region. the swamp lands granted to the state will probably cover nearly double the area of the pine lands proper. the remainder for the most part is covered with a magnificent growth of hard timber suited to the necessities of our growing population and commerce. the statistics herein furnished will give some idea of the importance and value of the lumber traffic in this states. the trade in pine timber, lumber, shingles and other varieties of lumber, with the traffic in staves form one of the most important branches of manufacture and commerce in our own state, and this trade alone is now accomplishing more for the development and settlement of the country than all other causes in operation. the lumber manufactories in detroit and its suburbs are eleven in number. the following are the names of the proprietors and the amount cut last year by each: ft. lumber. pcs. lath. h. a. & s. g. wight , , , , samuel pills , , , -- moffat (est) , , h. b. benson , , w. warner & co. , brooks & adams , , baughman, hubbard & co. , , , , kibbee, fox & co. , , , n. reeve , , davis & david , , copeland , , ---------- --------- total , , , , the aggregate of capital employed by these mills is $ , , . the above amount is no criterion of their capacity. the same mills cut , , feet in , and nearly the same in , and their probable capacity is , , . warner & co., run their mill only about five weeks last year, and are now about retiring from business. one of the others sustained a temporary loss of business by fire. the product will in the aggregate be doubled next season. the logs sawed in detroit are procured from st. clair river, black river, mill creek and, belle river. as a large share of that sold here has been on contract, there has been no great fluctuation in the market at this point. on the first of july the rates by the cargo were $ a$ for clear and $ a$ for second clear; on the first of october, $ for clear, and $ for second clear. last winter and spring were very unfavorable for lumbering. owing to the small quantity of snow, but few logs were got out, and many of them being on small streams, owing to the failure of the usual spring freshets, were not sawed, so that upon the whole the mills of the state turned out only about half the amount of their capacity. the market opened in the spring with flattering prospects. buyers from a number of important points in the eastern states, previously deriving their supplies from maine, visited our state, anxious to secure contracts for choice lumber, and the opinion prevailed that the demand would exceed the supply. the prospect encouraged manufacturers to make unwonted exertions in turning out all the stock that could be rendered available, which involved increased expense. in some places, as was the case at saginaw, a very large amount was got out in the early part of the summer. about the close of june, the market experienced a sudden and unlooked-for depression, after which prices tended speedily downward, falling to such a low point before the close of the season that manufacturers on the west coast generally suspended their shipments. those on the east coast continued to ship, but their shipments to a very great extent still remain unsold. we are cognizant of , , feet held in that way by only four manufacturers. the accounts this winter are very favorable, but the idea that obtains, fixing the amount at a very high figure, is vague and erroneous. the true state of the case is, that manufactures, as a general thing, in view of the depressed condition of the trade, have been making calculations to do a light business, and got out their logs sooner than they expected, and will on the whole do rather more than they had anticipated, having gone into the woods lighthanded. the most experienced judges concur in fixing the amount of logs got out this winter on river st. clair, at port huron and saginaw bay, but not including the rivers above, at , , feet. in the saginaws, it is ascertained that about , , will be got out. taking the entire east coast, it is thought the logs this winter would exceed those of last by fifteen to twenty per cent. by custom house statements of shipments, added to actual receipts at one of the receiving points--chicago--it will be seen below that for a little over , , feet is the amount of shipments arrived at. these figures, taken in connection with the estimates of those competent to judge, render it certain that the actual amount shipped out of the state did not vary materially from , , feet. there being no penalty involved in the failure of masters of vessels to report, there is great carelessness in the matter. the cleveland, toledo and sandusky shipments, are at the outside, not more than half reported. those reported to buffalo, oswego, etc., are a little nearer the truth, but they fall considerably below the mark. the amount made in , did not vary materially from that shipped. in the district embracing the river st. clair, port huron and the lake shore, , , feet more were wintered over last year than this. on the west coast it was different generally, so that the variation in the aggregate cannot be much either way. the capacity of the mills in the pine lumber region is , , feet, or possibly a little more. as regards the amount of shingles made, even dealers are much in the dark. to add per cent. to the custom house returns would certainly be within bounds for the eastern coast. this would give , , as the amount. for the west coast, if we take the amount received at chicago, say , , , with an additional twenty-five per cent. for that received at milwaukee, and then estimate that two-thirds of the whole amount were from the west coast of michigan, which is doubtless true, we have , , as the amount shipped by the coast, making , , for the whole state. the improved demand for staves has greatly stimulated the production, and in localities where the production of pine lumber is decreasing, that of staves is taking its place. at saginaw , , were got out last year, and this year there will be full as much, or more. the greatest activity prevails, and dressing by machinery has been started. at lakeport, burchville, lexington, port sanilac, forester, point aux barque, and foresterville, , were got out last year; from port huron and st. clair , . the amount turned out in the whole state could not have been short of , , . an immense amount of lath were turned out. a mill that can turn out three millions of lumber, generally makes one million of lath. on this basis about , , must have been turned out. the supply generally exceeds the demand. the lumber on the east coast is worth at the mills $ per m.; that on the west coast $ . at the average of $ , the amount made last year would be worth $ , , . the value of shingles at $ per m., was $ , , and the lath at $ per m., are worth $ , . we are enabled to present a nearly complete list of names of owners, with the amount of capital respectively, which will be of some interest, both at home and abroad. so far as the east coast is concerned, the figures are in the main entirely reliable, being upon the authority of one of the best men in the state who knows whereof he advises. those for the west coast, thought not perhaps so strictly correct as the others, will as a general thing be found within bounds. we hope the statistics will prove an incentive to lumbermen to be more particular hereafter in furnishing information: black river. name. capital. j. & j. bayard $ , sweetser & bayard , comstock mill , davis' mill , r. wadham's mills , mill creek. bunce's mill , l. brockway mills , john h. westbrook , port huron. g. s. lester , haynes & baird , howard & bachelor , fish, two mills , welles , avery , bunce , hibbard , black river mill , lockport. farrand , burchville. woods, two mills , john s. minor , lexington. hubbard , jenks & co. , stevens & davis , hitchcock & co. , bark shanty. oldfield , forester. emely , gibraltar. colin campbell , algonac. daniels & ripley , smith , newport. e. b. ward , rust , b. s. horton , st. clair. moore & scott , w. truesdale mills , e. smith , smith & chamberlin , oaks & holland, two mills , st. clair , forestville e. b. ward , breckinridge , vicksburg. williams & mills, three mills , cheboygan. three mills , cherry creek. peninsular bank , huron county. luddington , hubbard & co. , donahue , armstrong & co. , smith & co. , w. r. stafford , pt austin company , crawford & co. , bay city. clark, ballou & co. , moore & smith , geo. lord & co. , saml. pitts , beeson & wheeler , beebe & atwood , henry doty , mcewing & brother , bangor mills , drake mills , henry raymond , catlin & jennison , miller & butterfield , frost & bradley , portsmouth. j. j. mccormick , portsmouth mill , budd's mill , partridge mill , h d braddack & co. , watson & southard , zilwaukee. j. j. westervelt , carrollton. name unknown , east saginaw. garrison & co. , i. hill , holland , copeland & co. , cushing & co. , l. b. curtis , wm. gallagher , atwater mill , saginaw city. v. a. payne , curtis & king , new mill , g d williams & son , d. rust & brother , tittibiwassee, pine river and swan creek. eight mills , cass, bad, and shiawassee rivers. seven mills , lapeer. d. farrer , w. williams , crofoot & baldwin , manwaring & co. , wm. peters , thorp's mill , h. d. torner , lawrence & m'arthur , wm. peter , sixteen small mills , n. h. hart , rogers & jenness , smith & jenness , smith , j. b. wilson , james farrell , white & peter , w. h. crapo , h. l. hemingway , pine run. mcfarren , montrose. name unknown , alpena and vicinity. g. n. fletcher & co. , lockwood & miner , harris & co. , smith & chamberlain , d. d. oliver , whitmore & co. , sanilac county. j. l. woods & co. , mason & luce , stevenson & davis , au sauble highlands. harris's mill , rifle river, saganin, coqualin, and sand beach. six mills , tuscola county. a. watson , w. a. hart , perry , others , edmunds & north , richardson & bro. , holmes , flint and vicinity. eleven mills , there are also others on the east slope of the lower peninsula, representing a capital of say--$ , . beyond the lower peninsula, there are some very heavy manufactories, particularly around green bay, (michigan) generally estimated at $ , , , but which it would be safe to put at--$ , . total capital, including detroit,-- $ , , western slope--ottawa county. name. capital. ferry & co. , w. m. ferry, jr. , joseph weld & co. , t. w. white & co. , becker & spoons , richard roberts , jno. haire , e. jewitt , plugger & nyn , howard & co. , ryerson & morris, mills , chapin, marsh & foss , smith, forbes & co. , trowbridge, way & son , j. b. bailey , porter & slyfield , c. davies & co. , durkee, truesdell & co. , george ruddmain , lewis & davis , eldridge & co. , carleton & co. , ferry & son , lind & slater , young, savedge & co. , amos norton , benj. smith , rhodes, cloyn & co. , hatch & merritt , c. hart , l. g. mason & co. , beidler & co. , mears & co. , hill & co. , colgrove & co. , wm. thompson , harris & co. , jno. ford , denton & co. , carleton & co. , jos. dalton & bro. , s. lawrence , edward dalton , e. w. merrill & co. , reed & co. , brown & grist , kent county. jennison & bro. , w. t. powers , seymour , gooch & webber , a. mcfarland , thos. myers , george funck , s. lapham , a. house , farrell & sons , j. c. clements , t. spencer , dewey & co. , reed & plum , n. h. withey , knickerbuck , robert konkle , a. roberts & son , white, worden & co. , c. c. comstock , d. porter , chase, harris & co. , c. w. taylor , d. caswell , hubbard, hitchcock & co. , newaygo county. newaygo company , name unknown , j. m. wood, mills , james botchford , r. p. mitchell , weaver , amos bigelow, , stony creek, oceana county. campbell, wheeler & co. , pere marquette, black creek and big sauble. c. mears & co., mills , spring creek. hopkins & co. , manistee. coles , mcvicker &ingleman , one near manistee , john c. haines , john stranch , grand traverse. hanna, lay & co. , a. s. wadsworth , white river. amos rathbone , mecosta. leonard, ives, & co. , montcalm county. bruce , slaght , e. gregory & co. , lelanaw county. averill & son , bec scie's river. r. gardner , chamberlin & co. , name unknown , harris & co. , ionia county. estimated aggregate , all others, on west slope, estimated , capital western slope , , total capital of state $ , , an intelligent gentleman who, at our instance, visited all the establishments around saginaw, and procured statistics, reports the amount of lumber manufactured as follows: place. no. of mills. feet. bay city , , portsmouth , , zilwaukee , , carrollton , , east saginaw , , saginaw city , , bad river , , rafted lumber , , ---------- total , , valuation, at $ . per m. $ , of the above lumber, , , has been shipped; the rest is now on the docks. shingles manufactured , , at $ . $ , lath " , , at . , oak staves and shipped , , at . , add lumber , -------- total $ , the supply of pine in some few localities is becoming exhausted, and some few mills have ceased operating. this is the case at lexington, but the machinery and capital have been taken elsewhere. at the present ratio of consumption, the supply of pine must rapidly become diminished, but profitable employment will then be found in the manufacture of hemlock and hard-wood. some little has already been done in the way of turning out hemlock. the manufacture of hard-wood lumber is increasing very rapidly. the copper interest of michigan was first brought into public notice by the enormous speculations and the mad fever of . the large spur of country which projects far out into the lake, having its base resting on a line drawn across from l'anse bay to ontonagon, and the porcupine mountains for its spine, became the el dorado of all copperdom of that day. in this year the first active operations were commenced at the cliff mine, just back of eagle river harbor. three years later, in , work was undertaken at the minnesota, some fifteen miles back from the lake at ontonagon. the history of the copper mines on lake superior shows that even the best mines disappointed the owners in the beginning. we give the facts relative to the three mines at present in the lake superior region to illustrate this. the cliff mine was discovered in , and worked three years without much sign of success; it changed hands at the very moment when the vein was opened which proved afterward to be so exceedingly rich in copper and silver, producing now on an average , tons of stamp, barrel, and mass copper per annum. the minnesota mine was discovered in , and for the first three years gave no very encouraging results. the first large mass of native copper of about seven tons was found in a pit made by an ancient race. after that discovery much money was spent before any other further indications of copper were found. this mine yields now about , tons of copper per annum, and declared, for the year , a net dividend of $ , . the dividends paid since amount to upward of $ , , on a paid-up capital of $ , . the same has been experienced at the pewabic mine. that mine commenced operations in the year , with an expenditure of $ , , which produced $ , worth of copper; the second year it expended $ , , and produced $ , of copper; in $ , of expenses produced $ , worth of copper; , the amount expended was $ , , and the receipts for copper $ , ; the total expense amounts to $ , , and the total receipts for copper to $ , , leaving an excess of expenses amounting to $ , , which is, however, amply covered by the extensive works established above and below ground at the mine. the pewabic will undoubtedly take its place among the dividend-paying mines of the present year. it is scarcely ten years that mining has been properly commenced in that remote region. at that time it was difficult, on account of the rapids of st. mary's river, to approach it by water with large craft. being more than a thousand miles distant from the centre of the union, destitute of all the requirements for the development of mines; every tool, every part of machinery, every mouthful of provisions had to be hauled over the rapids, boated along the shores for hundreds of miles to the copper region, and there often carried on the back of man and beast to the place where copper was believed to exist. every stroke of the pick cost tenfold more than in populated districts; every disaster delayed the operations for weeks and months. the opening of the saut canal has changed all this and added a wonderful impetus to the business, the mining interests, and the development of the lake superior country. nearly one hundred different vessels, steam and sail, have been engaged the past season in its trade, and the number of these is destined largely to increase year by year, an indication of the growth of business and the opening up of the country. for the growth in the copper interest we have only to refer to the shipments from that region year by year. these, in gross, are as follows: , tons. , " , " , " , " , " , " the same facts of development would hold generally true, with regard to the other industrial interests of that vast country. it remains yet almost wholly "a waste, howling wilderness." at marquette, portage lake, copper harbor, eagle river, eagle harbor, and ontonagon, and the mines adjacent, are the only places where the primeval forests have given place to the enterprise of man, and these in comparison with the whole extent of territory embraced in this region, are but mere insignificant patches. what this country may become years hence, it would defy all speculations now to predict, but there seems no reason to doubt that it will exceed the most sanguine expectations. the copper region is divided into three districts, viz., the ontonagon, the most northern, the keweenaw point, the most eastern, and the portage lake, lying mostly below and partially between the range of the two. in the first are situated the minnesota, the rockland, the national, and a multitude of other mines of lesser note, profit, or promise. in the cliff, the copper falls, and others. in the last are the pewabic, quincy, isle royale, portage, franklin, and numerous others. each district has some peculiarities of product, the first developing the masses, while the latter are more prolific in vein-rock, the copper being scattered throughout the rock. there have been since no less than copper-mining companies organized under the general law of our state. the amount of capital invested and now in use, or which has been paid out in explorations and improvements, and lost, is estimated by good judges at $ , , . the nominal amount of capital stock invested in all the companies which have charters would reach an indefinite number of millions. as an offset to this, it may be stated that the cliff and minnesota mines have returned over $ , , in dividends from the beginning of their operations, and the value of these two mines will more than cover the whole amount spent in mining, and for all the extravagant undertakings which have been entered upon and abandoned. while success has been the exception and failure the rule in copper speculations, yet it must be admitted that these exceptions are remarkably tempting ones. doubtless there is immense wealth still to be developed in these enterprises, and this element of wealth in the lake superior region is yet to assume a magnitude now unthought of. the copper is smelted mainly in this city, cleveland, and boston, the works in this city being the largest. there is one establishment at pittsburg which does most of the smelting for the cliff mine, we believe; one at bergen, n. y., and one at new haven, conn. there are two at baltimore, but they are engaged on south american mineral. the bruce mines on the canada side of lake huron have recently put smelting works in operation on their location. prior to this the mineral was barreled up and shipped to london, being taken over as ballast, in packet ships, at low rates. the amount of copper smelted in this city we can only judge by the amount landed here, but this will afford a pretty accurate estimate. the number of tons landed here, in , was , . the copper yield of lake superior will produce between and per cent, of ingot copper, which is remarkably pure. the net product of the mines for , is worth in the markets of the world nearly or quite $ , , . this large total shows the capabilities of this region and affords us some basis of calculation as to the value and probable extent of future development. beside the amount already noticed as landed here there were , tons brought to this city from the bruce mines, and sent on to london. the mineral of this location is of a different quality from that of lake superior and not near so productive of pure copper. the price of ingot copper in new york the past season has arranged from - / to - / cents per pound, averaging full - / cents. there are indications that michigan is slowly but surely taking the rank to which she is entitled in the manufacture as well as production of iron. the first shipment of pig iron of any consequence was made by the pioneer company in the fall of . dr. russell, of this city, is turning out large quantities. his works went into operation about two years and a half ago, but were burned after running sixty days. they were immediately rebuilt by the enterprising proprietor. the lake superior iron has been proclaimed the best in the world, a proposition that none can successfully refute. its qualities are becoming known in quarters where it would naturally be expected its superiority would be admitted reluctantly, if at all. it is now sent to new york and ohio, and even to pennsylvania--an agency for its sale having been established in pittsburg. for gearing, shafting, cranks, flanges, and, we ought by all means, to add, car-wheels, no other should be used, provided it can be obtained. a large amount of capital is invested in the iron interest in michigan, as the following figures prove: pioneer $ , jackson , collins , cleveland , lake superior and iron mountain r. r. co. , northern michigan iron company , wyandotte rolling mills , eureka iron company , dr. g. b. russell's , ford & philbrick's steam forge , --------- , , marquette is the only point on lake superior where the iron ore deposits have been worked. there are deposits of iron in the mountains back of l'anse, but this wonderful region leaves nothing more to be desired for the present. at a distance of eighteen miles from the lake, are to be found iron mountains named the sharon, burt, lake superior, cleveland, collins, and barlow, while eight miles further back lie the ely and st. clair mountains. three of these mountains are at present worked, the sharon, the cleveland, and the lake superior, and contain enough ore to supply the world for generations to come. the mountains farther back embrace tracts of hundreds of acres rising to a height of from four to six hundred feet, which, there is every reason to believe, from the explorations made, are solid iron ore. the extent of the contents of these mountains is perfectly fabulous, in fact, so enormous as almost to baffle computation. the ore, too is remarkably rich, yielding about seventy per cent. of pure metal. there are now in operation at marquette three iron mining companies, and two blast furnaces for making charcoal pig iron, the pioneer and meigs. the pioneer has two stacks and a capacity of twenty tons of pig iron per day; the meigs one stack, capable of turning out about eleven tons. the northern iron company is building a large bituminous coal furnace at the mouth of the chocolate river, three miles south of marquette, which will be in operation early in the summer. each of the mining companies, the jackson, cleveland and lake superior, have docks at the harbor for shipment, extending out into the spacious and beautiful bay which lies in front of marquette to a sufficient length to enable vessels of the largest dimension to lie by their side and to be loaded directly from the cars, which are run over the vessels and dumped into chutes, which are made to empty directly into the holds. the process of loading is therefore very expeditious and easy. the amount of shipments of ore for , from marquette to the ports below, reaches , gross tons in round numbers, and the shipments of pig iron, , gross tons more. to this must be added the amount at marquette when navigation closed, the amount at the mines ready to be brought down, and the amount used on the spot. this will give a total product of the iron mines of michigan for the past year of between _ninety and one hundred thousand tons_. these mining companies simply mine and ship the ore and sell it. their profit ranges between seventy-five cents and one dollar per ton. the quality of the iron of lake superior is conceded by all to be the best in the world, as the analysis of prof. johnson, which we reproduce, shows. the table shows the relative strength per square inch in pounds. salisbury, conn., iron , swedish (best) , english cable , centre county, pa. , essex county, n. y., , lancaster county, pa. , russia (best) , common english and american , lake superior , the manufacture of pig iron at marquette will probably be carried on even more extensively as the attention of capitalists is directed to it. the following may be considered a fair statement of the cost of producing one ton of pig iron at the pioneer iron co.'s works: - / tons iron ore, at $ . per ton $ bushels charcoal at cents per bushel fluxing labor incidental expenses ------ cost at the works freight on r. r. and dockage ------ cost on board vessel $ the quantity of wood required for charcoal for both furnaces, is immense. the pioneer furnace requires , bushels of coal in twenty-four hours; and in blast as they are, day and night, for six months, and at a yield of forty bushels of coal to a cord of wood, it would require , cords of wood to keep them going. the company has had , cords chopped this season. this vast consumption of wood will soon cause the country to be completely stripped of its timber. coal will then come into use. the business of manufacturing pig iron may be extended indefinitely, as the material is without limit, and the demand, thus far, leaving nothing on hand. these facts exhibit the untold wealth of michigan in iron alone, and point with certainty to an extent of business that will add millions to our invested capital, dot our state with iron manufactories of all kinds, and furnish regular employment to tens of thousands of our citizens, while our raw material and our wares shall be found in all the principal markets of the world. the superior fish, found in such profusion in our noble lakes and rivers, while they afford a highly-prized luxury for immediate consumption, from one of our leading articles of export, and are very justly regarded as constituting one of our greatest interests. it is estimated by men of intelligence that the value of our yearly catch of fish is greater than that of all taken in fresh waters in the thirty-two remaining states of the union. this may at first blush seem like a broad assertion, but it is no doubt strictly within bounds. if the claim be not too much of the nature of a truism, we may add that so far as quality is concerned the superiority of our finny tribes is even more strongly marked than in regard to quantity. in the sluggish streams that abound in "ten degrees of more effulgent clime," the fish partake of the slimy properties of their native element; it is only in the limpid waters of the north that they are found of flavor so unexceptionable as to please an epicurean taste, or exalt them to the dignity of a staple of commerce. fish possess peculiar qualities to commend them as an article of food, independent of the arbitrary preference of the epicure. they are universally esteemed as a wholesome and nutritious diet. in that pleasant work, irving's "astoria," a tribe of indians are described who subsisted entirely on fish, whose rotund appearance contrasted strongly with the physique of their brethren of the forest. the profusion with which the finny tribes propagate their species is a peculiarity said to be imparted to those who partake freely and regularly of them for food, a supposition which would seem to be strongly supported by facts. fishermen are proverbial for the number of their descendants. one of the tribe who dries his nets in sarnia, is the happy father of nineteen children, and we can cite numerous proofs almost equally striking in support of this theory. the fisheries have always been a leading subject in the government policy of seaboard nations. they are a prime source of revenue, and have been the cause of numerous wars. the serious controversy between the united states and great britain concerning the newfoundland fisheries, is still fresh in the memory of our readers. recently the earnest attention of the french government has been directed to propositions for the artificial propagation of fish, as a means of affording good and cheap food to the people at a merely nominal cost. the gradual diminution of the species, as well as the ultimate extinction of the large birds and quadrupeds, is everywhere a condition of advanced civilization and the increase and spread of an industrial population. to provide a remedy for the evil, the science of pisciculture has latterly attracted no small degree of attention, and, at this time, gentlemen prominently identified with our fishing interest have it in contemplation to stock lakes in the interior of michigan with a view to the prosecution of the science. most of the fish packed on lake huron, and rivers st. clair and detroit, find their way into the ohio market. the trade with that state has rapidly increased, but in its early stages it had some difficulties to contend with, to one of which we will briefly allude. some twelve or fourteen years ago, a large quantity of fish, not less than , to , barrels, which had been caught in lake superior, were in the possession of a single dealer, who had them stored in the large warehouse recently torn down at the detroit and milwaukee railway depot. he had opportunities to dispose of them at $ per barrel, but refused to sell them for less than $ , and the result was that they were kept so long that many of them spoiled. they were complained of as a nuisance, and , barrels were turned out into the river at one time. part of the lot was, however, sent to ohio, and the effect was, for a time, extremely prejudicial to our trade, requiring a great deal of explanation before the cincinnati dealers could be again induced to stand in the position of customers. but when confidence once more became fairly restored, the circumstance seemed to have the effect to precipitate the trade between the two cities. at least it grew rapidly from that day, our neighbors purchasing freely of our staple articles and sending us sugar and molasses in return. thus, as in samson's time, honey was gathered from the carcass of the dead lion. ohio has become a very large consumer of our fish, and her influence is being extended rapidly into indiana. the habits of fish are as interesting as anything in the animal economy, constituting a beautiful study for the lover of nature; but this branch does not come within the scope of our article, and we must content ourselves with a brief description of the principal varieties, particularly such as are held in highest repute for packing, with such statistics as we have been able to procure. whitefish are more highly prized than any other kind found in our waters, being decidedly the most delicious in a fresh state, and when packed command a higher price than any other by $ per bbl. they are found in the straits and all the lakes. they spawn in the fall, in the straits, and in shoals and on reefs about the lakes. they are caught in seines, gill nets, trap nets, and with spears; never with hooks. those found in detroit river come up from lake erie regularly in the fall to deposit their spawn. they were found in our lakes and rivers in vast quantities when the white men first visited their shores. they constituted, with other kinds, the principal food of the white and indian voyagers as they coasted around the lakes, and were invaluable to the first settlers of the country, who, perhaps in some cases, but for the assistance they afforded, would have been compelled to relinquish their settlements. they could catch a supply at any time, and they then had an unfailing resort when their crops failed. whitefish were a great favorite with the indians. they would give many times their weight in trout or any other species in exchange for them. it is said that a person can subsist longer upon them than upon any other kind. their ordinary weight is from to lbs, length inches, though some have been caught weighing not less than lbs. they are a beautiful fish, and when first taken out of the water and struggle and flounder in the sun, they exhibit all the colors of the rainbow, but they soon expire, and when dead they are of a delicate white color. the trout, pike, and muscalonge devour them without mercy. some of these voracious kinds have been caught with the remains of six white-fish in them. the detroit river white-fish are more juicy and better flavored than those caught in the upper lakes, probably from the fact that they feed on more delicate food, but those found in lake superior surpass all others in size. they were once so numerous that eight thousand were taken at a single haul. at present a haul of one or two thousand is thought a very good one. in all the rivers they are growing scarce very gradually, but surely. the ratio of decrease cannot be arrived at with any degree of precision. a few years ago they were mostly taken with gill nets, and when they fell of in one place, a corresponding increase would be found in another. now they are taken with trap nets along the shore. the trap nets are a decided advantage over gill nets. they allow the fish to be kept alive, and they are taken out at leisure; they are therefore of better quality. pickerel are also held in high esteem. they are good either fresh, or salted and dried, and for packing, rank next in value to white, although held nominally at the same price as trout when packed. they generally run up the rivers and lakes in the spring to spawn, where they are caught in considerable numbers. average weight, lbs; large, lbs; common length, inches. lake or mackinaw trout are as voracious as pike. they are chiefly caught on lake huron with gill nets and hooks. saginaw bay appears to be a favorite resort with them. some winters large quantities are caught in the bay through the ice, with a decoy fish and spear. they spawn in the fall, generally in the bays and inlets. average weight lbs; large lbs. siscowits are mostly found in lake superior, and are preferred by some to any other kind. they are of the trout family, and for fat are unequaled; they are mostly taken in gill nets. they spawn in the fall, and are very superior for packing. they are also of some value for their oil. common weight pounds, length inches. large herrings are very good fish, found only in the straits and large lakes. they spawn in the fall; but few are caught. average weight - / pounds; common length inches. in addition to the above the muskelonge--a large and delicious variety--black and white bass, rock bass, perch, sturgeon, and at least twenty other kinds, abound in our waters; a minute description of which we are compelled to forego. whitefish are taken both spring and fall, chiefly the latter; spring is the season for pickerel; trout are taken at all seasons. something over a year since some excitement was occasioned by a mode of fishing adopted by a party of fishermen on detroit river, who stationed nets over a mile and a half in extent across the mouth of the stream, a proceeding that was not only calculated to destroy the value of the seine fisheries above, but which would ultimately have driven the fish out of the river altogether. a formidable opposition was of course arrayed against this unusual and unwarrantable proceeding, and the party found it expedient to desist, but the legislature, which met shortly after, failed to pass an inhibitive measure. this action, or rather want of action, would have been considered extraordinary in a state less favored by nature. we have fortunately been able to procure estimates of the amount of the catch at all the various fisheries, together with other leading statistics; and with the view of imparting to the subject a more general interest, we include two or three points beyond the limits of the state. the estimates are furnished by gentlemen of intelligence and experience, and may be relied on as substantially correct: sandusky fisheries, catch mostly sold fresh: whitefish, valuation $ , pickerel, bass, etc , value of seines and fixtures , paid for wages , maumee river, pickerel, white bass, etc., etc., mostly sold fresh: valuation $ , seines and fixtures $ , paid for wages , maumee bay and monroe county, michigan, white fish and pickerel: valuation $ , pounds, seines, and fixtures , paid for wages , detroit river, nearly all white: valuation $ , seines, fishing grounds, and fixtures , paid for wages , st. clair river and rapids, mostly pickerel: valuation $ , cost of fixtures , paid for wages , port huron to point au barque, , barrels, mostly white: valuation $ , au sauble , barrels, / white, the rest trout: valuation $ , boats, nets, etc. , paid for wages , thunder bay and vicinity, above sauble river, , barrels, mostly white: valuation $ , saginaw bay and river, , barrels pickerel and , white and trout: valuation $ , tawas, barrels, mostly white: valuation $ , between thunder bay and mackinac, barrels, mostly white: valuation $ , mackinac, including all brought there, , barrels, / or / white: valuation $ , beaver islands and neighborhood, , barrels, nearly all white: valuation $ , green bay in michigan, , barrels, all white: valuation $ , island between de tour and the saut, , barrels, / white, the rest trout: valuation $ , green bay in wisconsin, , barrels white and barrels pickerel, all packed: valuation $ , of the catch of lake huron, only an inconsiderable amount are sold fresh. on detroit river about , barrels were packed last year. having procured specific information of the cost of outfit and amount paid for wages at the sauble fisheries, we have taken such expenditures as the basis for those of all the upper lake fisheries in proportion to the catch, which in the main will doubtless prove substantially correct. at the sauble last season there were sixteen boats employed for two months, and eight for the rest of the season. the value of the boats was $ each, and the nets, etc., cost an additional sum of $ for each, making the aggregate value of the boats and their outfit about $ , . about forty men were employed on an average during the season, receiving a probable aggregate of $ , for wages. taking these outlays, etc., as a fair average, and we have the following result: from port huron to the beavers, inclusive, together with green bay in michigan, and the saut islands: cost of outfit $ , amount paid for wages , average number of men the amount shipped from lake superior, as appears from the report of the superintendent of the saut canal is , barrels. this is probably not a tithe of what might be done. the mouth of almost every stream in that region affords good fishing grounds, which is also true of most of the islands, particularly isle royale, where the siscowit is very abundant. the fisheries on the east coast of lake michigan have for about six years past increased very rapidly in importance, some years gaining per cent, on the year preceding. a few years since a party of norwegians came on and embarked in the business, which they have prosecuted ever since with advantage and profit. trained in the severe school of their rugged northern home, they exhibit the greatest daring, going out in their tiny craft during the heaviest gales. they frequently venture out twenty-five miles from shore, almost meeting their countrymen from the wisconsin side of the lake, who are engaged in the same hazardous calling. we have the following returns: little traverse, barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats, worth , paid for wages big point sauble, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , little point sauble, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , white lake, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , grand haven, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , saugatuck, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , south haven, , barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages , st. joseph's , barrels: valuation $ , , nets and boats , paid for wages new buffalo, barrels: valuation $ , nets and boats , paid for wages michigan city, , barrels: valuation $ , , nets and boats , paid for wages , showing an aggregate of , barrels, of which about , barrels are salted; valuation $ , ; value of fixtures $ , ; estimated amount paid for wages, $ , . the fishing grounds of michigan city are almost entirely within our state. the number of barrels include those sold fresh as well as salted, there being a considerable quantity of the former, in some of the fisheries last named, michigan city and new buffalo especially, from whence they are sent packed in ice to the different towns in michigan; also to lafayette and indianapolis, indiana, to louisville, kentucky, to cincinnati, and also to chicago, where they are repacked in ice, and some of them find their way to st. louis, cairo, etc. from st. joseph and grand haven there are large quantities sent fresh to chicago and milwaukee, where they are repacked in ice. at a fair estimate for the few small fisheries on this coast from which we have no return, together with those on the west coast of lake michigan, they are worth at least $ , , but we have no data by which to form an estimate of the proportion packed. the number of men employed, and the consequent expense, varies according to the method employed. with seines the occupation is very laborious, and requires a much stronger force than pound nets. one set of hands can manage a number of the latter. some of the fisheries on detroit and st. clair rivers use seines altogether, to draw which, horse-power is brought into requisition in some cases. a double set of men are employed, working alternately day and night, and the exposure is a most disagreeable feature of the business, particularly in bad weather. the great bulk of the aggregate catch continues to be taken with seines or gill nets, but pound (or trap) nets are on the increase. they have been in use below lake huron more or less for the past four or five years, but it is only about two years since their introduction in the upper lakes. with these nets barrels of white-fish have been taken at a single haul. of course their general use must produce a material diminution in the supply. as regards capital invested, there is in particular instances a wide difference. george clark, esq., nine miles below detroit, has $ , invested in his grounds, owing mostly to the cost of removing obstructions. but this is an exception. the barrels for packing constitute no inconsiderable item of this vast and important trade. their manufacture is a regular branch in port huron, but most of them are made by the fishermen when not engaged in their regular vocation. they are made at all the villages and fishing stations on lake huron, pine being generally easy of access. the barrels are worth - / cents each; half-barrels, cents. over two-thirds of the packages used are halves, but our estimated totals of the catch represent wholes. formerly the nets used also to be made almost entirely by the fishermen, who usually procured the twine from detroit. latterly, many of them have been brought from boston already made. salt is another large item. for packing and repacking, about one-fourth of a barrel is used to each barrel of fish. for the amount packed, therefore, in the fisheries we have described, about , barrels are used. total proceeds of michigan fisheries $ , total proceeds of all enumerated , total capital invested , paid for wages , aggregate of barrels salted, say , bbls. cost of packages , cost of salt , the catch at the sauble and thunder bay showed a falling off last season, owing not to the want of fish, but to the unfavorable weather. at these points they congregate only from october to the close, and the weather being very rough last fall, the catch was comparatively light. mackinac has been famous as the greatest fishing point on the lakes. gill nets are mostly in vogue. the work in that locality is mostly done by half-breeds, in the employ of the merchants, the latter furnishes the salt, and paying them in trade, of which the outfit generally constitutes a part. but with the late general depression, prices declined some thirty or forty per cent., and consequently the business, previously quite lucrative, lost its attraction for the time being. the merchants advanced the means in summer, and could not realize until the ensuing year. small holders were obliged to sell, some of the time by forcing the market, and this added to the difficulty experienced by large holders in obtaining returns. much has been said in reference to the coal fields of michigan, and within the past two or three years, explorations, with a view of developing these deposits, have been conducted in different portions of the state. there is no longer any doubt of the existence of a valuable field of coal in central michigan. there have been openings at different points in the state; at jackson and sandstone, in jackson county; at owasso and corunna in shiawassee county; at flint in genesee county, and at lansing, coal has been found deposited in veins of from twenty inches to four feet in thickness. most of the openings have been upon veins outcropping at the surface of the ground, and there has been little difficulty in procuring samples of coal from these veins in many localities in the state. these deposits of coal found at, and near the surface, are producing coal in limited quantities in different localities, but no works have been prosecuted with a view to supplying any but a limited local demand. from the surface evidences of a coal field on the line of the detroit and milwaukee road near owasso, and from explorations and developments already made, some specimens of the coal having been produced and shipped to detroit, it has been determined to prosecute the work at that point. in jackson county, however, the matter of mining has become an enterprise of some magnitude, and we are enabled to give some facts and figures which exhibit in some measure the importance to the state of this new branch of industry. there are several "workings" of coal in the vicinity of jackson, and several companies have been formed for the purpose of mining coal. considerable coal has been mined and sold from these different workings and mines. the principal mine, and one which in all its arrangements and provisions is equal to any mine in the country, is that of the detroit and jackson coal and mining company. the works of this company are at woodville station on the line of the michigan central railroad, about three and a half miles west of jackson city. the mine is situated on the north side of the railroad and about half a mile from the main track. the coal company have built a side track from the central road to the mouth of their shaft. the shaft from which the coal is taken is ninety feet deep, and at the bottom passes through a vein of coal about four feet in thickness. this vein has been opened in different directions for several hundred feet from the shaft, and with a tram-road through the different entries the coal is reached and brought from the rooms to the shaft, and then lifted by steam to the surface. this coal has been transported to different points in the state and is rapidly coming into use for all ordinary purposes, taking the place of many of the ohio coals and at a reduced cost. the mine to which reference is made is within _four hours'_ ride of detroit, on the central road, and a visit of two hours (which can be accomplished any day, by taking the morning train, leaving the city at and returning so as to reach here at half past six in the evening,) will repay any one for the trouble. the station is called woodville, and is only three and a half miles west of jackson. michigan, hitherto a heavy importer of salt, is in a fair way not only to have amply sufficient for her own wants, but something perhaps to spare. to aid in developing our saline resources, the legislature wisely provided a bounty upon the production, which has already brought forth good fruits. at grand rapids, salt water has been discovered much stronger than that of the syracuse springs, requiring only twenty-nine gallons to produce a bushel.--arrangements have been almost perfected for commencing the manufacture upon a very extensive scale. at saginaw, within a few days, at the depth of feet, copious volumes of brine were revealed. this is also stronger than any in new york. from some cause, it is sought to keep this information a secret, but it is fair to presume it would soon have leaked out. the salt both at grand rapids and saginaw, is a beautiful article, of great purity. when nature formed the grand river and saginaw valleys, she seems to have been engaged in an animated contest with herself. the developments are such as to warrant the conviction that other and perhaps equally valuable salt springs lie hidden in the intervening space between those valleys. these and other discoveries plainly indicate that the employment of a large amount of capital in developing the latent resources of michigan would amply "pay." the inexhaustible plaster beds of grand rapids constitute one of the prime sources of prosperity of that enterprising metropolis of the grand river delta. our whole state has also a great interest in the trade, the material being, it is admitted, a better fertilizer than the imported article. chapter xv. desirableness of a trip to the lakes -- routes of travel -- interesting localities -- scenery -- southern coast -- portage lake -- dr. houghton -- ontonagon -- apostles' islands -- return trip -- points of interest -- st. mary's river -- lake st. george -- point de tour -- lake michigan -- points of interest -- chicago. a trip to the northern lakes, for variety and beauty of scenery to such as are seeking enjoyment and pleasure, possesses advantages over every other route of travel in the united states, and with the exception of the works of art and the classical associations of the old world, is unsurpassed by any on the globe. to such as are in quest of health, no comparison can be instituted, as it has been demonstrated that the northwest, especially in the region of the lakes, possesses the most invigorating climate in the world. a reference to the mortuary tables removes all doubt on this point. in the town of marquette, on lake superior, containing a population of over three thousand, there were during the last year but eight deaths, and only a portion of that number was from disease. our object in this chapter is to notice the various routes of travel to the interesting localities in the northwest. during the summer months the most pleasant mode of conveyance is by water. the hudson river boats, compared with which no inland steamers are superior, leave, every day, the foot of courtland street for albany. by taking passage on an evening boat, after a quiet night's rest the traveler will find himself at albany the next morning, where he can take the cars for buffalo, at which point he will be able to take a steamer for detroit. from thence he can take a steamer for superior city, passing through lakes st. clair and huron, and up the saut st. mary to lake superior. on the route from the saut he will pass the following points, point iroquois, white-fish point, point au sable, pictured rocks, grand island, marquette, manitou island, copper harbor, eagle harbor, eagle river, ontonagon, la point, bayfield and point de tour. the usual time occupied in passing over this route is about twenty-four hours. in leaving the saut above the rapids the steamer enters lequamenon, passing iroquois point fifteen miles distant on the southern shore, while gros cap, on the canada shore, can be seen about four miles distant. the porphyry hills, of which this point is composed, rise to a height of seven hundred feet above the lake, and present a grand appearance. north of gros cap is goulais bay, and in the distance a bold headland named goulais point can be seen. indeed the whole north shore presents a scene of wild grandeur. near the middle of lequamenon bay is parisien island which belongs to canada; opposite to this island on the north is seen croulee point, an interesting locality in the vicinity of which are numerous islands. still further on the steamer passes mamainse point, another bold headland once the seat of the works of the quebec copper mining company, but now abandoned in consequence of their unproductiveness; some fifteen or twenty miles further north, is located the montreal company's copper mine. the traveler has now fairly entered the vast mineral region of lake superior, and passes along a coast hundreds of miles in extent, "abounding in geological phenomena, varied mineral wealth, agates, cornelian, jasper, opal, and other precious stones, with its rivers, bays, estuaries, islands, presque isles, peninsulas, capes, pictured rocks, transparent waters, leaping cascades, and bold highlands, lined with pure veins of quartz, spar and amethystine crystals, full to repletion with mineral riches, reflecting in gorgeous majesty the sun's bright rays, and the moon's mellow blush; overtopped with ever verdant groves of fir, cedar, and mountain ash, while the back ground is filled up with mountain upon mountain, until, rising in majesty to the clouds, distance loses their inequality resting against the clear vault of heaven." on the southern shore, beyond white fish point, immense sand hills can be seen rising from four hundred to one thousand feet in height. after passing pictured rocks, which we have elsewhere described, the steamer approaches grand island, the shores of which present a magnificent appearance. this island is about one hundred twenty-five miles from the saut and is about ten miles long and five wide. it is wild and romantic. the cliffs of sandstone broken into by the waves form picturesque caverns, pillars, and arches of great dimensions. forty-five miles further is the town of marquette one of the most flourishing places on the borders of the lake, and the entrepot of the vast mineral wealth in that region. near this place are the carp and dead rivers, both which have rapids and falls of great beauty. sailing in a northwestern direction the steamer passes standards rock, a solitary and dangerous projection, rising out of the lake at the entrance of keweenaw bay. at the head of this bay stands the harbor of l'anse a short distance from which are located a roman catholic and methodist mission house and church, both of which, on each sides of the bay where they are located, are surrounded by indian tribes and settlements. passing along, the steamer enters portage lake an extensive and beautiful sheet of water extending nearly the entire breadth of the peninsula of keweenaw point, which is a large extent of land jutting out into lake superior, from ten to twenty miles wide and sixty in length. this whole section abounds in silver and copper ores. after passing manitou island, copper harbor, one of the best on the lake is reached. at this place there is a flourishing village. the next points are agate harbor, eagle harbor, and eagle river harbor. it was at this point that the lamented dr. houghton was drowned in october . he was the state geologist of michigan, and while coming down from a portage to copper harbor, with his four indian companions _du voyage_, the boat was swamped in a storm about a mile and a half from eagle river. two of the _voyageurs_ were saved by being thrown by the waves upon the rocks ten feet above the usual level of the waters. the next point, three hundred and thirty-six miles from the saut, is ontonagon situated at the mouth of a river of the same name. a flourishing town is located here having several churches. in its vicinity are the minnesota, norwich, national, rockland, and several other copper mines of great productiveness; silver is also found intermixed with the copper ore, which abounds in great masses. la point, four hundred and ten miles from the saut and eighty-three from superior city, which is next reached, is situated on madeline island, one of the group of the twelve apostles. it was settled at an early day by the jesuit missionaries and the american fur traders. the population is mixed, consisting of indians, french, canadians and americans. it has long been the favorite resort of the "red man" as well as the "pale face," and possesses a historic interest to travelers. the adjacent islands of the twelve apostles grouped together a short distance from the main land, present during the summer months a most lovely and beautiful appearance. cliffs from one to two hundred feet, may be seen rising above the waters, crowned with the richest foliage. passing rayfield, a village on the mainland, and ashland, a settlement at the head of chag-wamegon bay, and the maskeg and montreal rivers, the steamer, after rounding point de tour, enters fon du lac, a noble bay at the head of lake superior, twenty miles in width and fifty miles in length, on the shore of which stands superior city, near the mouth of st. louis river. this is a flourishing place, possessing great commercial importance, and which, at no distant day, must be connected with the mouth of the columbia river and puget sound. on the return trip coasting along the northwest, the steamer passes numerous points of interest. at the extreme west end of lake superior, seven miles northwest from superior city, stands the village of portland. along the shore northward are bold sandy bluffs and highlands which are supposed to be rich in mineral wealth. encampment, the name of a river, island, and village, is a romantic spot. immense cliffs of greenstone are to be seen rising from two hundred to three hundred feet above the water's edge; northward along the shore porphyry abounds in great quantity. this point is noted for the singular agitation of the magnetic needle. hiawatha, grand portage, pigeon bay, pie island, thunder cape, and thunder bay, surrounded by grand scenery; isle royale, fort william, a strong post of the hudson bay company. black bay, nepigon bay, on the extreme north of the lake. st. ignace island, state islands, pic island michipicoten island, formerly the seat of lake superior silver mining company of canada. montreal island, carabon island and other points of interest. re-entering the saut the steamer shapes her course for mackinaw. the garden river settlement, an indian village ten miles below the saut, is on the canada shore. a mission church and several dwellings occupied by chippewa indians may be found here. the st. mary's river presents the finest scenery. a traveler in describing it says, "there is a delicious freshness in the countless evergreen islands that dot the river in every direction from the falls to lake huron." the next point is church's landing on sugar island, opposite to which is squirrel island belonging to the canadians. lake george twenty miles below the saut is an expansion of the river which at this point is five miles wide. the steamer soon enters the nebish rapids, after passing lake george, and the main land of canada, stretching out to the north in a dreary wilderness, is lost sight of. sugar island which is a large body of fertile land belonging to the united states, near the head of st. joseph's island is next reached, and then in succession, nebish island, mud lake, another expansion of the river, lime island, carltonville, st. joseph's island, a large and fertile body of land belonging to canada, once the site of a fort; drummond island, belonging to the united states, and point de tour, at the mouth of the river, the site of a light-house and settlement. the other points of interest are round island, bois blanc, at the head of lakes huron and mackinac, all of which we have elsewhere described. at east the steamer enters the straits of mackinaw, and the site of the old fort and town heave in view. these straits are from four to twenty miles in width, and extend east and west about twenty miles. lake michigan now spreads out its beautiful sheet of water, second in size to superior, and invites the traveler to sail along its shores and among its islands. the points of interest are, la gros cap, a picturesque headland; garden and hog islands, great and little beaver islands, fox island, on the west of which is the entrance to green bay, and on the east the entrance to grand traverse bay, the great or north manitou, and the little or south manitou islands, kewawnee, two rivers, manitoulin and sheboygan, port washington, milwaukee, racine, waukegan and other places of minor importance. after passing the localities on the western shore, at length chicago is seen in the distance, stretching along for miles and presenting a fine appearance. from this point the traveler can return to new york, by way of detroit, through canada on the railroad, or he may if he chooses take a southern route. such are the facilities for travel that the tourist will be at no loss during the entire season in finding excellent steamers and good accommodations. steamers of the first class leave cleveland on mondays, tuesdays, thursdays and fridays of each week, for lake superior, touching at the various ports on the route. persons in the west or south, who may desire to visit the lakes can thus be at any time accommodated. should the tourist prefer taking another route from buffalo, instead of passing over lake erie and up the detroit river, he can go direct to collingwood at the foot of georgian bay, and from thence can take steamer for saut st. mary, chicago or any other point he may desire in the northwest. the end. [illustration: cover of the boy pilot of the lakes by frank v. webster] [illustration: "sam fell into the water."--page .] the boy pilot of the lakes or nat morton's perils by frank v. webster author of "only a farm boy," "bob the castaway," "tom the telephone boy," "the young firemen of lakeville," etc. illustrated new york cupples & leon company publishers books for boys by frank v. webster mo. illustrated. bound in cloth. only a farm boy, or dan hardy's rise in life tom the telephone boy, or the mystery of a message the boy from the ranch, or roy bradner's city experiences the young treasure hunter, or fred stanley's trip to alaska bob the castaway, or the wreck of the eagle the young firemen of lakeville, or herbert dare's pluck the newsboy partners, or who was dick box? the boy pilot of the lakes, or nat morton's perils two boy gold miners, or lost in the mountains jack the runaway, or on the road with a circus _cupples & leon co., publishers, new york_ copyright, , by cupples & leon company the boy pilot of the lakes printed in u. s. a. contents chapter page i nat saves a boat ii a cry for help iii nat's brave rescue iv getting a job v nat in trouble vi an unexpected discovery vii nat has an accident viii in the pilot house ix a narrow escape x sam shaw appears xi captain marshall is angry xii the investigation xiii making a change xiv a blow and a rescue xv nat hears some news xvi just too late xvii planning a capture xviii nat's plucky piloting xix the accusation xx off again xxi nat intervenes xxii after bumstead xxiii bumstead escapes xxiv in a collision xxv bumstead's arrest--conclusion list of illustrations "sam fell into the water." frontispiece "he fell to the floor of the hold" "the storm enveloped the vessel" "shoot, then!" cried the mate the boy pilot of the lakes chapter i nat saves a boat "there's a rowboat adrift!" exclaimed one of a group of men who stood on the edge of a large pier at chicago's water front. "yes, and the steamer will sure smash it," added another. "she's headed right for it! it's a wonder folks wouldn't learn to tie their boats secure. whose is it?" "i don't know. it's a good boat, though. pity to see it knocked into kindling wood." "that's right." the pilot of the big freight steamer, which was approaching her dock after a voyage down lake michigan, also saw the drifting boat now, and, doubtless thinking some one was in it, he pulled the whistle wire sharply. a hoarse blast from the steamer's siren came across the water. the signal was one of alarm. at the sound of it a boy, who had been sitting on a box at the edge of the wharf, idly swinging his bare feet to and fro, looked up. he was a lad about fifteen years old, with brown eyes and a pleasant face. though clean, his clothes--what few he had on--were very much patched. "something's the matter," said the lad. "something in the path of the steamer, i guess," for he had been around the lake front so constantly that he was a regular water-rat, and he knew what every whistle signal meant. as the boy glanced out to where the steamer was he saw the rowboat, almost in the path of the big vessel, for the pilot of the freighter had shifted his wheel to avoid a collision, though changing his course meant that he could not make as good a landing as he had expected. "why, that rowboat's going to be smashed!" the boy exclaimed, repeating the general opinion of the crowd. "the steamer can't get up to the bulkhead without grinding it to pieces. there! he's reversing!" as he spoke there came across the narrow expanse of water the sound of bells from the engine-room--bells that indicated, to the practiced ear of the lad, the signal for the engineer to back the freight steamer. "that boat's worth saving," the boy murmured as he jumped off the box and went closer to the end of the pier. "i'm going to do it, too. maybe i'll get a reward." he lost no time in useless thinking, but, throwing off his coat with one motion and divesting himself of his trousers by another, he poised himself for an instant on the stringpiece of the pier, clad in his undergarments. "here! what you going to do?" yelled a special officer who was detailed on the pier. "nobody allowed to commit suicide here!" "who's going to commit suicide?" demanded the boy. "i'm going after that rowboat." "the steamer'll run you down!" "not much! didn't you hear the reverse signal?" the officer had, but he did not know as much about boats and their signals as did nat morton, which was the name of the lad about to leap into the lake. in fact, the big steamer, which had slackened speed on approaching the pier, was now slowly backing away. the action of the wind, however, and the waves created by the propeller, operated to send the rowboat nearer to the large vessel. with a splash nat morton dived into the lake, cleaving the water cleanly. when he shot up to the surface a few seconds later he was considerably nearer the boat, for he had swum under water as far as he could, as it was easier and he could go faster. few tricks in the swimming or diving line were unknown to nat morton. "that's a plucky lad," observed one man to another. "indeed he is," was the reply. "who is he?" "i don't know much about him, except i see him along the lake and river front every time a steamer comes in. what he doesn't know about boats and the docks isn't worth knowing. they say he can tell almost any of the regular steamers just by their whistles, before they can be seen in a fog." "well, he's a good diver, anyhow. guess he'll save that boat, all right. it's a nervy thing to do. he ought to get a reward." "so he had, but i don't suppose he will. probably some sailor tied his boat up while he went ashore, and the knot slipped. he'll never give the boy anything." "look! he's almost at her now." "so he is. say, but he's a swift swimmer. i never saw any one who could beat him." "me either. there! he's in the boat and he's rowing her out of the way." "that's right, and the crowd on the steamer is cheering him. guess that pilot's mad enough to chew nails. it'll take him ten minutes longer to dock now, on account of that rowboat getting in his way." "lots of pilots would have run right in, and not cared whether they smashed the boat or not," said a third man, joining in the conversation. "so they would, but john weatherby isn't that kind. he's one of the best and most careful pilots on the lake, but he's getting old. perhaps that's what makes him so careful." "maybe; but now the steamer's coming in. the boy has the boat out of the way. i've got to get my team. i'm expecting a big load this trip." "so am i," added the other two men, who were teamsters and freight handlers. they separated to get ready for the unloading of the cargo, which would soon follow the docking of the steamer, that was now proceeding again after the delay caused by the drifting boat. in the meanwhile, nat morton had climbed into the small craft, and finding a pair of oars under the seats, was propelling it toward a float from which it had drifted. he had paid little attention to the cheers of the crew of the freighter, who in this way showed their appreciation of what he had done. nat was anxious to find the owner of the boat, for he had in mind a possible reward. as he reached the float he saw a young man hurrying down the inclined gangplank that led to the top of the bulkhead. the youth seemed excited. "here! what are you doing in my boat?" he cried. "get out of it right away! i thought some of you dock-rats would try to steal it if i left it alone an hour or so." "oh, you did, eh?" asked nat as he stepped out on the float. "well, you're mistaken. next time you want to learn how to tie a knot that won't slip when you leave your boat, if you don't want it knocked into kindling wood by a steamer." "tie a knot! smash the boat! why--why--you're all wet!" exclaimed the other. "shouldn't wonder," observed the boy calmly. "the chicago river isn't exactly dry at this time of the year." he finished tying the boat, making a regular sailor's knot, and then started up the gangplank. clearly he might expect no reward from this man. "hold on a minute," said the owner of the boat. "i'm in a hurry," replied nat, "i want to get my clothes. they're up on the pier, and somebody might take a notion to walk off with 'em. not that they're worth an awful lot, but they're all i have. guess you'll have to excuse me." "going for your clothes? i don't exactly understand." "he jumped off the dock and got your boat, which went adrift right in the course of that steamer," explained a 'longshoreman who had listened to the conversation and who had seen what nat did. "plucky thing it was, too. if it hadn't been for him you wouldn't have any boat now." "is that so? i didn't understand. i thought he was trying to steal my boat." "steal your boat? say, you don't belong around here, do you?" "no. my father is the owner of a small steam yacht, and i am taking a trip with him. this is the first time i was ever in chicago. the yacht is tied out there, beyond some other vessels, and i took this boat and came ashore a while ago to see the sights. when i came back i saw that boy in my boat." "humph!" murmured the 'longshoreman as he turned away. "you want to take a few lessons in tying ropes. that boy did you a good service." "i see he did, and i'm sorry i spoke the way i did. i'll give him a reward." by this time nat was up on the pier from which he had jumped. he found his clothes, and put them on over his wet undergarments. the day was hot, and he knew the latter would soon dry. besides, he was used to being wet half the time, as he and other lads of his acquaintance frequently dived off the stringpiece and swam around in the lake. so when the owner of the rescued rowboat looked for the boy he could not see him. but he determined to make up for his unintentional rudeness, and so went after nat. he found the boy with a number of others crowded about the entrance to the freight office. "may i speak to you a few moments?" asked the young man. "guess you'll have to excuse me," replied nat. "i'm busy." "what doing?" "i'm waiting for a job. i may get one helping carry out some light freight, and i need the money." "how much will you get?" "oh, if i'm lucky i may make a dollar." "i'll give you more than that for saving my boat. i want to explain that i didn't understand what you had done when i spoke so quickly." "oh, that's all right," said nat good-naturedly. "but if you're going to give me a dollar i guess i can afford to quit here," and he stepped out of the line, the gap immediately closing up, for there were many in search of odd jobs to do about the dock whenever a steamer came in. "here are five dollars," went on the young man, producing a bank bill. "five dollars!" exclaimed nat. "say, mister, it ain't worth all that--saving the boat." "yes, it is. that craft cost my father quite a sum, and he would have blamed me if she had been smashed. i'm much obliged to you. i'm sorry i thought you were stealing her, but it looked----" "forget it," advised nat with a smile. "it's all right. i'll save boats for you regularly at this price." "do you work around the docks--er----" "my name's nat morton," said the lad. "and mine is john scanlon," added the other, and he explained how he had come to leave his boat at the float. "i don't know that i will have any more boats to save, as my father's yacht will soon be leaving for lake superior. wouldn't you like a place on her better than your regular job?" "my regular job? i haven't any. i do whatever i can get to do, and sometimes it's little enough." "where do you live?" "back there," replied nat with a wave of his hand toward the tenement district of chicago. "what does your father do?" "i haven't any. he's--he's dead." and nat's voice broke a little, for his loss had been a comparatively recent one. "i'm sorry--i beg your pardon--i didn't know----" "oh, that's all right," said nat, bravely keeping his feelings under control. "dad's been dead a little over two years now. he and i lived pretty good--before that. my mother died when i was a baby. dad was employed on a lumber barge. he had a good job, and i didn't have to work when he was alive. but after he was lost overboard in a storm one night, that ended all my good times. i've been hustling for myself ever since." "didn't he have any life insurance, or anything like that?" "not that i know of. i remember he said just before he went on--on his last trip--he told me if it turned out all right he'd have a nice sum in the bank, but i never heard anything about it. they found his body, but there was no money in the clothes, nor any bank books." "that's too bad. how do you get along?" "oh, i make out pretty well. i live with a mr. william miller and his wife. they're poor, but they're good to me. he's a 'longshoreman, and he works around the docks. i do, too, whenever there is any work to be had, and i manage to make a living, though it isn't very much of a one." "no, i presume not. perhaps if i speak to my father he might give you a position on his boat." "i'm much obliged to you," replied nat. "i like boats and the water. i'd like to be a pilot." "i'm afraid dad couldn't give you that job," answered young mr. scanlon. "we have a good pilot." "and i don't want to leave the millers," added the boy. "they've been good to me, and i want to pay them back. but isn't that some one calling you?" he pointed to a figure down on the float, where the boat was tied. "yes. that's the mate of my father's steam yacht. probably father sent him for me. well, i'll have to say good-by. i hope i'll see you again." "i hope so, too, especially if you have any more boats you want saved. i'm afraid five dollars is too much." "not a bit. take it and welcome." "it's more than i could earn in a week," went on nat as he carefully folded the bill and placed it in his pocket. "all the same, i think i'll try for a job here now. it looks as if they needed lots of hands, because the boat is late." bidding john scanlon good-by nat turned back to the freight office, in front of which there was now only a small throng looking for employment. chapter ii a cry for help owing to the time he had spent talking to the young man whose boat he saved, nat lost a chance of getting work in helping to unload the steamer. still he did help to carry some freight to the waiting trucks and drays, and for this he received fifty cents. but as he had five dollars, he did not mind the small sum paid him by the freight agent. "you weren't around as early as usual," remarked that official as he observed nat. "you usually make more than this." "i know it, but i had a job that paid me better," and our hero told about the boat incident. "another steamer'll be in day after to-morrow," went on the agent. "better be around early." "i will, thanks." then, as there was no further opportunity for work on the pier that day, nat started for the place he called home. it was in a poor tenement, in one of the most congested districts of chicago. but if there were dirt and squalor all about, mrs. miller did her best to keep her apartment clean. so though the way up to it was by rather dirty stairs, the rooms were neat and comfortable. "well, nat, you're home early, aren't you?" asked the woman, who, with her husband, had befriended the orphan lad. "yes, mrs. miller." "i suppose you couldn't get any work?" "oh, yes, i got some." "what's the matter, then? don't you feel well?" she could not understand any one coming away so early from a place where there was work, for work, to the poor, means life itself. "oh, i did so well i thought i'd take a vacation," and nat related the incident of the day. the boy's liking for the water seemed to have been born in him. soon after his mother had died his father placed him in the care of a family in an inland city. the child seemed to pine away, and an old woman suggested he might want to be near the water, as his father had followed all his life a calling that kept him aboard boats. though he did not believe much in that theory, mr. morton finally consented to place his son to board in chicago. nat at once picked up and became a strong, healthy lad. as he grew older his father took him on short trips with him, so nat grew to know and love the great lakes, as a sailor learns to know and love the ocean. soon nat began asking questions about ships and how they were sailed. his father was a good instructor, and between his terms at school nat learned much about navigation in an amateur sort of way. best of all he loved to stand in the pilot-house, where he was admitted because many navigators knew and liked mr. morton. there the boy learned something of the mysteries of steering a boat by the compass and by the lights on shore. he learned navigating terms, and, on one or two occasions, was even allowed to take the spokes of the great wheel in his own small hands. in this way nat gained a good practical knowledge of boats. then came the sad day when he received the news of the death of his father. though up to that time he had lived in comparative comfort, he now found himself very poor. for though, as he told john scanlon, his father had said something about financial matters being better after the delivery of the big load that was on the lumber barge on which he met his death, the boy was too young to understand it. all he knew was that he had to leave his pleasant boarding place and go to live with a poor family--the millers--who took compassion on the homeless lad. mr. miller had made an effort to see if mr. morton had not left some little money, but his investigation resulted in nothing. for about two years nat had lived with the millers, doing what odd jobs he could find. his liking for the water kept him near the lake, and he had never given up his early ambition to become a pilot some day, though that time seemed very far off. every chance nat got he went aboard the steamers that tied up at the river wharves. in this way he got to know many captains and officers. some were kind to him and allowed him the run of their ships while at dock. others were surly, and ordered the boy off. in this way he became quite a familiar figure about the lake front, and was more or less known to those who had business there. when mr. miller came home the night of nat's adventure he congratulated the lad on what he had done in the matter of saving the rowboat. "and i got well paid for it," added nat as he finished his story and showed the five-dollar bill. "there, mrs. miller, we'll have a good dinner sunday." "but i can't take your money, nat," objected the woman. "of course you will," he insisted. "that's what it's for. i owe you a lot of back board, anyhow. i didn't get hardly any work last week." "i hope business will be better next week," said mr. miller. "i didn't earn much myself these last few days." there was little to do at the pier the next day, and the following day quite a severe storm swept over the lake. the boats were late getting to the docks, and the longshoremen and freight handlers had to labor far into the night. "i don't believe i'll be able to get home to supper, nat," said mr. miller to the lad as they were working near each other on the dock late in the afternoon. "could you spare time to go up and tell my wife?" "sure. i'm almost done with taking out the light stuff. i'll go in about half an hour. shall i bring you back some lunch?" "yes, that would be a good idea, and then i'll not have to stop, and i can earn more." as nat was about to leave, the freight agent called to him: "where you going, nat?" "home to get some supper for mr. miller." "all right. see me when you come back. i have an errand for you, and i'll give you a quarter if you do it." "sure i will. what is it?" "i want to send a message and some papers to a firm uptown. it's about some freight they're expecting, and the office is keeping open late on account of it. now hurry home and come back, and i'll have the message ready for you." nat was soon back at the pier, with a lunch for mr. miller. then, with the note and papers which the freight agent had ready for him, he started off uptown. as he was on his way back from the errand, he walked slowly along the water front. he decided he would call at the pier and see if he could help mr. miller, so that his benefactor might get through earlier. nat reached a wharf some distance away from the one where he had been employed during the day. it seemed to be deserted, though there was a large vessel tied up on one side of it, and two barges on the other. "i'd like to be a pilot on that big steamer," thought nat as he contemplated the craft in the glare of an electric light. "that would be a fine job. well, maybe i'll be on one like her some day." he was about to walk on, when suddenly the stillness of the night was broken by a cry. it was a shout, and it seemed to come from near the big freight barges. "help! help!" cried the voice. "i'm drowning! i'm in the water and i can't get out! help! help!" chapter iii nat's brave rescue "somebody must have fallen overboard from one of the barges," thought nat, for he could now easily determine that the cry came from the side of the dock where the two big freight carriers were tied. "why doesn't some one there help him?" but though he thus wondered, he did not hesitate over what to do. he ran out on the pier, and seeing a gangplank leading to one barge, he sprinted up it. the cries continued. "i'm coming!" the boy shouted. "i'll help you! where are you?" "down between the two barges! i can't get out!" cried a man's voice. "hurry! help!" the voice ended in a gurgle. "he's gone down under water!" exclaimed nat. "man overboard!" he loudly cried, thinking some one on the dock or aboard the vessels might hear him and come to help aid in rescuing the imperiled one. but there came no answer. the pier seemed to be deserted. nat reached the deck of the first barge and rushed across it to the farthermost rail. he tried to peer down into the black space between the two freight boats, but he could see nothing. "where are you?" he called again. "here! right here!" was the answer. "i fell down in between the two barges. i got hold of a rope, but it slipped from me a moment ago, and i went under. i managed to get hold of it again when i came up, but i can't last much longer. hurry and help me!" "i will!" exclaimed nat. "i'm coming down as soon as i can find a rope to cling to. there isn't room to swim down there." "no; that's right. i can hardly move. but i can't hold on much longer." "don't give up!" yelled nat. "i'll be right there. queer there isn't some of the crew here," he murmured to himself. he glanced rapidly about him. there was a lantern burning high up on the smokestack of one of the barges, which were of the latest type, with big engines to turn the large propellers. it was the work of but an instant for nat to loosen the lantern rope from the cleat and lower the light to the deck. then cutting the rope, as the quickest method of detaching it from the stack, he hurried with it to the space between the two barges. he lowered the light, and by its gleam saw an elderly man clinging to a rope that dangled from the side of the barge the boy was on. "that's good; show a light!" exclaimed the man. "now you can see what to do. but please hurry. my arms are nearly pulled from the sockets." "i'll have to get a rope that will bear my weight," replied nat. "hold on a moment more." he fastened the lantern cord to the rail, so that the light would hang down in the space between the two vessels. then he got a long rope, a simple enough matter aboard a vessel. securing one end to a stanchion, nat threw the other end down between the barges. then giving the cable a yank, to see that it was secure, he went down it hand over hand. "i'll have you out of here now in short order," he said to the half-exhausted man. "can you pull yourself up by the rope?" "i'm afraid not. i'm too weak." this was a problem nat had not considered. he thought for a moment. he was a bright lad, and his life about the docks had made him resourceful in emergencies. "i have it!" he exclaimed. "hold on just a few seconds more." twining his legs about the cable to support himself, nat with one hand made a loop in the rope, using a knot that would not slip. thus he had a support for his feet. standing in the loop he quickly made another below it, for the rope was plenty long enough. "there!" he cried to the man. "work your arms into that and then get your head and shoulders through. put it under your arm-pits, and that will support you until i can haul you up." "good idea," murmured the man weakly. with one hand he grasped the loop which nat let down to him. he evidently was used to cables, for he knew how to handle this one, and in a few seconds he had his head and arms through the loop. this supported him so that he was out of water up to his waist. "i'll have you out in another minute," declared nat as he scrambled up the rope hand over hand, until he was once more on the deck of the barge. then he tried to pull the man up by hauling on the rope, but he found the task too great for his strength. "i'll have to get help," he said. "no, no! don't leave me!" begged the man. "just lower me another rope, and i can pull myself up." nat understood the plan. quickly running to the other side of the barge, he found a long cable. this he fastened as he had done the first, and he let the length of it dangle between the two vessels so that the man could reach it. "pull now!" called the man. hauling on the rope about the stranger's shoulders, while the latter aided himself in the work of rescue by pulling on the second rope, the rescued one was soon on the deck of the barge beside nat. he was so weak that he sank down in a heap as soon as he was over the rail. "are you hurt? can i get you anything? do you belong aboard this barge?" asked the boy. "no--no, my lad," said the man slowly. "i'll be all right in a few minutes. i'm exhausted, that's all. my name is weatherby----" "what, john weatherby, the pilot of the _jessie drew_?" asked nat, who knew a number of pilots by their names. "that's who i am, my lad. you may think it queer that a pilot should fall overboard, but i'll tell you how it happened. first, however, let me thank you with all my heart for what you did for me. but for you i would have been drowned." "oh, i guess not." "yes, i would. i couldn't have held on much longer, as i'm getting old and i'm not as strong as i was." "some one else would have come to your aid." "i don't know about that. there is no one aboard either of the barges. i didn't know that, or i shouldn't have come here to-night. that vessel over there has gone out of commission, and there is no one aboard her. there's a watchman on the pier, but he didn't hear me calling for help. you saved my life, and i'll not forget it." "i am glad i was able to," responded nat. "what is your name?" asked the pilot. he seemed to be feeling better. "i'm nat morton." "nat morton! i've heard of you. why, you're the boy who got the rowboat out of the way of the vessel i was bringing in the other day, aren't you?" "i guess i am." "well, i've wanted to meet you to thank you for that. then, before i get a chance to do it, you do me another favor. i heard about you from a friend of mine--a pilot. he said you were always about the docks." "yes, i spend a good deal of my time here. i get occasional jobs, and i like the ships." "so do i, my lad. the lakes are wonderful bodies of water." "but hadn't you better go home?" suggested nat. "you're wet, and, though it's a warm night, you may take cold. it's going to rain," he added, as a flash of lightning came. "yes, i will go home if you will help me." "i will, gladly. where do you live?" "i board near here, as it's handy for my business. the _jessie drew_ is to sail day after to-morrow. i came down here to-night to see a friend of mine, who is captain of one of these grain barges, the second one over there. i didn't know that he and his crew, as well as all those on this barge we're on, had gone ashore. i started to cross from one barge to the other, and i fell down between them. i called and called, but it seemed as if help would never come." "i'm glad i happened to be passing," replied nat. "now, if you feel able, we'll go ashore." "yes, i'm all right now. i'll go to my boarding place and get some dry things. do you work around here?" "i help mr. miller--he's the man i live with--whenever i can. he's working to-night, helping unload a vessel that was delayed by the storm." "yes, it's blowing quite hard. i didn't notice it so much down between those barges, but now i feel quite chilly. so you work on the pier, eh?" "whenever i can get anything to do. but i'd like to get a job on a steamer." "you would, eh? what kind?" "well, i'd like to be a pilot, but i suppose i'd have to work my way up. i'd be willing to start at almost anything, if i could get on a vessel." "you would, eh?" said the pilot, and then he seemed to be busily thinking. the two walked down the gangplank and off the pier, meeting no one, for the wind, and an occasional dash of rain, made it unpleasant to be out, and the watchman was probably snugly sitting in some sheltered place. "this is my boarding place," said mr. weatherby at length, as they came to a small house on a street leading up from the lake front. "i can't properly thank you now, but--i wish you'd come and see me to-morrow, when you're not working," he added. "i'll be glad to call and find out how you are." "oh, i'll be all right. now, be sure to come, i--i may have some good news for you." and with that the old pilot went into the house, leaving a very much wondering youth on the sidewalk. chapter iv getting a job "now, why in the world didn't he tell me what he wanted of me, instead of keeping me guessing?" thought nat, as he made his way back to the dock where mr. miller was working. "i wonder what it can be? if he wanted to thank me he could just as well have done it now as to-morrow. "maybe he wants to give me a reward," the boy went on musingly. "i don't believe i'd take it. accepting money for rescuing a boat is all well enough, but not for saving life. besides, if i hadn't done it somebody else would. no; if he offers me money i don't believe i'll take it. still, i do need some new clothes," and he glanced down at the rather ragged garments he was wearing. "i've been waiting for you some time," mr. miller said when nat got back. "i thought you said you wouldn't be gone long on that errand." "neither i was." "what kept you, then?" "well, i had to rescue a man." "rescue a man? are you joking?" "not a bit of it. i pulled mr. weatherby, the pilot, out from between two barges." and nat proceeded to relate his adventure. "well, things are certainly coming your way," remarked mr. miller. "maybe he'll give you a big reward." "i'd rather he'd give me a good job," returned nat. "maybe he could get me a place on some boat. that's what i'd like. i could earn good money then." "i wouldn't like to see you go away from us, nat. my wife and i have become quite attached to you." "i would not like to go, mr. miller, for i have been very happy in your home. so i'm not going to think about it." "still, i would like to see you prosper in this world," went on the man who had befriended nat. "if you have a chance to get a place on a boat, take it. you may be able to come and see us once in a while, between trips." "i will always consider my home at your house." "i hope you will, nat." "still, nothing may happen," went on the boy. "did you get the ship all unloaded?" "yes, the holds are emptied, and i have a job to-morrow helping load her. i guess you could get something to do if you came down." "then i shall." "but i thought you were going to call on mr. weatherby?" "i am, but he told me to come when i was not working. he is going to be home all day." "that will be all right, then. now let's hurry home. i think it's going to rain harder soon, and my wife will probably be worrying about me." the storm, which had been a fitful one all day and part of the night, showed signs of becoming worse. the wind was more violent, and when mr. miller and nat were nearly home it began to rain in torrents. the rain continued all the next day, but as the wharf where mr. miller and nat worked was a covered one, they did not mind the storm. at noon-time the boy found a chance to go to the boarding-house of mr. weatherby. "well, here comes my life-saver!" greeted the old pilot. "how are you feeling to-day?" "very well, sir. how are you?" "not so good as i might be. i'm lame and stiff from pulling on that rope, but i think i'll be able to sail to-morrow. i believe you told me last night that you would like a job on a ship," the pilot went on. "yes, sir," replied nat, his heart beating high with hope. "hum! well, what kind of a job would you like--pilot or captain?" "i think i'd rather begin a little lower down," replied nat with a smile, for he saw that mr. weatherby was joking. "perhaps that would be best. well, as it happens, i have a chance to get a young lad a position on the steamer of which i am pilot. you see, i have a steady job piloting. my vessel, the _jessie drew_, makes trips all over the lakes, and captain wilson marshall, who is a part owner, is not so familiar with all the harbors and the various routes as i am. so he engages me steadily. in fact, he and i are old friends, as well as distantly related; so i have a somewhat different position than do most pilots." "and can you get me a job on a boat--your boat?" asked nat eagerly. "i think i can. i may say i am sure i can. the captain asked me yesterday to look out for a bright youth to help with the cargo, assist the purser, and be a sort of cabin assistant. i had no one in mind then, but after our meeting last night, when you were of such service to me, and i heard you say you wanted a job, i at once thought of this place. i saw the captain this morning, and he has practically engaged you--that is, if you want the berth, and he is satisfied with you when he sees you. the last item i know will be all right. and now it is for you to say whether you want the place." "want it? of course i want it! i can't tell you how much obliged i am to you for this! i----" "now--now--don't get excited over it," cautioned mr. weatherby. "if you're going to be a pilot you must learn to keep cool. shall i tell captain marshall you'll take the place?" "yes, and be glad to." "not quite so fast. why don't you ask me what the wages are, and how long you'll have to work?" "that's so. i didn't think of that. but i don't mind how long i have to work. it can't be much longer than i have to work now, and i get very little for it." "then i guess you will be satisfied with the hours and the wages paid aboard the _jessie drew_. when can you come?" "any time. i am not regularly hired at the dock." "then perhaps you had better stop now, go home and get ready. we will sail early to-morrow. bring along a change of clothes, for it often happens you'll get wet through in a storm, or when the lake is rough." "i'm afraid i can't do that," said nat slowly, as a change came over his face. "why not?" "well--er--that is--you see, i haven't any other clothes. these are all i've got. mr. and mrs. miller are very poor. her husband doesn't earn much, and i don't, either. it takes all we both get to buy food and pay the rent. i don't have any left for clothes. they're not good enough to go on board the boat with. i'm afraid i can't take the job." "there is no use denying that the clothes might be better," admitted mr. weatherby gravely. "not that i care anything about what garments a man or boy wears, so long as they are clean, and yours are that. still, i think it would make a better impression on captain marshall if you were to have a newer suit. i'll tell you what i'll do. here, you take this money and go and get yourself a good suit and some underwear, and whatever else you need." "i can't take your money--i haven't earned it," objected nat, who was quite independent. "nonsense, boy. take it as a loan, then, to be paid back whenever you feel like it. it's a pity if i can't do a good turn to the lad who pulled me up from between those vessels. you will offend me if you don't take it. besides, i want you to have this job. i may need you to save my life again, and, to be frank with you, i shouldn't like captain marshall to see the boy i recommended in such clothes, though, as i said, personally i don't care a rap about them." "all right," replied nat quietly. "if you put it that way i'll borrow this money." "that's the way to talk. now you'd better go, buy what you need, and then come back to me this evening," went on mr. weatherby, handing nat some bankbills. "i will then take you down to the ship and introduce you to captain marshall. you'll probably stay aboard all night, so you had better tell your friends good-by." "where is the ship going to?" "i don't know exactly. we'll probably call at several lake ports to unload or take on cargo. now you'd better go, and be back here about seven o'clock." nat hurried back to the wharf to tell mr. miller the good news. his friend rejoiced with him, though he was sorry to see the boy leave. when nat reached the tenement and told mrs. miller, that lady cried a little, for she had grown to love the boy almost as a son. she went out shopping with him, and in a few hours nat was ready to step aboard the _jessie drew_ and take a long voyage. it was not easy to part from his kind friends, but he was consoled by the thought that he would soon see them again. at the appointed hour he was at mr. weatherby's boarding-house, and a little later the two were going aboard the big lake steamer. "ah, mr. weatherby!" exclaimed a man as nat and the pilot stepped on the deck, "you're aboard early, i see." "yes; i didn't want to get left. mr. bumstead, let me introduce a friend of mine to you. he did me a great service. this is nat morton. nat, this is mr. bumstead, the first mate." nat shook hands with the mate. that official was not a very kindly looking person. he had red hair, and he seemed surly, even when he smiled, which was not often. "is he going to take a voyage with you?" asked the mate of the pilot. "yes. he's going to help out in the purser's office. i got him the job." "you did!" exclaimed the mate. "yes. what of it? you seem quite surprised, mr. bumstead. i recommended nat for the place because he saved my life." "has captain marshall given him the place?" asked the mate in a surly tone. "yes. why?" "because i had recommended my nephew for the place, and he would have got it, too, if you hadn't interfered. i'm going to see the captain about it later. it's not fair, giving a landlubber a good job aboard this ship. i'll have him put ashore. i told my nephew he could have the job, and he's going to get it!" with that the mate strode off, muttering to himself. "i'm sorry about that," said mr. weatherby in a low voice. "i didn't know he had any one for the place. nat, i'm afraid he'll make trouble for you. you'll have to be on your guard, but i'll do all i can for you." "i guess i can look out for myself," replied the boy. "i haven't lived around the docks all my life for nothing." but nat did not know the perils that were in store for him, nor to what lengths the vindictive mate would go to be revenged. chapter v nat in trouble captain marshall proved to be a kind man, but rather strict in his views. the pilot introduced nat to him, and the commander of the _jessie drew_ gravely shook hands with the lad. "i have heard about you," he said, and nat began to think he was getting to be a person of some importance. "i saw what you did the day that drifting rowboat got in our way, though, at the time, i didn't know it was you. mr. weatherby has told me what you did for him, and i must congratulate you on your quickness and wit in an emergency. that is what we need on a vessel. "the purser will tell you what to do. you must remember one thing aboard a ship, especially when we're out on the lake; the thing to do is to obey orders at once, and ask the reason for them afterward. i expect you to do that. if you do you'll not get into trouble. i shall have a friendly eye on you, and i trust you will do as well as the pilot thinks you will. now you may report to the purser, who really is more of a supercargo than he is a purser. he'll find plenty for you to do." "yes, sir," replied nat, wondering just what his duties would be. he knew where to find the man who was to be his immediate superior, for on the way to the captain's cabin mr. weatherby had pointed out to nat where the purser's office was. "oh, yes; you're the new boy," said the purser, whose name was george dunn. "well, come into my office, and i'll show you part of what you'll have to do during the voyage." it was fortunate that nat knew something about ships and the terms used aboard them, or he would have been sadly confused by what mr. dunn told him. as it was, much that he heard he did not comprehend. he found that part of his duties were to make out lists of the freight, enter the shipments on bills, put them in various books, check up manifests and way-bills, and help the purser verify the freight as it was taken on or put off. luckily nat had had a fair education before his father died, and he could write a good hand and read excellently. he was not very accurate at figures, but he was bright and quick to learn. "i guess that will do for to-night," said mr. dunn when it came nine o'clock. "i had most of the stuff checked up before you came aboard, or there'd have been more to do. however, we'll manage to keep you busy in the morning." "i wonder if i'll ever get a chance to learn to be a pilot?" said nat, for the purser seemed so friendly that he ventured to speak to him of that pet ambition. "i shouldn't wonder. we're not very busy once we get loaded up, and often when sailing between ports a long distance apart there is little to do for days at a time. if you want to learn navigation, and mr. weatherby will teach you, i don't see why you can't do it." "i hope i can." "come on, and i'll show you where you'll bunk," went on mr. dunn. "you want to turn out lively at six bells in the morning." "that's seven o'clock," observed nat. "right you are, my hearty. i see you know a little something about a ship. that's good. oh, i guess you'll get along all right." it seemed to nat that he had not been asleep at all when six strokes on a bell, given in the way that sailors ring the time, with short, double blows, awoke him. he dressed hurriedly, had his breakfast with the others of the crew, and then did what he could to help the purser, who had to check up some boxes that arrived at the last minute, just before the ship sailed. a little later, amid what seemed a confusion of orders, the _jessie drew_ moved away down the river, and nat was taking his first voyage on lake michigan as a hand on a ship--a position he had long desired to fill, but which hitherto had seemed beyond his wildest dreams. "how do you like it?" asked mr. weatherby, a little later, as he passed the boy on his way to the pilot-house. "fine." "i'm glad of it. attend strictly to business, and you'll get along. i'll keep you in mind, and whenever i get a chance i'll take you into the pilot-house, and begin to instruct you in the method of steering a ship." "i'll be ever so much obliged to you if you will." "why, that's nothing, after what you did for me," replied mr. weatherby, with a kind smile at nat. as sailing on large vessels was not much of a novelty to nat, except of late years, since his father's death, he did not linger long on deck, watching the various sights as the freighter plowed her way out on lake michigan. he went to the purser's office, to see if there was anything that needed to be done. he had temporarily forgotten about the mate's threat to have him discharged. as nat drew near the place, he heard voices in dispute, and, when he entered, he was surprised to see the first mate, mr. bumstead, standing at the purser's desk, shaking his fist in the air. "i tell you those boxes are not aboard!" exclaimed the mate. "and i say they are," replied the purser firmly. "they are down on my list as being taken on this morning, and--er--what's his name--that new boy--nat--nat morton checked them off. you can see for yourself." "oh, he checked 'em off, did he?" asked the mate, in altered tones. "now i begin to see where the trouble is. we'll ask him----?" "here he is now," interrupted mr. dunn, as nat entered. "did you check up these boxes?" he asked, and he handed a part of the cargo list to nat. "yes, sir. they were the last things that came aboard this morning." "i told you so!" exclaimed mr. dunn, turning to the mate. "wait a minute," went on that officer. "he says he checked 'em off, but i don't believe he did. if he did, where are they? they can't have fallen overboard, and i didn't eat 'em, i'm sure of that." "i checked those boxes off as you called them to me, mr. bumstead," replied nat. "you stood near the forward cargo hold, and the boxes were stowed away there. i was careful in putting them down on my list." "yes! too careful, i guess!" exclaimed the mate angrily. "you've got down ten more boxes than came aboard. that's a nice mess to make of it! but i knew how it would be if the captain took a greenhorn aboard! why didn't he get some one who knew how to check a cargo?" "i know how to check a cargo," replied nat quietly. "i say you don't! there are ten boxes missing, and you've got to find them, that's all there is about it!" "everything down on my list came aboard," insisted nat. "well, those ten boxes didn't, and i know it. you made a mistake, that's what you did, or else you let the boxes fall overboard, and you're afraid to admit it." "no boxes fell overboard when i was checking up, mr. bumstead." "well, where are those ten missing ones then?" "i don't know." "of course you don't. and no one else does. you made a mistake, that's all, and it's going to be a bad one. it puts me to a lot of work. i'll have to check over all my lists to make up for your blunder." "i made no blunder." "i say you did, and i'm going to report you to captain marshall. i'm not going to work with a greenhorn, who don't know enough to check up a simple list. i'll report you, that's what i'll do, and we'll see how long you'll have a berth on this ship!" angrily muttering to himself, the mate started for the captain's cabin, while poor nat, much distressed over the trouble into which he had gotten, stood dejectedly in the purser's office. chapter vi an unexpected discovery "don't let him worry you," said mr. dunn consolingly. "he's a surly fellow, and he's always interfering in my department." "but the captain may discharge me," replied nat. "still, i am sure those boxes came aboard. i counted them carefully and i don't believe i would be ten out of the way." "of course not. probably the mate stowed them in some other place and he's forgotten all about it. they'll turn up." "i hope so, for i would not like to make a mistake the first day out." at that moment a deckhand came up to where nat stood talking to the purser. "captain wants to see you," he said to the boy. "don't get excited now," advised mr. dunn. "here, take our checking list with you and tell the captain exactly how it happened. if you are sure the boxes came aboard say so--and stick to it." "i will," answered nat, and, with rather an uneasy feeling, he went aft to where the captain's cabin was located. he found the mate there, looking quite excited, while captain marshall was far from calm. evidently there had been high words between the men. "what is this, nat?" asked the captain. "the mate says he is short ten boxes. you have them on your list as coming aboard, but they are not to be found. you know that will make trouble, to have anything wrong with the cargo." "i'm sure nothing is wrong," replied nat. "i went over my list carefully, and i am positive the boxes are on board." "and i say they're not," insisted the mate. "i guess i've been in this business long enough to know more than a green lad who has only been here a day." "you want to be careful, nat," went on captain marshall. "i have always depended on mr. bumstead in regard to matters connected with the stowing of the cargo." "i am sure those boxes are aboard, sir," went on nat firmly. "if you will allow me to take a look i think i can find them." "what! go through all the cargo after it's stowed away!" exclaimed the angry mate. "i guess not much! i'll not allow it!" the door of the cabin opened and there entered the pilot, mr. weatherby. he started back on seeing the mate and nat. "oh, excuse me," he said. "i didn't know you had any one in here, captain marshall." "that's all right, come right in," replied the commander. "there's a little difficulty between nat and mr. bumstead, and i'm trying to straighten it out." he related what had taken place, and told of the missing boxes. "and there you are," he finished. "it seems to be quite a mix-up, and i'm sorry, for i like to keep my cargo and the records of it straight." "hum," murmured the pilot. "mr. bumstead says the boxes are not here, and nat says they came aboard, eh? well, i should think the easiest way would be to look and see if they are here or not." "that's what i proposed," exclaimed nat eagerly. "yes! i guess i'll have you disturbing the whole cargo to look for ten small boxes!" exclaimed the mate. "not much i won't! i'm right, and i know it!" "no, i think nat is right," said mr. weatherby quietly. "do you mean to tell me i made a mistake?" inquired mr. bumstead. "i don't know whether you did or not. but i know nat's plan is the only one that can decide the matter. if the boxes came aboard the last thing, they can't be very far down among the rest of the cargo. it will not take long to look. what do you say, captain?" captain marshall was in a sort of quandary. the mate was his chief officer, and he wanted to be on his side because mr. bumstead owned some shares in the ship, and also because mr. bumstead relieved the commander of a lot of work that, otherwise, would have fallen to the share of the captain. on the other hand mr. marshall did not want to offend the pilot. in addition to being a relative of his, mr. weatherby was one of the stockholders in the company which owned the steamer _jessie drew_, and, as the captain was an employee of this company, he did not want to oppose one of the officers of it. "i suppose that's the only way out of it," the captain finally said, though with no very good grace. "only the whole cargo must not be upset looking for those boxes." "i'll be careful," promised nat. "i think i know where they were stowed." "um! you think you do, but you'll soon find you're much mistaken!" said the mate scornfully. "i'll give you a hand," said the pilot. "mr. simmon, my helper, is in the pilot-house," he went on, in answer to a questioning glance from captain marshall. "the ship is on a straight course now, and we'll hold it for an hour or two. now, nat, come on, and we'll see if we can't solve this puzzle." it did not take long to demonstrate that nat was right, and the mate wrong. the ten boxes were found in the afterhold, where they had been put by mistake, which accounted for the mate not being able to find them. "what have you to say now?" asked the pilot of mr. bumstead, when the search was so successfully ended. "what have i to say? nothing, except that i think you did a mean thing when you got this boy in here, and kept my nephew out of the place, which he needs so much. but i'll get even with him yet for coming here." it appeared the mate's protest to captain marshall, about employing nat, had been of no effect. "i guess nat needed a place to work as much as did your nephew," replied mr. weatherby, when his _protégé_ had gone back to the purser's cabin. "his father is dead, and you ought to be glad that the orphan son of an old lake sailor has a chance to earn his living, instead of making it hard for him." "was his father a lake sailor?" asked the mate quickly. "yes. nat's father was james morton, who was employed on a lumber barge." "james morton! on a lumber barge!" exclaimed the mate, turning pale. "are you sure of that?" "certainly. but what of it? did you know mr. morton?" "jim morton," murmured the mate. "i might have recognized the name. so his son is aboard this vessel! i must do something, or----" "what was that you said?" asked the pilot, who had not caught the mate's words. "nothing--i--er--i thought i used to know his father--but--but it must be another man." the mate was clearly very much excited over something. "now look here!" exclaimed mr. weatherby sternly. "nat is not to blame for coming here. i got him the place, and i'll look out for him, too. if you try any of your tricks i'll take a hand in the game myself. now, i've given you your course, and i want you to keep on it. if you run afoul of me you'll be sorry for it." the mate turned aside, muttering to himself, but the pilot thought it was because he had made a mistake about the boxes. "look out for him, nat," said mr. weatherby, a little later, after the pilot had reported to the captain the result of the search for the missing boxes. "he seems to have some grudge against you, and he'll do you an injury if he can." "i believe that," replied nat, "though i can't see why he should. i never injured him, and it was not my fault that i got the place he wanted for his nephew." "no, of course not. but keep your weather eye open." "i will." captain marshall showed no very great pleasure at finding that nat was in the right. the truth was he feared the mate would be chagrined over the mistake he himself had made, and captain marshall was the least bit afraid of mr. bumstead, for the commander knew the mate was aware of certain shortcomings in regard to the management of the vessel, and he feared his chief officer might disclose them. "you want to be careful of your lists," the commander said to nat. "you were right this time, but next time you might be wrong." nat's pleasure at finding he had not made a mistake was a little dampened by the cool way in which the captain took it, but mr. weatherby told him not to mind, but to do his work as well as he could, and he would get along all right. for two or three days after that the voyage proceeded quietly. on the third day the ship stopped at a small city, where part of the cargo was discharged. nat and the purser were kept busy checking off, and verifying cargo lists, and, when the _jessie drew_ was ready to proceed, nat took to the mate a duplicate list of what cargo had been discharged. "sure this is right?" asked mr. bumstead surlily. "yes, sir," replied nat, more pleasantly than he felt. "don't be too sure, young man. i'll catch you in a mistake yet, and when i do--well, look out--that's all." he tossed the list on his desk, and, as he did so, some papers slipped to the floor of his office. he stooped to pick them up, and something dropped from his pocket. it was a flat leather book, such as is used by some men in which to carry their money or papers. nat idly glanced at it as the mate restored it to his pocket. then the boy caught sight of something that made his heart beat quickly. for printed in gold letters on the outside of the wallet was a name, and the name was that of his dead father, james morton! "that pocketbook! where did you get it?" he eagerly asked of the mate. "pocketbook? what pocketbook?" "the one that dropped from your pocket just now." "that? why, that's mine. i've had it a good while." "but it has my father's name on it! i saw it. it is just like one he used to carry. he always had it with him. let me see it. perhaps it has some of his papers in it!" nat was excited. he reached out his hand, as if to take the wallet. "you must be dreaming," exclaimed the mate, and nat noticed that his hands trembled. "that is my pocketbook. it has no name on it." "but i saw it," insisted nat. "i tell you it hasn't! are you always going to dispute with me? now get out of here, i want to do my work," and the mate fairly thrust nat out of the room, and locked the door. "i'm sure that was my father's pocketbook," murmured the boy, as he walked slowly along the deck. "how did the mate get it? i wonder if he knew my father? there is something queer about this. i must tell mr. weatherby." nat would have thought there was something exceedingly queer about it, if he could have seen what the mate was doing just then. for mr. bumstead had taken the wallet from his pocket, and, with his knife, he was carefully scraping away the gold letters that spelled the name of james morton--nat's father. chapter vii nat has an accident nat vainly tried to recall some of the circumstances connected with his father's death, that would give him a clue to the reason why the mate had mr. morton's pocketbook. but the trouble was nat could remember very little. the sad news had stunned him so that he was in a sort of dream for a long time afterward. the body had been recovered, after several days, but there was nothing in the pockets of the clothes, as far as nat knew, to indicate that mr. morton had left any money, or anything that represented it. yet nat knew his father was a careful and saving man, who had good abilities for business. "if i wasn't sure it was his pocketbook, i would say that there might be plenty of such wallets, with the name james morton on them," thought nat. "the name is not an uncommon one, but i can't be mistaken in thinking that was poor dad's wallet. how the mate got it is a mystery, unless he took it from my father. or, perhaps dad gave it to him, yet i don't believe he would do that either, for he once told me the wallet was a present from mother, and i know he would not part with it. i must consult with mr. weatherby." nat did not get a chance to speak to the pilot about the matter until the next day. mr. weatherby looked grave when he heard our hero's story. "are you sure you weren't mistaken?" he asked. "positive," was nat's answer. "i knew that wallet too well." "then i'll make some inquiries. suppose you come with me." nat and the pilot found the mate in his office, looking over some papers. "nat thinks you have something that belonged to his father," said mr. weatherby, pleasantly. "he does, eh?" snapped the mate. "well, he's mistaken, that's all i've got to say. now i wish you'd get out of here. i'm busy." "but it won't do any harm to make some inquiries," went on the pilot. "do you mind showing me the pocketbook?" "there it is!" said mr. bumstead suddenly, pulling the wallet in question from his pocket. "he said it had his father's name on? well, it hasn't, you can see for yourself," and he quickly turned the pocketbook from side to side, to show that there were no letters on it. then, without giving mr. weatherby a chance to look at it closely, he thrust it back into his pocket. "are you satisfied?" he demanded. nat hesitated. "i--i suppose so," answered the pilot. "there is no name on that. nat must have been mistaken." "i told him he was dreaming," answered the mate, with a leer. "now don't bother me again." "are you sure you saw the name on that pocketbook?" asked mr. weatherby of nat when they were out on the main deck. "positive." "perhaps it was some other wallet." "no, it's the same one. i can tell because there's a dark spot on one corner, where it got some oil on once, dad told me." "but his name is not on it," remarked the pilot. "i had a good enough look at it to determine that." "i can't account for it," went on nat, more puzzled than ever. he knew he had seen the name, yet now, when he had another sight of the wallet, it had disappeared. and no wonder, for the mate had done his work well, and had so smoothed down the leather, where he had scraped off the letters, that it needed a close inspection to disclose it. this close inspection mr. bumstead was determined neither nat nor the pilot should make. though he said nothing to nat about it, mr. weatherby had some suspicions concerning the mate. for a long time he had distrusted the man, but this was because of certain things that had occurred aboard the _jessie drew_. now there was something else. mr. weatherby questioned nat closely as to the incidents connected with mr. morton's death. when he had learned all he could he remained a few moments in deep thought. then he said: "well, nat, don't think any more about it. it is very possible you were mistaken about the pocketbook. that form of wallet is not uncommon, and of course there are lots of men with the same name your father had. why the mate should have a pocketbook, with some other name on it than his own, i can't explain. but we'll let matters lie quietly for a while. if you see or hear anything more out of the ordinary, let me know." "i will," promised nat; and then he had to go to do some work in the captain's office. "i think you will bear watching, mr. bumstead," murmured the pilot, as he went back to take the wheel. "i don't like your ways, and i'm going to keep my eye on you." on his part the mate, after the visit of nat and mr. weatherby, was in a somewhat anxious mood. "i wish that boy had never come aboard," he mused. "i might have known he would make trouble. i must be more careful. if i had only been a few hours sooner my nephew would have had the place, and i would not have to worry. never mind. i may be able to get him here yet, but i must first get nat out of the way. he is too suspicious, and that sneaking pilot is helping him. still, they know nothing of the case, nor how i got the wallet, and i'll not give it up without a fight. i must hide that pocketbook, though. lucky i got the name off, or i'd be in a pretty pickle. if i had known he was jim morton's son i would almost have given up my place, rather than be on the same boat with him. but it's too late now." he placed the wallet in a secret drawer in his safe, and then went on with his work, but it seemed that his attention was distracted, and several times he found himself staring out of his cabin window at nothing at all. nat tried to follow the pilot's advice, and give no more thought to the memento of his father which he had so unexpectedly discovered, but it was hard work. for the next few days he was kept very busy. captain marshall found plenty of tasks for him, and, with running errands for the commander and the two mates, attending to what the purser had for him to do, and rendering occasional services for the pilot, the lad found himself continually occupied. he was learning more about ships than he ever knew before, and on one or two occasions mr. weatherby took him into the pilot-house, and gave him preliminary instructions in the exacting calling of steering big vessels. the freighter had stopped at several ports, taking on cargo at some, and discharging it at others. all this made work for nat, but he liked it, for he was earning more than he had ever received before. "nat," said mr. dunn, one day, "i wish you would go down into the forward hold, and check over those bales we took on at the last port. we've got to deliver them at the next stop, and i want to be sure the shipping marks on them correspond to the marks on my list. i had to put them down in a hurry." "all right," answered the boy. "here are the manifest slips all written up, mr. dunn," and he handed the purser some blanks, filled in with figures. "that's good. you are doing very well, nat keep at it and you'll get a better job soon." taking a lantern nat went down into the forward hold, to examine some bales of goods, in accordance with the purser's instructions. the bales were heavy ones, but they had been stowed away in such a manner that the shipping marks were in sight. as nat left the purser's office a man, who had been standing near a window that opened into it, moved away. the man was the mate, mr. bumstead, and as he saw nat disappear below the deck he muttered: "i think this is just the chance i want. we'll see how that whipper-snapper will like his job after to-day." while nat was checking off the bales, finding only one or two slight errors in the list the purser had given him, he heard a noise forward in the dark hold. "who's there?" he asked, for it was against the rules for any one to enter the cargo hold, unless authorized by the captain, mate or purser. no answer was returned, and nat was beginning to think the noise was made by rats, for there were very large ones in the ship. then he heard a sound he knew could not have been made by a rodent. it was the sound of some one breathing heavily. "is any one here?" asked nat. "i shall report this to the purser if you don't answer," he threatened. still no reply came to him. "perhaps it is one of the sailors who has crawled in here to get a sleep," nat thought. "maybe i'd better not say anything, for he might be punished." he listened, but the sound, whatever it was, did not come again. the hold was quiet, save for the slight shifting of the cargo, as the vessel rocked to and fro under the action of the waves. "there, all done but one bale," said nat, half aloud, "and that one is turned wrong so i can't see the marks. never mind, it's a top one, and i can easily shift it, as it's small." he climbed up on a tier of the cargo, first setting his lantern down in a safe place, and then he proceeded to move the bale around. hardly had he touched it when the big package seemed to tumble outward toward him. he felt himself falling backward, and vainly threw out his hands to grasp some support. farther and farther the bale toppled outward, until it struck against nat, and knocked him from his feet. he fell to the floor of the hold, in a little aisle between two tiers of freight, and the bale was on top of him. [illustration: "he fell to the floor of the hold"] he heard a crash of glass, and knew that the lantern had been tipped over and broken. then everything was dark, and he heard a strange ringing in his ears. nat had been knocked unconscious alone down in the big hold, but, worse than this, a tiny tongue of fire, from the exposed lantern wick, was playing on the bales of inflammable stuff. chapter viii in the pilot-house about half an hour after mr. dunn had sent nat into the hold the purser began to wonder what kept the boy. he knew his task should not have taken him more than ten minutes, for nat was prompt with whatever he had to do. "i hope he isn't going to do the way one boy did i used to have," said the purser to himself, "go down there and sleep. i think i'll take a look. maybe he can't find those bales, though they were in plain sight." as he started toward the hatchway, down which nat had gone, he met captain marshall, who, as was his custom, was taking a stroll about the ship, to see that everything was all right. he never trusted entirely to his officers. when he saw the purser, mr. marshall came to a sudden stop, and began to sniff the air suspiciously. "don't you smell smoke, mr. dunn?" he asked. the purser took several deep breaths. "i certainly do," he replied, "and it seems to come from this hatch. i sent nat down there a while ago, to check off some bales." "i hope he isn't smoking cigarettes down there," said the captain quickly. "if he is, i'll discharge him instantly." "nat doesn't smoke," replied mr. dunn. "but it's queer why he stays down there so long. i'm going to take a look." "i'll go with you," decided the captain. no sooner had they started to descend the hatchway than they both were made aware that the smell of smoke came from the hold, and that it was growing stronger. "fire! there's a fire in the cargo!" exclaimed captain marshall. "sound the alarm, mr. dunn, while i go below and make an investigation. if it's been caused by that boy----" he did not finish, but hurried down into the hold, while mr. dunn sounded the alarm that called the crew to fire quarters. meanwhile, nat had been lying unconscious under the bale for about ten minutes. the flame from the lantern, which, fortunately, had not exploded, was eating away at the side of the bale which was on top of him. luckily the stuff in the bale was slow burning, and it smoldered a long time before breaking into a flame, in spite of the fact that the lantern was right against it. considerable smoke was caused, however, though most of it was carried forward. still, enough came up the hatchway to alarm the captain and purser. it would have been very dark in the hold, but for the fact that now a tiny fire had burst out from the bale. by the gleam of this captain marshall saw what had happened. a bale had toppled from its place and smashed the lantern. but as yet he had no intimation that nat was prostrate under the bale. meanwhile the smoke was growing thicker, and it was getting into nat's nostrils. he was breathing lightly in his unconscious state, but the smoke made it harder to get his breath, and nature, working automatically, did the very best thing under the circumstances. nat sneezed and coughed so violently, in an unconscious effort to get air, that his senses came back. he could move only slightly, pinned down as he was, but he could smell the smoke, and he could see the flicker of fire. "help! help!" he cried. "fire in the hold! help! help!" that was the first knowledge captain marshall had of the whereabouts of the boy. it startled him. "where are you, nat?" he cried. "under this bale! i'm held down, and the fire is coming closer to me!" captain marshall did not stop to ask any more questions. he sprang down beside the bale, and, exerting all his strength, for he was a powerful man, he lifted it sufficiently so that nat could crawl out. the boy had only been stunned by a blow on the head. but, during this time, mr. dunn had not been idle. with the first sounding of the fire alarm, every member of the crew sprang to his appointed station, and, down in the engine-room, the engineers set in operation the powerful pumps, while other men unreeled the lines of hose, running them toward the hold, as directed by the purser. so, in less than a minute from the time of sounding the alarm, there was a stream of water being directed into the lower part of the ship where the fire was. "come on out of here!" cried the captain to nat, as he helped the boy up, and let the bale fall back into place. "this is getting pretty warm. i wonder what's the matter with the water?" hardly had he spoken than a stream came spurting into the hold, drenching them both. it also drenched the fire, and, in a few minutes, the last vestige of the blaze was out. "good work, men!" complimented captain marshall, when he had assured himself there was no more danger. "you did well. i'm proud of you." nat, who had been taken in charge by the purser, when it was found there was no danger of the fire spreading, was examined by that official. nothing was found the matter with him, beyond a sore spot on his head where the bale had hit him. "how in the world did it happen?" asked mr. dunn, as the crew began reeling up the hose, and returning to their various duties. nat told him about hearing the noise, and the bale falling. "do you think it fell, or did some one shove it?" asked the purser. "i don't know. it seemed as if some one pushed it, but who could it be? what object would any one have in trying to hurt me?" "i don't know, i'm sure. you must report this to captain marshall," said the purser. "he'll want to know all about it." there was no need of going to the captain's cabin, however, for he came to find nat, as soon as the excitement caused by the fire had subsided. "now tell me all about it," he said. "every bit. were you smoking down there?" "no, sir," replied nat indignantly. he related all that had taken place, and the captain had every member of the crew questioned, as to whether or not they had been in the hold at the time. they all denied it. "maybe it was because the bale wasn't stowed away level," suggested mr. bumstead, with a queer look at nat, as our hero, together with the purser and the pilot were in captain marshall's cabin, discussing the occurrence. "that's possible," admitted mr. dunn. "but what made the noise?" "rats, probably," replied the mate. "there are some whoppers down in that hold." "would you say they were large enough to topple over that bale?" asked the pilot suddenly. "no--no--i don't know as i would," answered the mate. "of course not. more likely the lurch of the vessel did it." "well, it was lucky it was no worse," spoke the captain. "if that lantern had exploded, and the blazing oil had been scattered about, there would have been a different ending to this. nat would probably be dead, and the ship a wreck. after this no lanterns are to be carried into the hold. have some electric lights rigged up on long wires, so they can be taken in," he added to the mate, who promised to see that it was done. "hum," remarked mr. weatherby, as he and nat walked toward the pilot-house. "you can't make me believe a lurch of the ship loosened that bale so it fell. bumstead doesn't stow his cargo in such a careless fashion. he's too good a sailor." "what do you think then?" asked nat. "i think some one pushed that bale down." "do you think the person wanted to hurt me?" "i can't say as to that. it may have been done by accident, by a sailor asleep in the hold. certainly no rat did it," and the pilot smiled. but he was more worried than he would admit to nat. "i am glad i got out." "i don't suppose you feel much like taking a lesson in navigation?" "oh, i'm always ready for that," was the answer. "i'm all right now. my head has stopped aching." "then come into the pilot-house with me, and i will explain a few more things to you. i think you have a natural talent for this sort of life, and i like to show to boys, who appreciate it, the different things there are to learn. for there are a good many of them, and it's going to take you a long time." nat had no false notions about learning to be a pilot. he knew it would take him several years to be a capable one, but he determined to get a good ground work or the higher branches of it, and so he listened carefully to all that mr. weatherby told him. he learned how to read the compass and how to give the proper signals to the engineer. for a number of days he spent several hours out of the twenty-four in the pilot-house with mr. weatherby. he got an understanding of the charts of the lake, of the various signals used by other ships, to indicate the course they were on, and he learned to know the meaning of the shore signal lights, and the location of the lighthouses that marked the dangerous rocks and shoals. "you're doing very well," mr. weatherby said to him one day. "much better than i expected. some time i'll let you try your hand at steering a bit." "oh, that will be fine!" exclaimed nat, but he little knew what was going to result from it. chapter ix a narrow escape though he was much interested in beginning on his long-cherished plan of becoming a pilot, nat did not lose sight of the fact that there was some mystery concerning his father, in which the mate had a part. he had not given up his belief that mr. bumstead had mr. morton's wallet, in spite of the mate's denials. but nat saw no way by which he could get at the bottom of the matter. "i guess i'll just have to wait until chance puts something in my way," he said to himself. "at the same time i've got to be on the watch against him. i believe he, or some one of his cronies, pushed that bale on me. i don't suppose it would have killed me if it had fallen flat on me, instead of only partly, but it looks as if he wanted to drive me off of this ship. but i'll not go! i'll stay and see what comes of it." the freighter was on quite a long voyage this trip. after calling at the last port on lake michigan it was to go through the straits of mackinaw into lake huron. there, mr. weatherby told nat, it would not be such easy navigation, as there were many islands, for which a pilot had to watch, day and night. some were not indicated by lights, and only a knowledge of the lake would enable the steersman to guide a ship away from them, after dark, or during a fog. "do you think i'll ever be able to do it?" asked the boy. "some time, but i shouldn't attempt it right away," replied the pilot with a smile. remembering the promise he had made to nat, the pilot one day called the boy into the little house where the wheel was, and said: "now, nat, i'm going to give you a chance to appreciate what it means to steer a big vessel. i'll tell you just what to do, and i think you can do it. we have a clear course ahead of us, the lake is calm, and i guess you can handle the wheel all right. you know about the compass, so i don't have to tell you. now take your place here, and grasp the spokes of the wheel lightly but firmly. stand with your feet well apart, and brace yourself, for sometimes there will come a big wave that may shift the rudder and throw you off your balance." the pilot-house of the _jessie drew_ was like the pilot-houses on most other steamers. the front was mainly windows, and the center space was taken up with a big wheel, which served to shift the rudder from side to side. so large was the wheel, in order to provide sufficient leverage, that part of it was down in a sort of pit, while the steersman stood on a platform, which brought his head about on a level with the top spokes. on some of the lake steamers there was steam steering gear, and of course a much smaller wheel was used, as it merely served as a throttle to a steam-engine, which did all the hard work. nat was delighted with his chance. with shining eyes he grasped the spokes, and gently revolved the wheel a short distance. "that'll do," spoke mr. weatherby. "she's shifted enough." nat noticed that, as he turned the wheel, the vessel changed her course slightly, so readily did she answer the helm. it was a wonderful thing, he thought, that he, a mere lad, could, by a slight motion of his hands, cause a mighty ship to move about as he pleased. "it's easier than i thought it was," he remarked to his friend the pilot. "you think so now," answered mr. weatherby, "but wait until you have to handle a boat in a storm. then the waves bang the rudder about so that the wheel whirls around, and almost lifts you off your feet. more than once it's gotten away from me, though, when there's a bad storm, i have some one to help me put her over and hold her steady. i like steam steering gear best, for it's so easy, but it's likely to get out of order at a critical moment, and, before you can rig up the hand gear, the boat has gone on the rocks." "i hope we don't get wrecked on the rocks," said nat, as, following the directions he had received, he shifted the wheel slightly to keep the vessel on her proper course. "well, we'll be approaching a dangerous passage in a few hours," replied the pilot. "there are a number of rocks in it, but i think i'll be able to get clear of 'em. i always have, but this time we'll arrive there after dark, and i like daylight best when i have to go through there." "do you want to take the wheel now?" asked the boy, as he saw that mr. weatherby was peering anxiously ahead. "no, you may keep it a while longer. i just wanted to get sight of a spar buoy about here. there it is. when you come up this route you want to get the red and black buoy in line with that point, and then go to starboard two points, so." as he spoke mr. weatherby helped nat put the wheel over. the big freighter began slowly to turn, and soon was moving around a point of land that jutted far out into the lake. nat remained in the pilot-house more than an hour, and, in that time, he learned many valuable points. at the suggestion of his friend he jotted them down in a note-book, so he might go over them again at his leisure, and fix them firmly in his mind. as the afternoon wore on, and dusk approached, a fog began to settle over the lake. nat, who had been engaged with the work in the purser's office, had occasion to take a message to the pilot, and he found his friend anxiously looking out of the big windows in front of the pilot-house, while andrew simmon, the assistant, was handling the big wheel. "i don't like it, andy; i don't like it a bit," mr. weatherby was saying. "it's going to be a nasty, thick night, and just as we're beginning that risky passage. i've almost a notion to ask the captain to lay-to until morning. there's good holding ground here." "oh, i guess we can make it," replied andrew confidently. "we've done it before, in a fog." "yes, i know we have, but i always have a feeling of dread. somehow, now, i feel unusually nervous about it." "you aren't losing your nerve, are you?" the young helper asked his chief. "no--but--well, i don't like it, that's all." "shall i ask the captain to anchor?" "no, he's anxious to keep on. we'll try it, andy, but we'll both stay in the pilot-house until we're well past the dangerous point, that one where the rocks stick out." "but there's a lighthouse there, mr. weatherby." "i know there is, but if this fog keeps on getting thicker, the light will do us very little good." nat listened anxiously to the conversation. this was a part of the responsibilities of piloting that had not occurred to him. more than on a captain, the safety of a vessel rests on a pilot, when one is in charge. and it is no small matter to feel that one can, by a slight shift of his hand, send a gallant craft to her destruction, or guide her to safety. as night came on the fog grew thicker. mr. weatherby and his helper did not leave the pilot-house, but had their meals sent to them. captain marshall was in frequent consultation with them, and the speed of the vessel was cut down almost one-half as they approached the danger point. from mr. dunn, nat learned when they were in the unsafe passage, for the purser had been over that route many times. "we must be close to the point now," said mr. dunn, as he and nat stood at the rail, trying to peer through the fog. "we'll see the lighthouse soon. yes, there it is," and he pointed to where a light dimly flashed, amid the white curtain of dampness that wrapped the freighter. they could hear the lookout, stationed in the bow, call the position of the light. the course was shifted, the great boat turning slowly. suddenly there was a frightened cry from the lookout. "rocks! rocks ahead!" he yelled. "port! port your helm or we'll be upon 'em in another minute!" the ship quivered as the great rudder was shifted to swing her about. down in the engine-room there was a crash of gongs as the pilot gave the signals to stop and reverse. would the ship be turned in time? could her headway be checked? had the lookout cried his warning quickly enough? these questions were in every anxious heart aboard the _jessie drew_. a shudder seemed to run through the ship. nat peered ahead, and held his breath, as if that would lighten the weight that was rushing upon the dangerous rocks. but skill and prompt action told. slowly the freighter swept to one side, and as at slackened speed she glided past the danger point, nat and mr. dunn, from their position near the rail, could have tossed a biscuit on the rocks, so narrow was the space that separated the ship from them. chapter x sam shaw appears the vessel had not come to a stop, before orders were hurriedly given to let go the anchor. the narrow escape had decided captain marshall that it would not be safe to proceed, and, as there was good holding ground not far from the rocks, he determined to lay-to until the fog lifted. from the pilot-house came the captain, mr. weatherby, and andy simmon. the pilot was very much excited. "those were false lights, or else something is out of order with the machinery," he exclaimed. "the light on the point flashes once every five seconds. the next light, beyond the point, flashes once every fifteen seconds. this light flashed once every fifteen seconds, for andy and i both kept count." "that's right," said the assistant. "and i calculated by that," went on the pilot, "that we were beyond the point, for i couldn't see anything but the light, and i had to go by that. i was on the right course, if that light was the one beyond the point, but naturally on the wrong one if that was the point light." "and it was the point light," said the captain solemnly. "it was, mr. marshall, and only for the lookout we would now be on the rocks." "i can't blame you for the narrow escape we had," went on the commander. "still----" "of course you can't blame me!" exclaimed the pilot, as though provoked that any such suspicion should rest on him. "i was steering right, according to the lights. there is something wrong with them. the lights were false. whether they have been deliberately changed, or whether the machinery is at fault is something that will have to be found out. it isn't safe to proceed until morning." "and that will delay me several hours," grumbled mr. marshall. "i can't help that. i'll not take the responsibility of piloting the boat in this thick fog, when i can't depend on the lights." "no, of course not," was the answer. "we'll have to remain here, that's all. have the fog-horn sounded regularly, mr. bumstead," the captain added to the mate; and all through the night, at ten-second intervals, the great siren fog-whistle of the boat blew its melancholy blast. nat found it impossible to sleep much with that noise over his head, but toward morning the fog lifted somewhat, and he got into a doze, for the whistle stopped. mr. weatherby went ashore in the morning to make inquiries regarding the false lights. he learned that the machinery in the point lighthouse had become deranged, so that the wrong signal was shown. it had been repaired as soon as possible, and was now all right. but as the fog was gone and it was daylight, the ship could proceed safely without depending on lighthouses. nat was up early, and had a good view of the point and rocks that had so nearly caused the destruction of the _jessie drew_. three days later, having made a stop at cheboygan to take on some freight, the big ship was on lake huron. this was farther than nat had ever been before, and he was much interested in the sight of a new body of water, though at first it did not seem much different from lake michigan. they steamed ahead, making only moderate speed, for the freighter was not a swift boat, and on the evening of the next day they ran into thunder bay and docked at alpena. "plenty of work ahead for you and me," said mr. dunn to nat that night. "how's that?" "well, we've got to break out a large part of the cargo and take on almost as much again. we'll be busy checking up lists and making out way-bills. you want to be careful not to make a mistake, as that mate will have his eye on you. it's easy to see he doesn't like you." "and i don't like him," retorted nat. "i don't blame you. still, do your best when he's around. i know you always do, though. well, i'm going to get to bed early, as we'll have our hands full in the morning." nat also sought his bunk about nine o'clock, and it seemed he had hardly been asleep at all when six bells struck, and he had to get up. that day was indeed a busy one, and nat was glad when noon came and he could stop for dinner. he ate a hearty meal, and was taking a rest on deck, for the 'longshoremen and freight handlers would not resume their labors until one o'clock, when he saw coming up the gangplank a boy about his own age. the lad had red hair and rather an unpleasant face, with a bold, hard look about the eyes. "hey, kid!" the youth exclaimed on catching sight of nat, "tell me where mr. bumstead hangs out. i want to see him quick. understand?" "i understand you well enough," replied nat, who resented the unpleasant way in which the question was put. "you speak loud enough. i know what you mean. mr. bumstead is at dinner, and i don't believe he'd like to be disturbed." "oh, that's all right. he'll see me. he expects me. now you show me where he is, or i'll report you." "you will, eh?" asked nat. "well, i'm not in the habit of showing strangers about the ship. it's against orders. you can't go below until you get permission from the captain, mate or second mate." "i can't, eh? guess you don't know who i am," replied the red-haired youth with an ugly leer. "no, and i don't care," retorted nat, for his life about the docks had made him rather fearless. "well, i'll make you care--you'll see! now, are you going to show me where i can find mr. bumstead? if you don't i'll make trouble for you." "look here!" exclaimed nat, striding over to the stranger. "don't talk to me like that. i'm not afraid of you, whoever you are. i'll not show you to mr. bumstead's cabin, as it is against the rules. you can't go below, either, unless the second mate, who's in charge of the deck now, says you can. he's over there, and you can ask him if you want to. now, don't you say anything more to me or i'll punch your face!" nat was no milksop. he had often fought with the lads on the dock on less provocation than this, and, for the time being, he forgot he was on a ship. "what's the row?" asked the second mate, who, hearing the sound of high voices, approached to see what the trouble was. "oh, here's a fresh fellow who wants to see mr. bumstead," replied nat. "he can't until after grub hour," said the second mate shortly. "what's your business, young man? tell it, or go ashore." "i want to see mr. bumstead," replied the red-haired lad more humbly than he had yet spoken, for the second mate was a stalwart man. "what for?" "well, he expects me." "who are you?" "i'm his nephew, sam shaw, and i'm going to make the rest of the trip with him. he invited me, and i'm going to be a passenger." "oh, so you're his nephew, eh?" asked the second mate. "that's what i am, and when i tell him how that fellow treated me he'll make it hot for him," boasted sam shaw. "now will you show me where mr. bumstead's cabin is?" he asked of nat insolently. "no," replied our hero. "you can ask one of the stewards. i'll have nothing to do with you," for sam's threat to tell his uncle had roused all the spirit that nat possessed. "there's your uncle now," said the second mate as mr. bumstead came up the companionway. "hello, uncle joe!" called sam; and as he went forward to meet his relative nat went below. in spite of his bold words he was not a little worried lest sam shaw had come to supplant him in his position aboard the freighter. chapter xi captain marshall is angry news circulates quickly on a ship, and it was not long ere nat heard from some of the crew that the mate's nephew had come aboard to finish out the voyage with his uncle. sam shaw was installed in a small stateroom near the mate's, and when the _jessie drew_ resumed her way that afternoon the red-haired youth stood about with a supercilious air, watching nat and the others at work. "is that all you've got to do?" asked mr. dunn, the purser, of sam, as he saw the youth standing idly at the rail, when every one else was busy. "sure," replied sam, pulling out a cigarette and lighting it. "i'm a passenger, i am. i'm making this voyage for my health. maybe after a while i'll be an assistant to you." "not if i know it," murmured mr. dunn. "i like nat, and i hope i can keep him. he's doing good work." he passed on, for he had considerable to do on account of taking on a new cargo, while nat, too, was kept busy. "this just suits me," said sam shaw to himself as he leaned over the rail and looked down into the blue waters of the lake. "i'm glad uncle joe sent for me to join him. he said in his letter there might be a chance for me, after all, to get a place in the purser's office. i thought by that he must mean that nat morton was out, but he isn't. however, i'll leave it to uncle joe. he generally manages to get his own way. i guess i'll take that fellow nat down a few pegs before i get through with him." sam had received a letter at his home in chicago from his uncle, the mate, telling him to meet the _jessie drew_ at alpena. sam had done so, as we have seen, and was now established aboard the vessel. but he was a little puzzled as to his uncle's plans. mr. bumstead had said nothing further about providing a place for his nephew where the lad might earn money, and this was what sam wanted more than anything else. he wanted an opening where there was not much work, and he thought nat's position just about filled the bill. he did not know how hard our hero labored. "wait until i get in the purser's office," he mused as he puffed at his cigarette. "i'll soon learn all there is to know, and then i'll have my uncle see the captain and have me made purser. i don't like mr. dunn. when i get his job i'll take things easy, and have a couple of assistants to do the work. maybe i'll let nat be second assistant," he went on. "won't i make him stand around, though!" these thoughts were very pleasant to sam shaw. at heart he was a mean youth, and he was lazy and inefficient, faults to which his uncle was, unfortunately, blind. mr. bumstead thought sam was a very fine boy. in one of his trips about the deck, attending to his duties, nat had to pass close to sam. he saw the red-haired lad smoking a cigarette, and, knowing it was against the rules of the ship to smoke in that part of it where sam was, he said: "you'd better throw that overboard before the captain sees you." "throw what overboard?" asked sam in surly tones. "that cigarette. it's against the rules to smoke 'em here." "what do i care?" retorted sam. "my uncle is the mate." "that won't make any difference if captain marshall sees you." "i'm not afraid of him. my uncle owns part of the ship. he could be captain if he wanted to. i'll smoke wherever i please. have one yourself?" he added in a burst of generosity, for since he had had his idea of becoming purser and having nat for an assistant, sam felt in a little more tolerant mood toward our hero. "no, thanks, i don't smoke." "afraid of being sick, i s'pose." "no, it isn't that." "afraid the captain will see you and punish you, then?" "well, that's part of it. i used to smoke when i was about the docks, but i found it didn't agree with me, so i gave it up. i like a cigarette, but i believe they're bad for one's health. besides, if i did smoke, i wouldn't do it here. it's against the rules, i tell you, and you'd better stop." "well, i'm not going to, and you can go and tell captain marshall if you want to." "i don't do things like that," replied nat quietly, though he felt like punching sam for his sneering tone. "but i'm advising you for your own good." he turned away, and as he did so his coat, with an outside pocket showing conveniently open, was close to sam's hand. then a daring and mean scheme came into the mind of the red-haired youth. "if i get into trouble, i'll make trouble for him, too," he thought, and with a quick motion he dropped into nat's pocket a partly-filled box of cigarettes. "if he squeals on me i'll have something to tell on him," he continued. hardly had he done this than he was startled by an angry voice exclaiming: "throw that cigarette overboard! how dare you smoke on this deck? don't you know it's against the rules? go below at once and i'll attend to your case!" sam started guiltily, and turned to behold captain marshall glaring at him and at the lighted cigarette which the youth still held between his fingers. nat, who had passed on only a few steps, turned likewise. one look at the commander's face told him captain marshall was very angry indeed. "i told you that you'd better stop," nat whispered to sam. "aw, dry up!" was the ungracious retort. "i guess i can look out for myself." "look here," went on the captain, striding up to sam, "didn't you know it was against the rules to smoke up here? i don't like cigarettes in any part of the ship, least of all up on this deck. didn't your uncle tell you about it?" "no--no, sir," replied sam, who, in spite of his bravado, was startled by the angry manner of the commander. "and didn't any one tell you that it was forbidden here? didn't you tell him?" he asked, turning to nat. "you've been here long enough to know that rule." "i did know it, sir," replied nat respectfully, "and i told----" "he didn't tell me!" burst out sam quickly. "he didn't say anything about it. in fact, captain marshall, he asked me to smoke here. he gave me the cigarette!" "what!" exclaimed nat, astonished beyond measure. "i never----" "yes, you did!" went on sam quickly. "you gave me a cigarette out of a box you had in your pocket, i--i thought it was all right to smoke when he gave it to me." "is this true?" demanded the captain sternly. "no, sir!" exclaimed nat. "i haven't any cigarettes, and if i had i wouldn't give him any. i haven't smoked in over a year." "he says you have a box in your pocket now," continued captain marshall, remembering his suspicions about the fire in the hold. "he's telling an untruth," replied nat quietly. "i don't carry cigarettes about with me. you can----" "then what's this?" asked the commander suddenly, as he stepped toward nat, and plunging his hand in the lad's pocket he pulled out the box of cigarettes. the captain had seen a suspicious-looking bulge, and had acted on what he considered his rights as a commander of a vessel in searching one of his crew. "why--why----" stammered nat. "i didn't know----" "that's the box my cigarette came out of," said sam, truthfully enough. "it isn't mine!" exclaimed nat. "then what's it doing in your pocket?" inquired captain marshall. "i don't know, unless sam put it there," said nat firmly. "that's a likely story! i don't believe you." "i never put it there," declared sam stoutly. telling an untruth meant nothing to him. "then some one else, who wants to injure me, did it," declared nat. "i never use cigarettes--i haven't for over a year." "this will be looked into," said the captain. "one of you lads is telling an untruth, and i propose to find out who. when i do i shall take action. meanwhile i'll hold these cigarettes as evidence. don't let me catch either of you smoking again aboard this ship. as for you," he added, turning to nat, "you've been idle long enough. get on with your work." chapter xii the investigation nat hardly knew what to make of the strange turn of events. it had happened so suddenly that he had no time to prepare himself. he was positive sam had dropped the cigarettes into his pocket, but to prove it was another matter. he knew the mate would take the side of his nephew, while nat had no one to stand up for him. "unless mr. weatherby does," he said to himself. "i guess i'll tell him about it." "you leave it to me," said the pilot, when nat had related his story. "i think we can easily prove that sam shaw is guilty. don't worry. i'll stand by you." nat felt better after this, and went about his duties with a lighter heart. nevertheless, he could not help being anxious when he received a message telling him to report to captain marshall's cabin. "if you need any witnesses call on me," said the purser, as the boy went aft. "i saw sam smoking before you joined him, and i'll testify to that effect." "thank you," said nat. "i may need you. he tried to play a mean trick on me." in the cabin nat found assembled mr. bumstead and sam shaw, besides the commander of the ship, who, looking very stern, sat in a big chair behind the table. "i wonder where mr. weatherby is?" thought nat. "he said he'd stand by me. i hope he comes." "there's no need to state the reasons why we are here," began the captain. "i'm determined to get at the bottom of this smoking business, and put a stop to it. does your nephew smoke?" he asked, turning to the mate. "i--er--i think he used to, but he told me he had given it up, i think he has. haven't you, sam?" "yes, uncle joe; but when nat offered me one a while ago, i took it before i thought of what i was doing. i forgot i had promised you i wouldn't smoke any more." "i never gave him a cigarette!" burst out nat. "that will do!" exclaimed the captain. "you'll have your chance later." he placed the box he had taken from nat's pocket on the table in front of him. "did you ever see that box before?" he asked of the mate. "did you ever see your nephew have it?" "no, sir." "is that your box of cigarettes?" the captain asked sam. "no, sir; it belongs to nat," which was the truth, as far as it went, since sam had mentally made nat a present of it. "so it's yours, then?" turning to nat. "no, sir, it is not!" "who is telling the truth here?" asked the puzzled captain. "i am!" declared sam quickly. "you are not!" cried nat. "i never owned that box." "i found it in your pocket," declared the commander. "because he put it there." "i have already said i don't take any stock in that story. what object would he have in doing that?" "i don't know, but he did it." "i'm sure my nephew would not do such a thing," said the mate. "i know nat smokes, for i have seen him smoking about the dock when we had occasion to tie up there." "i used to," admitted our hero, "but i gave it up. if you will call mr. dunn," went on nat desperately, "i think he could give some evidence." "what kind?" asked the captain sneeringly. "did you make up some for him?" "no, sir, but he says he saw sam smoking before i passed him there on the deck, and warned him it was against the rules." "hum! well, i suppose i'll have to send for him," which the captain did. mr. dunn told how he had seen sam smoking before nat had occasion to go to that part of the deck where the mate's nephew was. "are you sure of this?" asked the mate sternly, before captain marshall had a chance to question mr. dunn. "remember you are blackening a boy's character by what you say." now, unfortunately for nat, it so happened that mr. dunn had what is termed a very "short" memory. he could recall matters distinctly for only a short time after they occurred, unless he made a note of them. that he had not done in this case. the mate saw his advantage, as the purser hesitated, and he pursued it. "wasn't it _after_ you sent nat to that part of the deck that you saw sam smoking?" he asked. "wasn't it _after_ that?" mr. dunn tried to recollect. his faulty memory went back on him, he hesitated and stammered, he became confused, and the outcome was he had to admit that he might have seen sam smoking after nat had met him. the result was he did nat's cause more harm than good. "well, i hope you're satisfied with your witness," remarked the captain dryly. "i don't see that you've proved anything, whereas the box of cigarettes is very damaging evidence against you." nat questioned mr. dunn, seeking to have him recall exactly what had taken place, but the purser, much as he wanted to help his assistant, failed dismally. "i am compelled to say i believe you gave sam the cigarette," went on captain marshall, "and, much as i regret it, for i think you are a hard-working lad, i shall have to discharge you. you broke a very strict rule of the ship, one on account of which we might, in case of fire, lose all our insurance. it is too flagrant to pass over." "then you believe him instead of me?" asked nat faintly. "i must say that i do." "but i never had those cigarettes." "the evidence is against you. what object would sam have in putting them into your pocket? that is a question you cannot answer satisfactorily." "i believe he wanted to injure me because i got this place that his uncle wanted for him." "nonsense! i have a better place in view for my nephew," said the mate. "he will take it as soon as this voyage for his health is ended." "as for traveling for his health, i wouldn't advise him to smoke any more cigarettes," remarked the captain dryly, "no matter who gives them to him." "i'll not," promised sam eagerly, congratulating himself on the success of his plot. "no, i'll see that he does not," added his uncle. poor nat did not know what to do or say. mr. dunn had slipped out of the cabin. the purser was sorry for what had happened, and most of all he regretted his inability to help nat, for though he could not testify to it in a way to carry conviction, he was sure in his own mind of what had happened. "why doesn't mr. weatherby come?" thought nat. "you will be relieved of your duties in the purser's office," went on captain marshall. "mr. bumstead, will you, as a favor to me, allow your nephew to help mr. dunn for the remainder of the voyage?" "yes, sir. i think he will be glad to do it. will you not, sam?" "certainly," was the answer, and the red-haired youth did not try to conceal the satisfaction he felt. "then you may consider yourself discharged," said the commander to nat. "i will put you ashore at the next port." "what's that?" exclaimed a voice, and those in the cabin looked up to see mr. weatherby standing in the doorway. "nat discharged! what's it all about? i tried to get here sooner, but i had to make up some records, and they took longer than i calculated. is the investigation all over, captain?" "it is, and i am sorry to say i had to decide against nat. i believe he had the cigarettes and gave sam some to smoke in that part of the ship where they are forbidden. i don't know that he smoked himself, but he might as well have done so as to induce another." "i don't believe nat did anything of the kind," said the pilot. "i'm sorry i can't agree with you," responded the commander. "i have relieved him from his duties and put sam temporarily in his place. he leaves the ship at the next port." "he does, eh?" said mr. weatherby. "then all i've got to say is that if he goes, i go too!" chapter xiii making a change such a startling announcement as the pilot made could not fail to surprise those in the cabin. nat wondered whether his friend meant it, and as for captain marshall, he believed the pilot was not aware of what had taken place at the investigation. "do you mean that you will leave the ship without a pilot?" asked the commander. "no; at least, not until we get to the next port, where you can hire one. in fact, after we get over this part of the trip you'll not need one, for the lake is well charted, and you can steer as well as i can. but i repeat, if nat goes, i go too." "but he broke one of the most stringent rules of the ship," retorted the captain, who did not at all like the idea of losing his pilot. "i can't agree with you. i know something of this case, and i believe nat is innocent of the charge." "do you mean to say that my nephew is guilty?" asked the mate. "i don't know that i care to express an opinion," was mr. weatherby's answer. "from what i know of him i should say i think your nephew might be guilty. i know he smokes cigarettes." "i used to," interrupted sam, "but i've stopped." "your hands don't bear out that assertion," said the pilot quietly, as he pointed to the tell-tale yellow stains on sam's fingers. "i am inclined to think you smoke pretty steadily yet." the red-haired youth had no answer to make to this. "do you dare to accuse my nephew?" demanded mr. bumstead. "i said i didn't care to accuse any one," replied mr. weatherby. "i only said i believe nat innocent, and if he is discharged i leave also." "i think you are taking an unfair advantage of me," said captain marshall. "you know i need your services for some time yet." "well, you know how to retain them." "how?" "by not unjustly discharging nat." "i don't think i was acting unjustly." "i do." the captain was plainly disturbed. he knew he could not well get along without the pilot, yet he did not like to have to give in to nat's claim of innocence. to do captain marshall justice, though he was quick-tempered, he really believed nat at fault, chiefly on account of mr. dunn's failure to give the proper testimony at the investigation. so with no very good humor he had to change his orders. "very well," he said rather sourly. "i'll not discharge nat, though i believe him guilty." "that will not do," insisted mr. weatherby. "if you believe him guilty you must discharge him." "but if i do, you'll go, and i will be without a pilot." "that is true, but there is another alternative." "what is it?" "you can say that at least there is a chance nat is not guilty. he should, i think, be given the benefit of the doubt." "very well. i'll admit that," replied the captain stiffly, for he did not like to be dictated to. "i believe that is all, then," went on mr. weatherby. "i suppose nat may go back to the purser's office?" the captain nodded. he was in an exceedingly bad humor. he felt that his position as captain of the ship was at stake. he had incurred the enmity of the mate, who was a part owner, and he felt that mr. weatherby, who was a member of the company owning the vessel, had no very friendly feelings toward him. still, there was nothing else the commander could do. "i'll get square with you yet," muttered sam as nat passed him on his way out of the captain's cabin. "i'll have your place, too, before a great while." "maybe you will--when i'm through with it," replied nat, quite pleased with the way things had turned out, yet wishing he could completely vindicate himself. "but i tell you one thing, sam shaw, if you try any more of your tricks on me i'll give you the worst licking you ever had." the boys were outside of the cabin now, and on the deck. "you will, eh?" "yes, i will, and don't you forget it! you put those cigarettes in my pocket, and you know it." "oh, i did, eh? then why didn't you prove it?" sneered sam. "i will, some day, and when i do--well, look out--that's all," and nat turned away and went back to his work. though the incident seemed closed, there was not the best of feeling between captain marshall and the pilot. as for the mate, he was so angry at mr. weatherby that he would not speak to him. the _jessie drew_ continued on her voyage. stops were made at several ports in saginaw bay, where cargo was either discharged or taken on. sam kept himself out of nat's way, but this was not difficult, for nat found plenty to do, as, since he grasped matters rapidly, the purser turned more and more work over to him. nat was glad of this, since he wanted to learn all he could, and he was rapidly advancing. mr. dunn complimented him on his aptitude for the work, and said it would not be long before he could qualify for the position of assistant purser. "then i suppose you'll be after my place," he said. "no, indeed," answered nat with a smile. "you've been too kind to me." "i wish i could have done more for you at that investigation. it's too bad my memory is so faulty. i have to make a note of everything the minute it happens, or i'd forget it. i get so used to relying on books and memoranda in this position that i'm lost without them." "don't worry about it," said nat. "it's all right. some time i'll prove what a mean trick sam played on me, and then i'll be satisfied." mr. weatherby did not forget his promise to teach nat all he could about piloting, and many a day the lad spent in learning the different points and studying the lake, its various headlands, lighthouses, buoys and other marks on which navigators have to depend. "you're coming on well, nat," said the old pilot one day. "it won't be long before you can qualify for an assistant pilot, and then it will be only a matter of a few years when you will be a full-fledged one." "i'll be glad when that time comes. i want to earn some money to pay back mr. and mrs. miller for what they did for me." "yes, they were very kind to you, and they felt it more than a family would that had more money. never forget your friends, nat. by the way, have you seen or heard anything more about that pocketbook which the mate had?" "no; i've watched him closely, but i haven't had a sight of it. probably i was mistaken." "i think not, yet he may have come by it honestly, even if it was your father's. sailors often make each other gifts, or your father may have sold it to mr. bumstead." "i don't believe he'd do that. he thought too much of it. but if the mate came by it honestly, i don't see why he acted so queerly. i can't help thinking there is some mystery about it. in fact, father's death was so sudden that little was known concerning it." "i have a plan in mind, which i am going to put into operation as soon as possible," said the pilot. "it may result in some information." "what is it?" "i know a man who was on the lumber barge on which your father was. i am going to write to him, and have him tell me all the circumstances connected with your parent's death." "i wish you would. it would relieve my mind to know all the facts." "that is what i thought. i will write in a few days, but now i have another matter i want to speak to you about." the pilot's manner was serious, and nat wondered what his friend was about to say. mr. weatherby went to the door of the pilot-house and looked out. "i just wanted to see that sam shaw, or his uncle, were not about," he said in explanation. "they've been hanging around here of late, and i'm suspicious of them." he closed the door, and coming over to where nat stood at the wheel said: "how would you like to come with me on a big passenger steamer?" "are you going?" asked nat in surprise. "well, i have the chance. i got a letter the other day from a big firm, that wants another pilot. they made me a very good offer, and i'm inclined to take it. i thought i would ask you if you'd like to go." "would i have a chance to learn to be a pilot?" "yes, a better chance than you have here." "then i'd like to go first-rate. i'm ever so much obliged to you. do you think you will accept the offer?" "i believe i will. i'll tell captain marshall that we are going to leave him at detroit. he can easily get another pilot there, and we'll change to a ship where conditions are more pleasant. i'm glad you want to come with me." "i don't know what i'd do if it wasn't for you." "well, i still feel that i'm in your debt," replied mr. weatherby. "i think----" he stopped suddenly and went to the door. he listened a moment, then quickly opened it. sam shaw was hurrying away down the deck. "i believe he was listening, the young rascal!" exclaimed the pilot. "do you think he heard anything?" "he must have. the windows were open." "what will you do?" "well, it doesn't matter much. i'll inform captain marshall at once of my intentions, and so spoil any trick which the mate's nephew thinks he can play on us." chapter xiv a blow and a rescue that captain marshall was surprised is putting it mildly when a little later mr. weatherby informed the commander that he was going to leave to be a pilot on a big passenger steamer. "if it is a question of more money, i think you can get it on this steamer," said mr. marshall. "no, it isn't altogether that. the freight runs are too long to suit me. i am getting along in years, and i like to spend a little time on shore. by taking this position on a passenger vessel i will have considerable time between trips. then, again, conditions are not as pleasant here of late as i'd like to have them. nat and i will leave you as soon as you reach detroit." "nat! is he going with you?" "yes. after what has occurred i should think you would be glad of it." "i don't know that i am," replied the captain. "at first i believed him guilty of having those cigarettes, but since then i have been informed by one of the crew that sam shaw smokes in secret, though not in forbidden places. no, i can't say that i am altogether pleased that nat is going. he is a good boy, and though he is a trifle slow in some things i think i will prefer him to sam." "then sam is going to have his place?" "if nat leaves. i have promised mr. bumstead that i will give his nephew the position." "i hope you don't repent of it. i am sorry this little trouble has occurred, but i'll stick to nat every time." "i wish i was sure that sam and not nat was at fault," went on the captain. "i confess i do not altogether like sam, but i am under obligations to his uncle." "well, nat and i will soon be leaving you," continued the pilot. "of course, until i go, i will do all i can to help you, and so will nat." though captain marshall was a little sorry to lose nat, yet, on the whole, he was not ill-pleased that the boy to whom, in a measure, he had had to admit himself in the wrong was going to leave. he would have been better pleased to get some one else besides sam in his place, but he could do nothing, as he had given the mate a promise. as for nat, he was delighted at the prospect of a change. he had always wanted a place on a passenger steamer, for though he might be kept busier, the work was of a pleasanter character. the wages, too, were higher, and there was a better chance for advancement. several days went by, and the freighter made a number of stops of small importance. "well, nat," said mr. weatherby in the evening, after the boy had spent nearly all day in the pilot-house perfecting himself along the lines of his chosen calling, "we'll be at detroit to-morrow morning, and then we'll bid farewell to the _jessie drew_. i suppose you'll be glad of it?" "partly, yes, though it was very nice before sam showed up." "i, too, will be a little sorry to go," added the pilot. "i have been on her a number of years now, and it seems like home to me. but i think a change will be best." "is the passenger steamer at detroit?" "no, but it is expected there in a few days. we'll lay off on shore until she arrives. i have been in communication with the owners, and the boat is to pick you and me up at that port. you'll have a chance to make a few excursions on shore." "oh, i'm not tired of work so soon." "no, i should hope not. but i have a little business to attend to in detroit. i may say it affects you." "affects me? how is that?" "you remember i told you i was going to write to a man who was on the lumber barge with your father?" "yes." "well, i did so, and i have an answer from him." "who is he? what does he say?" "his name is george clayton." "why, i have often heard my father speak of him." "yes; well, i had a letter from him the other day. it was forwarded to me from chicago." "what does he say? does he recall anything out of the ordinary concerning my father?" "that's what i can't tell. he doesn't say anything, except that he will meet me in detroit. so he may know something, and, again, he may not. i suppose you haven't learned anything more from mr. bumstead?" "no. he hasn't said much to me since the trouble over the cigarettes." "did you ask him any more about the pocketbook?" "i started to speak to him about it, intending to inquire if he couldn't possibly be mistaken, but he refused to talk about it and turned away, saying the wallet was his, and had been for a long time." "a good deal depends on what he calls a long time," murmured mr. weatherby as he went to his cabin. "i wonder what mr. clayton can tell me?" thought nat. "i don't believe there was anything suspicious about father's death, or it would have been brought out at the time. the captain of the barge said he had fallen overboard while at work during a storm, and that they had a hard time recovering his body. poor father! if he was only alive now he and i could be on some vessel and both earning a good living." nat was a little sad at the thoughts of his dead parent, but he did not dwell long on this gloomy side. he had his work to do, and work is one of the best things in the world to make us forget our griefs. the _jessie drew_ tied up at the wharf in detroit early the next morning. mr. weatherby had his baggage all packed, and nat at his suggestion had done the same. nat had been paid off by captain marshall the night before, but the pilot received his money in the form of a check every month. "i hope you do well in your new place," said captain marshall as he bade nat good-by. "thank you. i hope to be able to prove some day that those cigarettes were not mine," replied nat. "if you do i will always be ready to beg your pardon," was the commander's reply, somewhat stiffly made. "well, nat, are you all ready?" called the pilot as he stood at the head of the companionway. "all ready," replied the boy, coming up on deck. near the gangplank, over which he had to pass to leave the vessel, stood sam shaw. though sam had said little to his uncle about it, he was quite envious over nat's rise in life. to be a helper to a pilot on a passenger steamer was much better than to be an assistant to the purser of a freighter. sam had hinted to his uncle the advisability of mr. bumstead seeking a berth on a passenger boat, but the latter had replied he did not care for that sort of a place. the truth was the mate was not competent to take such a position, as he was not a first-class officer. "good-by, nat," called mr. dunn to the lad who had been such a help to him. "i'll miss you." "oh, i guess i can do as well as he did," spoke sam quickly. "i'll not make any mistake checking up the cargo lists, and i'll not go to sleep in the hold and say a bale fell on me." for his uncle had told sam of these two circumstances, giving his own version of them. "that'll do you!" exclaimed nat. "don't you get too fresh!" "and i'm not going to have any cigarettes, either," went on sam, determined to do all he could to blacken nat's character. this last taunt was too much for nat. dropping his valise he sprang for sam. "you take that back!" he demanded. "i'll do nothing of the kind!" was sam's retort. "then i'll punch your head!" "you don't dare! i'm not afraid of you. get away from me, or i'll land you one on the nose!" the two boys stood glaring at each other. nat was thoroughly angry, something that was rare with him, and sam felt a desire to strike the lad who had managed to get ahead of him. "are you going to get away from me?" demanded sam. "not until i get ready." "come, nat, don't have anything to do with him," advised mr. weatherby, for he did not want to see a fight. at the sound of his friend's voice nat involuntarily turned his head. sam meanly took advantage of this, and drew back his arm for a blow. his fist shot out, but nat turned aside in time so that he only received a light blow on the shoulder. he had been hit, however, and he was not the lad to stand that without taking some action. "there! if you want to fight!" he cried, and his left shot out, straight for sam's face. sam tried to dodge, but he was too late. the blow caught him full on the chin, and so powerful was it that he reeled backward, vainly clutching the air for support. he had been standing with his back to the little space between the ship's rail and the rail of the gangplank. nat's blow sent him reeling backward, and a moment later sam fell into the water between the vessel and the dock. "man overboard!" sang out a sailor who had witnessed the fight and its outcome. "man overboard!" he ran to the rail, and threw a life-preserver down into the narrow space. but with the realization of what he had done nat was in action. he threw off his coat and vest with a quick motion, and with his knife cut the laces of his shoes, kicking them off in a trice. then, running to the rail, he peered down to where a swirl in the water indicated sam's position. over the rail leaped nat, to rescue the boy whom he had knocked into the water. at the sailor's cry captain marshall and the mate came running out on deck. they were told by the pilot what had happened. "i'll have him arrested for this!" cried the mate. "he tried to murder my nephew." "your nephew hit him first," replied mr. weatherby. "yes, and now he's trying to drown him!" "not a bit of it. sam had no business to be standing where he was. let nat alone and he'll get him out. he rescued me from a worse place than that." the three men rushed to the rail, and peered down. neither boy was in sight. "sam's drowned! oh, sam's drowned!" cried the mate, helplessly. "nonsense!" replied the pilot. "he hasn't been in half a minute. there! nat's got him!" nat had reappeared on the surface, with one arm about his enemy. "throw me a rope!" he cried. "he's unconscious! must have hit his head!" "can you hold him?" asked the pilot. "yes. i've got hold of the dock." the rope was hastily lowered, and nat placed the loop of it about the shoulders of the unconscious sam. then those on deck hauled him up. a few seconds later, with the aid of the same rope, nat was pulled on deck. "is he--is he all right?" he asked anxiously. "yes," answered the pilot. "that was a plucky rescue." "well, i couldn't do any less, seeing i knocked him overboard. i was afraid i couldn't get him. he's quite heavy." "this is a dramatic farewell," commented mr. weatherby. "i suppose you can't go now, until you have changed your clothes." "i don't want to go until i know whether he is all right. i'm sorry i struck him so hard." "he deserved it, for he took an unfair advantage of you." "yes, that's so; but i didn't think it would end this way." "better go to the engine-room, and change your clothes," suggested mr. weatherby. "i'll wait for you." chapter xv nat hears some news nat took off his wet garments, and donned some others, while the damp ones were put to dry over one of the boilers. in the meanwhile sam had been revived. he was not much hurt, but he had swallowed a quantity of water, which made him quite ill. "i'll have that nat morton arrested for assault and battery," declared the mate. "no--no--don't!" begged his nephew. "why not? didn't he hit you?" "yes--but--but i hit him first, and--and mr. weatherby saw me." "oh," said mr. bumstead. "well, we'll get even with him some way." "that's what i will," declared sam, with as much energy as possible under the circumstances. "i'm glad he's going. are you sure i'm to have his job?" "yes, and you'll get more money. i made captain marshall agree to that, though he didn't want to. but you'll have to be very careful. don't you dare smoke any cigarettes." "how do you know i do smoke 'em?" "oh, i've got a good nose for tobacco," replied his uncle. "i'm warning you; that's all. i don't like this nat morton any more than you do, and i'm glad he is going." the mate did not say why, but it was because he had hidden away a certain wallet, with a name erased from it, and this wallet he did not want nat to see. owing to the fight between nat and sam, it was not until noon that mr. weatherby and our hero were able to leave the _jessie drew_. by that time nat's clothes were dry, and then, without sam looking on, for he was below in his bunk, the pilot and the lad whom he had befriended went ashore. "we'll go to the imperial hotel," spoke mr. weatherby. "that's where i usually put up, when i'm here, and we'll wait there until the _mermaid_ docks." "is that the name of the ship we are going on?" asked nat. "that's her. she's a fine steamer, and captain turton is a fine man. i shall like to work for him, and i believe you will too." "maybe he doesn't want me," suggested nat, for he had been thinking of that contingency. "oh, i've arranged all that. but i wonder if george clayton will be here?" "where did you expect to meet him?" "at the hotel. there's the place, just ahead," and the pilot pointed down the street. "yes, and there's george, like a lookout in the bow on a foggy night. there, he's signaling us!" nat saw a stout, jolly looking man, standing on the hotel steps, waving his hand to mr. weatherby. "ahoy there!" called mr. clayton, when they were within hailing distance, "how goes it?" "very fair. how about you?" "oh, i've had pretty good weather, and i managed to keep off the rocks and shoals. but is this nat morton, whom you were telling me about?" "that's nat," replied the pilot. "hum. looks like his father," commented mr. clayton. "shake hands, young man," and he extended a big one, roughened by many years of toil aboard lake steamers. "did you know my father?" asked nat, with deep interest. "indeed, i did. he and i were messmates on many a trip. i was on the same barge when a big wave washed him overboard. my! but that was a rough night!" "i thought maybe, george," said mr. weatherby, "that you could tell nat something about his father's affairs. there seems to be something wrong somewhere, but i can't get a clear passage to what it is. the signals don't seem to be right, and we're navigating around in a fog. maybe you can put us on the right course, and we'll get into some sort of a harbor." "i'll do my best, though i don't know much about his affairs," said the stout sailor. "but come on in. i'd like to talk to you." nat felt a little strange at meeting one who had known his father so intimately. but george clayton was not one to let one feel sad for very long. when they were in his room at the hotel, drinking lemonade, for the day was hot, he told nat all he knew about his father's last voyage. "and so you're learning to be a pilot," he said to nat at the close. "i thought your father was going to set you up in some business. he was afraid you would meet with some accident if you followed the same calling he did." "set him up in business? what do you mean?" asked mr. weatherby. "well, i don't know exactly what business, but i know jim--i always called your father jim," he explained to nat--"i know jim was talking what he was going to do with the profits of the load of lumber--i mean his share." "did mr. morton have a share in the load of lumber on the barge from which he was drowned?" asked the pilot. "of course. didn't you know that? didn't you get his share when he died?" he asked of the boy. "i got nothing. father left nothing, as far as i know." "why, he certainly left something," insisted mr. clayton. "we all got our share out of it, and i always supposed his went to his heirs. you're the only one, i understand." "this is getting to be quite a puzzle," declared mr. weatherby. "suppose you explain." "well, you certainly surprise me," went on mr. clayton. "and nat didn't get anything after his father died?" "not a cent. how could he? mr. morton left no papers of any kind." "well, he certainly did, for i saw 'em. there was a whole walletful, and among them was a certificate of his share in the lumber deal." "what lumber deal? what wallet?" asked nat excitedly. "i'd better begin at the beginning," said mr. clayton, "and tell it all regularly--that is, as much as i know. but first i must have some more lemonade." he filled his glass from the pitcher, drank a goodly draught of the beverage, and began: "jim and i and several others formed a syndicate on that lumber. that is, we all put our money together and purchased the load. it was good timber, and the price was high, and we stood to make considerable. jim had five shares, and each share was worth in the neighborhood of three hundred dollars. i had two shares." "then my father had fifteen hundred dollars in that lumber deal," said nat. "that's what he had, my boy, and where it went to is a mystery." "did you get your money out of it?" asked the pilot. "i certainly did, and so did the others. after that storm, when your father was lost overboard, we had a hard job getting the lumber to port, but we managed to do it, and sold it for a good price." "what was done with the money?" asked mr. weatherby. "it was divided among the members of the syndicate." "what about mr. morton's share?" "his was laid aside, and the second mate of the barge said he would take it to his address in chicago. he got it off mr. morton's dead body." "i never received the money," said nat. "that's queer," spoke mr. clayton. "who was the second mate, who agreed to take mr. morton's share to his heirs?" inquired the pilot. "he was joseph bumstead," was the startling answer, "but i don't know where he is now. he cleared out after we sold the lumber, taking his share, and mr. morton's, and i haven't seen him since." chapter xvi just too late such was their surprise over this announcement on the part of mr. clayton, that neither mr. weatherby nor nat knew, for a moment, what to say. "are you sure bumstead had mr. morton's share?" asked the pilot. "of course. he took charge of everything that was found in poor jim's pockets. there was a little money, and some other papers. one, i recall, was a promissory note for about four hundred dollars, for money jim had loaned to bumstead. i remember there was some question about letting him take that, but he said he would pay the money due on it to jim's heirs, and we let him have the whole business." "what sort of a looking man was this bumstead?" asked mr. weatherby, while he and nat waited anxiously for the answer. mr. clayton accurately described the mate of the _jessie drew_. "it's the same man," murmured the pilot. "there can be no mistake about that." "why, do you know him?" asked mr. clayton. "i have every reason to believe that he is mate of the freight steamer nat and i have just left," was the reply. "then let's get right after him, and make him give up that money!" exclaimed mr. clayton. "he's got it. probably he turned the lumber shares into money as soon as he got ashore, for he could easily do that." "then with the money due on the note he has about two thousand dollars belonging to----" "belonging to nat!" interrupted mr. clayton, "and i'll see that the boy gets it. come on, don't lose any time. bumstead may skip out. i didn't like the man when i was in the same crew with him, but i never supposed he was a thief." "this explains why he did not want nat to come aboard to work," said the pilot. "he was afraid mr. morton's son would discover something." "and i _did_, too," put in nat. "i saw him have my father's wallet." "that's so; i forgot about that for the moment," cried mr. weatherby. "do you recall that pocketbook, with mr. morton's name on it in gold letters?" he asked, turning to mr. clayton. "indeed, i do. jim thought a lot of that. has bumstead got it?" "we have every reason to think he has." "he's a thorough villain," commented mr. clayton. "now don't let's delay any longer, or he may skip out. let's get a policeman, or a detective, and have him locked up. i'll be a witness against him." "i guess that's our best plan," assented the pilot. "well, nat, you're better off than you thought you were. two thousand dollars is a neat sum for a lad like you." "i haven't got it yet." "no, but we'll see that you do get it," replied mr. weatherby's friend. "we'll have the law on that rascally mate. no wonder he wanted his nephew to have your place." "shall we go down where the _jessie drew_ is tied up, and see if the mate is aboard before we get an officer, or stop at the police station first?" asked mr. weatherby, as he, nat and mr. clayton left the hotel. "let's get a policeman, or a detective, first," was mr. clayton's answer. "we can't take any chances with a man like bumstead. to think of him having that money more than two years, since poor jim was drowned, and nat suffering for what was really his own!" "oh, i didn't suffer so much," was our hero's answer. "i managed to get along, and mr. and mrs. miller were very good to me. then i had a good friend in mr. weatherby." "no better than i had in you," replied the pilot, who had told his friend of the plucky rescue. a stop at the police station, and a recital of part of the story to the sergeant in charge, readily procured the services of a detective. in order to excite no suspicions, it was arranged that the officer and mr. clayton should go on ahead to the dock where the freight steamer was tied up. they could go aboard, and if mr. bumstead saw them he would not become alarmed and escape, whereas, if he saw the pilot and nat returning he might take the alarm. accordingly, when they were part way to the dock, nat and mr. weatherby walked down a side street, while the others went on. "i wonder if he'll put up a fight?" mused nat, as they paced slowly up and down, waiting. "very likely. he is a desperate man, and i haven't the slightest doubt but what he pushed that bale on you in the hold." "i think so myself," agreed nat. it seemed quite a long time that mr. clayton and the detective were gone, and nat grew impatient. "something must have happened," he said. "i hope so," answered the pilot. "i hope they got him, and that he had your money with him." they resumed their pacing up and down. about ten minutes later they saw mr. clayton and the officer coming toward them, unaccompanied. "they didn't get him!" exclaimed nat. "maybe he gave up the money." "i hope he did. i shouldn't like to go to court over it." "well?" asked the pilot, as the two came nearer. "we were just too late," answered mr. clayton dejectedly. "too late?" "yes, the vessel has sailed for buffalo. we have been trying to find another ship bound for the same port, that might get in ahead of the freighter, but we couldn't. i guess bumstead has escaped us for a time, but you can follow him. his ship will tie up in buffalo for a week." "but nat and i have to go aboard the passenger steamer in a few days," said mr. weatherby. "we'll have to stay on lake huron for a month or more, cruising about. i can't go to buffalo, and i don't believe it would be safe for nat to go alone." "i wish i could," said mr. clayton, "but i've got to ship for a trip to duluth and other ports to-morrow. even if i didn't have to go, i would have no right to make a complaint against the mate. it would have to be done by nat, as it's his money." "that's right," said the detective. "the person whose property is stolen has to make the complaint. but we might wire the buffalo police to hold the man until one of you can get there. the only trouble is you'd have to swear out a warrant here, and as i understand it, there is only a suspicion against bumstead." "we are practically sure he has nat's money," replied the pilot, "still, there may be some difficulty in causing his arrest, when he is so far away. if we could only send some one to buffalo, who understood the case, and would know what to do, we could manage. it is out of the question for me to go, and i don't believe nat could manage matters. the mate would probably get some criminal lawyer, and effect a release, even if he was arrested. it's quite a puzzle." "i don't see what we can do," added the detective. "if we had been half an hour sooner we could have nabbed him." nat, who had hopes of recovering the money that was rightfully his, began to feel discouraged. it looked as if the rascally mate had the best of them. as the four stood in the street, undecided what to do, a voice hailed nat, calling out: "well, well! if there isn't the lad who saved my boat for me! i'm glad to see you again. how are you?" nat looked up, to see advancing toward him two men. the younger was john scanlon, whose craft the boy had saved from being stove in at the dock in chicago, some weeks before. chapter xvii planning a capture "glad to meet you again," said nat cordially, as he shook hands with young mr. scanlon. "what are you doing here?" "oh, we're on a little trip, my father and i. by the way, i don't believe you have met my father. dad, this is nat morton, whom i was telling you about. he saved our rowboat." "humph, i haven't quite forgiven you for that careless piece of work, john. but i'm glad to meet nat," and mr. peter scanlon shook hands with the lad. "what are you doing here, nat?" asked john. "i'm learning to be a pilot." "this is a queer place to learn that calling--ashore." then nat explained that he was about to make a change of craft, and he introduced his companions to john and the latter's parent. he also told of the money due him and their fruitless efforts to capture the mate. "why, that's quite a romantic story," commented john scanlon. "to think of your having money all this time, and not knowing it!" "and i'm still without it," said nat, "and likely to be for some time, unless something happens." "what a story that would make for the newspapers," went on john. "i once thought of becoming a newspaper reporter. this would be a dandy yarn." "hold on there, young fellow!" exclaimed the detective. "what's the matter?" asked john. "don't go to tipping off the papers about this. we're going to have a hard enough time as it is to capture this chap, and we don't want him to know we're after him. if he sees something about it in the papers, he'll take the alarm and leave buffalo before we can land him." "buffalo? is he headed for buffalo?" asked john scanlon excitedly. "yes. why?" asked nat. "why, that's where we're going! my father's steam yacht leaves for buffalo to-morrow. we're going to make the trip all the way to new york, by way of the st. lawrence river, and we're going to stop off at buffalo. maybe we'll see this bumstead." "say, if you only could catch him!" cried nat eagerly. "there are several legal difficulties to that plan," objected the detective. "perhaps i can suggest a way out," put in mr. scanlon, who had been listening with interest to the story of nat's newly discovered possessions. "i am a lawyer, and if i can help the lad who saved my son's boat from destruction, i'd be only too glad to do so." "that might be the very thing," went on the officer. he explained the mix-up that would ensue if some unauthorized person attempted to cause the arrest of the mate in buffalo. "i think we can get around that difficulty," said the lawyer. "according to your story the mate is guilty of embezzling money belonging to another, with which he was entrusted. then there is the promissory note, which would come under a different head. nat can make a complaint in this city, charging the mate with embezzlement. a warrant can be sworn out, and i can be duly authorized to prosecute the case for nat." "that would answer first-rate," commented the detective. "only i'm afraid it will put you to a good deal of trouble, mr. scanlon," said mr. weatherby. "i don't mind that in the least. i am in no hurry. in fact i am on a pleasure trip, and it does not matter when i get to new york. i had planned to stop at buffalo, and spending a few days longer there than i calculated on will make no difference." "but will your boat get to buffalo ahead of the freight steamer?" asked mr. clayton. "i think so," replied john scanlon, with a smile. "it is one of the fastest small yachts afloat. i fancy we will be at the dock waiting for this bumstead when his ship gets in." "yes," agreed his father. "i will be waiting for him there with a warrant. but we must lose no time. supposing we go to the police station and draw up the complaint?" this was soon done, and with the proper papers in his pocket, mr. scanlon and his son prepared to set out on their voyage to capture the rascally mate. the lawyer promised to telegraph nat the result of his efforts, as soon as possible, and the pilot gave mr. scanlon a list of the ports at which the _mermaid_, his new vessel, would call. "in case anything happens, you can notify us," said the pilot. the lawyer and his son bade the others good-by, as, now that they had an object in view, the scanlons wanted to begin their trip at once. "good luck!" called nat to his new friends. "i hope you get him." "oh, we'll get him," replied john confidently. "well, nat, there's been quite a change in your prospects since you jumped overboard, a few hours ago, and rescued sam shaw," remarked mr. weatherby as, with our hero and mr. clayton, they went back to their hotel. "yes, i seem to have more friends than i thought i did." "and one or two enemies. don't forget that. you've been through some perils already, and i hope they're at an end." but there were yet more dangers ahead of nat morton--dangers of which he did not dream, for indeed, as the pilot had said, he had at least one relentless enemy who would have been well satisfied to see nat out of his way. two days later the _mermaid_ arrived at detroit, and the pilot and nat went aboard. mr. clayton had previously sailed on his trip to lake superior, to be gone some time, but he promised to come, whenever wanted, to testify against bumstead, in case the mate was brought to trial. the _mermaid_ was a fine passenger steamer, which called at all the principal ports on lakes huron, michigan and erie. she carried passengers chiefly, but also took some freight. nat, however, found he had nothing to do with that department. he was assigned to the captain's cabin, where he would have certain light duties to perform, but it had been arranged, by mr. weatherby, that his young _protégé_ was to receive more instruction in piloting than had been possible aboard the freighter. so the most of the day, and part of the night, found nat with his friend in the pilot-house. the _mermaid_ steered by steam, and instead of an immense wheel, there was only a small one. a simple turn of it, with one hand, would send the great steamer on any desired course. "this is another reason i wanted to change," remarked mr. weatherby, as he explained to nat how the steam steering gear was operated. "that big wheel was getting too much for me to handle, especially in a storm. we'll have it easier now, and it will be more pleasant." there was no doubt about this. the _mermaid_ was a new steamer, and was handsomely furnished. and it was much nicer to be among passengers, than delving away in a dark, dirty hold, checking up long cargo lists. nat began to feel that his life had changed very much for the better. he had a new suit of clothes, and made a good appearance. for about a week the _mermaid_ cruised on lake huron and lake michigan, taking on passengers, and some freight at one port, and leaving them at another. nat was rapidly progressing in his chosen calling, and several times he had steered the vessel all alone, with no one in the pilot-house but himself, for mr. weatherby wanted the lad to acquire confidence. captain turton was an agreeable man, and readily consented that nat should have all the privileges possible, in order to learn more rapidly. "i was young once myself," he said with a smile. "i had to pick up my knowledge of ships as best i could, and if i had had half a chance i would be a better navigator than i am now. in fact, i could have learned piloting among these many islands in lake huron, and that would have saved me hiring you, weatherby." "well, if nat keeps on, he'll soon be able to take my place," said the pilot with a smile. "he did nearly all the work to-day. i'm getting lazy, i guess. for the last few days i haven't felt like myself." "maybe you're getting malaria," suggested the captain. "i'm getting something. guess i'll take a big dose of quinine to-night." "better not to-night," spoke the captain. "why not?" "well, i don't like the looks of the weather. there seems to be a storm coming up, and you'll want all your wits about you if it comes on to blow much." "oh, i guess i can steer, even if my ears do ring with the quinine, and my head buzzes," answered mr. weatherby. "i must break up this languid feeling." the _mermaid_ stopped at a good-sized city that evening, preparatory to making an all-night trip. as the boat touched the dock nat saw on the end of the pier a telegraph messenger. "anybody named nat morton aboard?" the boy called, as soon as the ship was made fast. "that's me," replied nat. "well, i've got a telegram for you. i've been waiting three hours, and you've got to pay for my time." "that'll be all right," said mr. weatherby, who was standing at the rail, beside nat. "it's probably from mr. scanlon," he went on. "i was wondering why we didn't hear from him." he paid the messenger boy, and nat tore open the yellow envelope. the message was from mr. scanlon, and it was short. it said: "freighter arrived. bumstead and nephew not aboard. they shipped on another vessel before arriving at buffalo. wire me what to do." chapter xviii nat's plucky piloting "well, if that isn't tough luck!" exclaimed nat. "i suppose bumstead thinks just the opposite," remarked the pilot. "i wonder if he heard of our plan, and made the change of boats to escape us?" "i think not. he could not know that we were after him. i fancy the mate and captain marshall had some disagreement. i know the mate did not like mr. marshall, who, in fact, was rather afraid of bumstead. very likely they had a quarrel, and the mate got aboard the first vessel he met." "then we can't have him arrested." "oh, i guess we can. it will take a little longer, that's all. he's sure to stick around the lakes, as he doesn't know enough of navigation to get a job anywhere else. news travels pretty well among those engaged in business up here, and we'll get on his track sooner or later." "i hope so, for i want that money. when i didn't know i was to get any i was pretty well satisfied, but now that i have heard of this legacy, it seems as though i ought to get it." "and so you shall. but i must telegraph to mr. scanlon. i don't believe we can ask him to do any more for us. he probably wants to continue on to new york. besides, we can't inform him where to look for bumstead. i'll just wire, thanking him, and tell him we'll look after the rascal now." "i guess that's the only plan." a message was sent to mr. scanlon, and by that time the _mermaid_ was ready to proceed. the indications of the storm became more pronounced, but it did not break that night. day after day slipped by and nat kept steadily at work, learning all about piloting that was possible. it was wonderful how quickly he acquired the art of navigation. "the boy was born to it," declared the old pilot to the captain. "he knows as much about it already as many assistants who have been at the wheel for ten times as long." mr. weatherby was far from well, and nat noticed that he could not keep at the wheel as steadily as before. one evening when a heavy storm was brewing the old pilot said every bone in his body ached. "guess i'm in for a spell of sickness, sure," he remarked. "can't you take some medicine?" asked nat, sympathetically. "yes." mr. weatherby took a large dose of quinine, so large that he was unable to remain in the pilot-house after midnight, but as the route was over a course he had previously traveled, nat had no difficulty in steering the big vessel, with occasional help from captain turton. "well, nat, how did you make out?" mr. weatherby asked him the next morning. "pretty well. i was a bit frightened at first, and i was afraid i would forget some of the signals, or read the lights wrong, and pile the boat up on an island or a bar, but i didn't." "glad to hear it. i was a little anxious about you. now whatever you do, when you're in the pilot-house, don't lose your nerve. just say to yourself that you're going to succeed, and bring the ship through, and you'll do it." "there's more responsibility here than on a freighter." "indeed, there is! think of all the human lives entrusted to your care. that will make you keep your nerve in case you get in a critical place. but you did very well, and i'm proud of you." "how are you feeling this morning?" "pretty well. i can take my trick now. you'd better turn in and get some sleep. you may have to take part of the watch again to-night." nat did go to his bunk, after breakfast, but he did not stay there long. one of the cabin stewards was injured by a fall down a companionway, and nat had to turn in and do this man's work. the result was the boy was kept busy nearly all day, occasionally taking a turn at the wheel. once, when he relieved mr. weatherby for a few minutes, while the pilot went below to take some medicine, he remarked to his benefactor: "you don't look very well." "and i don't feel very well, nat. but i'm trying to stick it out. we've got a hard part of the lake ahead of us, a part where there are more islands than you can shake a stick at, and i don't like to go through there. but we've got to do it." "but how can you, if you're sick?" "pilots, as well as other persons, can't always do as they would like to. i guess i'll be all right. but i don't like the weather. the longer this storm holds off, the worse it's likely to be. however, there's no use worrying. i'll be back in a few minutes. keep her about as she is." left alone in the pilot-house nat glanced at the compass, noted the course marked on the charts, and by moving the small steam steering-wheel slightly, found that the ship answered readily to the helm. off to the west there was a big bank of slate-colored clouds, from which, now and then, came low rumblings of thunder. "i guess it won't be long before the storm reaches here," thought the young pilot. almost before the boy realized it, an hour had passed. he was so interested in steering the boat, and recalling the different points that had been impressed on him by the pilot, that he did not notice that mr. weatherby was gone much longer than he had said he would be away. "it's taking him a good while to get his medicine," murmured nat. "i hope he isn't going to be sick again to-night. i don't want to have to steer the vessel among a lot of islands." he was now anxiously awaiting the return of mr. weatherby, for the storm seemed to be approaching more rapidly, and the darkness of the coming night was added to by the black clouds, that now covered the entire sky. nat shifted the wheel, to keep the vessel on the prescribed course, and was looking ahead through the fast-gathering gloom, when some one came into the pilot-house. he looked up to see captain turton, whose face wore a worried look. "i'm afraid we're going to have trouble," he said. "how so, captain?" "mr. weatherby is very sick. i was just in his cabin, and i found him in a semi-conscious state. he had tried to take some medicine, but before he could get it he was seized with a sudden fit of sickness. i called in the doctor, and he said the pilot would not be able to take charge of the vessel to-night. i don't know what we're going to do, unless you can steer. do you think you can?" nat hesitated. he had taken the freighter over this same course, when mr. weatherby was in the pilot-house with him, but that was in calm weather and daylight. could he steer the big passenger steamer over the same course after dark, and with a storm coming up? it was a question grave enough to make even an older person than nat hesitate. "it's a pretty big contract for a lad," said the captain. "i'll help you all i can, but the rules require me to have a pilot in charge. i can't do it, unless you feel that you can steer the ship, with such help as i can give you. otherwise, i shall have to put into the nearest port, and i dislike to do that, as it will disarrange the passenger schedule, and the owners object to that." "i--i think i can do it--at least i'll try," said nat, determined to "keep his nerve" as the pilot had advised him. "i'll do my best." "that's the way to talk, nat! i guess you'll make out all right. now i'll have to go to help look after mr. weatherby. he is in a bad way." "do you think he will--die?" "oh, no, it's not as serious as that, but he's quite sick." as the captain turned away the rumbling of thunder grew louder, and there came fitful gleams of lightning from the black clouds. nat drew a long breath, and prepared himself for what he felt sure was coming. then, almost as calmly as if it had been mr. weatherby himself, he gave his orders. the lookout was stationed in the bow, and the great searchlight, on a mast back of the pilot-house, and some distance above it, was set aglow. this was to disclose, during the storm, any vessels or other obstructions in the path of the _mermaid_. this done, nat prepared for his difficult task. it grew darker, but with the blackness came the flashing of the beacon lights on dangerous reefs and islands. nat was able to pick out his position fairly well, and he began to feel less nervous. suddenly, with a furious burst of wind, and a dash of rain, the storm enveloped the vessel. great waves arose on the lake, and the ship began to pitch and toss. in fact, a storm on one of the great lakes is almost as bad as one at sea, if not worse, for it does not take long for the comparatively shallow water to become very much agitated. [illustration: "the storm enveloped the vessel"] nat signaled for full speed ahead, as he knew he would need all the steerageway possible to take the vessel through the waves that, every moment, were becoming larger. he had his supper in the pilot-house, for he would not leave to go to the cabin for it. captain turton came in during the evening to report that while mr. weatherby was resting easily, he was still quite ill. "do you think you can stick out through the night?" the commander asked. "i'm going to," was nat's plucky answer, though the boy was very tired from his long vigil the night previous, and his lack of sleep during the day. but nat was not going to give in. after the first outburst the storm settled into a steady blow, with torrents of rain, and an occasional brilliant flash of lightning, and loud peals of thunder. through it rode the ship, urged on by her powerful engines. the night wore on. wearily, nat clung to the small wheel in front of him, shifting the course of the vessel now and then, as he picked out the route on the chart, or made a quick shift to avoid some bar or island. his arms and legs were weary. his eyes were hot and smarting from lack of slumber and rest. but he stuck it out. captain turton offered to relieve him, but the boy did not want to give up. even had he done so, the relief would have been short, as, while the commander was proposing it, word came that the ship had sprung a small leak, and the captain's presence was needed to see that the pumps were set going. "we're depending on you, nat," he said as he left the pilot-house. "i'll stick it out," again came the plucky reply. about three o'clock in the morning the wind shifted. the lake became choppy, from the cross seas, and a second section of the storm seemed to make its appearance. nat, who in spite of his efforts to stay awake had caught himself nodding--in fact almost asleep once--started up suddenly. he peered out of the windows. there, right in the path of the vessel, illuminated by the powerful searchlight, was a mass of foam. at the same moment the lookout yelled: "breakers ahead! we're headed for a reef!" with a quick motion, while his heart almost stopped beating, nat spun the little wheel around. the ship quivered. it seemed to hesitate, as if debating whether or not to rush to destruction on the sharp rocks, just hidden under the treacherous water, or to glide to one side. then, slowly, so slowly that nat's heart almost ceased beating lest she should not change her course quickly enough, the _mermaid_ swung around, and her prow was pointed away from the dangerous reef. nat's plucky piloting had saved the vessel! into the little pilot-house rushed the captain. he had heard the lookout's cry, and had guessed what had happened. "we were almost on dagget's point reef!" he exclaimed. "how did we escape it?" "i saw it in time," answered nat modestly. "thank god!" cried the captain, as he grasped the young pilot by the hand. "there's deep water all around us, and if we'd struck it would have meant a terrible loss of life." at that instant there was a hoarse scream from a siren whistle, and, peering out of the windows of the pilot-house, nat and the captain saw, looming up in front of them, but some distance away, another steamer. nat blew a caution signal, and it was answered from the other vessel, which quickly turned aside, and then disappeared in the mist of rain. "i believe they were headed right for the reef, too," said the captain. "you warned them in time. well, we have a good course from now out. i'll take the wheel, and you go lie down." but nat would not. he insisted on remaining in the pilot-house until morning, and when daylight came, he saw that the other vessed was not far from them, both ships being headed for the same harbor. the other ship was the _spray_, of much smaller tonnage than the _mermaid_. "she must have turned back after meeting us," thought nat, "as she was headed in the opposite direction when we met near the reef." chapter xix the accusation captain turton decided to lay over for some hours, as, during the storm, his vessel had suffered some minor damage, which he wanted repaired. "how is mr. weatherby?" asked nat, as soon as there was no longer any need of him remaining in the pilot-house. "he is much better this morning," replied the commander, "but he is still quite weak, and will probably stay in his bunk all day. he says he would like to see you." "i'll go at once." "hadn't you better get your breakfast?" "no, that can wait." "but you have been on duty a long while, and it was a great strain on you." "i know it was, captain, but i'm so glad i brought the ship through safely, that i'd be willing to go without breakfast and sleep for a long time yet." "you are a plucky lad, and i wish more like you were learning to be pilots." nat found mr. weatherby quite ill, but, in spite of that, the pilot warmly congratulated his _protégé_ on the nerve he had displayed during the storm. "you have proved your worth, nat," said mr. weatherby, "and i am proud of my pupil." nat turned in for a sleep, soon after breakfast. there was little for the crew of the _mermaid_ to do while the repairs were being made, and those passengers who were not yet at their destination strolled about the town while waiting for the trip to be resumed. the vessel that nat had brought so skilfully through the storm, which had ceased with the first appearance of dawn, was tied at the same dock as that at which was the steamer they had met near the reef. one was on one side, and one on the other, and when the dock between the ships was not occupied by wagons and trucks, laden with freight, nat could look across and see the crew of the other steamer, the _spray_, busily rearranging the cargo that had shifted during the storm. she was a freighter, but smaller than the _jessie drew_. the appearance of one lad in the crew of the _spray_ attracted nat's attention, when the young pilot arose early in the afternoon. the lad had red hair, and his figure seemed familiar. "if i didn't think he was a good way off from here i'd say that fellow was sam shaw," mused nat. "he looks a good deal like him." he tried to watch, to determine if it was his former enemy, but, as the lad kept moving to and fro, it was impossible to be certain. "if i saw mr. bumstead i'd know it was sam who was with him," went on nat, as he stood at the rail nearest the dock. "it might be possible they transferred to that ship. i wonder if i hadn't better speak to mr. weatherby, and ask his advice? no, he's sick, and i don't want to bother him about my affairs. i guess i'll just take a stroll over there and see for myself. captain turton won't care, as we can't sail until late this evening." nat started down the gangplank, but, when he was half way down, he met a man in uniform, who asked him: "is this the _mermaid_?" "yes, sir." "i am looking for a young man, named nat morton. can you tell me where i shall find him?" "that is my name," replied our hero. he thought perhaps it might be an officer from police headquarters, with some message concerning mr. bumstead. "then you are just the person i want," the man went on. "you will have to come with me." "come with you? what for? is it about mr. bumstead?" "yes," replied the man. "how did you guess?" "well, i've been expecting a message regarding him." "then what you will hear will be no news to you." "has he been arrested?" "arrested? no. why should he be arrested?" "why, i thought you said----" "perhaps i had better not say anything more until you get to headquarters," the man went on. "then it surely must be about that rascally mate," thought nat. "mr. weatherby will be glad they have him." he followed the man off the pier, and along a street on the water front. "i understand you piloted that boat through the storm last night," said the man. "well, i did, but i guess it was more by good luck than anything else that enabled me to do it. who told you about it?" "oh, it is pretty generally known. the crews of vessels talk more or less when they are in dock." they walked along in silence a little longer, and then the man stopped in front of a small building. "this doesn't look like police headquarters," thought nat. "i wonder if there's a mistake." "go right that way," said the officer, keeping close behind the boy. "the harbor master is in that room." "the harbor master?" repeated nat. "what have i to do with the harbor master? i don't want to see him." "no, but he wants to see you." a moment later nat was ushered into a room, where at a large desk sat a stern-looking man, and on either side of him were two men, each one with several books and papers before him. "ah, so this is the young pilot, eh?" remarked the man in the middle. "how old are you--er--nat morton? i believe that is your name." "i will soon be sixteen." "and you piloted the _mermaid_ past dagget's point reef last night--in that storm?" "yes, sir." "i suppose you have a license." "a license? no, sir. i am studying under mr. weatherby. he was taken suddenly ill last night, and i had to steer the boat. there was no one else." "i am sorry, my lad," said the harbor master, "but i shall have to place you under arrest." "arrest? what for?" "for piloting a passenger steamer without a license. a complaint has been lodged against you with this board--the board of control in charge of harbors and pilots." "a complaint? who made it?" "bumstead is the name--er--joseph bumstead, mate of the freighter _spray_," replied the harbor master, reading from some documents before him. "he says he met your boat off the reef last night, that you were in charge, without a license, and that you nearly ran him down. he made the complaint about an hour ago. his boat had to put back here for some repairs. he says your boat damaged the one he is mate of." "that's not so--i mean that part about nearly running him down!" exclaimed nat. "i saw him in plenty of time, and if it hadn't been for my warning whistle the _spray_ would have gone upon the reef herself!" "i am sorry, my lad, but the complaint is made in regular form, and i shall have to hold you for a hearing. however, we will have it at once. i have sent to summon this bumstead. do you wish to notify any friends?" "mr. weatherby is ill, and cannot come, but i would like captain turton to come." "very well, we will send for him. officer, bring captain turton here. in the meantime you may sit down until we reach your case," the harbor master motioned nat to take a chair on one side of the big room. chapter xx off again "this is a queer turn to affairs," thought nat, as he awaited the arrival of captain turton. "i never thought a thing about not having a license, when i steered the boat, and i don't believe mr. weatherby did either. i suppose i did wrong, but it was unintentional, and i don't see what else i could have done under the circumstances. "but i'll have a chance at bumstead now. as soon as i get out of here i'll cause his arrest. hold on, though, maybe i'll not get out of here. i wonder what the punishment is for piloting a boat without a license?" this was another phase of the queer affair. he realized if he was held on the charge, he would have no chance to make an accusation against the rascally mate. "i know what i'll do," said nat to himself, while he anxiously waited. "if bumstead comes here i'll tell captain turton to go out and get a policeman. then i can make a new complaint, charge bumstead with keeping money belonging to me, and he'll be arrested. that's what i'll do." while nat sat in the office of the harbor master, he listened to several cases that were being disposed of. captains of tugs and other boats were arraigned on charges of violating rules of the harbor; such as displaying wrong lights, crossing the course of other boats at the improper time, failing to give warning signals, colliding with other craft, or not filing the proper reports. some of the men were fined, others were suspended for a certain length of time, and one or two had their licenses revoked. "i wonder what he'll do to me?" thought nat. "there doesn't seem to be any case just like mine." he was interrupted in his musing by the entrance of captain turton. "what's this i hear?" asked the commander wonderingly, after he had greeted his young pilot. "are you in trouble, nat?" "it seems so," and the boy told the circumstances. "don't worry," advised captain turton cheerfully. "i'll stand by you, and we'll have that mate arrested as soon as he leaves the place." "is the morton case ready?" asked the harbor master, looking about him, after he had disposed of all the other matters before him. "the mate bumstead isn't here yet," replied an officer who was in charge of the court. "young morton is here, and captain turtle----" "i beg your pardon, my name is turton," interrupted the commander of the _mermaid_. "turton, i should say," corrected the court officer. "where is the person who made the charge--bumstead the mate?" asked the harbor master. "i have sent officer jenkins for him, sir. he'll be here directly. ah, here is jenkins now." "well, jenkins," said the harbor master, "did you bring the mate back with you? this case has been delayed long enough." "no, sir, i didn't bring him." "why not?" "because, sir, his ship has just sailed, and he's gone with her." "i'll commit him for contempt of court!" exclaimed the harbor master. "make out the papers at once," he added, turning to his clerk. "i will now take up this case, however, and proceed as far as possible. give me the written accusation." he looked over some papers, and, at a nod from him, nat walked forward and stood in front of the big table. then the harbor master read the complaint as made by bumstead. it set out in a number of legal terms and phrases, that nat morton had, in violation of the regulations, piloted a vessel without having a license. the mate, it appeared, had heard of nat's feat early that morning while the two vessels were docked, and had lost no time making his accusation, for mere spite. "how do you plead to that?" asked the harbor master. "i guess i did it," answered nat. "perhaps you had better explain," suggested one of the other men present. "we will mark you 'not guilty' until we have heard the case." thereupon, nat told all the circumstances connected with the sudden illness of mr. weatherby, the storm, the leak in the ship and the necessity for keeping on. captain turton was called and verified all that nat said. "hum," remarked the harbor master. "there seems to be some justification here. i will consult with my colleagues on this. we will let you know our decision shortly. you may wait here." he motioned to the men on either side of him, and they all retired to a rear room. "what do you suppose they'll do to me?" asked nat. "nothing very serious, i think," replied the captain, for he had been through such cases before, and he knew that harbor masters were disposed to stretch a point wherever possible. "and bumstead has got away again," went on nat. "he stayed just long enough to file his complaint, and then skipped out. i wonder if he knows i am after him?" "i think not," remarked captain turton, who had been told the circumstances of the lumber deal. "if he did he wouldn't venture to stay in the same port with you long enough to make a charge against you. probably he wants to make all the trouble he can for you, in the hope that you will give up this ship life, and go somewhere so that he will not have to worry about you finding out about him." "perhaps," agreed nat. the harbor master and his colleagues filed back into the room. nat tried to gather from their looks what disposition they had made of his case, but the men gave no indication, seeming to be as grave and serious as when they had gone out. "hum," mumbled the harbor master, in his deep voice. "we have considered your case, nat morton, and we wish to ask you a few questions." thereupon, nat was put through a brief examination in relation to matters connected with piloting and the management of boats. the harbor master and his colleagues asked him a lot of questions, some of which nat answered to his own satisfaction, at least. to others, more technical, he replied as best he could. fortunately his life about the docks, and his instructions at the hands of mr. weatherby, stood him in good stead. he showed a good practical knowledge of piloting, though some of the questions puzzled him, and his answers seemed to afford mirth to the harbor master and his associates. "well," remarked the harbor master after a pause, "what you did, nat, may have been irregular--in fact it was irregular, and against the rules--but, under the circumstances, we cannot blame you for it. you are doing very well, and you know more, now, than many pilots who have a license. still, you are under the age. when you reach the proper limit you will have to appear for an official examination. until then you can go on as you have been doing, only don't try to handle a boat alone in a storm. wait until you have had a little more experience. then you can come up for examination, and get a full license. this case is laid over indefinitely." "does that mean i can go?" asked nat. "yes, you can go," answered the harbor master with a smile. "and don't worry. we'll pass you, as soon as you are of the proper age. i congratulate you on your pluck," and then, to the surprise of his colleagues (for the harbor master was a somewhat gruff sort of a man), he leaned over and shook hands with nat. a little later nat and captain turton were aboard the _mermaid_. they found mr. weatherby much better, and when the repairs were completed, and the freight and passengers aboard, the ship steamed out of the harbor to resume her voyage. chapter xxi nat intervenes one of the first things nat did, when he had a chance to talk to mr. weatherby, was to repeat some of the questions that had been asked by the board of pilots, which queries the lad had not been able to answer properly. "those are the points i'm weak on," he said to his friend. "i must study up on them, so i'll be ready for my examination." "that's right, nat, and i'll help you all i can. there is a text book i want to get for you, and i will, at the next stop we make. meanwhile, i think you can take charge in the pilot-house for a few days, until i get my strength back. i'll look in on you, every once in a while, to see that you are doing all right, and we're not likely to have another storm soon." so nat resumed his place at the wheel, being relieved now and then by captain turton or mr. weatherby, who took short shifts. in a few days the old pilot was entirely better, and then he and nat divided up the work, the lad learning more about the points on which he had been puzzled during the examination. the _mermaid_ had a large number of passengers this voyage, and nat was kept pretty busy, in addition to his duties in the pilot-house. some travelers, specially favored, occupied seats at the captain's table at meal times, and this made additional work for the lad, as he had to help the cabin steward. but nat liked it all, and no task was too exacting for him to perform to the best of his ability. during his leisure moments he used to watch the passengers, and in this way he learned much about the life of the comparatively wealthy travelers. one afternoon, when the ship was within a few hours of reaching port, nat, going along the upper deck, passed a german youth, standing by the rail, looking down into the water, as it swept away from the bows of the _mermaid_. the youth, whom nat had noticed on several other occasions, because of his well-fitting clothes, appeared to be in rather low spirits. "we're making pretty good time," said nat pleasantly, for he often addressed the passengers, many of whom had formed a liking for the lad. "oh, yes, ve go fast enough," replied the german, who spoke with quite an accent. but he answered so gloomily, that the vessel might as well have been going backward, for all the satisfaction he derived from her speed. "we'll soon be in port," went on nat. "i suppose you'll be glad to get on shore. it's quite rough on account of the wind." "oh, it makes not so much difference to me," was the answer, and the youth did not smile. indeed, he hardly lifted his face to glance at nat, yet he did not seem to resent being spoken to. "it's a nice day," went on the young pilot. "yes, i suppose for dem vot likes der vedder," came the answer. "but, _ach_----" and then the german murmured something to himself in his own language. "i guess he doesn't feel well, or else he doesn't want to talk," thought nat, as he passed on. "maybe he's a bit seasick, though there's hardly any motion to-day." nat passed on, to attend to some of his duties. when he came back, about an hour later, the german youth was in the same place, moodily staring down into the water. "i wonder what ails him?" thought nat. "he acts queer. but that's the way with some germans, the least little thing makes them moody, and then, again, they're as jolly as can be. but i suppose we are all queer, in one way or another." he was half-tempted to speak to the youth again, as he passed him, but he did not want to be thought too forward, so he said nothing, nor did the german appear to notice our hero. the vessel would arrive at port in about an hour, and would tie up there for the night. it was just getting dusk, and nat was going from place to place on the ship, getting certain records of which he had charge, in shape for filing at the dock office. several times he passed by the german, who stood in the same spot, and in the same position. "he certainly is ill," mused nat. "i guess i'll tell him we have a doctor aboard. maybe he doesn't know it." nat was about to put his idea into execution, when mr. weatherby called him to perform some duty, and it was half an hour later when the young pilot made his way back again to where stood the youth in whom he had begun to feel considerable interest. "i'll just tell him where to find the doctor," thought the boy, as he approached the place where the silent figure had been leaning over the rail. but, to his surprise, the youth was not there. "he must have gone below," mused nat. "probably he feels better." an instant later he saw a strange sight. in a sheltered corner, formed by an angle of a deck-house, stood the german youth, and in the dim light from a lantern nat saw that he was removing his collar, tie, coat and vest. he was neatly folding his garments in a pile on the deck. "he must be crazy!" thought nat. "i'll call the captain." as he watched, the youth finished putting his clothes in order. then, with a deliberate step, the german approached the rail, placed his hand on it, and prepared to leap over. "suicide!" was the instant thought that came to nat. "he's going to commit suicide! i must stop him!" to think, with nat, was to act. he sprang forward with a cry of warning. "here! stop that! come back!" the german paused, hesitated an instant, glanced at nat rushing toward him, and leaped. but he was a second too late. the young pilot grabbed him around the legs, and held on like grim death. "what are you doing?" nat cried. "don't you know you'll be swept right into the propeller and be cut to pieces!" "let me go! let me go!" insisted the youth in a low, intense whisper, as though he was afraid of being heard. "not unless you promise not to jump." "i vill not make promises! i haf no use for to live! i vant to end it all! let me go!" he tried to escape from nat's hold, but the young pilot had no gentle grip, and his arms were strong. "let me go! let me go!" the german was pleading now. "not much!" panted nat. "you can't commit suicide from this boat." the german continued to struggle. nat felt the legs slipping away from him. "if you don't give up i'll call for help, and the captain will put you under arrest!" threatened the young pilot. that seemed to quiet the german. he ceased to struggle, and became calmer. "vell," he said, in a voice that was choked with tears, "i gif up. i vill not jump overboard--now." "nor at any other time," insisted nat. "i cannot promise dot, but i promise you dot i vill not jump from dis boat. i care not to live longer." nat released his hold. the german was panting from his exertions, as he donned his garments. the affair had taken place in a secluded spot, and no one had seen nat's intervention in the tragic episode. "what's the matter?" inquired the young pilot, when the german was fully dressed again. "are you sick? why did you want to end your life?" to his surprise the young fellow burst into tears, and sobbed pitifully. "come to my cabin," proposed nat gently. "perhaps i can help you." "i--i like not to go vere der peoples see me." "that's all right, i can take you to it by an outside companionway, and we'll meet no one. come, and maybe i can help you. you seem to be in trouble." "i am--in bad troubles," was the choking reply, as the youth followed nat below. chapter xxii after bumstead "now then," said nat cheerfully, when he and the youth he had saved from suicide were safely in the young pilot's cabin, "what is the matter? i don't want to pry into your affairs, but i would like to help you. if i can't, perhaps i can get some one who can. i know mr. weatherby or captain turton would be glad to aid you." "you are of much kindness to me," replied the other, while he tried to regain control of his feelings. "my name is hugo kesterberg. i used to live in new york, where i did work in a german importing house. i have been in dis country not long, so i speak not der language so goot." "i can understand you very well," said nat. "i haf a good place, und i am learning der business," went on young kesterberg, "ven an uncle of mine, in der vaterland, he die, und leave me vat you call legs--legs easy." "legacy," put in nat. "yes, dot is him, legacy. your american vords are so hard to speak right. vell, he leaves me some money, but i am a such foolish fellow. instead of putting my legs easy--i mean legacy--in der bank, i start in to have a goot time--i am vat you call a sport. i treat all my friends, und i get in vid a sporty crowd. i buy goot clothes, und i have lots of fun. "pretty soon, not long after i gets my legacy, der head of der firm vere i work, he say dey no longer needs me, for you see i am foolish, und i no longer look after my vork. but dot i lose my job make me not for to care. i still haf plenty of monies left, und i haf more good times." "then what is the trouble, if you have plenty of money?" asked nat. "the trouble with most people is that they haven't got enough." "dot's me--exactly!" exclaimed hugo. "i got to gambling und playing der races, und yesterday i found i haf not enough left, after i had been traveling about for some time, to pay my board for vun veek, in a decent place. i buys me a ticket on dis boat, for as far a distance as i haf money, und i decide i vill end it all. und so i vould, only you stop me." he added the last bitterly. "yes, i'm glad i stopped you, and you'll be glad too, before long," declared nat firmly. "why, you're no worse off than you were before. you had a lot of money, and you had a good time with it. now you'll have to go back to work again." "ach! dot's vat you americans call der rubber," said the german. "the rubber?" repeated nat, a bit puzzled. "i mean der rub--dot's vere der shoes nabs me--i mean pinch. i can't go back to my old place, und i don't know how to get vork in any odder place. dere is no use for me to live. i makes an end to myself, ven ve gets to der port." "no, you won't!" declared nat. "if you don't promise not to try to commit suicide, for at least a week, i'll inform the police about you, as soon as we land, and they'll lock you up. it's against the law to take your own life or attempt it. if you wait a week you'll be all over the notion." "a man's life iss his own--he can do vat he likes mit it." "the law doesn't say so," replied nat, who had gained his information from the newspapers. "vell, der law is wrong! i takes my own life!" "then you'll be arrested as soon as the boat lands." "arrest a kesterberg!" exclaimed the german. "dot vould be a disgrace." "so would committing suicide." the youth started. evidently he had not thought of it in that light before. "vell, i promise you--for vun week." "that's all right," said nat briskly. "i'm satisfied. i know if you wait that long you'll be in a better frame of mind. besides, i think i can help you. i'll speak to the captain and to mr. weatherby about you." "but not about--not about--what i----" "oh, no, i'll say nothing about that," promised nat. "but i know they can help you. captain turton is acquainted with lots of firms, and maybe he can get you a place with one of them." "den my troubles would be ofer," declared hugo. "if i gets me a place to vork, nefer again vill i be so foolish again. if my people in germany heard of vot i did, dey vould nefer forgive me." "they're not likely to hear of it," said nat. "now you stay here until you feel better. we're going to land pretty soon, and i'll be busy. this evening i'll speak to the captain about you." "but my ticket only takes me to dis port, und i haf no more money. i can't stay aboard." "i'll fix that all right," declared the young pilot, who was beginning to feel quite important over what he had done, which, indeed, was no light matter, for he had given hope to a hopeless youth. captain turton readily agreed to do what he could for hugo kesterberg, when, that evening, after all the freight and passengers had been discharged, nat told as much of the case as it was necessary for the commander to know. "i think i know a firm in detroit that would be glad of his services," he said. "i'll give him a letter of recommendation to them, when we reach there, which will be at the end of the week." "but--er--he hasn't any money left to pay his fare there," said nat. "that will be all right," replied captain turton. "i guess it won't break the company to give him a pass and his meals for a few days. besides, i'm not going to let you get ahead of me in doing him a good turn." three days later, when the _mermaid_ reached detroit, hugo kesterberg bade nat, and his other friends aboard the ship, good-by. with a note of recommendation to a big firm, he could face the future in better spirits. some time later nat had a letter from the german youth, stating that he had a better position than the one in new york, and was doing well. the missive was full of thanks to nat and captain turton. detroit was as far as the _mermaid_ was to go on the present voyage, and after taking on a big cargo, and quite a number of passengers, she turned about and began to traverse her way over lake huron again. captain turton went ashore at the first port they made, after leaving detroit, and when he came aboard again, he sought out nat. the captain's manner betrayed some excitement. "i have some news for you," he said to the young pilot. "am i going to be arrested again?" "not exactly. this concerns your enemy, bumstead." "have they got him? did he give up the money?" "no, but i heard from a captain friend of mine ashore a little while ago, that the _spray_ is docked at cove point, about fifty miles above here. she had to lay up for repairs. she's an old boat and her engines are continually getting out of order." "are we going to stop there?" asked nat eagerly. "no, but i know what you are thinking of. there is a chance to cause the arrest of the mate, and here is my plan. you can take a train from here to cove point. the railroad runs quite near there. you have the warrant, made out by the police. take that with you, and the authorities in cove point will make the arrest, i'm sure." "but how can i get back to this boat?" "i'll tell you. there is a train that leaves here at midnight, which will get you to cove point about two o'clock in the morning. the police are up at all hours. you can get them to serve the warrant at once, for bumstead will probably be aboard the _spray_ at her dock. then, after he is safe in jail, you can hire a boat to take you out, and i'll pick you up as i pass. i'll be on the watch for you to-morrow morning." the plan was very feasible, and nat thanked the captain for his thoughtfulness. he made his arrangements hurriedly, and began to have visions of recovering the money that was rightfully his. "be out about two miles beyond the point at about nine o'clock to-morrow morning," the captain called to him, as nat left. "that's the time i'll pass, and as close in as i can run." "i'll be there waiting for you," promised nat. "good luck!" called the pilot. "i hope you get him. that bumstead is getting to be as slippery as an eel." "i'll get him, if he's there," declared the lad. then he hurried to the railroad station to get his ticket, for it was after ten o'clock, and the depot was some distance from the water front. chapter xxiii bumstead escapes when nat found himself in the train, speeding toward cove point, he had a chance to think how he should proceed after he arrived. he anticipated no difficulty in getting a policeman to go to the boat and arrest the mate. "maybe sam shaw will want to take a hand, and fight me," thought nat. "well, if he does, i'll give him all that's coming to him." the train was a slow one, and made a number of stops. when about half way on the journey there was a delay, caused by the wreck of a freight train, and it was nearly three o'clock when nat arrived at the railroad station in cove point. this was a small town, depending for its existence on what traffic passed up and down the lake, and what little patronage came to it over the railroad. "where's the police station?" asked nat of a sleepy man at the depot. "they don't allow tramps to sleep in it any more," was the rather queer answer. "tramps? who asked anything about tramps?" replied nat. "i don't want to sleep there." "oh, excuse me," said the agent, opening his sleepy eyes a bit wider. "i didn't take a good look at you. i thought you were a tramp. lots of 'em come in on our trains, and want to spend the night at the police station. they'd let themselves be arrested because the sheriff used to get so much a prisoner. but the county authorities put a stop to it. what's the matter? some one rob you?" "no," replied nat, determined to keep his affairs to himself. "some crime been committed?" persisted the agent, for he thought it was rather unusual for a boy to be asking his way to the police station at three o'clock in the morning. "i want to see a policeman," replied nat, "and i thought the best place would be the station house." "there used to be a policeman stationed here nights," went on the agent. "but he's gone now. if it was anything about the railroad i could attend to it for you." "no, thank you. if you'll tell me where the station house is, i'll be much obliged." the agent seemed disappointed, but he gave nat the directions. "i don't see what harm it would have done him to have told me," murmured the man, when nat had gone off down the dark street. "it would help to keep me awake, if i had something like a crime or an arrest to think about. well, i might as well doze off; it'll be two hours before the down freight is in," and he composed himself as comfortably as he could in his chair in the telegraph office. meanwhile, our hero managed to find the police station. inside there was a sergeant on duty, who looked up inquiringly as nat entered. "well?" he asked. "i have a warrant for a man's arrest." "are you a detective from some other city? where's your badge?" asked the sergeant suspiciously. "no, i'm not a detective. i'm the person who made the complaint on which this warrant was issued," and nat showed the one which had been returned by mr. scanlon. the sergeant seemed impressed by the boy's business-like manner. "come inside," he invited, opening a gate in a railing that shut off the part of the room behind the desk. "now tell me about it." nat told his tale as briefly as possible. "and you want me to send an officer out to the ship with you, and arrest the mate?" inquired the sergeant when the young pilot had finished. "if you will." "guess we'll have to, under the law. i'll be glad to help you out. it's a mean trick to take money in that fashion. hey, george! i say, george! get up, here's a case for you." "what's that?" inquired a sleepy voice from a room back of the sergeant's desk. "you've got to go out and arrest a man." "oh, can't somebody else go? i arrested a feller last night. i ain't going to do all the work in this police station." "look here, george rosco!" called the sergeant, getting up, and going to the door of the room, where, evidently, the only policeman on duty was asleep, "you've got to get up, and go and arrest this man. there's a warrant for him, and he's charged with embezzling fifteen hundred dollars. he's mate aboard that freight steamer that's tied up here for repairs." "fifteen hundred dollars! why didn't you say so at first?" exclaimed the policeman, appearing in the doorway, half dressed. "that's worth while arresting a man for. i thought it was another one of them chicken-stealing cases. fifteen hundred dollars! i'll be ready in a jiffy! whew! fifteen hundred----" the rest of what he said was lost to nat and the sergeant, as the officer closed the door, while he dressed. when he came out he greeted nat cordially. "i don't mind being woke up for a case like that," he explained. "i thought it was some measly tramp case. for the last three nights i've been woke up by people whose henroosts have been robbed. i'm getting tired of it, and when the sergeant called me a while ago, i thought it was another one. you see, we've only got two policemen here, and i don't mind telling you that i do most of the arrestin' that's done. the other one--tom duncan--he's too lazy to arrest many. i do two to his one. i'm on night duty and he takes the day trick." nat could not help thinking that the night man had the easier time of it, even if he did make the most arrests. "now here's the warrant, george," said the sergeant. "bring that fellow in, and we'll lock him up." "oh, i'll bring him in all right. he'll not get away from me. let's see, i've got my revolver and my club. guess i'm all right." "you go right along with him," the sergeant directed nat. "point out the man you want and he'll bring him in." "yes, i'll get him," declared george. he started from the police station, followed by nat. when he reached the door, the officer suddenly turned back. "come near forgetting my badge," he said, in explanation. "it wouldn't do to arrest a man without my badge. he might think it was only a bluff. give me my badge, sergeant." "first you know, you'll forget your head," murmured the sergeant, as he passed over a big tin star. "i take it off when i lay down for a nap of an evening," the policeman said to nat. "some of the points might stick me, and i'd get blood poisoning. you can't be too careful in this business. i knowed a policeman once----" "say, if you're going to arrest that man you'd better get a move on," advised the sergeant. "that boat's due to leave at daylight, i heard, and it ain't far from it now." "all right, i'm going now. i'll be back in a little while with the prisoner. get a cell ready for him." "oh, the cell will be ready when you are." "fifteen hundred dollars," murmured the policeman, as he and nat went out into the night. "this will be a fine arrest. tom duncan will wish he made this one." "we'd better hurry," suggested nat. "he may escape." "don't worry about that. no prisoner ever got away from me," boasted the officer. it was not far to the dock where the _spray_ was tied up. even in the darkness nat knew the boat. he wondered if the mate was aboard. once he reached the ship, the officer's manner changed. he proceeded cautiously, and seemed to know what he was about. "do you know which his cabin is?" he asked of nat, in a whisper. "no, but i know where the mate usually sleeps aboard these boats." "you go ahead then." the young pilot led the way. though he had never been aboard the _spray_ he thought he could find where bumstead slept. fortunately, they did not meet the anchor watch, who was probably asleep. "this ought to be his cabin," said nat, indicating one in the same relative position as that occupied by the mate aboard the _jessie drew_. "then i'll go in and get him," said the officer. it was beginning to get light, a streak of dawn showing in the east. the policeman pushed open the cabin door, which was not locked. "is joseph bumstead here?" he asked in loud tones. "that's me. what's wanted?" was the answer, and nat recognized the mate's voice. "come out here," said the officer. he backed out of the cabin, and in the growing light nat saw that he had his revolver drawn. wondering what could be wanted of him, bumstead jumped out of his bunk, partly dressed. "you're my prisoner!" suddenly exclaimed the policeman, throwing back his coat to display the big star. at the same time he grabbed the mate with one hand, and in the other leveled his weapon at him. "what's the trouble? is this a joke?" demanded the mate. "you'll find it quite different from a joke," replied the officer. "i have a warrant for your arrest, sworn out by nat morton, charging you with the embezzlement of fifteen hundred dollars. you'll have to come with me." at that moment the mate caught sight of nat, who stood to one side. "so! this is your work, eh?" he cried. "well, i'll not go with you! you haven't got me yet!" with a sudden motion he broke away from the officer. "hold on or i'll shoot!" threatened the policeman. "shoot then!" cried the mate. [illustration: "shoot, then!" cried the mate (page )] he ran to the rail. an instant later he had mounted it, poised on the top a moment, and with a shout of defiance he leaped over the side. a splash in the water told that he had landed in the lake. "stop! hold on!" yelled the officer, as he rushed to the side. "come back or i'll shoot!" he peered down into the water. there was no sign of the mate. by this time several members of the crew were aroused and were on the deck. "what's the matter?" cried a voice that nat recognized as sam shaw's. "prisoner escaped!" exclaimed the policeman. "can you see him?" he asked of nat, who stood beside him, in the early dawn. the boy shook his head in disappointment. "he's got away, i guess," he said. "get me a boat!" cried the officer. "i'll find him if it takes all day. come on!" chapter xxiv in a collision with the increase of daylight, objects on and about the freighter became clearer. but looking over the side nat and the policeman could see nothing of the mate. members of the crew who had hastily leaped from their bunks began asking what the matter was. soon the captain came from his cabin. "they've killed my uncle!" exclaimed sam shaw. "that's what they did! i heard them throw him overboard. that mean nat morton did it! i'll have him arrested for murder!" "oh, dry up!" exclaimed nat, quite put out with the unexpected turn of events. "i'll lick you; that's what i'll do!" cried sam, advancing on nat with outstretched fists. "keep away from me!" retorted nat. "i whipped you once, and i can do it again!" "he didn't push your uncle overboard," said one of the crew. "he jumped." "that's what he did," added the policeman. "he got away from me, too. somebody get me a boat." "what for?" asked the captain. "because i'm an officer of the law, and a prisoner has escaped. i had him a prisoner, all right, for i had my hand on him, but he went so sudden he got away." "there's a boat moored alongside," said the captain, when matters had been briefly explained. "but you want to hurry. i can't lay here all day, though how i'm going to sail without a mate is more than i know." "i'll get him for you, but i'll have to take him right away again," said the officer. "he's a criminal and a fugitive from justice." the mate might have been almost anything, as far as any denial on his part was concerned, for not a trace of him had been seen since he jumped overboard. sam shaw, mean as he was, had a genuine affection for his uncle, and he was much distressed about his relative. "he's drowned! i know he's drowned!" he exclaimed, as he walked about the deck, half crying. "oh, dry up!" advised nat savagely, for he knew the mate was a good swimmer, and he had no doubt but that bumstead had managed to reach shore, under cover of the semi-darkness, and was far enough away by this time. meanwhile, the policeman got into a boat and rowed about, but all to no purpose. the mate had disappeared as completely as if he was at the bottom of the lake. "well," said nat, much disappointed, "that's done with. it's a failure. i guess i'd have done better if i'd gone alone, and not taken the policeman with me, though he meant well enough. now i'd better get some breakfast and then arrange to have some one row me out to meet the _mermaid_." he told the officer that he would have to leave. "very well," replied the policeman. "you may go, but i'll never give up hunting for my prisoner. it's the first time one ever got away from me, and i'm not going to stand it. i'll keep hunting until i find him, if it takes all day or a whole year. you had better leave me your address, and as soon as i arrest him, i'll let you know." "i don't believe that would do any good. i travel about so, on the boat, that i can't tell just what my address will be. you had better give me the warrant; i may run across him at some other port." rather reluctantly the policeman gave up the legal document. "i wish i had handcuffed him at first," he said. "then he couldn't have gotten away, and if he jumped in the water he would have been drowned." "i wouldn't care about having that happen," said nat. "me either, though i hate to let a prisoner get away. but i'll catch him yet, you see." and when nat had gone ashore, eaten his breakfast in a little restaurant, and was being rowed out to be picked up by the _mermaid_, the policeman was still searching about the dock and adjacent shore for the missing mate. captain turton and the pilot sympathized with nat over the failure of his mission, but they said bumstead was sure to be arrested sooner or later. "he'll probably transfer to some other boat, now," said nat. "very likely," answered mr. weatherby. "he knows you are after him, and it's going to be harder to arrest him." the _mermaid_ proceeded on her way, and for some time nat was so occupied with his work, for there was a great increase in passenger traffic, that he almost forgot about the rascally mate and the stolen money. meanwhile, as my young readers have probably surmised, bumstead had safely reached shore and had arranged to keep out of the way of officers of the law. the sudden appearance of the policeman in his cabin had been the first intimation that there was a warrant for his arrest, and that nat knew of his appropriation of the fifteen hundred dollars belonging to mr. morton. it is true the mate had fancied nat was suspicious, after the lad had seen the wallet, and questioned him about it, but, when some time passed, and nothing resulted, the scoundrel thought that nat either had his suspicions lulled, or did not know how to go about recovering the money. that a previous plan to arrest him had failed, by his shift of vessels, the mate never dreamed. now he knew he must make another change. it would not be safe to remain aboard the _spray_. accordingly, when he had reached shore, after his sensational leap for liberty, he sought refuge with a man he knew at cove point. he remained there until he heard that nat had left, and that the policeman, very reluctantly, had given up the search. then the mate sent for his nephew, and the pair took what money was coming to them and left town. about two weeks after this the mate secured a place on the freighter _liberty bell_, which plied up and down lake huron. "uncle joe, what did that officer want?" asked sam shaw of his relative, one day, when he happened to mention their former place aboard the _spray_. "was it in connection with that charge you made against nat before the pilot board?" "well--er--yes--that was it. they wanted my testimony." "why don't you give it to them? i'd like to see that morton chap locked up. how did he escape being sent to jail on your charge?" "i don't exactly know," replied the mate. "i guess he is only out on bail." "i hope they send him to prison for a long time. i can't bear him, he's so stuck up, thinking he's a regular pilot." "well, i'll fix him," murmured the mate. he did not want his nephew to know about the accusation nat had made, for he was afraid sam might, unconsciously, betray him. nor was the mate altogether easy regarding the charge he had made before the pilot board. he had read in the papers about that case, and how he was wanted for contempt of court. he thus had to face two charges, and he knew he must be very careful when he went ashore, lest he be arrested. "we'll meet the vessel that morton fellow is on, this trip, uncle joe," went on sam. "how's that?" "well, we're going to bay city, and the _mermaid_ is coming to detroit, according to the papers." "is that so?" asked the mate, suddenly interested. "i wonder where we'll pass her?" "about ludlow's island," answered sam, who was developing a good knowledge of the lakes. "ludlow's island," repeated the mate. "the channel there is quite narrow. we'll have to pass quite close." "do you think he'll see you, uncle joe?" "no--of course not. what does it matter? i'm not keeping out of his way. i had certain reasons for not wanting that officer to take me to court; that's why i leaped overboard that time." "oh," answered sam, who had not heard the explanation given by nat and the policeman. "so we'll pass his vessel quite close," murmured the mate, when his nephew had left him. "that's my chance. if i can be left in charge of the wheel i think i can make nat morton wish he had never interfered with me. let's see, we ought to get to ludlow's island to-morrow night. i hope it's dark or foggy." meanwhile, all unconscious of the perils in store for him, nat was, that same day, guiding the vessel of which he was now officially the assistant pilot toward detroit. "it's going to be a thick night," said mr. weatherby, as nat relieved him in the pilot-house, the evening of the day after the conversation set down above between sam shaw and his uncle. "i think there will be quite a fog before morning. don't take any chances. if you're in doubt call me, but i'd like you to try your hand at taking the ship past ludlow's island. it's one of the worst places in the lake, and when you've been through that, in a fog, you're almost entitled to a pilot's license." "i'll try it, mr. weatherby." "that's the way to talk." as the night came on the fog increased, until nat decided he would slow down to half speed. the bell and whistle were kept going at regular intervals, and two men were stationed in the bow as lookouts. it was close to midnight when nat, who had decided to ask to be relieved, for he was a little doubtful of his ability under such bad conditions, saw through the haze another vessel approaching. he was in the narrowest part of the channel. "there isn't time to send word to mr. weatherby now," he thought. "i'll wait until i pass that ship. then i'll go below, for i'm getting nervous here." the two vessels were approaching nearer and nearer to each other. if nat had been aware that the ship he was about to pass was the one on which was his enemy, the mate, doubtless he would have been more nervous than he was. "he seems to be crowding too close over this way," thought nat. "guess i'll give him a caution signal." he pulled the whistle wire sharply. short blasts came forth from the _mermaid's_ hoarse siren. to nat's surprise the other vessel, instead of keeping away from him, in the narrow channel, seemed to be coming closer. "doesn't he know enough to keep away, and on his own course?" said the young pilot half aloud. he waited with an anxiously beating heart, and at the same time looked around to see if anybody else was near. "oh, if only mr. weatherby was here now!" he told himself. never had he missed the old pilot so much as at this moment. for one instant he thought of yelling for assistance, but knew it would be useless, for his voice would not carry far enough. he was in sole charge and must do the best he could. "perhaps that other pilot is drunk," he murmured, and then shut his teeth hard. he was "up against it good and hard," and he realized it only too well. he trembled in spite of himself, and an icy chill began to creep up and down his backbone. he gave another signal. then, as he watched, he saw the prow of the other vessel turn toward him. "he's going to ram me!" exclaimed nat. quickly he gave another signal, and then he rang for full speed astern. but it was too late. with a crash the other vessel was upon him, though the result was different from what might have been expected. the _mermaid_ was a steel boat, while the _liberty bell_ was an old wooden one. instead of the bow of the latter crashing into the hull of the passenger steamer, the bow of the freight boat crumpled up like paper, being smashed into kindling wood up as far as the pilot-house, part of which was demolished. there was a confused ringing of bells and blowing of whistles, and then both vessels came to a stop. chapter xxv bumstead's arrest--conclusion with the first sound of the crash captain turton and mr. weatherby were out of their berths, and on deck. the searchlight of the _mermaid_ showed plainly what had occurred. neither boat was dangerously damaged, the passenger steamer hardly suffering at all. captain turton took this in at a glance, and then, with the assistance of the mates, he quieted the frightened passengers. "how did it happen, nat?" asked mr. weatherby gravely. "that fellow went wrong!" exclaimed nat, in his nervous excitement. "whoever was steering that boat gave the wrong signals. i'm positive of that. twice i warned him to keep away, but he kept crowding me closer, until he rammed me. it was his fault." "there will have to be an investigation," said the pilot. "i'm sorry this happened." "ahoy the _mermaid_!" came a hail from the other boat. "what's the matter with you fellows, anyhow? can't you keep on your own side of the channel? my bows are stove in, and you've injured one of my men!" "who are you?" called back the pilot. "captain carter, of the _liberty bell_." "it was your steersman's fault," shouted mr. weatherby. "are you in any danger?" "no, but i'm going to lay-to until morning, and then i want to know who's going to settle for my damage." "we'll see you in the morning, then," was the pilot's answer. nat passed an uneasy night. though he knew the fault of the collision was not his, he worried lest he might not be able to prove it. there might be an old pilot in the other vessel--a pilot up to all sorts of tricks, who, even if he was wrong, could so make matters appear as to throw the blame on nat. "if he does, that ends my career as a pilot," thought our hero. soon after breakfast captain turton, with the pilot and nat, went aboard the other vessel. her bow was quite badly damaged, but the break did not extend below the waterline. "did you say some of your men were injured?" asked captain turton, when he had greeted the commander of the _liberty bell_. "yes, sir, my mate, joseph bumstead. his leg is broken." "what?" cried nat and the pilot in the same breath. "bumstead is his name. i don't see anything peculiar in that," replied captain carter, looking at the two in surprise. "well, as it happens, there is something peculiar about it," went on captain turton. "we have a warrant for his arrest on a serious charge. however, if his leg is broken, he isn't very likely to get away, and i think we can proceed with the investigation. i want to find out who is to blame for this." "your steersman, of course," was captain carter's quick answer. "it's natural you should say that. but we'll see." several members of the crew of both vessels were called as witnesses. nat told his story, of how he had tried to warn the other vessel away, and how the steersman of it had persisted in crowding him. "by the way, who is your pilot?" asked mr. weatherby. "i haven't seen him since i came aboard." "i have no regular pilot," answered captain carter. "my mate, mr. bumstead, whom i recently engaged, was steering when the collision occurred. he told me he could qualify as a pilot." "hum," remarked mr. weatherby. "i think it will be a good plan to question bumstead." "he's in his bunk." "then we'll go there. come, nat." the rascally mate started when he saw the boy, and his face, that was flushed with a slight fever, grew pale. "well, you've caught me, i see," he fairly snarled. "but luck is against me." "yes, we've caught you in more ways than one," said the pilot. "how do you mean?" "i mean that you gave the wrong signals last night, either intentionally or through ignorance, and that you caused this collision." "who says so?" "half a dozen witnesses. members of your own crew, for that matter." "my own crew?" "yes." "i don't believe it." "it is true, nevertheless." "name the men," growled bumstead. he was suffering considerably, yet he still had some fight in him. for reply two of the deckhands were called in, and each, after much urging, told his story in detail. "that ain't true," growled the mate, but his voice sounded weak and uncertain. "it is true," cried one of the men. bumstead had treated him roughly the day previous, and he was glad of a chance to "square accounts." "so it is--every word," put in the second deckhand who had been summoned. "you are all against me," muttered the mate. "it's a plot, i reckon." "no plot at all," cried captain turton. "we are simply bound to get at the bottom of this affair." to this joseph bumstead made no reply. "i'd like to know why you told me that you could qualify as a pilot," put in captain carter, and his voice had anything but a pleasant ring to it. "i can qualify." "i don't believe it." "he is no pilot, and never was," said nat. "he has done very little steering." "you don't know what i've done," growled the mate. "yes, i do know!" exclaimed the boy quickly. "i know a good bit more than you think i do." "ha! what do you mean by that?" "you'll find out later. we'll settle one question at a time." "see here, bumstead, you might as well own up that you were responsible," said mr. weatherby. "if you try to stick it out you'll only make matters worse. to my way of thinking, you ran into us on purpose." "no! no! i--i----" the mate hesitated, not knowing how to proceed. "come, out with it." "well--er--if you must know the truth, i--er--i got confused." "confused!" roared captain carter. "ye-es. i--er--i had a headache, and i got a sudden spell of blindness. i--er--i wanted to put the wheel over, but before i could get straightened out the damage was done." "i don't believe a word of that!" exclaimed captain turton. "he is a rascal!" "no! no! i was confused--i swear it!" groaned the mate. all the remaining courage was oozing out of him. "i did my best to clear your vessel, but i simply couldn't do it." captain carter turned to one of his hands. "did he act confused, so far as you know?" he questioned. "i don't know about that," answered the man. "he sure didn't steer the boat right." "i sometimes get those dizzy spells," said bumstead. "they come on me without warning. when they do come i don't know what i am doing for the minute." "you should have told me of this before," said captain carter. "i--er--i was afraid i'd lose my job if i did. but i was confused, i swear i was. otherwise, i should never have run into that other boat." they had to let it go at that, since there was no direct proof of any intentional desire to smash into the _mermaid_, and the charge was too grave to take any chances on. but it was satisfactorily proved that the mate did give the wrong signals, and that nat was not to blame. "now that is over, we have another matter against you," went on mr. weatherby. "i presume you know what it is, bumstead." "yes," said the other in a low voice. "nat, go ashore and call an officer," said the pilot. "don't do that!" begged the mate. "i'll confess everything, and i'll pay the money back with interest." "then you admit that you kept the fifteen hundred dollars you were to deliver to mr. morton's son?" "yes. it was a great temptation, after i cashed the lumber certificates. i needed the money badly, and i kept it. i meant to pay it back, but i--i couldn't." "and will you pay back the money on the note?" "every penny, with interest, if you don't have me arrested." "what do you say, nat?" asked mr. weatherby. "i have no desire to see him arrested, though i think he tried to injure me in other ways than by keeping this money from me. but i forgive him," answered the boy. "i think that is the best way," went on the pilot. "you have been punished almost enough, bumstead. i hope it will be a lesson to you." "it will. mr. morton was kind to me, and i treated his son very wrong. i'm--i'm sorry," and the mate turned his face away, so they would not see him weeping. nat was glad to get away from the sad scene. on his way out he passed sam shaw, but that youth had nothing to say, and he turned aside. "i feel that i owe you an apology," said captain carter to captain turton. "i'll discharge that rascal of a mate and his red-headed nephew, too." about two weeks later, through the efforts of mr. scanlon, the lawyer who took charge of the case for nat, the entire sum appropriated by the mate, together with interest for two years, was recovered, and turned over to the young pilot, who also received his father's wallet, which he prized very much. bumstead and sam lost their places on the _liberty bell_, and at last accounts they were working as laborers aboard a grain barge, for the mate had to sell his shares in the _jessie drew_ to pay nat what was coming to the boy. sam confessed his trick about the cigarettes, and captain marshall, when he heard about it, begged nat's pardon in a letter. "well," said mr. weatherby to nat one day, "since you have come into your inheritance, i suppose you'll give up learning to be a pilot?" "indeed, i shall not. i'm going to spend a couple of terms at school, and then i'm coming back with you again. i want to see my old friends, mr. and mrs. miller, and do something for them, in return for their kindness to me. i'm going to be a pilot yet, and, i hope, a good one." "there is no question but what you will, if you keep on as you have been going," returned mr. weatherby. nat used part of the money to better his education, and he gave a goodly sum to his kind friends, so that they were able to live in better circumstances. then the young pilot resumed his work aboard a big passenger steamer, mr. weatherby coaching him, until the aged man said nat knew as much as he did, if not more. to-day, one of the best pilots on the great lakes is nat morton, who once was a wharf-rat about the chicago water front. but he won his place through pluck and after not a few perils. the end the webster series by frank v. webster [illustration: bob the castaway] mr. webster's style is very much like that of the boys' favorite author, the late lamented horatio alger, jr., but his tales are thoroughly up-to-date. cloth. mo. over pages each. illustrated. stamped in various colors. price per volume, cents, postpaid. =only a farm boy= _or dan hardy's rise in life_ =the boy from the ranch= _or roy bradner's city experiences_ =the young treasure hunter= _or fred stanley's trip to alaska_ =the boy pilot of the lakes= _or nat morton's perils_ =tom the telephone boy= _or the mystery of a message_ =bob the castaway= _or the wreck of the eagle_ =the newsboy partners= _or who was dick box?_ =two boy gold miners= _or lost in the mountains_ =the young firemen of lakeville= _or herbert dare's pluck_ =the boys of bellwood school= _or frank jordan's triumph_ =jack the runaway= _or on the road with a circus_ =bob chester's grit= _or from ranch to riches_ =airship andy= _or the luck of a brave boy_ =high school rivals= _or fred markham's struggles_ =darry the life saver= _or the heroes of the coast_ =dick the bank boy= _or a missing fortune_ =ben hardy's flying machine= _or making a record for himself_ =harry watson's high school days= _or the rivals of rivertown_ =comrades of the saddle= _or the young rough riders of the plains_ =tom taylor at west point= _or the old army officer's secret_ =the boy scouts of lennox= _or hiking over big bear mountain_ =the boys of the wireless= _or a stirring rescue from the deep_ =cowboy dave= _or the round-up at rolling river_ =jack of the pony express= _or the young rider of the mountain trail_ =the boys of the battleship= _or for the honor of uncle sam_ cupples & leon co., publishers. new york the boy ranchers series by willard f. baker _ mo. cloth. illustrated. jacket in full colors_ [illustration: the boy ranchers in camp] _price per volume, cents, postpaid_ _stories of the great west, with cattle ranches as a setting, related in such a style as to captivate the hearts of all boys._ = . the boy ranchers= _or solving the mystery at diamond x_ two eastern boys visit their cousin. they become involved in an exciting mystery. = . the boy ranchers in camp= _or the water fight at diamond x_ returning for a visit, the two eastern lads learn, with delight, that they are to become boy ranchers. = . the boy ranchers on the trail= _or the diamond x after cattle rustlers_ our boy heroes take the trail after del pinzo and his outlaws. = . the boy ranchers among the indians= _or trailing the yaquis_ rosemary and floyd are captured by the yaqui indians but the boy ranchers trailed them into the mountains and effected the rescue. = . the boy ranchers at spur creek= _or fighting the sheep herders_ dangerous struggle against desperadoes for land rights brings out heroic adventures. = . the boy ranchers in the desert= _or diamond x and the lost mine_ one night a strange old miner almost dead from hunger and hardship arrived at the bunk house. the boys cared for him and he told them of the lost desert mine. = . the boy ranchers on roaring river= _or diamond x and the chinese smugglers_ the boy ranchers help capture delton's gang who were engaged in smuggling chinese across the border. _send for our free illustrated catalogue_ cupples & leon company, publishers new york * * * * * transcriber's note: a list of illustrations, which was not present in the original edition, has been created for this electronic text. in addition, the following typographical errors present in the original print edition have been corrected. in chapter v, "shaking his first" was changed to "shaking his fist". in chapter viii, "he knew it would take him several years engineer set in operation the powerful pumps, to be a capable one, but he determined to get a good ground work or the higher branches of it, and so he listened carfully to all that mr. weatherby told him." was changed to "he knew it would take him several years to be a capable one, but he determined to get a good ground work or the higher branches of it, and so he listened carefully to all that mr. weatherby told him." in chapter xi, a missing quotation mark was added after "i never put it there". in chapter xvi, "let him have the whole businesss" was changed to "let him have the whole business". in chapter xvii, "the sanlons wanted to begin their trip" was changed to "the scanlons wanted to begin their trip". in chapter xviii, "the other vessed" was changed to "the other vessel". in chapter xx, an extraneous quotation mark was removed after "no, sir". in chapter xxiii, "throwing back his boat" was changed to "throwing back his coat". and pg distributed proofreaders [transcriber's note: the non-standard spellings of the original text have been retained in this etext.] by water to the columbian exposition by johanna s. wisthaler. "travel is the great source of true wisdom." --_bearensfield_ to my amiable traveling companions, mr. s.r. james and family, and miss sarah e. campbell, this volume is affectionately inscribed preface it has been the aim of the author: to combine a detailed narrative of her trip by water to the white city with a faithful description of the ever memorable columbian exposition as far as possible consistent with the scope of this work. every opportunity has been embraced by the writer to incorporate the historical events, scientific facts, and natural phenomena most appropriate to the subject. the author also acknowledges her indebtedness to the lake shore & michigan southern railway co. as well as her obligations to the winters art litho co. in chicago. she wishes to express her gratitude to the first-mentioned corporation for having presented her with a map illustrative of the route; thus enabling the reader to trace the numerous towns and cities--on the erie canal and three great lakes--whose history and attractions have been depicted in this book. the lake shore route--selected by the government to run the famous fast mail trains--is the only double track line between chicago, cleveland, buffalo, new york, and boston.--during the existence of the white city, the lake shore and michigan southern railway co. placed in service special trains for the purpose of facilitating railway transportation between the eastern cities and the "queen of the west." the "exposition flyer," which accomplished nearly , miles in twenty hours from chicago to new york, an average of about fifty miles per hour, was certainly one of the fastest trains in the world. to the aid of the winters art litho co. the author owes her capability of furnishing this volume with a novel illustration of the world's fair.--a gold medal was awarded to this firm for the excellence in their water color fac-simile reproductions and advancement in legitimate lithography. the credit of improvements in materially reducing the number of printings, and still maintaining excellence in results, was conceded to them by the judges.--this company kindly permitted the author to use their copyright of the revised and most correct bird's eye view of the exposition grounds extant, which gives the readers a very adequate conception of that marvelous creation that--while existing only for such a brief period--has accomplished its mission in the highest degree, and has opened a new era in the annals of modern progress. schenectady, n.y., december, . contents introduction chapter i _voyage on the erie canal_ departure from schenectady, n y amsterdam, canajoharie, little falls utica, rome, syracuse, lyons palmyra, rochester, lockport chapter ii _sojourn in buffalo and visit to niagara falls_. buffalo harbor city of buffalo mill's dry dock niagara falls, american horseshoe and central falls chapter iii _voyage on three great lakes_ _lake erie_ dunkirk, erie, conneaut cleveland amherstburg detroit river city of detroit lake st clair river st clair port huron, sarnia _lake huron_ sand beach beacon saginaw bay, tawas city, alpena rock-bound on gull island ledge false presqu'ile, cheboygan straits of mackinaw, mackinaw island _lake michigan_ beaver island, northport frankfort, manistee, muskegon south haven, life saving service michigan city, white city chapter iv _stay in chicago and visit to the world's fair_ _a round trip on the exposition grounds_ _visit to the midway plaisance_ diamond match co, workingmen's home congress of beauty, california nursery and citrus tree exhibit electric scenic theater, libbey glass works irish village and donegal castle, japanese bazaar javanese village, german village pompeii panorama. persian theater model of the eiffel tower, street in cairo algerian and tunisian village, kilauea panorama american indian village, chinese village wild east show, lapland village dahomey village, austrian village ferris wheel, ice railway cathedral of st. peter in miniature, moorish palace turkish village, panorama of the bernese alps south sea islanders' village. hagenbeck's zoological arena irish village and blarney castle, etc. _visit to the exposition structures_. manufactures building and on manufactures u.s. government building and on the development of the republic fisheries building and on fisheries agricultural building and on agriculture live stock exhibit, dairy and forestry buildings palace of mechanical arts and on machinery administration building electricity building and on electricity, the "golden or happy age" mines and mining building and on minerals transportation building and on railroad, marine, and ordinary road vehicle conveyances palace of horticulture and on horticulture liberal arts building. educational exhibits _chicago, its growth and importance_ woman's building and on women art palace and on art anthropological building foreign and state buildings financial account of the world's fair statistical table of international expositions conclusion introduction experience, this greatest of all teachers, will undoubtedly have convinced many of my readers that the most delightful voyage is only capable of maintaining its charms when made amidst congenial fellow-travelers. the grandest scenes can be fully enjoyed and duly appreciated when viewed through an atmosphere of physical comfort. thus, in order to demonstrate the accuracy of the assertion: voyaging with mr. james and his family was attractive and enjoyable to me in every respect, i must make the reader acquainted with my amiable traveling companions, as well as with their floating home, the beautiful steam yacht "marguerite." her owner, _captain s. r. james_, is a stately, fine-looking, accomplished gentleman, and quite a linguist. to me it was a source of unusual pleasure to discuss french and german literature occasionally during our voyage with one who has given so much attention to these languages. mr. james was styled by the buffalo courier "a typical new yorker;" but he impresses me more as a typified english gentleman of the thorough school, and this impression is confirmed as i reflect upon his conduct to those fortunate enough to be associated with him in any capacity. i trust the reader will pardon me if i warmly eulogize mr. james, his lovely wife and their four sweet children, together with miss sarah e. campbell, the very amiable sister of mrs. james--who were my traveling companions on this eventful trip; for, certainly, i was extremely fortunate in my _compagnons de voyage_, whom i have thus introduced to the reader. they abandoned their lovely home for the purpose of undertaking the gigantic enterprise of making a canal and lake voyage to the white city. the reader may well judge that sailing on a yacht presents innumerable novelties and advantages not attainable by any other conveyance. since the parties on board a pleasure-boat concentrate all their thoughts to the expected enjoyments they cast aside all irksome forms and strait-laced habitudes, delivering themselves up to the free air to live less conventionally than at home. the preferableness of such an existence, freed from all unnecessary ceremonies, is still more perceptible when the trip is of long duration and having, moreover, for its terminus the world's columbian exposition, a place where the wonders, beauties, and evidences of nature's power and man's skill are gathered from all lands. the great anticipations we had of our unique voyage were justified in every respect. for it offered us the opportunity to store our memories with that which will never die, and to adorn them with pictures whose colors will never fade. all this will be revealed subsequently to my courteous reader, who is cordially invited to follow me now on board the steam yacht, which formed our home for six eventful weeks. what first strikes the observer on approaching the "marguerite," are the graceful lines which run from the sharp, slightly bent stem to the well-rounded stern. so beautiful is her form, and so majestically does she rest upon the water, that you will have no difficulty to recognize her, even at a great distance. you observe that she is painted with taste, and all the mouldings are gilded; you also perceive that the railings are of oak wood, surmounted by finely polished brass, and the deck of narrow deal planks is as white as snow. there is nothing wanting to make her equipment harmonize with the requirements of the present era. she has a length of a hundred feet, a width of about fifteen, with a draught of five feet eight inches; being fitted out for both steam and sail navigation. now, dear reader, let us go below. if you consent, we will first visit the engine-room, since it contains the most essential part of the working machinery. a force of from eighty-five to ninety horse-power is developed to propel the boat. the engine is of the triple expansion type; the diameters of the cylinders being - / , and inches respectively. are you not pleased with this piece of machinery, so elegantly finished and neatly polished? from it you can conclude that the yacht is capable of running with considerable speed, amounting to thirteen miles an hour, if desired. let us descend to the cabin next; can anything be more tasteful and convenient? is it not luxurious? and, although small, does not its very limited space astonish you when you view so many comforts? this is the dining-room. what can be more complete! just look at this side-board, with its sumptuous outfit in silver and crystal. _a multum in parvo._ the kitchen is admirably arranged; the spacious refrigerator making it possible that a considerable amount of all sorts of provisions and delicacies can be kept on board for some time. let us peep into the cozy staterooms. are they not nicely furnished? glance at the large and comfortable berths, which can be extended so as to form double berths, as in a pullman car. all the rooms receive light, either through side-windows or from the upper deck. every facility for enjoying open air exercise is offered by the main deck running the whole length of the ship. the portion pertaining to the stern is especially commodious, and constituted our dining-room on pleasant days. even when the weather was unfavorable, the awnings which inclosed this delightful place formed an excellent shelter, giving the impression we were living in a large tent. thus, you observe, that nothing is omitted to secure comfort. do you see this electric bell? well, all the staterooms are provided with such bells, which are connected with the steward's pantry. now, let us go forward. these two doors form the entrance to the pilot-house; please, step in. here is the steering wheel, and by means of these brass tubes the steersman communicates with the engineer. look up to the ceiling. it is decorated with multitudinous charts and maps. before we leave this room do not forget to glance at the mariner's compass in its elegant brass case. close by is the entrance to the fore-castle, which contains the men's berths. the crew occupying them consists of the captain, the engineer, the cook, the steward, and the seamen. there not being accommodation for more female servants, mrs. james was attended by only one maid. she, however, could easily spare larger retinue, because this excellent girl has assisted her mistress in performing the manifold domestic duties for more than fourteen years, and during this long period mrs. james has learned to value her for her dexterity in all female occupations. she is also a faithful guardian of the children for whom she tenderly cares. flattering myself that i have given my kind readers a satisfactory, introductory description, i shall now advance with the narrative, and proceed on our journey, traversing the longest artificial waterway ever constructed by human hands; and sailing on the unsteady billows of the great lakes, which contain the largest amount of sweet water on the globe, in order to visit the world's fair, the grandest and most complete exposition that human eyes ever beheld. chapter i. voyage on the erie canal from july nd, . a.m., till july th, . p.m. finally, the nd of july, the day appointed for our departure, had arrived. great was my satisfaction to find the auspices predicting fine weather; and, indeed, it was as beautiful as if heaven smiled on our enterprise. when taking leave of my neighbors, it was not at all with a sad sentiment, for i had been well aware that i was going to undertake a trip which but few mortals are so fortunate as to participate. accompanied by my dear parents i went to dock street, where the "marguerite" lay all ready for leaving the flourishing city of schenectady. my mother, whose domestic duties recalled her to the hearth at home, was compelled to leave me, while my father remained on board the yacht, anxious to enjoy my company as long as circumstances would permit. therefore, he gladly accepted mr. james's kind invitation to accompany us on our journey for a short distance. three intimate friends of mr. james and his family were also invited guests on the boat. these temporary traveling companions were dr. a. veeder, lawyer charles hastings and congressman s.j. schermerhorn, three well known and highly estimated gentlemen from schenectady. at . a.m., mr. james gave orders to haul in the lines attaching the boat to the shore; and a gun-shot at departing announced to the numerous spectators that the "marguerite" was on the point to set out for her unusual, but most interesting trip. we had been sailing only a very short distance, and were just facing the buildings of the general electric company, when our attention was attracted by a photographer who seemed to be very desirous of taking a photo of the yacht and her passengers; for he aspired to gain the most favorable posture, apparently quite a task under the circumstances. how well he succeeded in his endeavors, the readers can judge for themselves by glancing at the frontispiece of this book. resuming our journey, we soon had opportunity to admire the beautiful and fertile mohawk valley, once the home of one of the tribes composing the five nations. arendt van curler, the noble founder of the "place beyond the pines," pronounced this picturesque region the most beautiful the eye of man had ever beheld, at a time when the country was yet in its infancy. though great changes have taken place since that remote date ( ), the grandeur of the scenes spread before us evidently showed that the country has lost little of its beauty, even at the present day, nothwithstanding the white man has established in many places his smoking factories and noisy looms. at the second lock mr. schermerhorn, who owns a beautiful residence near this place, in the township of rotterdam, joined our party, whereupon we continued sailing on the smooth surface of the canal with accelerated speed. at . p.m., after having passed five locks, we approached _amsterdam_, an enterprising and prosperous city of over , inhabitants, located in the midst of romantic scenery. we halted at port jackson for a few minutes, since this was the terminus of the voyage of mr. hastings and my father. when parting with me, my father said: "this short tour has sufficed me to perceive how delightful your voyage promises to be in company with this amiable family. thus i leave you, feeling very happy that so many pleasures and enjoyments are awaiting you." i answered his kind words with a hearty parting kiss, as a token of my filial love. the two gentlemen, after having abandoned the yacht, ascended the bridge that spans the canal at that point; and bidding us farewell once more, they pursued us with their eyes until the graceful lines of the "marguerite" had become invisible in the distance. continuing our voyage, i was in perfect rapture with the ever varying magnificence of the luxuriant mohawk valley. in the afternoon the sky became overcast and the quietude that had been prevailing was interrupted by a thunder-clap, which gave us the signal to prepare for a shower. after the expiration of a few minutes the full-charged clouds poured their deluge upon mother earth. this natural phenomenon, however, was only of short duration; but sufficient to render the atmosphere most delightfully pure and refreshing. it was now a redoubled pleasure to view the many hills and dales, adorned in every shade of verdure, varying with romantic forest scenes; all mingling into one inexpressibly rich garniture in which nature had royally clad herself in order to give us greeting on our way. as we reached fultonville, a suburban village of fonda, about twenty-six miles from schenectady, dr. veeder and congressman schermerhorn parted with us, wishing us a pleasurable voyage. the "marguerite," gliding along, neared the vicinity of sprakers when suddenly the "heaven grew black again with the storm-cloud's frown," and a flash of lightning illuminated the sky with crimson radiance. it is for a moment as if the horizon was in flames, a spectacle glorious to behold. another minute and a peal of thunder reaches our ears. then the dark, heavy clouds discharge their contents in copious abundance. "in grateful silence earth receives the general blessing: fresh and fair each flower expands its little leaves as glad the common joy to share." while it is still raining, "the sun breaks forth, from off the scene its floating veil of mist is flung. and all the wilderness of green with trembling drops of light is hung." a magnificent rainbow, spanning the boundless arch on high, embellishes this superb panorama. as the sunset was bathing all summits in soft, crimson light, and the pale lustre of the orbed moon appeared in the east, we arrived at _canajoharie_. this small town, noted for its fine stone quarries, was chosen for our abode over sunday, and busy hands carried out the order to safely moor our craft near the bridge pertaining to the main street. when taking a long walk about the town, i found that, although inferior in size, it is a very desirable place for summer residences; being beautifully situated on romantic slopes crowned with elegant and tasty villas. canajoharie is regularly and appropriately laid out with wide, well kept and adequately lighted thoroughfares, and many citizens reside in spacious and architecturally ornamented houses. it is a recognized center of trade, from which agricultural products of all kinds are shipped. in the first historic record, dated , the place was styled "fort cannatchocary," and mentioned as a prospering settlement. incorporated as a town in , its population has been rapidly increasing since then, and now is estimated to amount to more than , . it was a glorious morning, the th of july, as we left canajoharie. the sun rose up into a cloudless heaven and poured a flood of gorgeous splendor over the landscape, as if proud of the realm he shone upon. when i entered the pilot-house i found mr. james, in the absence of the captain, busy steering the yacht, and in the course of our long voyage i often had opportunity to admire his abilities as a navigator. on many occasions i observed that he was very cautious in all his proceedings; that he took nothing for granted, and was only convinced of a fact when properly certified by ocular demonstration. engaged in a french conversation with the dexterous commodore, the time, as well as the vessel, was rapidly gliding along; the latter being assisted by a little breeze that rippled the surface of the water. so, after a three miles' ride, we approached _fort plain_, which boasts of numerous factories, and also the largest spring and axle works of the world. the clinton liberal institute, one of the leading military schools of the state, occupies a commanding position, overlooking the valley. the site of old fort plain, of revolutionary memory, is within the village limits. having passed cox and mindenville, a route of nine miles brought us into the proximity of the busy town of _little falls_, which has a population of about , . it is romantically situated, and many elegant dwellings stand upon steep acclivities, commanding views of grand and attractive sceneries. the chief products of the numerous manufactories are knit goods. little falls is also one of the principal cheese markets of the empire state. the mohawk river supplies the place with abundant water-power, having at this point a fall of forty-five feet in half a mile. still proceeding on our voyage, the town was soon out of sight. the sun shone with the clearest splendor from the zenith, beautifully illumining the smiling valleys, wooded hills, sparkling brooks and dimpled lakes, which makes this landscape scene so attractive. we were unable to leave our seats on the stern-deck; for everything around us seemed to have assumed the character of enchantment, and--had i been educated in the grecian mythology--i should scarcely have been surprised to find an assemblage of dryads, naiads and oreads sporting on the plain beside us. after having viewed mohawk, eight miles from little falls; herkimer, a town of about , inhabitants; ilion, with a population of nearly the same number, and frankfort, four miles from utica, we reached the latter city as "the sunset gorgeous dyes, paled slowly from the skies," having achieved forty-two miles that day. _utica_ contains approximately , residents. at the time of the revolution it was a frontier trading-post and the site of fort schuyler, built to guard the settlements against the french and indians. we made arrangements to remain in this city over night. a long walk through utica made us acquainted with a regular and handsomely built city, which rises from the south bank of the mohawk river to an elevation of feet. among the stately buildings are six large hotels, the handsome city hall, the postoffice and the bank edifice. there is also a state lunatic asylum. utica, being in the center of a great dairy region, has become the most important cheese market in the united states. genesee street is the principal thoroughfare lined with large blocks of commercial houses. the city has not yet attained its centennial; but during its history of less than a century it has experienced a wonderful growth, especially during the last fifty years. at o'clock the next morning we resumed our voyage, sailing on the so-called sixty mile level; having thus the delightful prospect not to be detained by going through numerous locks. we were also _in limine_ of the far-famed lake region, and soon traversed one of the finest portions of new york state. passing the hamlets of york mills, whitesboro and oriskany, the "marguerite" advanced near to the city of _rome_ towards o'clock a.m. in its vicinity the famous battle of oriskany was fought; and fort stanwix, which was besieged by the british in , occupies a site now in the center of the city of rome. the latter is laid out with wide streets well shaded with maples and elms. in the resident portion, a very high artistic taste has been displayed in the erection of dwelling houses. although this thriving city of almost , inhabitants has not so many points of interest as its namesake, the ancient metropolis of the glorious roman empire, whose wealth of antiquities is perfectly marvelous and whose relics of classical and papal times are alike almost innumerable; still it possesses one interesting feature that ought not to be left unmentioned: it was here that cheese was first made in factories. other important manufactures are merchantable iron, brass and copper, locomotives and agricultural implements. greatly favored by the clemency of the weather, we sped through this beautiful region, which is a never ending source of interest to the tourist, sailing past new london, grove springs, higginsville, dunbarton, state bridge, durhamville, lenox basin, canastota, new boston, chittenango, bolivar, pool's brook, kirkville, manlius and lodi. at the latter place the bed of the canal suddenly widens considerably, being about twice its average width. entering that portion of the grand artificial waterway, we found its waters so shallow that we could plainly discern its rocky bed. we entered the city of _syracuse_ when the last streak of daylight had faded from the west and the blush on the waters was followed by the reflection of the far blue arch and its starry host. opposite the city hall, a magnificent structure, the "marguerite" was made fast to repose after a fifty-five miles' course that day. syracuse, situated in the heart of new york state, has been appropriately named the "central city." its wonderful growth for the past twenty years entitles it to rank amongst the foremost cities of the east. it has a population of nearly , , and is one of the leading manufacturing towns of the country. for a long period syracuse practically controlled the salt product of the united states; in fact, it was that which first gave the place its importance. the existence of the vast salt springs of onondaga was known to the indians at an early date, and the secret was by them imparted to the jesuits in . the state took possession of the springs in ; and laws were passed for the conduct of the manufacture. although numerous companies are now engaged in this industry, it constitutes a comparatively small factor in the commercial interests of the city, inasmuch as it possesses at the present time over five hundred industrial establishments; giving employment to not less than twenty thousand people. the city is handsomely laid out, containing many fine public buildings and private residences. when i came on deck the following morning the rain fell in heavy showers. a cloud appeared to open directly over our heads, and let down the water almost in one body, but at . , as the violence of the rainfall had somewhat abated, we departed from syracuse, sailing past geddes, bell'isle and canton, where we struck another shallow place in the canal. as we approached peru the mists were rolling away, which gradually, as they became thinner, received and transmitted the rays of the sun; illuminating them with a golden radiance, increasing every minute in splendor, until they vanished. therefore, it was a redoubled pleasure to glance at the green plains studded with yet greener woodlands; the little mountains raising their crests, and the lovely lakes gleaming like floods of molten silver. thus we journeyed along past weedsport, centerport, port byron, montezuma, pitt lock, clyde and lock berlin. nearly midway between syracuse and rochester, forty-nine miles from the former city, we halted, choosing _lyons_ for our night's lodging. the town, having a population of almost , , is the seat of wayne county, which produces more dried fruit than any other county in the state. the oil of peppermint forms an important product of manufacture, there being a score of peppermint distilleries yielding annually more than , pounds of this costly oil. thursday, the th of july, as the tints of a bright morning reddened the eastern sky, we pursued our journey, greatly delighted with the cool and refreshing atmosphere. speeding along we passed arcadia; newark, a thriving town, numbering about , inhabitants; and palmyra, seven miles beyond, with broad and well shaded streets. two miles south of _palmyra_ joe smith, the founder of mormonism, claimed to have dug from a hill, which now bears the name of mormon hill, the golden plates constituting the first mormon bible. sailing by the villages of lower and upper macedon, pittsford was reached; a beautiful town of more than , inhabitants and one of the oldest settlements in that part of the state. here is located the famous "pittsford farm," which is one of the finest stock farms in the east. it is at this place that shetland ponies, jersey cattle and angora cats are raised in great numbers. uncountable varieties of water-fowl can always be seen at this point. having passed brighton, we arrived at _rochester_ long ere the first gold dye of sunset was stealing into the vast blue arch on high, having traveled forty-two miles that day. near the center of the city destined for our nightly abode, a multitude of curious spectators had assembled in order to view the handsome yacht. i made the observation that during our entire voyage the "marguerite," wherever she made her appearance, was universally admired. the important city of rochester is situated on the genesee river, seven miles south of its entrance into lake ontario. it is one of the leading manufacturing cities of the country, having more than , inhabitants. in it was founded by colonel nathaniel rochester, a representative pioneer of the genesee river valley. in it received its charter as a city, and has since increased in population and importance with marvelous rapidity. the fertility of the surrounding country and the splendid water-power furnished by the genesee river, together with unexcelled transportation facilities, have contributed largely to its growth. both in the latter part of the afternoon and evening, we deserted the yacht for the purpose of admiring the various beauties and points of interest, which give this town such a far spread reputation. we received the conviction that rochester, in fact, deserves its fame. covering an area of about seventeen square miles, it is laid out chiefly in squares, with streets from sixty to one hundred feet wide, shaded by beautiful trees. it abounds in handsome and tasteful residences, which are for the most part surrounded by carefully tended lawns and gardens. its fire-proof office buildings and warehouses, are a credit to the city; only few, even in the metropolis, are equal to them in magnificence. in the center of the city are the upper falls of the genesee, a perpendicular cataract of ninety-six feet, over which sam patch made his last and fatal leap. to the prominent public institutions of rochester belong the state industrial school, two large hospitals, an institution for deaf-mutes, and charitable organizations of every description. the principal business thoroughfare, main street, is in the heart of the city, and crosses the river over a handsome iron bridge. the manufactures of rochester are extensive and varied. in early years flour was the chief product, giving it the title "flour city;" there being no less than eighteen mills within its limits. rochester might be also appropriately styled the "flower city," for its nursery trade is hardly surpassed by that of any other place in the world. the suburbs are highly cultivated, having , acres of fruit trees, and nurseries containing from to acres. other important industries are cotton and paper mills; oil refineries; boot and shoe, clothing, furniture, perfumery and tobacco manufactories. a feature that attracts thousands of visitors daily, is the great powers art gallery, the private property of mr. d.w. powers, occupying the greater part of the two upper floors pertaining to the powers building. in fact, a plentitude of resources makes the city interesting to the tourist. the next day, when "morn was blushing in the sky," we bade farewell to rochester; and, sailing on the other sixty-mile level, we continued our journey through a charming region past greece, spencerport, king & adams, cooley's basin, and arrived at the attractive village of brockport. beautifully situated in the midst of a country teeming with abundance and inhabited by a prosperous and contented population, it contains many features of interest. here is located a state normal school, and also several extensive manufactories of agricultural implements. passing holley, hulberton and hindsburg, we came to albion, the capital of orleans county. the latter village is nicely laid out with wide streets and shaded by large trees. it contains many handsome residences and public buildings. having proceeded more westward, beyond eagle harbor and knowlesville, we caught sight of the pleasant town of medina, about midway between rochester and buffalo, noted for its quarries of dark-red sandstone. located in the midst of a fine fruit country, it has the reputation of being one of the best fruit markets in the state. speeding through the thriving villages of middleport, reynall's basin and cataract springs, we neared a deep ravine, through which the erie canal passes, following a natural waterway. here we met the most remarkable drop of the canal, in its chain of five continuous double locks, resembling a flight of stairs. entering these, the "marguerite" gradually rose higher and higher; and when quitting the last of them, she had been lifted up to an elevation of sixty feet by these five locks, and if we had not observed the busy hands working for our ascent, we might have been inclined to imagine that an invisible cloud was slowly carrying us to unknown regions on high. we made _lockport_ our resting-place for the night; since the sun had wheeled his broad disk already down into the west and the heavens were brightened only by the parting smiles of the day. going on shore, we visited lockport, a prosperous city with about , inhabitants, which is the center of a large paper and pulp industry. a five hours' journey on saturday morning, july th, past pendleton, picardsville, martinsville, tonawanda and lower black rock, completed our charming trip on the erie canal, which has from schenectady to buffalo a length of miles. the construction of this great artificial waterway, in all nearly miles long, having an elevation of about feet above tide water, made by seventy-two locks, was commenced in , and its completion took place in . although this immense undertaking has caused an expense of $ , , , the state of new york has made an excellent investment with that sum of money; since by means of the erie canal the domestic trade between the large western inland towns and the eastern seaports, especially the metropolis, is considerably facilitated. this traffic will receive a still greater importance, and can be more advantageously carried on, when the plan of utilizing the electric current for the driving power of canal-boats--a project recently tested by experiments--has been successfully executed. prior to , this waterway was used for both trade and passenger transportation. since the introduction of railroad communication, however, the canal has been the medium of conveying merchandise only; wherefore, our interesting trip on the steam-yacht "marguerite" is one of a few exceptions to the ordinary routine of the erie canal. chapter ii. sojourn in buffalo and visit to niagara falls, from july th, . p.m., to august nd, a.m. it was a bright and sunny day; the atmosphere being purified by a strong but refreshing breeze. as the noonday sun poured his brilliant rays on the towering hills which adorn the luxuriant banks of the canal, it was announced that in the distance there could be discerned the dark line which indicated our approach to the verdant tract encompassing the thriving city of _buffalo_, the terminus of our voyage on the erie canal. while the boat was speeding along, this point upon which our attention was chiefly fixed, became more cognizable with every minute. rising upwards to our left we could perceive domes of the most graceful proportions, towering structures, for number and form beyond my power to describe. on the other side, there lay spread before us, in vast expanse, the unrivaled water front which skirts the city of buffalo, extending two and one-half miles along the shore of lake erie and two and one-half miles along niagara river. as we entered the harbor of buffalo, which is considered the largest and finest on the lake, we were soon made acquainted with scenes and incidents that have no common fascination; in fact, one must be surprised at the tremendous amount of activity displayed here. the scores of huge grain elevators, having a total capacity of , , bushels, and the mammoth warehouses lining the water fronts reminded one of new york and brooklyn. large steamers and sailing vessels, of every description, are being loaded and discharged; powerful steam-hoists in operation on the docks; immense quantities of freight and merchandise in process of transfer to and from the railroad cars; and bustle everywhere; while hundreds of pleasure-boats and small crafts, of every conceivable variety, may be seen as far as the eye can reach. there we saw the trim and dainty shell, with its arrow-like prow, darting through the quiet coves; the saucy catamaran shooting, half submerged, out before the wind; the cozy little steam-launches, all ready to take their passengers to some suburban pleasure-ground; excursion steamers, with flying banners and bands of music going and coming, and mammoth propellers destined to carry thousands of tourists to the el dorado on lake michigan's blue waters. it will not be difficult to understand why buffalo has attained commercial supremacy in western new york, if you add to this never ceasing activity, betokening business, the enormous canal traffic; for it is here where innumerable canal-boats are weighted with the rich products of the west, carrying a large floating population of boatmen's families. before selecting our mooring place in buffalo creek, which can be navigated for about one mile, we sailed to the breakwater, a solid wall several feet high, having a length of , feet, which was erected at the expense of some millions of dollars for the protection of the city from being flooded by the unruly waters of lake erie. while the tanks of the yacht were being filled with the limpid water of the lake, we ascended the stairs leading to the top of the protecting wall; for we all were anxious to become acquainted with the nature of the billows that were to carry us many miles westward and nearer to our far destination. it was a glorious sight unfolded before our eyes. we glanced at a huge sheet of water, about miles long, varying from thirty to nearly sixty miles in width, with an area of square miles, whose elevation from tide water is judged to be feet. this majestic spectacle, as animated as it was, imparted to us an adequate conception of a boisterous inland sea. the surface of the lake was in wild uproar; the advancing and retreating waves were beating themselves into angry foam, and dashed their spray pearls almost to our feet; their opulent azure hue being dimmed by the violent agitation. the inexperienced eye has no idea of the imposing impression caused by the extremely subitaneous changes to which these waters are subjected. the wide bosom of the lake that sometimes lies motionless and glassy, without a breath of air to cause the slightest undulation, in a very short time may be scourged by a sudden gale. the wild gambols of the waves, accompanied by the roar of the disturbed elements, may well cause the timid to fear; for, as the swell lifts, you would think the bases of the earth are rising beneath it; and, again, when it falls, you would imagine the foundation of the deep had given away. though the billows before us now were beaten by a powerful breeze, breaking with angry roar upon the barrier upon which we stood, yet not the slightest feeling of fear found place within our hearts. on the contrary, as we left the breakwater in order to return to buffalo, i felt my heart palpitating with joy as i thought of the pleasing prospect to be tossed by those grand waves. having chosen a place at the foot of main street for our stay, the orders to secure the "marguerite" were instantly carried out; and immediately a multitude of curious beholders had gathered around the yacht, viewing her with evident expression of admiration. since it was yet early in the afternoon we decided to go on shore, in order to view the points of interest in this important city. a ride in the electric railway, traversing it in every direction, made us acquainted with a good portion of buffalo, which contains a population of nearly , , being the third city in size in the empire state. it is handsomely laid out with broad and well shaded streets. one hundred and three miles are paved with asphalt, and miles with stone. we saw many fine residences with attractive grounds, and numerous public squares. delaware avenue, the leading street for elegant mansions, is about three miles long, and is lined with a double row of trees. the city possesses a superb system of parks and pleasure grounds, designed and laid out by frederick law olmsted, the architect of central park in new york city. it comprises three sections, situated respectively in the northern, western, and eastern parts of buffalo, which, with the connecting boulevard, afford a drive of nearly ten miles. main street, the principal trading thoroughfare, has many substantial business blocks. of the prominent public buildings, the city and county hall deserves being mentioned in the first place. it is an imposing structure, of maine granite, in the form of a double roman cross, with a tower feet high, surmounted by four statues. this magnificent edifice is fronting on franklin street, and was completed in at a cost of nearly $ , , . other handsome buildings are the u.s. custom house and postoffice, at the corner of washington and seneca streets; the buffalo library, on lafayette square; the state arsenal, in broadway; the erie county penitentiary, one of the six penal establishments of new york; the general hospital, in high street; and the state asylum for the insane, an edifice which cost about $ , , , located in forest avenue, adjoining the buffalo park. the city is also adorned with several handsome churches and theaters. buffalo was first settled by the dutch in , and became an important military post during the war of . it was burned by a combined force of british and indians in . its city charter was granted in , and since then its growth has been very rapid. as regards its live-stock trade, buffalo ranks third among the cities in the union, and its iron and steel works are next in importance to those of pittsburg. the shipment of pennsylvania coal, which finds a depot here, has been greatly increased in recent years; about , , tons being distributed annually. the lumber trade is also large, but has been partly diverted to tonawanda, ten miles below buffalo. the industrial works comprise four blast furnaces, large rolling mills, machine shops, car shops, iron ship-yards, stove foundries, tanneries, flour mills, and manufacturing of agricultural implements. early on monday morning, i abandoned the land of dreams in order to appear on deck in good season; since arrangements had been made for going into dry-dock that very morning. reader, have you ever been there? i hear you answer negatively. well, that is just what i expected; for it is a rather unusual and rare experience for ladies, even in the eyes of a shipwright, a man who is constantly employed in that place, that a boat enters the dry-dock with her passengers on board. it was partly a matter of necessity, and partly of circumspection, that caused us to abide in the dry-dock for a few hours. in consequence of the numerous low bridges that span the canal, the spars, rigging, and smoke-stack belonging to the complete equipment of the "marguerite" would have made her journey on that artificial waterway absolutely impossible; therefore it was necessary to replace these parts in their appropriate positions. the picture in the frontispiece gives evidence of that fact; as the "marguerite" presented a very different picture completely rigged. now, on the point of sailing on the great lakes, it was requisite to dress the yacht in her proper array, with her high tapering masts; the cords of her rigging stretching from spar to spar with the beautiful accuracy of a picture; and so equipped, as to give her the appearance of a majestic, white winged sea-bird resting gracefully on the water. for the purpose of bestowing upon her such an outfit, as well as for having her bottom examined, she was docked in mill's dry-dock. the latter motive, i must add, was effected by a mere act of precaution; since no components of the propelling machinery had been injured or damaged. but mr. james, our ever thoughtful commodore, wished to be assured that he could direct the "marguerite" on her westward course with everything pertaining to her in complete order. these docks may be in communication either with a wet dock or a tidal harbor. i observed that the dry-dock we entered had a pontoon gate, floated in or out of place as desired. there being no tides in the lakes, this style of gate--less liable to leak under continuous pressure--is invariably used; for the only method of emptying the docks here is by pumping, for which purpose a steam-engine and pumps, with a well and water channel leading to it, were employed. we scarcely had made our entry into it, ere many busy hands worked to give the keel of the yacht a secure rest on wooden blocks which were fastened down to prevent them floating. they were of such a height as to permit the shipwright getting under the vessel's bottom. then side shores were put in to keep the boat in an upright position. this being accomplished, i could notice that the pumping machinery was brought into full operation. soon i found that the level of the water became lower and lower, and after the expiration of about one-half hour the dock was almost dry. the sides of the dock generally consist of stone steps--called altars--for the purpose of fixing the lower ends of the shores, and also for the convenience of supporting the workmen's scaffold. mr. james and family, including myself, left the yacht to the crew and workmen, while we further explored the city of buffalo in carriages, thoughtfully provided for us. the day after our entering dry-dock, august st, was eventful, as it was arranged we should make an excursion to view one of nature's greatest wonders--_niagara falls_--a sight unlike any other on the surface of the globe. the indescribable grandeur of the whole overwhelms the soul--to contemplate that tremendous torrent which never stops! no rest in the ages of the past--no promise of a moment's stay in all the years to come--but on, on, with resistless force! our thoughts become like the mists that rise above this awful scene, and we are mute--pigmies of an hour! to feel that after what we are becomes a little dust, that solemn roar will echo in the ears of millions now unborn! though i had read diverse descriptions portraying the grandeur and magnificence of niagara falls, still i was aware that they had failed in conveying a clear and succinct outline of their wonderful proportions and great sublimity. my conclusions that, in older to be properly appreciated these gigantic cataracts must be visited, were confirmed, and, _re vera_, when once viewed the recollection of that glorious sight will linger long in memory. an hour's ride in the cars brought us to the village of niagara falls, a splendid manufacturing point, having all modern improvements and unsurpassed railway facilities of various kinds. the village was incorporated in , and has about , inhabitants. the average annual number of visitors to this beautiful place is estimated to be , . at the station of niagara falls, mr. james engaged vehicles which afforded accommodations for all of us--a party of ten--including the steward, who accompanied us, carrying a bountiful repast. the drivers of niagara falls are excellent _ciceroni_. we drove through the handsome village to prospect park, a property owned by the state of new york, and included in the niagara reservation, which the state acquired by purchase in . all the unsightly buildings, heretofore obstructing the view, have been removed, and a terrace was erected for a distance of half a mile, affording uncountable attractions to the visitor with its venerable trees, comfortable seats, and delightful views. the main entrance is a tasty structure at the foot of cascade street. the point of land at the brink of the falls is called _prospect point_. since it commands a fine view, which is the feature of the park, our drivers advised us to abandon the carriages and to step nearer to the long stone wall running for some distance along the edge of the gorge. standing on the platform, i glanced at the mighty volume of water; here precipitated over a huge rock feet high with a thunderlike roar that can be heard, under favorable circumstances, a distance of fifteen miles. for a long time we remained there, spell-bound by the wonderful panorama, plunged into a reverie of rapture. mrs. james, reminding me the carriages were waiting for us, brought me back to consciousness. the spectacle is so sublime and overwhelming that the mind, unable to grasp it, cannot adjust itself at once to a scale so stupendous, and the impression fails. but, gradually, as you remain longer, the unvarying, ponderous, unspeakably solemn voice of the great flood finds its way to the soul, and holds it with a fascination which is all pervasive and cannot be shaken off. in a car, moving on an inclined plane, we descended to the water's edge. these cars are raised and lowered by water-power, by means of a three-inch cable feet long, running over steel wheels. at the foot of the stairway, tickets may be obtained for the trip on the "maid of the mist," that steams up to the horseshoe fall; then back to the canadian side, and finally returns to her starting point. the view from below presented to us new charms which we could not obtain before. in the first place the enormous height of the cataract may be better realized from beneath; then the emerald and opal translucence of the waters, as they pass in their swift career, was here especially effective; since the sun, shining through the mists of spray from a station in the heavens most advantageous for our prospect, crowned the entire scene with iridescent diadems. this fall is known as the american, separated from the "horseshoe" or "canadian fall" by a large island, standing on the verge of the cliff over which the cataract pours, and dividing the river in such a manner as to form from its waters the two above named falls. after a lovely ride through the beautiful woodland we viewed goat island, having an area of - / acres and a circumference of about one mile. a strip about ten rods wide and eighty rods long, has been washed away on the south side since the first road was made in . this island was, in ancient times, one of the favorite burying-grounds of the indians, and yet preserves traces of their funeral rites. crossing the first bridge, from which we had one of the grandest views of the rapids, we reached bath island, some two acres in extent. a second bridge conveyed us to goat island, where we witnessed a most charming panorama. descending the stairs, we stood next to the little fall, beneath which is the famous cave of the winds. from the farther point of luna island, attainable by a little bridge, we saw the most desirable near view of the american fall and rapids; here, too, we enjoyed a fine spectacle in the perspective of the gorge below. it has often been remarked by strangers that this island trembles, which is undoubtedly true, but the impression is heightened by imagination. not far from luna island are the famous biddle stairs. shortly after their erection, in , the well known sam patch, whose diving propensities made his name illustrious, performed his noted, bold feat in . midway between the foot of these stairs and the canadian fall he built a scaffold, ninety-six feet high, from which he made his successful leap into the river. proceeding a little further, we stood in full view of the horseshoe fall--so-called because of its crescent shape--which contains by far the greater body of water; the fall being more than , feet wide and feet high. the site of the old terrapin tower is the best point from which to perceive the shape of the fall. from the south side of the island the three sister islands are accessible, affording the finest views of the rapids. these islands offer, from their location, a delightfully cool retreat in the warmest summer days, with attractive and enchanting scenery. in order to have a comprehensive glance of nature's grandest wonder known to man, in its climax of sublimity, we took a ride back through prospect park, across the new suspension bridge, below the american fall, to the canadian shore. this splendid drive was continued through the queen victoria niagara falls park, opened to the public in . following the example of new york state, the ontario parliament had passed an act to reserve the western side of the falls vicinity--the canadian reservation--covering an area of about acres, and beautifully laid out. here we had the most imposing view; a finer panorama cannot well be imagined. the concussion of the descending waters with those in the depths below occasion a spray that veils the cataract two-thirds up its height. above this everlasting and impenetrable foam, there rises fifty feet above the fall a cloud of lighter spray, which, when the rays of the sun are directed upon it, displays solar rainbows, grand in their magnificence. it was here on table rock, formerly one of the most celebrated points about niagara, that mrs. lydia huntley sigourney wrote her spirited eulogy on niagara, which commences with the musical rhymes: "flow on forever, in thy glorious robe of terror and of beauty. yea, flow on, unfathomed and resistless. god hath set his rainbow on thy forehead, and the cloud mantled around thy feet. and he doth give thy voice of thunder power to speak of him eternally,--bidding the lip of man keep silence,--and upon thine altar pour incense of awe-struck praise." three miles below the falls is the whirlpool, a vast basin formed by the projection of a rocky promontory on the canadian side, against which the waters rush with such violence as to cause a severe reaction and rotary motion; and in it logs and trees are frequently whirled around for weeks in succession. geology has accepted as a matter of certitude that within the memory of men now living, the falls have receded feet, and authorities in that science have stated the fact, that the retrocession--estimated from one inch to one foot per year--began near lewiston. the whole waters of the lakes there foamed over this dam several miles in width. the name "niagara" is supposed to belong to the vocabulary of the iroquois language, meaning "thunderer of waters." the first white visitor to niagara falls was father hennepin, a priest and historian, accompanying chevalier robert de la salle on his discoveries. he published the first description of "this wonderful downfall" in . there exist now three distinct cataracts, which are known as _horseshoe_, _american_, and _central falls_. the weight of water descending over the cadences in a single hour, is computed to be , , tons. the magnitude of the great waterfalls, and their fame as a natural wonder, had, heretofore, to a certain degree, excluded from thought the idea of their marvelous utilarian properties; but the recent development of electrical science, and the far-reaching enterprise of to-day, have now combined to subject to the uses of mankind a portion of the power of the falls, developed at such a distance from the great cataract as not to interfere in any way with the natural beauty of the scenery. as the western sky was dyed with the tints of sunset, we hastened to reach our floating home; since we expected two friends of miss campbell on board the yacht--a gentleman who holds a prominent position in buffalo, mr. j.b. seitz, and his charming wife. we returned with the exhalting sentiment of having visited a temple of nature, to whose shrine thousands from all over the world annually pay their tribute of praise. arriving on board the "marguerite" that--though still in dry-dock--was not laid dry any more, we perceived a striking contrast between the close and saturated atmosphere prevailing here, and the pure, balmy air at niagara falls. our thoughtful commodore, desirous of giving us the opportunity to inhale the refreshing sea-breeze, ordered our departure for the breakwater as soon as circumstances permitted; intending early on the following morning to commence our lake journey. the obscurity was fast increasing as we neared the high stone wall, and the scenery around me made the verses of whittier resound in my ears in which he described the "evening by the lake side" so beautifully with the words: "yon mountain's side is black with night, while broad-orbed, o'er its gleaming crown the moon, slow rounding into sight, on the hushed inland-sea looks down." chapter iii. voyage on three great lakes, from august nd, a.m., to august nd, a.m. as the warm rays of the morning sun were lighting up the scene with a radiance, glorious to behold, we bade farewell to buffalo which, being already in some distance, soon became entirely invisible. indescribable was our amazement when we viewed once more the waters of _lake erie_, whose raging billows had betrayed to us, only a few days ago, the unruly nature of a boisterous inland-sea. now, as we were gliding on its surface, the lake presented an appearance quite novel to us; being almost motionless, a true emblem of tranquillity and peacefulness. only now and then a gentle zephyr rippled its level which, reflected in the sunbeams, appeared like an undulating mass of silver. the cloudless heavens, clad in their brightest hue of azure blue, and illumined by the golden sun, painted a great variety of fine images of light and shade on the limpid waters beneath. the sky seemed to reflect the water and the water the sky, both gleaming in the sunshine. on our right, the lake made the impression of stretching into endless, unlimited space; on our left, however, we could distinguish romantic hills, decorated by massive groves, with crossing and intersecting promontories, and fair valleys tenanted by numerous flocks and herds, that seemed to wander unrestrained through the rich pastures. the luxuriant landscape was intercepted here and there by undulating slopes, covered with sand, whose light color contrasted with the verdure of vales and hillocks. speeding along, we came abreast of _dunkirk_, a lake-port town in chautauqua county, n.y., situated on a small bay in lake erie, forty miles southwest of buffalo. the town, which has a population of over , , occupies an elevated and favorable position on the lake. its industries comprise oil refineries, and the manufacture of flour and iron-work. after proceeding on our voyage for some hours, we viewed--located in a natural bay--the harbor of _erie_, the capital of erie county, penn. the port is protected by a breakwater three and one-half miles long. the principal shipments that leave this harbor, are coal, iron, and petroleum; an important trade being carried on with the canadian lake-ports. the streets of the city are spacious and laid out with great regularity. to its prominent buildings belong the postoffice, the opera house, the city hospital, the court house, and the orphan asylum. erie contains nearly , inhabitants, many of whom are engaged in iron manufacture. the large supply of water required for the factories is obtained from the lake by powerful engines, which force it to a tower feet high, whence it is distributed through the mains. the chief industries developed here, are petroleum refineries and leather factories. it was at erie, that commodore perry equipped the vessels which in defeated the british fleet on lake erie. in the year the town was laid out, and in it received a city charter. still fascinated by the attractions of the everchanging landscape along the southern coast, we had forgotten that _fugit hora_; for we were greatly surprised to perceive the approaching twilight, indicating the parting day, and the white beams of the young crescent just beginning to steal over the lately flushed and empurpled scene. therefore, the "marguerite" was cabled to the dock, about two miles from the village of _conneaut_. a fresh and palpitating evening air invited us to a walk along the coast of the beautiful inland-sea. adopting an unfrequented path through a vast plain of sand, we found the charming scenery enhanced by a solemn stillness. all nature slumbered. here, witnessing a magnificent prospect in this lovely solitude, we experienced one of those seasons when the atmosphere is so surcharged with luxury, that every pore of the body becomes an ample gate for sensation to flow in; and one has simply to sit still and to be filled. seated near the shore, we delivered ourselves up to the exquisite loveliness around us; and when returning on board the yacht, the impression of the superb panorama tarried with me, even into the realm of morpheus; so that i rose on the following morning with the remembrance of delicious dreams. when i came on deck, the air seemed to be sweet with perfumes; the water sparkled brightly, and the blue sky hung cloudless over the placid mirror of lake erie. thus, favored by the weather, the majestic steam-yacht resumed her voyage. after the lapse of two hours the harbor of ashtabula came in sight, and at about o'clock we approached fair point. the noon-tide of the summer day was past, as we were made acquainted with the fact, that the rising towers and pinnacles, to be discerned in the distance on our left, pertained to the beautiful "forest city," next to cincinnati the largest and most important city in the state of ohio. _cleveland_ is built on both sides of the cuyahoga river, which is here crossed by several bridges. it is located chiefly on a plain from fifty to feet above the lake, of which a magnificent view is thus obtained. leaving east river street, where our floating home was destined to remain, i undertook an excursion through the greater portion of the city; not solely for the purpose of viewing the regular streets, generally from eighty to feet wide, and lined with maple trees, but with the design to see a friend--miss lina uhl--a teacher in one of the thirty public schools; holding a prominent position as the president of a teachers' association in cleveland. she is the niece of mr. c.f. hild, from schenectady, n.y. having previously informed her of my intention to visit her native city, i was already expected, and very cordially received at her hospitable home. after i had spent some very pleasant hours there, my friend accompanied me on my return to the dock. _en route_ she made me acquainted with many points of interest, which are so numerous in the "forest city." thus, she called my attention to the charming euclid avenue, a street several miles long, considered to be one of the most extensive and picturesque within the limits of the united states. here cleveland's aristocracy built their substantial mansions and luxurious villas, encircled by tasty, park-like gardens. of special interest to the visitor is the monument erected in memory of james abram garfield, the twentieth president of the republic, born in orange, ohio, in . being in office but a short time, he was shot by a disappointed office-seeker, charles j. guiteau, in . this sad event, which forms a thrilling incidence in the history of the union, is comparable with the recent death of carter harrison, mayor of chicago, whose assassination by prendergast, under similar circumstances, on saturday, . p.m., october , , created a profound sensation and great excitement. monumental park, near the center of the city, contains ten acres, divided into four squares by the extension of ontario and superior streets. besides a fountain, and other attractive objects, the park is adorned by a statue of commodore perry, erected in in commemoration of his victory on lake erie in . it is of italian marble, eight feet high, and stands upon a granite pedestal twelve feet in altitude. the most noteworthy buildings are the postoffice, the city hall, the county court house, and the cleveland medical college. the union railway depot, an immense structure of stone near the lake shore, is one of the largest of the kind in the united states. cleveland was founded in , and named in honor of general moses cleveland of connecticut, who then had charge of the surveying of this region. it was an important point in the war of , incorporated as a village in , and as a city in . the number of its inhabitants is estimated to be more than , . the "forest city" has an extensive trade in copper and iron ore, shipped from the lake superior mining regions, as well as in coal, petroleum, wool, and lumber, received by railroad, canal, and lake transportation. a sojourn of at least one week is requisite in order to acquaint one's self with all the attractions of cleveland, with its unrivaled position and manifold beauties of scenery. in fact, our honorable president can be proud to share his name with this delightful place; and, in return, the "forest city" may consider it an honor to be the namesake of grover cleveland, the present leader of the powerful republic. on friday morning, as soon as the dawning day dispatched its first rays over cleveland, we resumed our voyage on lake erie. the flakes of light were falling every moment faster and broader among the spires and towers of the city of which we gradually lost sight. they were only discernible as long, gray shadows on the elevated lake shore. the mists were couched in quiet masses, iridescent with the morning light, upon the breasts of the remote hills, over whose leagues of massy undulations, they melted into the robe of material light, fading, lost in the increasing lustre, again to reappear in the higher heavens, while their bases vanished into the unsubstantial and mocking blue of the lake below. the dispersing wreaths of white clouds gradually gave place to the pale azure of the horizon. the level of the beautiful inland-sea was bathed in the glorious sunlight and the whole heaven--one scarlet canopy--colored the limpid waters with an exquisite, roseate tint; thus giving a redoubled splendor to this fine panorama. while the midday sun was sending forth his warm rays, we came abreast of marblehead, and speeding along we reached green island at o'clock. having passed barr point lighthouse we chose our halting place on the canadian shore near _amherstburg_, a small village pleasantly situated on the detroit river. as the yacht was fastened to the dock, the heavens were yet illumined by the parting day; which gave us opportunity to admire the superb spectacle on the opposite shore. its southwestern extremity was adorned with numerous verdant islands of various size and form; some stretching for miles in length--the largest containing a circumference of fourteen miles; several so small that they seemed destined for a race of fairies; others in clusters; and some like beautiful vestals, in single loveliness, whose holy vows ordained them forever to live alone. the last streak of light had faded from the west, and a pale lustre kindling in the eastern portions of the sky, became brighter and brighter till the white falcated moon was lifted up above the horizon; while uncountable stars appeared to reflect their brilliancy in the waters below. this delightful scene around us, so perfectly filled and satisfied our sense of beauty that we reluctantly gave up our comfortable seats on the stern-deck, notwithstanding an advanced time of night. on the following morning the sun rose in his clearest splendor. as soon as that flood of luminous rays which constitutes day, was flowing on the crystalline sea, we departed from this romantic country scene in canada. sailing along, we approached the terminus of our voyage on lake erie, which is considered the most dangerous of all the great lakes as to navigation, owing to its comparative shallowness--its mean depth, being about ninety feet--and the consequent liability to a heavy ground swell. the peculiar features of this body of water are its inferior depth and the clayey nature of its shores, which are generally low; on the south, however, bordered by an elevated plateau, through which the rivers have cut deep channels. though the lake possesses but a small number of good harbors, the amount of traffic on its waters, and on the connecting railways is enormous. this inland-sea, presenting us only sights of utmost quietude and peace, has been the scene of a naval engagement between the british and americans, september , , in which the latter were victorious. the view we enjoyed was not in the least adequate to remind us of warfare; on the contrary "the sun in heaven shone so gay: all things were joyful on that day." it was yet early in the morning when we neared the city of detroit, having almost reached the head of _detroit river_ which separates the united states from canada. being about one-half to three-quarters of a mile wide, and five and one-half fathoms deep, the river flows with a pretty swift current. _detroit_ is the most important city of michigan, opposite the canadian town windsor. eighteen miles north of lake erie, it stretches with its suburbs about five miles along the river, and the central part extends for about two miles back from the shore. approaching the city, we were more and more delighted with its attractive appearance. the streets, from fifty to feet wide, are for the most part ornamented with rows of trees. a number of avenues, having an unusual width, diverge from the grand circus, a spacious park semi-circular in form, which is divided into two quadrants by woodward avenue. connected with the former is the campus martius, a public place about feet long and feet wide. detroit comprises many magnificent structures. one of the chief public buildings is the city hall, facing the campus martius, with fronts on four streets. it counts among the finest edifices of the kind in the west. built of sandstone, it is designed after the italian style of architecture, surmounted by a tower feet high. its cost amounted to $ , . other prominent structures are the opera house, the office of the board of trade, the custom house, and the roman catholic cathedral. the commercial facilities of the city are very extensive. the detroit river is a connecting link in the great chain of lake navigation, and affords the best harbor on the inland-seas. detroit is not only the center of a great railroad system; more than vessels are owned here, and numerous daily lines of steamers run to various points of the lakes. its manufacturing industries are very important and consist of iron, flour, tobacco, cigars, lumber, and bricks. the extensive pullman car works are situated here; also one of the seven pin factories in the united states. settled by the french, early in the eighteenth century, detroit passed into the hands of the english in . it was then besieged for eleven months by the indian chief pontiac; ceded to the americans in , but not occupied by them till . as a city, it was incorporated in ; and its present population is estimated to be , . it was the capital of michigan from till , when that honor was transferred to lansing. having traversed detroit river, we entered _lake st. clair_, a sheet of water eighteen miles long and twenty-two miles wide. this small lake has many extensive sand-banks covered with a depth of water varying from six to ten feet. previous to , much inconvenience was experienced in navigating it, owing to the insufficient depth, but the governments of the united states and canada have dredged a canal through the bed of the lake, comprising a width of feet. since then, this channel has been deepened so as to enable vessels drawing fifteen feet to pass with safety from lake to lake in stormy weather. after the expiration of a few hours we reached _river st. clair_, whose luxuriant border exhibited a magnificent panorama. afar off westward, the uplands wore a tinge of tenderest blue; and in the nearer distance, on the low shores of the river, superb summer residences, tasty villas, and elegant hotels, built in every style of architecture, lay interspersed between romantic hills and tufted groves. the horizon was of a fine, golden tint, changing gradually into the deep blue of the mid-heaven. none of us ventured to leave the deck fearing to miss some of those unrivaled sights constantly offering new attractions. this trip on river st. clair--though having an extent of thirty-three miles--seemed but short to us; and the fine spectacle displayed on the charming western bank may be reckoned among the most delightful scenes we beheld on our long, enjoyable voyage. as we approached the terminus of the river, a sudden rush of the awakened wind was heard; and out of the blue horizon a troop of narrow, dark, and pointed clouds were advancing, covering the sky, inch by inch, with their gray masses gradually blotting the light out of the landscape. horizontal bars of black shadow were forming under them, and lurid wreaths wrapped themselves about the crests of the hills. the wind had grown more violent as _port huron_ came in view. waving curtains of opaque rain, swinging from the overburdened clouds, dropped down upon the surface of the river. the black swaying fringes, sweeping irresistibly along the water, churned the surface into foam. the sudden and unfavorable change of the weather determined our commodore to abide at _port huron_, a prosperous city in michigan. it commands a very advantageous situation, located on the west bank of river st. clair, and at the southern extremity of lake huron. being the county seat of st. clair county, it is also a point of great importance in the railway system, and the terminus of several lines of lake steamers. the city, with a population of nearly , , has a large lumber trade, ship-yards, dry-docks, saw and flour mills. founded in , port huron was incorporated as a village in , and as a city in . since the yacht lingered here until monday, august th, we were enabled to become familiar with its broad streets, regularly laid out and well shaded; some adorned by beautiful private residences. the heavy, black clouds that had shrouded the whole sky ever since we made our entry in port huron, were yet concealing the golden disk of the summer sun. the atmosphere, however, which had previously a disagreeable, wet chilliness in it, gradually grew clearer and warmer so that we left the dock with the intention to undertake our voyage on lake huron, but when nearing the place where this sheet of water, covering an area of , square miles, communicates with river st. clair, we discovered that the swell on the lake level was yet quite considerable, whereas the wind which had blown a gale all the preceding day, was gradually dying away. still, we found it advisable to wait until the foaming waves of the enraged element had been appeased. in consequence of this decision we concluded to moor the yacht as near the entrance of lake huron, as we conveniently could, ready for an early departure; for which we considered the town of _sarnia_, opposite port huron, the most favorable locality. romantically situated on the canadian shore, sarnia affords a splendid north and west view. its handsome streets and neat structures are quite attractive to the stranger; and not these alone but also the residents who are generous and hospitable. we observed this fact, even during our short stay, when receiving the visit of mr. clark and his amiable lady, who presented us with a bouquet of fragrant flowers, a kind gift that we highly appreciated. long ere the east became purple with the morning light and the pinnacles of sarnia were bathed, one by one, in the glory of its burning, we departed from the pleasant city, and the white sea-bird "marguerite" spread her light wings over the surface of lake huron, whose waves--although the wind was quite fresh--did not run as high as i anticipated; for i had been informed that on the previous day the tide from the lake into detroit river amounted to eight miles an hour. as i was pacing up and down the deck, i viewed an inland-sea miles long, and miles broad, with a picturesque coast line on our left. the purity of its waters was discernible by its limpid appearance and savory taste. the fine deposits of sand and clay extending at different places along the shore to a distance of twenty miles inland, by their contrasts added to the scenic beauty, exhibiting a variety of magnificent views. the luxuriant coast bordering on the southern extremity of the lake and skirting the peninsula of michigan and southwestern ontario--though comparatively flat--is not void of charming features; being lined with numerous pretty villages imbosomed among gentle slopes that were covered with the richest verdure. these hamlets, situated in the quiet valleys and shaded glens, alternated with extensive fields and orchards exuberant with fertility. speeding along on the wavy surface of the lake, we gained sight of the breakwater of _sand beach_ when the noon-tide of the day had not yet arrived. we first visited the village of sand beach, and returned at nightfall to the breakwater, which is five miles distant from the former; here the yacht was cabled to the dock. near our halting place there stood a lofty tower, whose illuminating apparatus threw a radiant, vari-colored light on the dark surface of lake huron. upon expressing a desire to visit the light tower, mr. james, who never left any of our wishes unfulfilled, immediately made arrangements with the keeper; and, accordingly, we were invited to intrust ourselves to his guidance. he informed us that the structure rested on a foundation consisting of a concrete mass, nine feet below the water line. having ascended four flights of iron-wrought winding stairs, we reached the top of the circular structure; it having a diameter of twenty-four feet at its base, and rising to an elevation of fifty-seven feet. with great interest we inspected the revolving lights, exhibiting an ingenious piece of machinery, the invention of finisterre and barren in paris, and representing a value of $ , . this apparatus for rotating lamps is far superior to that for a fixed light. the characteristic of the latter is to constantly illuminate the whole horizon, requiring all the rays to fall simultaneously on the navigable track, whereas the demands made of a revolving light, are not nearly so great; only each point of the horizon being lighted at successive periods. when the dark intervals occur, the rays from the flame which are then pointing toward the obscure spaces, have their direction so altered laterally as to pass into the adjoining bright places; and so increase the power of the luminous flashes. a revolving light, though supplied by a flame of the same strength as a fixed, will thus necessarily be raised to a higher degree; for it does not lose its power by diffusing the rays constantly over the whole horizon, but gathers them up into a number of separate beams of greater intensity. the lights made to revolve by means of clockwork, were fed with mineral oil, a refined kerosine; and the refraction was caused by highly polished metallic reflectors. this visit to the sand beach beacon was quite instructive; since we viewed there a practical application of an important principle in optics, based on the reflection of light. on wednesday morning, the first beams of the new-born day had just appeared, when the yacht continued her voyage on lake huron. after a course of nearly twenty-two miles, we approached _saginaw bay_--the largest indentation on the western lake shore--comprising a width of thirty miles and a length of sixty miles. the passage across this bay, feared by many experienced navigators on account of the heavy ground swell, did not give us any cause for anxiety at first. gradually, however, the sea became quite rough, and the enraged waves dashed their spray pearls even upon the deck of our sailing home. "the soft, wild waves, that rush and leap, sing one song from the hoary deep: the south wind knows its own refrain, as it speeds the cloud o'er heaven's blue main." the strong breeze springing up in the forenoon, increased at midday. a line of low waves, first creeping sinuously into the bay, and tossing their snowy crests like troops of wild steeds, rolled higher and higher with the noise of many waters; and to escape the wrath of the angry sea, we stopped at the harbor of _tawas city_, located near the northern extremity of saginaw bay. it is a thriving country town, with about , inhabitants, largely engaged in lumber trade. the wind continued to lash the fierce billows during the day until evening; so we decided to remain in tawas city until the dawn of the next morning. guided by the pale light of another aurora, we resumed our voyage, finding the surface of lake huron still in uproar. during this forenoon, we had occasion to witness a prospect quite novel to us. glancing to our left, on michigan's sylvan shore, we saw the bickering flames of a ravaging forest fire; dyeing all the surrounding air and landscape crimson, while dense clouds of smoke hung over the burning land like a pall upon which the sun-rays were reflected with weird effect. it was, indeed, an unusual sight, exhibiting strange beauty and splendor. in a short time we experienced the disagreeable consequences of this conflagration in the woodlands, caused by the extreme dryness prevailing in these regions for several weeks. for, as we reached _alpena_ in michigan, at about noonday, we found the atmosphere completely saturated with smoke, and intermixed with particles of burnt material. the reader can easily imagine that this impure air had a very unpleasant effect upon our eyes, irritating them so as to materially interfere with our comfort. this was the reason why we did not duly appreciate the attractions of alpena, a town with about , inhabitants, regularly laid out with nice, broad streets, containing many handsome buildings and large stores. we had an ardent desire to bid farewell to the city as quick as possible; wherefore our captain received the order from mr. james to guide the yacht forward on her course, even before the dawning of the next day, if such an early departure could be effected with safety. in compliance with these commands, we were on our way long ere the blush of day tinged the eastern sky. at first, disregarding the smoke and mist which became denser every minute, our navigator was soon aware that "so thick a haze o'erspreads the sky, he cannot see the sun on high: on deck the captain takes his stand, so dull it is, he sees no land. 'dear me,' he says, 'i know no more how far away we are from shore.'" the fact is--that on account of the dense pall of smoke and mist, overshadowing everything--our pilot lost his reckoning, and only kept the yacht slowly moving through the water until we could find our way, when suddenly--we ran aground upon a rocky ledge, causing us all great consternation. "no stir in the air, no stir in the sea, the ship was as still as she might be. her shaft and screw received no shock. her keel was steady on a rock." having lost all presence of mind, our pilot, without any meditation, abandoned the yacht in one of the small boats, for the purpose of obtaining assistance from the unknown shore. before we were conscious of his proceedings, he had disappeared through fume and haze. almost instantaneously we detected that the mariner's compass had vanished with him. thus, we were destitute of the most important instrument for navigation. wishing to give our deserter opportunity to find his way back to us, we caused the whistle to resound at short intervals. this interesting adventure was, of course, thoroughly discussed. we were all convinced that the unforeseen event might turn into a perilous one, should a wind arise to roughen the surface of the water. our conversation was interrupted by an involuntary cry of pleasure which burst from the lips of miss campbell, whose keen eyes had revealed to her quite an uncommon spectacle in the hazy distance. following her direction, we spied, through the fluctuating light of the foggy morning, the outlines of a steadfast boat speeding along on the calm sea. eight oars, managed with the accuracy of clockwork by eight strong and skillful hands, were hurrying toward our rock-bound craft. as the shape and dimensions of the capable boat became discernible, it was evident she belonged to the united states life-saving service, coming to our rescue. this conjecture was correct, for the robust crew soon lay alongside of us; which was a matter of intense relief to the whole party. with their assistance, the yacht was soon afloat again; and, guided by the thunder bay crew, we sailed to a favorable place of anchorage between sugar and gull islands. here the yacht remained to await our fugitive pilot, who was restored to us by the kind services of the life-saving crew, a few hours afterwards. we were informed that we had been aground two miles from the shore, in the vicinity of thunder bay lights on _gull island ledge_. during a heavy shower in the afternoon, we received a visit from several very pleasant ladies, relatives to the captain of the thunder bay life-saving service. when expressing our regret that their excursion was not favored by pleasanter weather, they assured us they were only too glad to view the tremulous skeins of rain refresh the languishing earth. in fact, this rainfall was a duplicated blessing, as it not only cleared the atmosphere from its smoky shroud but helped to check the ravages of the extensive forest conflagration, then threatening the city of alpena with destruction. an awakened breeze, which had freshened since the violent shower, caused our floating home to roll considerably. not desirous of being rudely tossed by the wanton billows, we weighed anchor and returned to alpena, the only safe harbor within reach before sunset. early the next day we continued our voyage on lake huron, entering its northern portion, which differs greatly from the nature of its southern shore. the northern and northeastern coasts are mostly composed of sand- and limestones. where metamorphic rocks are found, the surface is broken and hilly, rising to elevations of feet or more above the lake; in this respect unlike the southern shore, which is low and flat. of the many islands--whose number amounts to about , --we could admire the beauties of but few; for most of them dot the canadian coast line. as the wind increased rapidly, it was deemed advisable to take harbor at _false presqu'ile_, where we arrived at a.m. although this small body of land appeared very insignificant, inhabited by only twelve families, we decided to remain there, until wind and waves would prove more favorable. we had no motive to regret that resolution; for we experienced that this solitary tract not only afforded us enchanting views of lovely scenery; it was also the abode of noble-hearted mortals. immediately after our arrival a very amiable gentleman, introducing himself as mr. w.a. french, a wealthy lumber merchant of this place, visited us on board; giving us a cordial welcome. not satisfied with a kind reception, he and his pretty wife presented us with all sorts of provisions, indigenous to this locality; thus evincing the abundant supply of delicacies at their disposal, notwithstanding their residing in such solitude. the time passed with marvelous rapidity in the pleasant company of our new friends. when the gloom of the growing twilight reminded us of the fading day, we could hardly realize this fact. we wished to stay there another day; but when the following morning rose fair and beautiful in the clear heavens, the wind had changed to the southeast, which was disadvantageous for our mooring place; and it might have been dangerous for us to remain in that harbor, should the breeze become violent. leaving false presqu'ile, we pursued our voyage under the most favorable auspices. after a course of several hours, we reached _cheboygan_, a town situated on the northern shore of the michigan peninsula, thirteen miles from the straits of mackinaw. lumber trade is carried on especially in this place, which contains about , inhabitants. resuming our trip the next forenoon, a short course brought us to the terminus of our voyage on lake huron; when reaching the _straits of mackinaw_, whose blue green waves divide the state of michigan. extending nearly nine miles in circumference, and rising at its highest point over feet above the waves, we beheld the famous _mackinaw island_, which has filled an important place in the history of exploration. here was the meeting place of the daring french _voyageurs_ and _aventuriers_, before the pilgrims landed on plymouth rock. many wild and thrilling incidents in the lives of marquette, hennepin, and la salle occurred on this island; and over at point st. ignace, in plain view, marquette was escorted to his burial place by a hundred canoes of plumed and painted ottawa and huron warriors in . just across, on the most northern point of the lower peninsula, stood old fort mackinaw, the scene of the terrible massacre of the whites by the indians under pontiac in . on this island were fought two battles in the war of . it was here that schoolcraft wrote his celebrated history of the north american indians, and the legend of hiawatha, which longfellow, visiting him here, afterward expanded into a poem. the island's varied scenery, and its history and traditions, have been portrayed in vivid word pictures by marion harland in a book, bearing the title "with the best intentions," by which she has recently added to her wide fame. having crossed the strait at its narrowest part four miles in width, we caught sight of the beautiful waters of _lake michigan_, the only one in the group of the north american great lakes which extends entirely within the territory of the united states, having a maximum breadth of eighty four miles, and a depth varying from to , feet. its length amounts to miles from the northwestern corner of indiana and the northern part of illinois to the straits of mackinaw. we followed the same route which more than two centuries ago was taken by jacques marquette who, in the spring of , with joliet for his chieftain, and five other frenchmen, embarked at mackinaw in two frail bark canoes. the disposition to pause for an instant, and to reflect upon the character and circumstance of our luxurious voyage as contrasted with that of these few adventurers in their fragile birch canoes--a little over years ago--is almost irresistible. on that occasion it was a journey of extreme peril--with no friendly populous havens at which the necessary commodities could be obtained. those densely wooded shores afforded no hospitable refuge to these hardy men, and their destination or return was a question of great uncertainty. we pushed along with the marvelous propeller and, surrounded with every comfort, had the assurance of each evening anchoring in some safe harbor--encountering cheerful voices, and seeing glad faces--with the possibility of daily finding everything we wanted, in profusion. there was the postoffice, with its rapid service at our disposal, or the electric telegraph, by means of which we could communicate with every part of civilization, ever within our reach--and the climax of modern genius in the magnificent structures of the columbian exposition awaiting us--the marvel of the nineteenth century, with its unparalleled aggregation. the thought is overwhelming! and could these explorers have seen in a dream--what we witnessed in reality--it would have seemed to them an impossibility that so short a time could have brought about such great events. the eastern lake shore was richly garlanded with forests displaying a vast multitude of verdant hues, varying through all the shades of green. over the whole the azure of the sky cast a deep, misty blue; blending toward the rocks of lime- and sandstone, seemingly embracing every possible tint and shade of color. having achieved a course of sixty miles, the yacht cast anchor in the excellent harbor of st. james on _beaver island_, a large tract of land covering an area of , acres. vessels of various kinds and shapes lay moored in this spacious inlet. being wind-bound, we tarried for two days, which gave us opportunity to become acquainted with the features of the island. we were informed that it is identified with the history of mormonism; since it was first settled by adherents of that sect, who robbed the ships entering this port, and who led the lives of pirates. after their leader was killed in one of the numerous combats which ensued with the attacked sailors, they abandoned the place; but the habitation of the mormon chief is still existing, probably the only vestige left here of the followers of joseph smith. at o'clock a.m., on wednesday, august th, we departed from beaver island. the pilot had guided the "marguerite" on a course of about forty-five miles southward, when we approached _northport_, michigan, a place noteworthy for having not a single of those maleficient institutions, commonly styled beer-saloons. we lingered two hours at the dock of this town. the white fields of blinding mist floated along the winding valleys of the low lake shore; and from the dark clouds curtaining the sun, the rain fell continuously. thus the landscape on our left bore a gray and dim tincture. before the darkness of evening had gathered about us, the yacht was made fast to the dock of _frankfort_, on the michigan coast, a small place with a population of about , , romantically situated. taking our departure from the town on the following morning, we observed that the fog, covering the surrounding landscape with a thick, impenetrable veil, increased in density until it seemed as if from moment to moment additional tints of sombre gray were united to the haze. in fact, after a while we were unable to discern the outline of the coast, having to pursue our way with great caution. after the lapse of four anxious hours, we had the great satisfaction to hear the welcome sound of the fog-horn of _manistee_, the county seat of manistee county, in michigan. it is situated at the mouth of the same-named river, which is navigable for vessels, drawing ten to twelve feet of water, for the distance of one and one-half miles to manistee lake. largely engaged in lumber trade, the city has a score of saw-mills and about as many shingle-mills, the latter of which produce annually , , shingles, the largest number made at any one place in the world. in consequence of the discovery in of a bed of solid salt, thirty feet thick, extensive salt factories are being built. the population of the city has rapidly increased in later years, comprising about , residents at present. the surrounding district is especially adapted for fruit-growing; and sportsmen are attracted to the manistee river and its tributaries by the abundance of the otherwise rarely found grayling. since we expected company on board the "marguerite" in the evening--mr. wilkinson, a citizen of milwaukee, who intended to make us acquainted with his wife, we went on shore immediately after dinner to view the city, so as to return in time to meet our visitors. manistee made the impression of a flourishing business town. the comparatively long trading thoroughfare is a broad street nicely laid out, and adorned with numerous stately buildings and spacious stores. not long after our departure from manistee, which occurred early on the following morning, a sudden squall threatened us; and a few minutes later, a terrific flash and peal broke almost simultaneously upon us, followed by a violent shower. fortunately, it lasted but a short time. the tempest gradually ceased; the irregular and blinding flashes became fewer and the thunder rolled less loudly. gradually the scene changed to one of peaceful beauty so that the rose light of the radiant sun-ball appeared in the heavens; casting a new glory on the picturesque scenery of water and shore. the surface of the lake had become calm; and speeding along, we enjoyed the lovely weather which was not destined to continue. for, toward midday a fresh breeze rippled the waters that by degrees were transformed into towering waves, shaking their foamy crests, and tossing us angrily from side to side; and we were not sorry when we reached the harbor of _muskegon_, about six miles from muskegon city, situated on the same-named river which here, four miles from its mouth, widens into muskegon lake. it is the best harbor on the east side of the great lake. the city has daily steamboat navigation with chicago; and saws and ships enormous quantities of lumber. its principal manufactories are a number of foundries, machine shops, and boiler works. the present population is estimated to comprise about , . while admiring the lovely scenery enhanced by an enchanting sunset, from the deck of the yacht, our attention was distracted by approaching footsteps. in the uncertain, fading daylight, we perceived a gentleman accompanied by a lady--curiously regarding us--whom we invited on board the "marguerite." mrs. and mr. wickham were the names by which this fair couple was introduced. that they spent the evening in our company, was very acceptable to us--as we but rarely had visitors on our pilgrimage. they greatly admired our floating home, and as the moon arose to bathe us with his silvery light, they took their departure. the young archer--morn--broke his arrows on the remote hills, walking golden-sandaled down the lake, when we continued our voyage. the still waters were soon lashed into fury again by an unfavorable wind, increasing toward midday to such a degree that we were glad to take refuge in the harbor of _south haven_, where we lingered until the dawn of another day. opposite the mooring-place of the "marguerite" stood an edifice whose interior we all longed to view. having so unexpectedly become acquainted with the life-saving service on the occasion of our adventure near thunder bay, we were anxious to learn more about that noble institution. in the afternoon we set out for the south haven life-saving station whose captain, an obliging gentleman, gave us very satisfactory explanations. he first called our attention to the splendid qualities of the life-boat: such as its power to right itself if upset; the capability of immediate self-discharge when filled with water; its strength; resistance to overturning; speed against a heavy sea; buoyancy; and facility in launching and taking the shore. we then inspected the diverse apparatuses utilized for rescuing the shipwrecked. a very clever contrivance, especially appropriate for saving invalids, children, and aged persons is the metallic car, a small covered boat, which can hold three or four persons who, entering by a comparatively small aperture, are shut in and drawn ashore, safely protected from injury even though overturned by the surf. for projecting a line over a stranded vessel a howitzer is used; and in this way a communication is secured to the shore. the cork life-belts worn by the men, are of the plan first designed by admiral ward. it is safe to say that the united states life-saving service is chief among the life-boat societies of other nations, both as regards the extent of coast embraced, and the amount of work done. the whole support of this service is provided for by annual grants from congress. besides its vast coast line, it guards the shores of its great lakes. since the sea-bordering portions of america in many places are destitute of human habitations, the constant employment of surfmen is required for the express purpose of looking out for vessels in distress and manning the surf-boats. it also necessitates the erection of houses of refuge provisioned so as to afford shelter and food to shipwrecked sailors for a considerable time at places, where without such provisions those who escape the sea, would probably perish from hunger and exposure. the shores of the united states lakes and sea comprise over , miles, embracing almost every variety of climate and formation of land. this great extent of sea-board is divided into twelve districts with in all stations. of these are on the atlantic, forty-nine on the lakes, and twelve on the pacific. many of the stations are closed during the fine months of the year; their crews being disbanded till the winter gales again summon them to their heroic and dangerous work. that they render noble service in this way, may be gathered from the annual reports. the official statement of shows that the disasters to shipping in that year amounted to cases; that on board of vessels thus endangered there were , persons of whom , were saved. after we had thus enriched our knowledge referring to this humane institution with its present effective system, we proceeded to the neighboring shore of lake michigan, here forming a beautiful beach. the polished and print-less sand studded with small, shining pepples spread before us in vast expanse; and the magnificent waters of the lake glittered in the sun-beams as though they were sown with diamonds. when the surf came in, and the white fringe of the sliding wave shot up the beach, the light color of the sand was deepened to a silvery gray. as much as we marred and defaced its fine-grained, bright surface, it was ever beaten down anew by the advancing and retreating waves. we had hardly deserted this lovely spot, when our foot prints were washed away by the ever returning sea. on monday at an advanced hour in the evening we departed from south haven. since the glories of the sunset, with its witchery of rose and gold, promised a fine night, we decided to continue our voyage as far as michigan city. the panorama we witnessed during that nocturnal trip was as magnificent as can be imagined. the full-orbed moon on the wave was beautiful; and so was the landscape bathed in its light. toward o'clock we arrived at our destination, a town in la porte co., indiana. _michigan city_ is the largest lumber-market in the state, and has numerous manufacturing establishments. as a lake-port, it is a place of considerable prosperity comprising a population of about , . it was in the early morning, tuesday, august nd, that we left michigan city. having sailed along the coast of the lake for about three hours, we discerned in the misty distance the site of the "queen of the west." at twenty minutes to o'clock, it became plainly cognizable. in transports of delight we glanced at a vast, verdant tract of land adorned with magnificent structures appearing to be of the purest marble; in their matchless beauty imparting to the mind some grand allegorical _tableau_, intending to convey the poet's idea of the new jerusalem. it was the famous _white city_, the site of the world's columbian exposition, that charmed our eyes and gratified our taste so much. no one can adequately describe that sight as seen from the clear waters of the lake.--i imagine that our illustrious columbus must have been equally affected as he beheld guanahani, that fruitful island in its wild luxuriance, on his first landing in the new world. chapter iv. stay in chicago and visit to the world's fair. our arrival in chicago put an end to our pleasurable voyage comprising the considerable length of , miles, during which "the waves were our pillow, our cradle the sea: when rough was the billow not timid were we." this westward trip afforded us every hour a revelation of the surprising growth of the nation that lives under the stars and stripes. my traveling companions were equally delighted with this course, notwithstanding their being preacquainted with that portion of the west, whose rapid development makes it practically a new and another west every ten years. in fact, america astonishes the world; and it is no common pleasure to study and note the progress of this great republic of which chicago is the second city in commercial importance, as well as in population. we were anxious to obtain an adequate conception of the site of a city that is the synonym of push and prosperity, and to which congress had awarded the world's columbian exposition. therefore, the yacht was moored inside the breakwater, near the mouth of the inlet, called the chicago river, which runs from the lake nearly one mile westward; then separates into two branches, one flowing northwest, the other southwest; thus dividing chicago into three divisions, connected by more than thirty-five bridges, and two tunnels laid under the bed of the river. this streamlet used to empty into lake michigan; but a remarkable piece of engineering caused it to change its course and so to speak, run "uphill." the illinois and michigan canal, with which the main branch of the river is connected, was so deepened as to draw the water out from the lake, so that--through this channel emptying into the illinois river--the water of lake michigan flows into the gulf of mexico by means of the mississippi river. had it been later in the season, we might have decided to follow this watercourse in order to view the fertile mississippi river valley, and to enjoy the beauties of the sunny south. the largest vessels may be towed into the chicago river, being supplied with docks and water-slips and affording a dockage capacity of nearly forty miles.--originally named chacaqua river, (the indian word for thunder, after the indian thor or thunder god), it is supposed to have given the city its name. at midday we left our anchorage--on which the eye of heaven shone almost too hot--and undertook our first trip to the fair grounds. seated on deck, we inhaled the invigorating, fresh breeze sweeping over the lake and modified by the burning rays of the sun that kissed the brilliant, blue waters beneath, with his golden face, gilding them with heavenly alchemy. high ran our anticipations as we were approaching the renowned white city, to which representatives of all nations have made a pilgrimage. at the expiration of about one-half hour, we reached the pier, destined for the halting-place of yachts; and welcomed by the supervisor of the harbor, we went on shore. the first impression was bewildering. americans have reason to be proud of what was to be viewed in jackson park; as such buildings no previous generations of men have seen, congregated in this manner; and the display of the achievements of science, art, and industries, exhibited in them, has undoubtedly eclipsed all other expositions in the world's annals of progress. it seems impossible to give so adequate a pen-picture of the world's fair as to impart to the reader an accurate idea of its true grandeur. many minds have essayed already to reproduce what they have witnessed there; many pens have attempted to record exactly the incomparable impression the exposition effected upon its visitors, but, it is safe to say, without even faintly describing it; for, can language convey to a blind man what "color" means, or to a deaf person the meaning of music?--no more can the pen of the most gifted author adequately portray the world's columbian exposition. if one would give to each building a volume; a shelf to the midway plaisance; and to the exhibitions a whole library in way of description, yet half of its beauties and wonders would not be told.-- leaving the "marguerite" at the north pier, our attention was called to a unique exhibit made by the u.s. navy department, a structure representing a faithful model of a modern coast-line battle-ship. this full-sized imitation _man-of-war_ _"illinois"_ was completely equipped erected on piling on the lake front, and surrounded by water, so as to give the appearance of being moored to a wharf. here the government showed also a war baloon, a light-house, a life-saving station complete with apparatus, and a gun battery. proceeding a little westward, we viewed a building, delightfully located, bearing a strong resemblance to the national museum at washington. this imposing edifice classic in style, and adorned by a central octagonal dome was the _united states government building_; to the southward of which rose the largest of the exposition structures, the _manufactures and liberal arts building_, notable for its gigantic but symmetrical proportions, covering an area of more than thirty-one acres. looking in a southern direction, we caught sight of the pier extending , feet into the lake, and affording a landing-place for steamers. it was bounded on the east by the beautiful facade of the _casino_, which presented a decidedly venetian aspect; its nine pavilions being in communication both by gondolas and bridges. at the west end of the pier stood thirteen stately columns emblematic of the thirteen original states of the union. rising out of the lagoon, the colossal _statue of the republic,_ the largest ever built in america, predominated over this charming scene. beyond it extended a broad basin from which grassy terraces and broad walks led on the southward to one of the most magnificent edifices raised for the exposition, the _agricultural building_. in style of architecture it pertained to the classic renaissance and was erected at a cost of about $ , , . from the pier westward across the park, we walked through an avenue, several feet long; affording a view of almost unparalleled splendor. encompassing a beautiful sheet of water, the majestic facades of imposing buildings attracted our eyes; above all, a superb guilded dome shimmering in the sun-light, and pertaining to the _administration building,_ which was pronounced the gem and crown of the exposition structures. in general design in the style of the french renaissance, it was built at an expense of about $ , . located at the extreme south of the park rose the stately _machinery hall_, following classical models throughout, and being especially rich in architectural lines and details. its construction required a sum of $ , , . facing the grand avenue, our eyes rested with delight upon two immense edifices on either side of the administration building, one for the _electrical_ and the other for the _mining exhibit_. turning to the northward, we viewed the _transportation building,_ exquisitely refined and simple in architectural treatment, although very rich and costly in detail. on our right we beheld one of the most notable spots in jackson park, (viz) _wooded island_, a gem of primitive nature, agreeably contrasting with the grand productions of human skill surrounding it. close by was the _palace of horticulture,_ the largest structure ever erected for such purpose, costing about $ , . proceeding more northward, we reached the entrance to the _midway plaisance_, directly east of which stood, encompassed by luxuriant shrubs and beds of fragrant flowers, like a white silhouette against the background of old and stately oaks, the daintily designed _woman's building_. on a well paved boulevard we entered the great "highway through the nations." formerly a promenade belonging to the south park system and connecting jackson park on the east and washington park on the west, it was styled by the seekers of _plaisir_ "midway plaisance" signifying "pleasure-way." this name has been retained by the administration of the world's fair, whereas the country-lane of former times had undergone a complete metamorphosis. we were unable to realize the radical character of the transformation as we contemplated the enormous variety of attractions here presented, more numerous and unlike any others ever brought together. therefore, it is a very difficult task to give the reader an exact idea of the impression the midway plaisance effected upon its visitors, because we generally derive our conception of a scene from the comparison it will bear with similar spectacles. the "highway through the nations" constituted an attractive, novel, and instructive addition to the exposition. for, besides enlightening ourselves in regard to the styles of structures--inhabited by the diverse nations on the earth,--forming a fine array of villages, castles, towers, pavilions, pagodas, mosques, and other displays of oriental and occidental architecture, we viewed the natives of the various countries. there were representatives of nearly all the races and tribes, constituting the human population on our planet which is estimated to amount to , , , men. we had a chance to study their features, manners, and customs; their way of dressing, as well as their language and special occupations. such opportunities are only otherwise given to travelers around the globe. the rays of the descending sun--casting rosy reflections on the beautiful panorama and the mammoth _ferris wheel_, with its gigantic form overtowering the structures of the midway plaisance--gave us the signal for abandoning this charming realm. thus, directing our steps toward the exposition grounds, we arrived at the northwestern portion of jackson park where we ascended the entrance to a station of the _columbian intramural railway_, the first and only electric elevated railroad, operated by the third rail trolley system.--conveyed by the driving power of electricity, we had a delightful ride affording a fine view upon the northern part of the grounds. scores of graceful structures constituting a veritable town of palaces, embodied the best conceptions of america's greatest architectural display. a picturesque group of buildings erected by the states and territories of the american union, rose in a semicircle around the _fine arts galleries_, a palace costing half a million. grecian-ionic in style, this edifice represented a pure type of the most refined classic architecture. in the western portion of this group--facing the north pond--stood the _illinois building_, adorned by a dome in the center, and a great porch looking southward. surrounded by lawns, walks, beds of flowers, and shrubs, the charming structures of foreign nations were ranged on wide, curved avenues-- affording an interesting aspect. just south of the _foreign_ and _state buildings_ we observed a considerable expanse of the lagoon, with inlet to the lake, encompassing three islands. on the largest one stood--contrasting agreeably in appearance with the other edifices--the _u.s. fisheries building_, spanish-romanesque in style and flanked at each end by a curved arcade connecting it with two polygonal pavilions. leaving the intramural train at the north loop, we arrived at the government building; thus having completed our round-trip on the fair grounds and midway plaisance. when we returned to our floating home, we had the satisfaction of having obtained the best possible results of our first visit by properly utilizing every minute. it will be obvious to the reader that the excursion just described, was equivalent to a trip around the world; wherefore i am entitled to the assertion that it even surpassed nellie bly's remarkable feat who needed seventy-two days, six hours, and eleven minutes for accomplishing her circumterraneous voyage. this success was due to the management of mr. james, who made his intelligence effectual, in unison with great experience, gained by having attended the grand international expositions held in the course of several decades in the different sections of the globe. since there did not exist accommodations for a safe anchorage for yachts along the piers of the white city, we were obliged to sail back to the chicago harbor. the ride on the billows of lake michigan, however, was very enjoyable after the heat of the day. fanned by the cooling sea-breezes, which we inhaled in the fullness of delight, our eyes rested in perfect rapture on the glorious panorama of the grounds extending toward the lake shore. the superb structures rising vaguely and obscurely in a shadowy expanse under the gloom of the growing twilight, were later beautifully illuminated by uncountable electric lights; from the powerful arc-light of , candles to the delicate incandescent lamp of one-sixteenth candle power gleaming like tiny fire-flies in the distance. it filled us with amazement to cogitate, that human mind and manual skill could create a spot on earth looking so much like a conception of paradise. the next morning when corroborating our nerves by a hearty breakfast, mr. james announced to us the programme of the day which set forth that we should witness in detail the attractions of the midway plaisance--a proposal that pleased us very much. having again disembarked at the pier of the exposition grounds, the intramural railway conveyed us rapidly--running with a velocity of twelve miles an hour--to the entrance of the international highway. we commenced with the attractions at the right hand side--and having passed the displays of the _diamond match company_ and the _workingmen's home_--the international dress and costume exhibit, known as the _congress of beauty,_ attracted our attention. between forty and fifty pretty living representatives pertaining to the fair sex of different nationalities, races, and types were dressed in distinctive national or racial costumes. the _california nursery_ and _citrus tree exhibit_ separated this beauty show from the _electric scenic theater_, which may be regarded as a triumph of the modern progress in the electrical science. it depicted the changes of a beautiful swiss alpine scenery as such are gradually occurring from dawn till night--representing the magical and most wonderfully realistic effects ever produced by electric lamps. visiting the _libbey glass works_, we obtained a very clear idea of the art of manufacturing glass--by following up the different processes of melting, blowing, cutting, spinning, weaving etc. all of which were in full operation in this exhibit. in fact, the endeavor of this company to instruct the spectator in every detail of the work--was a complete success and exceedingly satisfactory. the ingenious construction of their magnificent building was especially adapted to enable the daily throngs--resorting to it--to have every opportunity for observation; and judging from what we saw, and the various comments we heard, we should be inclined to feel that the management had every reason to be satisfied with their splendid effort. the artistic products manufactured solely by this company, and shown in the diverse departments--as well as those, decorating the crystal art display rooms--equal anything in the past and present, not excepting the celebrated bohemian and venetian manufactures of world-wide fame; and certainly the exhibition of cut glass made by the libbey company at this exposition, has established the fact, that foreign manufactures can no longer claim to turn out the best artistic work; for truly, in that rich and unrivaled display, the summit of clear glass making and magical effects in cutting and polishing have been achieved. especially attractive were the tapestries and fabrics woven from spun glass. this was decidedly notable in the marvelous dress woven from one loom for the spanish princess eulalia at a cost of $ , . that these goods also serve as a canvas does for artistic work--was evidently proved by the sundry beautiful effects of this kind in the crystal art room.--it would be impossible to enumerate the various articles produced in this wonderful and interesting display; but it is safe to say--the working exhibit of the libbey glass company--in their palatial and costly structure was one of the chief features of the midway plaisance and the ever memorable columbian exposition. a gateway--reminding us of mediaeval times--ushered the visitor into the _irish village_ and _donegal castle_, a representative exhibit of irish industry, art, and antiquity. the scenes there--were picturesque and uniquely hibernian. in one of the cottages irish lace-making could be noted; in another was shown by hibernians the whole process of dyeing, carding, spinning and weaving home-spuns as well as various other branches of industrial developments in ireland. a few steps sufficed to transfer us from here--a representation of the extreme western portion of europe to the most eastern country on the eastern hemisphere--japan; which fact demonstrated the verity: _les extrêmes se touchent_. entering the japanese bazaar, we observed japanese ladies and gentlemen selling articles manufactured in--and imported from nipon. a highly interesting study of the natives of west java (dutch east indies)--their occupations--and their bamboo huts--could be had in the _javanese village_ exhibiting more than a hundred little men with bright and cheerful malay faces, and thirty-six short women whose graceful movements were a source of attraction to thousands of visitors. this scene of the tropical regions stood in striking contrast with a feature in immediate nearness--pertaining to a temperate clime--the _german village_. here, in the spacious concert-garden shaded by the dense foliage of numerous oak-trees, two german military bands, one of the infantry and one of the cavalry--seventy-four men in all--gave grand _echt deutsche militaerconcerte_. the group of typical german peasant homes, the black forest house, the westphalian inn, the upper bavarian home, and the spreewald house, together with the hessian rural town-hall, and the castle were exact reproductions of mediaeval times. a portion of this stronghold from a remote date, was given up to the ethnographic museum; a collection chiefly of implements of war and of chase, illustrative of all periods beginning with the pre-historic and ending with the renaissance. an attractive group in wax constituted the figure of germania, surrounded by german heroes from arminius down to william i. the _pompeii panorama_--near by--showed a very realistic representation of this city destroyed by the eruption of the vesuvius in . this display was succeeded by the _persian theater_ and the _model of the eiffel tower_. we left the crowded roadway, and entered the narrow _street in cairo_ which made an imposing impression with its strange, oriental facades--the picturesque shops--and the quaint overhanging upper stories of the ancient egyptian city. natives of this african country--which is fertilized by the waters of the nile--manufactured and had for sale egyptian, arabian, and soudanese articles. donkeys and camels were engaged in carrying visitors who chose to admire the busy thoroughfare seated on the backs of these animals. the native camel-drivers in their national costumes moved around and mingled with the strangers--which gave the populated street a peculiar charm to the eye, whereas the "bum-bum candy" sold by egyptian confectioners, afforded a strange sensation to the palate of the visitor. here, where the architecture, the surroundings, and the people were as far removed from anything american as could well be imagined, we really--for some minutes--were lost to all consciousness of being in that extremely modern city, called chicago. after having viewed the side attractions to which belonged the egyptian temple--resembling the temple of luxor--the tombs of the ancient kings, and fac-similes of mummies, we entered the _algerian and tunisian village_. besides a theater, it contained a great number of booths or bazaars in which a choice selection of goods of all kinds--peculiar to algiers--was for sale. proceeding southward through the frequented avenue, we saw--in succession--the _kilauea panorama_, a vivid picture of the great volcano of _hawaii_, with all the surrounding scenery--an _american indian village_, showing the remnants of some of the greatest north american indian tribes, and their manner of living--and a _chinese village_ including a theater, a joss house, and a bazaar. the most southwestern portion of the midway plaisance was occupied by the "wild east show" where performances were given by bedouin arabs. with their short turkish swords--the cimeters--they accomplished feats of such intrepidity and daring as to cause the spectators' blood to coagulate in their veins. bending our steps westward again, our attention was fixed upon the attractions on the north; _id est_ on our right hand side. very striking to our eyes were two exhibits the comparison of which established the fact that they were as unlike each other as could be fancied. not only that the two villages contrasted greatly by their external appearance; but the scenes and inhabitants that they encompassed, were in direct opposition. reader, can you realize that here from the north pole to the equator there was but one step? _laplanders_, from the arctic region in europe, the next-door neighbors of barbarians from the torrid zone in africa? although both low in the scale of humanity, the fierce and savage _natives of dahomey_ with their repulsive habits exhibited the characteristics of the very undermost order of mankind. but the mind was at once relieved from this sad picture of human debasement by the refined and attractive scenes in the _austrian village_, inclosing realistic reproductions of thirty-six buildings as they existed, more than a century ago, in old vienna, deservedly eulogized in the song: es gibt nur a kaiserstadt es gibt nur a wien; da muss es praechtig sein, da moecht' ich hin! having arrived at the center of the spacious promenade, we ascended one of the six northern platforms, communicating by turns with thirty-six aerial coaches, suspended by an iron axle to the periphery of the mammoth _ferris wheel_. a conductor invited us to step into a coach, as the appropriate moment had arrived, whereupon we entered a car having the seating capacity of forty persons, and almost the size of an ordinary pullman palace car. ere we were conscious of any movement, the monster wheel was slowly revolving in response to the powerful machinery by which it was operated--a trophy of the modern era of eminent progress. the total weight of the moving mass was , tons; and its construction involved the expenditure of $ , . reader, if you have not experienced the charm of this circular ride through a circumference of about feet, you hardly can convey to your mind the conception of the fascination it afforded. since the motion of the coaches was almost imperceptible, we could enjoy the trip--(viz)--two complete revolutions of the wheel--without the least excitement naturally aroused by rapid movement. imagine the sensation of being carried up feet on one side--and of being slowly lowered on the other; fancy the enjoyment and delight when gradually gaining a complete view of the fair grounds and the midway plaisance--a bird's eye-view of the whole of chicago--and also a good portion of lake michigan. dear reader, you will certainly acknowledge the fact that such a ride surpassed any similar brief journey ever taken. for, what other device for transportation can maintain the claim of enabling its passengers to look upon the whole world during twenty-five minutes!-- "when you get used to the motion only delight you will feel: gone is each terrified notion once in the circle of steel. and you enjoy the commotion clap and applaud with much zeal: for it surpasses old ocean to ride in the great 'ferris wheel.'" the sun--being almost too liberal in the expenditure of heat--made us long for a refreshing breeze. therefore we decided to ride in the _ice-railway._ here we had opportunity to feel the excitement caused by velocity of motion. for a seventy mile-an-hour locomotive would have been monotonous and tiresome in comparison with a dash around the ice-railway track, containing feet, and covering an elliptic space whose surface had a coat of ice nearly an inch thick. over this smooth and glistening substance the bobsleigh was gliding with the speed of a toboggan and the ease of a coaster to the merry jingle of sleigh bells. this exhibit--whose cost amounted to $ , --gave an example of inventive genius, and also of the successful application--in a novel manner--of the principles of refrigeration. the beautiful building next to the ice railway environed an excellent imitation _en miniature_ of the magnificent _cathedral of st. peter_ in rome, its size being one-sixteenth of the original. when viewing this model, the elaborate papal throne, and the vatican guards in the exact uniform of the pope's attendants, one might imagine to have been conveyed into _la bella italia_ by the agency of a magic wand. promenading more eastward, we found ourselves _vis-a-vis_ the _moorish palace_, a fine reproduction of saracenic architecture, the famous alhambra in granada, spain. the attractions exhibited in the interior of this structure could, indeed, bear a comparison with those offered in a realm of enchantment. the optical illusions, produced by ingeniously arranged mirrors, were a pleasing surprise to the visitor. luxuriant palms decorating the labyrinthian garden appeared to be endless in number--casting their shade over hundreds of life-like figures in gaudy costumes. each of these groups in wax, was multiplied again and again in the perspective of mirrors. entering the palace, the visitor was unable to shake off the feeling of perplexity caused by the extraordinary spectacles to be witnessed within its walls. the most startling surprises were the bottomless well, the cave, the monster kaleidoscope, and the panopticon. a touching scene, produced in wax, represented the execution of the unfortunate queen marie antoinette. so realistic was its effect that many tender-hearted mortals could not refrain from shedding tears of sympathy for the ill-fated consort of louis xvi of france. a personage of special interest in the _turkish village_ was "far-a-way moses"--the celebrated guide and counselor of americans, visiting the shores of the bosporus--who has been immortalized by mark twain. with a pleasant smile his popular face, he gave a cordial greeting to every visitor. the various scenes constituted a true reproduction of ottoman life. the decorations in the turkish theater were in purely oriental style; and the representations on the stage showed the manners and customs of the countries embracing the turkish empire. the bedouin camp, north of the grand bazaar, displayed the peculiarities of a nomadic life of those arabian tribes. adjacent to a turkish cafe, the _panorama of the bernese alps_ was on exhibition. a beautiful painting showed the grand scenery of grindelwald, the wetterhorn, the jungfrau, schreckhorn, jura, the village of lauterbrunnen, and the little town of thun. ushered by a gate into the _johore village_, we viewed the habitations, weapons, apparels, and curiosities of that malay tribe. the performance given by one of the natives stood in striking contrast with what we understand by the art of dancing. in fact, it was more a series of graceful poses with slow rythmic movements of hands and feet. this peculiar dance effected a strange impression upon us; but seemed to amuse our baby virginia beyond measure, who, on the arms of her faithful nurse, attempted to produce movements similar to those she had just witnessed. the _south sea islanders' village_ exhibited malays from sumatra, borneo, samoa, fiji, new zealand, and other islands belonging to oceanica. the huts and their occupants had a strong resemblance with those of the javanese village whose inhabitants, however, were more agreeable-looking people. paying a visit to _hagenbeck's zoological arena_, we first admired his famous menagerie, which comprised rare varieties of quadrupeds, and a fine collection of birds. in a circus modeled on the plan of the coliseum of rome, we witnessed performances that evinced the wonderful docility mr. hagenbeck's animals possess, and manifested the complete control their trainers have over them. we had already seen innumerable circus feats; but those performed on this occasion, surpassed them all. for, such a perfection in training ferocious animals is extremely rare. _vraiment_, the five nubian giant lions afforded an imposing aspect; and their performances were simply marvelous, indicating that--while human ingenuity and skill subdued the great forces of nature to the use of mankind--also the fierce, majestic king of beasts is made submissive to man's will by his master power over all. _industrial_, _mining_, _diving_, and _horticultural exhibits_ occupied the remaining space of this eastern portion, whose extremity was taken up by _lady aberdeen's irish village_. here the displays were similar to those inclosed in mrs. hart's irish village, already described; but the novel feature of _blarney castle_ was the renowned magic stone, supposed to possess extraordinary virtues. thus, the unique highway through the nations afforded a prolific source for sight-seeing, and furthermore, was a sore trial to our organs of hearing. musical and unmusical instruments of every description were in operation--from the javanese salendon and pelog to the tuneful instruments, masterly handled by the excellent german bands. this visit to the midway plaisance established the fact, that the theories--admitted by the study of geography--could not be brought into consideration. how should space and time be in existence when a few steps sufficed to convey us from the land of perpetual snow to the zone of exotic plants and tropical fruit! "who can all the tribes and nations name that to plaisance from every climate came?" the chinese and turk, german and cingalese, esquimaux and javanese, irishman and polynesian, bedouin and laplander, austrian and soudanese, syrian, nubian, and japanese--all had a temporary home within the limits of a tract of land covering eighty acres. the sinking sun which crimsoned the structures of the midway plaisance, exhorted us to abandon this place of international _rendez-vous_--and to return on board the "marguerite;" since she was to convey us back to the chicago harbor. gliding along on the crystalline lake, "we breathed the airs, not ruffling its face. until we came to a quiet place." the latter we chose for our nightly abode; again casting anchor in the so-called basin near the chicago breakwater. the approaching night fully deserved its title--the season of silence and repose. the atmosphere was unusually mild. in the eastern portion of the sky the light of _luna_ grew brighter and brighter. her large, white circle silvered the tranquil waters and the environing scenes. in front of us at the airy distance, we viewed the beautiful white city rising from out the wave as from the stroke of the enchanter's wand; being brilliantly illumined. around us lights of many colors flashed from vessels of every description that lay moored in our vicinity. the scenic beauty of the surroundings, the balmy air, the charming quietude on the lake--all this fascinated us in such a manner as to make us reluctant to seek the repose, to which we were entitled by the long day's extraordinary experiences. on arriving at the exposition grounds the following morning, we observed that--in spite of the early hour--the promenades were unusually frequented. this fact was due to the celebration of the illinois day which had attracted a multitude of citizens from chicago and environs. in accordance with our unanimous desire--to first view the interior of the largest edifice, we entered one of its four great entrances designed in the manner of triumphal arches. the manufactures building was erected for the purpose of accommodating all classes of leading industries--the products of modern machinery and man's skillful handiwork--which, in this epoch of constant progress, have attained a high stage of perfection. and comparing the achievements of the present age with those recorded in the annals of history, proves that opinion. having stepped into the central aisle at the northern end of the mammoth structure, we found ourselves in a broad street, called columbia avenue. glancing around, we were dazzled by the resplendent glory of an aspect almost overpowering. the fine display included those exhibits which exemplified most advantageously the modern industrial progress made by the various nations on the globe. artistic pavilions, oriental pagodas, and quaint kiosks had been provided for most of the exhibits. the united states section--covering the entire range of manufactures, and extending from the extreme northwestern corner to the avenue east and west--evinced the high rank of the union in the industrial world in consequence of its uncommon wealth, and the inventive genius of americans in the production of labor-saving devices and improved machinery. all the great firms were represented, commending the abnormal variety of domestic industries. it was, indeed, a matter of difficulty to decide which of them was paramount. tiffany's costly exhibits in jewels, especially diamonds, housed in a beautiful pavilion, attracted the visitor's eyes. opposite this structure, germany had a stately building. gobelin tapestries and handsome furniture adorned its interior. the elegant rooms were modeled after the reception _salon_ of the imperial palace in berlin, and that of king louis of bavaria. all the various products of industrial pursuits--inclosed in this pavilion--manifested the intelligence and dexterity of the german nation. austria had a rich display, principally in jewelry and ornamental decorations, in an adjoining edifice. a splendid collection, including everything in the line of manufactures, was shown in the english pavilion, which rose south of the german exhibits. facing the former, france occupied a structure whose walls were adorned with costly tapestries, and whose ceramic, furniture, and household decorations were worthy of the highest admiration. next to the belgian section a sumptuous pavilion housed an enormous outlay of diverse russian manufactures. at the southern end of columbia avenue a magnificent building formed the gateway to a rich collection of italian art ware and industries. the handsome spanish pavilion was succeeded by typically persian exhibits consisting prominently of carpets, curtains, silk needlework, and tapestries. mexico, the land of _mañana_ and _poco tiempo_ was represented by costly decorations and art feather-work. the facade of the siamese structure--close by--covered with gold leaf, was imposing and attractive. displays of manufactured goods had been made by scores of other countries, all of which to enumerate would be an impossibility. as we reached the northwestern portion of the gigantic building, we were delighted with the sight of the japanese pavilion, one of the most valuable structures. upon its construction the japanese government had expended a great amount of money. the superb exhibits in works of art, bric-a-brac, and other exquisite manufactures brought to view by this nation, evinced an eminent talent and great ingenuity. the mikado--to whom is due the rapid progress civilization has made in his country within the last ten years--was the first of the foreign monarchs to demonstrate an active interest in the exposition. the melodious chimes resounding from the belfry of a clock-tower in the center of columbia avenue, caused us to take notice of the rapidly elapsing time. to our surprise, the immense time-piece indicated an advanced hour in the afternoon. we could not abandon the superb temple, so amply filled with the products of human industry, embracing that which was regally magnificent, as well as that most applicable to our daily needs--without an enthusiastic thrill. if man is weak in many things, he is also grand in much; and every thoughtful observer must have paused upon this threshold to pay a tribute to that untiring energy which must make the world better for its existence and progress. we entered the next great structure to the northwest. here, the government of the united states from its executive departments, the smithsonian institution, the u.s. fish commission, and the national museum, exhibited such articles and materials as illustrate the function and administrative faculty of the government in time of piece, as well as its resources as a war power. taking the south-entrance, our attention was first turned to the collection of the smithsonian exhibits. they showed the results of scientific investigations during the forty-seven years of its existence, and the scope of its work. the contributions from the national museum represented the natural resources of the united states: rare specimens of the american fauna; illustrations showing the geological variations within the limits of the united states and the utilization of nature's rich gifts bestowed upon this country. this department gave us occasion to obtain an entire idea of the enormous melioration, arts and industries have experienced in modern times--by means of exhibits demonstrating the history and development of ceramics, graphic arts, musical instruments; as well as many important trades from the most primitive stages to the present day. here also were interesting studies in ethnology, prehistoric anthropology, archeology, religious ceremonials, zoology, mineralogy, and geology. the treasury department--more westward--contained models, pictures, charts, and diagrams elucidating the marine hospital service, coast and geodetic survey, the mint of the united states, the bureau of engraving and printing, the u.s. lighthouse establishment, the bureau of internal revenue, the register's office, and the bureau of statistics. in the adjoining division assigned to the postoffice, we could trace the subject of transportation which plays so prominent a part in the history of civilization--by means of models, drawings, and pictures from the most incipient stages to the modern uses of steam and electricity. the northwestern portion of this interesting building was given up to the department of the interior; embracing the patent office, the bureau of education, the census office, and the u.s. geological survey. in the rotunda we viewed the "_big tree_," a section thirty feet in length, cut from sequoia gigantea, a tree feet high whose diameter at the base covered a space of twenty-six feet. it grew in the sequoia national park in the charming clime of california. under the central dome were also shown colonial exhibits--relics of historic value from days long gone by. the war department was well represented in all its branches; regarding uniforms and equipage, means of transportation, military engineering, shooting apparatuses, ammunition, etc. having visited the state and justice departments, we repaired to the division in which the government displayed (in the department of agriculture) a very complete and comprehensively arranged collection of grains obtained in this and other countries. very interesting were the adjacent exhibits, presenting to view the topics of food adulteration, entomology, pomology, botany, ornithology, and mammalogy; together with experiments in fibre investigation. betaking ourselves to the northern division, we were instructed--by various illustrations--of the methods employed by the scientific branch of the fish commission in determining the habits, peculiar to denizens of water. models and apparatuses showed the results of fish culture. the displays in this unique building covering almost all the branches of modern science and arts, bore testimony to the fact that the united states now rank with the most powerful nations on the globe; and to this attainment only a little more than one century of development was requisite. this says everything for american enterprise and genius--and a country so young in a very old world. the circumstance of its being a calm evening--with the prospect of a pyrotechnic display later--permitted us to remain on the fair grounds longer than we usually did; hence we determined to visit still another structure. by crossing a bridge over the lagoon, we arrived at the _fisheries building_. in the main edifice we first saw fishing-tackles, nets, and other apparatuses used by fishermen, and shown by the american net and twine co. the contiguous space to the right was given up to the exhibits of several states in the union, especially noted for fisheries, and of various foreign countries as japan, the netherlands, canada, france, great britain, russia, and norway. walking through a curved arcade, we beheld on either side aquaria of an enormous capacity, inclosing both denizens of fresh and salt water. it is safe to say the display of aquatic life made here, could rival the greatest permanent aquaria in existence; not only as to their voluminousness, but the immense variety of their specimens. especially striking to the eye was a magnificent group of gold fishes. the huge bull-cat fish and the gigantic turtle were conspicuous by their monstrousness. we removed to the eastern extremity of the fisheries building, forming a spacious circular pavilion. in the rotunda a basin, twenty-six feet wide, presented a beautiful scenic effect. over rocks picturesquely arranged, the silver meshes of a brook wound their way, forming here and there white gushes of waterfall which contrasted agreeably with the moss covered stones, and the semi-aquatic plants. the latter adorned the pool below, in which golden-hued fishes moved lightly to and fro. the inspection of the angling pavilion at the extreme western side of the fisheries building completed our visit in this fine structure, whose exhibits demonstrated largely the fishery wealth of the united states. taking advantage of the extraordinary calmness of the atmosphere, our mindful commodore resolved to moor the yacht in vicinity of the exposition grounds. for, he wished to give us opportunity to witness the display of pyrotechnics announced for the latter part of the evening, in solemnization of the illinois day. therefore, the "marguerite" conveyed us to a place which proved exceedingly favorable for our design. here, our floating home was anchored. enjoying a full vista of the white city, we found a prolific source of admiration in the grand electric spectacles. the illumination of the _columbia fountain_ in front of the administration building, and the display of two electric fountains in the western extremity of the south pond, were magical in effectiveness. wonderful flash-lights blazed from the tops of the tallest towers, surmounting the larger structures. whenever the operator threw the search-light investigably over the yacht, we shut our eyes spontaneously at its dazzling brilliancy. as the gathering shadows of night wrapped land and water in darkness, the hour arrived in which the visitors on the fair grounds--who seemed to be almost as numerous as the sands on the shore--expected to view the scenic effects produced by means of fire. we sat on the deck of the yacht as comfortably as in our _boudoirs_ at home. nevertheless, we were able to enjoy _ad libitum_ the same sight that so many others in the white city could only see with difficulty, on account of the unusual throngs. when we reflected on this circumstance--so much in our favor--our hearts were filled with gratitude toward our commodore, who had selected this excellent locality. from here we admired the exceedingly fine pyrotechnic displays. girandoles pierced the sky in all directions, with rushing lines of fire. sky-rockets exhibiting rich hues of purple, red, and green ascended through the air; and when reaching the highest point of their blazing paths, they discharged beautiful garnitures of floating stars, sparks, crackers, serpents, gold and silver rain. tourbillions mounting and rotating through the atmosphere, formed brilliant spiral curves of fire. splendid effects of changing color were brought to view by revolving fire-wheels. an appropriate _finale_ constituted the burning of the american flag, which bore a sublime character in the brightness of fire. "flag of the free heart's hope and home, by angel hands to valor given: thy stars have lit the welkin dome, and all thy hues were born in heaven" as the first faint smile of the morning peeped over the eastern wave, i rose--greatly refreshed by a sound sleep. coming on deck, i found that the sun's unclouded orb already poured its rays of light upon the earth. our eyes rested with delight on the white city throned on its numerous isles, looking like a sea cybele--ascending from the lake with her tiara of proud towers. at our arrival on the fair grounds, mr. james thoughtfully provided us with guides and rolling-chairs--vehicles which reminded us of the japanese jin-riki-sha. the main entrance of the agricultural building--adorned on either side by mammoth corinthian pillars--ushered us into a vestibule, richly ornamented with appropriate statuary. from here, we reached a rotunda surmounted by a gigantic glass dome. when looking about on the main floor, we fancied ourselves to be in a city of pavilions. for, the states of the union as well as the foreign nations had environed their displays with magnificent little temples and pagodas. to a great extent, they formed exhibits themselves, because in most cases the chief products of the respective country had been utilized for their construction. nebraska, for example, had employed sweet corn for the erection of its pavilion. every state and territory was represented by its productions; the northern states with indian corn, wheat, oats, barley, rye, and other cereals; the south with cotton, rice, sugar, etc. virginia, north carolina, kentucky, and tennessee evinced their noted superiority in the culture of the nicotian plant, which is in such great favor with the consumers of tobacco. agricultural and other food displays were shown in great varieties by the foreign countries. in the german section the gigantic chocolate tower (built of several hundred tons of chocolate by the famous firm "gebrueder stollwerck" in cologne) compelled admiration. the liebig exhibit of canned and preserved meat was a prominent feature of this division. great britain showed specimens of grain from the english experimental grounds, representing the effects of artificial fertilization on the various seeds. the contributions made by canada embraced grain, seeds, and roots; and its eleven ton cheese constituted one of the unique exhibits in this edifice. as in all great departmental structures, japan was well represented. it had a fine display of its chief exports--tea, rice, and raw silk. russia's showing covered a space of , feet. new south wales, france, mexico, austria, denmark, sweden, and numerous other foreign countries demonstrated, likewise, the variety and wealth of their natural resources. besides the farm products of the world in all their diversity and perfection, agricultural machinery was exhibited: devices of every description from the most primitive implements to the highly improved machines as they are in use at the present day. the ingenious arrangement of this display enabled the visitor to perceive at a glance the enormous progress made in that branch of industry. thus, we viewed in the annex of the main floor one of the most perfected plows--the "queen"--a trophy of modern inventiveness. and beside it stood an implement, which reminded us by its simplicity and unwieldiness of an apparatus, described in mythology as used by _ceres dea agriculturae_--when teaching to mankind this important occupation. the south-western portion of the first floor was covered with instructive contributions of american agricultural colleges and experiment stations. they embraced the entire field of scientific research in all branches of husbandry; illustrating the most improved methods of cultivation, and explaining how the best results may be secured. the great galleries contained a fine wool exhibit, an interesting apiary display, dairy implements, and a vast collection of manufactured food products. the multitudinous objects brought to view in this building, proved beyond doubt, that the standard of excellence in that ancient occupation has been achieved mainly with the assistance of scientific researches. a colonnade formed the connecting link between the palace of agriculture and the machinery hall. in its center, from an archway--leading to the _live-stock exhibit_--we enjoyed a fine view down the lagoon--extending nearly a mile in length. as adjuncts to the agricultural department, may be regarded the displays in the _dairy_ and _forestry buildings_. on entering the palace of mechanical arts, three elevated traveling cranes running from end to end of the structure, attracted our attention. they had been utilized in the work of construction, as well as in moving the machines presented to view. the platforms erected upon them, gave us occasion to look upon the entire machinery exhibition. the driving power used in the main building and annex was steam; excepting two small sections driven by electric motors. adjoining the south side of the edifice extended the enormous power plant. it supplied the machinery hall with a total steam power of about , horses generated by twelve engines. the entire plant, comprising over sixty steam-engines, and operating dynamos, represented a most stupendous display of mechanical energy hitherto unequaled. its total capacity was equivalent to , h.p. the domestic exhibits located in the western portion of the main building--but mostly in the annex, revealed the marvelous progress made during the last decades in this wonderfully prospering country. shown by great firms from almost every state and territory were devices of various forms: motors and apparatuses for the generation and transmission of power--fire-engines and other appliances for extinguishing a conflagration--machine tools and devices for working metals--machinery for the manufacture of textile fabrics and clothing, for cutting wood, for typesetting, printing, embossing, book making and paper working, lithography, and photo-mechanical process, for working-stone, clay, and other minerals. in short, there were machines of every description employed in all industrial pursuits imaginable; yea, even appliances for facilitating the housekeepers' daily duties as laundry- and dish-washing machines. in fact, it must require a considerable effort to excogitate novel labor-saving devices. nevertheless, man's ever active ingenuity constantly increases the number of meliorated contrivances. the pump exhibit was grouped around a tank of water, comprising an area of , feet. here at the junction of the main hall and annex, scores of modern pumps were in active operation. of the foreign countries we found germany best represented, quantitatively as well as qualitatively. the other prominent displays were made by france, great britain, canada, belgium, russia, spain, italy, mexico, new south wales, austria, and switzerland. here, the mechanical engineer was enabled to make studies of incalculable profit for his professional career; and even the lay mind received a vast amount of information. we abandoned the machinery hall at its northern extremity, and repaired to the most magnificent structure on the exposition grounds. the exterior of the administration building, so rich in architectural treatment, had compelled our admiration, to be sure; but the interior features even exceeded it in splendor. the four mammoth entrances were beautifully adorned by statuaries of emblematic character. there exist but few edifices of similar character, whose ornamentations rival those of its interior dome, which rose feet from the floor. the four corner pavilions, four stories high, contained offices for the various departments of the administration; board and committee rooms; the postoffice; a bank, etc. an exhibit, manifesting the unrivaled wealth of the republic, and placed in the center of the rotunda on the first floor was an excellent reproduction of the capitol in washington in miniature, erected of silver coins: indeed a master-piece. i shall leave it to the reader to find out how many of the half dollar-pieces were needed for the construction of this unique building, contributed by the u.s. government. to our regret mr. george r. davis, director-general of the columbian exposition, whom we intended to call upon, was absent. so we determined to have the electricity building next in our programme. the sundry appliances of electricity dispersed in all parts of the grounds, gave us already a conception of the incomparable rapidity with which it has developed--both as an industry and science. the intramural railway demonstrated the latest application of electric motor power to elevated railroads. the illumination of the grounds and buildings showed the marvelous progress achieved in electric lighting, and the expertness in obtaining brilliant spectacular effects. the electric launches on the lagoons manifested the usage of electricity for water-transportation. all these practical exhibits represented purely commercial features, whereas the displays in the building--we just had entered--offered a field of relevations as regards the extraordinary accomplishments in the electrical science. they embraced all the improvements from the earlier inventions to the latest marvels. in the southern portion of the main floor, the united states showed various devices for creating the three economic commodities--light, heat, and power. with great interest we inspected the numerous apparatuses illustrating the phenomena and laws of electricity--the instruments for electrical measurements--the electric batteries--and the machines for producing electrical currents by mechanical power. how transmission and regulation of these currents are effected, could be studied by a vast number of devices. a very interesting group constituted the electric motors and their manifold applications as to street and other railways; to mining, to elevators, pumps, printing presses, and domestic appliances. the creation of light by electricity was beautifully elucidated by the weird illumination of the edison light tower in the center of the building, and the egyptian temple in its south-eastern portion. countless incandescent lamps were glowing in all the colors of the rainbow. the luminary effect gave us the impression as if a fiery serpent was meandering along these iridescent glass-tubes with inimitable velocity. among the inventions of later date may be reckoned the use of electricity in heating; especially for industrial operations as electric forging, welding, brazing, tempering, etc. the lay mind is almost incapable of estimating the utilarian capacity of this great property. even many branches of modern sciences have received eminent advancement by its utilization; such as surgery, dentistry, therapeutics, metallurgy, chemistry, etc. germany and france made the most commendable foreign display. great britain, brazil, austria, italy, japan, and canada had contributed in accordance with the development of this novel industry within their territory. the gallery was devoted to the wire exhibit and lighter scientific apparatuses. here were placed all the recent improvements applied to telephony and telegraphy. professor elisha gray's sensational invention--the telautograph--in active operation, attracted many spectators. it is a very ingenious contrivance, of which i have given a detailed description in my pamphlet on electricity--recently published in cincinnati, o., by the burgheim publishing co. the great number of exhibits demonstrated the achievements in the economic usage of electricity during an amazingly short period. in fact, the electrician has obtained unequaled results in his profession. to him is due--to a great extent--the high stage of perfection in sciences, arts, and industries at the present day. nevertheless, the field of electrical scientific researches is by no means exhausted. however, an entirely new era will have dawned, when the ever-increasing knowledge reveals to an ingenious inventor a method to apply the electric current to every-day-usage as easily and inexpensively as we utilize water at present. then the epoch has appeared which may be properly styled the "_happy_" or "_golden age_." for, many cares and sorrows will be removed at once. the conscientious housekeeper, for instance, whose domestic duties often exhaust her bodily strength, will find her burdens greatly lightened. she has no more to suffer from the intolerable heat of her cooking-stove, while furnishing repasts on oppressive summer days. the electric current will cause the water to boil--the meat to broil--and the potatoes to fry. yea, her dinner will be cooked ere she is conscious of that fact. in like manner the electric flat-iron will smoothen her linen without fatiguing her. but not only the lady of the house will rejoice; also the poor, hen-pecked husband will be in transports of delight, as it will make his path easier in many ways. the constant complaints he was hitherto obliged to endure, will grow mute for ever, and the curtain lecture will be no more. furthermore, should circumstances compel the active business man to part with his wife for a long time, the marvelous inventions enable their mutual intercourse during the separation as if time and space were unknown factors. the lady need not suffer long from inquietude concerning her husband's safe arrival; for the receiving instrument of her telautograph reproduces instantaneously his own handwriting. a parcel, sent to her by express, contains a cylinder to the improved phonograph. when bringing it in proper contact with this wonderful instrument, she hears her consort's voice, just as if he was by her side, and a thousand leagues were but a few inches. moreover, edison's kimetograph portrays the beloved features of her absent spouse. she is now perfectly consoled; for the radiant expression of his countenance manifests health and happiness. having left the imposing electricity building, we repaired to a structure in close proximity dedicated to exhibits of the mineral kingdom. never before, the records of international expositions gave account of a similar fact; namely, that the display made of mines and mining was so capacious as to require the erection of a special edifice. its size and architectural beauties rivaled those of the great structures in jackson park. the magnificent arched entrance of the north front was richly embellished with sculptural decorations emblematic of mining and its allied industries. this spacious gateway led us to the main floor, which presented a spectacle so weird that its impression cannot be easily effaced. in temples and pavilions of ineffable gorgeousness were exhibits of gems and precious metals of dazzling beauty. useful ores and their products, building stones, soils, salt, petroleum--indeed, everything that man furthers from the dark entrails of the earth, was offered to inspection. besides the mineral resources of the world in their original state, the displays embraced many devices of mining machinery; such as pumps and engines used in mining, moving, and delivering ores; apparatuses for breaking out ore and coal; for crushing and pulverizing; for reducing metals, for instance the extraction of gold and silver by milling, lixiviation, and fire; furthermore, boring and drilling tools; grinding and polishing substances, etc. the galleries containing especially the metallurgical collection, had the appearance of the scientific department of a museum combined with the laboratory and library of a university. moreover, there were offered to view many interesting and instructive working models, various unique exhibits, and thousands of geological specimens. germany, france, and new south wales were the leading foreign countries in this building. great britain and her numerous colonies occupied the largest collective space. the brilliant outlay of the cape colony included , rough diamonds, and illustrated the method of polishing them. canada's mineral showing was so ponderous as to exceed the weight of tons. it comprised every known species of mineral, marble, and granite in that country. in this enormous collection we discovered a block of pure nickel weighing , pounds as well as very large nuggets of native gold and silver. mexico made its most extensive contributions to this departmental structure. brazil, the argentine republic, russia, spain, greece, italy, japan, belgium, austria, ecuador, and other foreign nations were likewise well represented. the most prominent exhibits were grouped in the eastern section of the ground floor. they proved the unexcelled mineral wealth of the united states, particularly in iron, the annual production exceeding , , tons. pennsylvania took the leading place being pre-eminent in her iron and steel industries. her supremacy in the production of "black diamonds" was manifested by a rich display; one trophy from her immense coal-mines was a shaft of coal sixty-two feet high, and ten feet square. colorado's fine exhibit of precious metals had, as an appropriate frame, a beautiful pavilion erected entirely from her local products. the abundance of gold in this important mining state is evinced by the fact that twenty-one of her thirty-three counties are producing that most desirable and malleable of all metals. california--nicknamed the "golden state"--showed among her vast resources gold, silver, platinum, quicksilver, copper, lead, zinc, iron, tin, graphite, crystal, alabaster, corundum, chrysolites, tourmalines, garnets, diamonds, and other gems. montana had most largely contributed to this departmental structure, and inclosed her display of precious metals in a temple adorned by the famous statue of justice. cast from pure silver valuing $ , , and modeled after the celebrated actress--mademoiselle rehan--it was set upon a pedestal of gold, forming altogether a work of art of rare magnificence. michigan illustrated attractively her great copper industry; the deposits of this metal among the primary rocks of her northern section being the richest in the world. of special interest were the mining products of new jersey. this state furnished minerals not found anywhere else; for instance the franklinite--a compound of iron, zinc, and manganese--named from dr. franklin. missouri, the first state in the union to place exhibits in the mines building, environed the same with a beautiful pavilion built from local products. the curiosities included in the various state and territorial displays, were too numerous to give an account of them all. special features were--a miniature coal-mine shown by iowa; a section of the world-renowned mammoth cave in kentucky; a statue of rock salt representing lot's wife, a contribution from louisiana; a tunnel containing a double tramway for the carrying of ore displayed by pennsylvania; a model of the largest lead-reducing works in the world from missouri; and a miner's cabin built of mineral specimens from the different counties in the territory of new mexico. all the mining exhibits--in their selectness and profusion--gave evidence of the inexhaustible wealth yet stored up for man's future uses notwithstanding the geological fact, that the earth's crust has no great profundity compared with its diameter. the "_golden door_" an immense archway enriched to an extraordinary degree with carvings, paintings, and overlaid with gold leaf, ushered us into the transportation building. it was dedicated to present the origin, growth, and development of the various methods of abridging distance used in all parts of the inhabited globe--from remote antiquity up to the present day. we were charmed with a striking vista of richly ornamented colonnades which added considerably to the impressive effect of the exhibits. the latter comprised three general divisions: the railway--marine--and ordinary road vehicle transportation. to the first mentioned--as most important--a space of over eight acres had been devoted. about one-eighth of this area was covered with the "railways of the world," an exhibit of the baltimore and ohio railway co., showing the development of locomotives and cars from the earliest days to the modern time. one of the unique features in the american railroad section was the operation of air brakes on a train of a hundred cars, the longest ever witnessed in a single series. in the center aisle of the annex, we inspected the chief display of the pullman company, a complete train sumptuously equipped. it embraced specially built pullman cars of the most luxurious character. the representation of the new york & chicago limited express was, without doubt, the finest railway train ever constructed. we received a very adequate idea of the wonderful achievements--evincing the genius of the age in which we live--in railway conveyance, by the out-of-door exhibit of the n.y. central & hudson r.r. co., at the southern extremity of the annex. here, the contrast between past and present was most sharply drawn: the first train, ever used for traffic in this country, and running between schenectady and albany, n.y.--the opening of this road was celebrated on the th of september, --with its simple de witt clinton engine, was beside a locomotive of gigantic proportions, the fastest in the world. this stupendous piece of machinery constituted a portion of the vanderbilt enterprise. in the german section, two locomotives and seven kinds of _eisenbahnwagen_, enabled us to decide upon the relative advantages of this foreign system and the american method of railway transportation. great britain contributed a complete train and locomotive, also a model of one of the original stephenson locomotives--the "rocket." the railway division of france comprised exceedingly interesting french locomotives, a car, and many models. in the canadian exhibit, a complete transcontinental train compelled admiration. its cars built of solid mahogany, and lighted by electricity, were constructed and equipped by the canadian pacific railroad company. other foreign nations made their contributions to the railway division by models or illustrations of different kinds; prominently austria, belgium, mexico, new south wales, sweden, and norway. the means of water transportation were so diversified that their multiplicity can distinctly be conceived by those only who have viewed them _in persona_. there were represented: the birch-bark canoe from alaska--a norwegian steamship in miniature--the bimba or log canoe from africa--the bohemian propeller--corials from british guiana--the japanese pleasure-boat "hoomaru"--the padda boats from ceylon--the caique from turkey; furthermore, models of spanish war-vessels--malay boats--swedish ice-yachts--folding boats from canada--chinese war-ships--barges from burmah--french torpedo boats--characteristic coast-vessels from india-- venetian gondolas--dutch coast sailing boats--the caravels, santa maria, nina and pinta, exhibited by genoa--siamese boats--life-boats--naptha launches--and a great number of small craft shown by the united states. of historic interest was the old _bateau_ employed by early french traders from quebec, and a model of a boat showing the style used on the sea of galilee in the time of christ. the artistic reproductions in miniature of various american, british, and german ocean steamers played an attractive part in this division. among the models of war vessels was the representation of the ill-fated english cruiser "victoria," considered to be the finest marine model ever constructed. a section from the center of a modern transatlantic liner reached to the top line of the gallery; exhibiting a complete interior of an american steamer. the development of wheeled vehicles from the first inceptive idea of the wheel to the present appreciable methods of its use was comprehensively illustrated. the exhibits were so arranged that the different stages of improvement could be readily noticed. the methods employed for conveyance on common roads were shown by hand-barrows--carts--trucks--drays--farm wagons--sprinkling carts--freight wagons--breaks, barges, wagonettes for pleasure parties--omnibuses--cabs-- hansoms--pleasure carriages, coaches for four or six horses, victorias, broughams, dog-carts, buggies, phaetons, etc.; besides sleighs--snow shoes--steam and electric carriages--ambulances for the sick and injured--hearses; furthermore, bicycles and tricycles--rolling chairs for invalids--baby carriages; in short, vehicles of every possible description. almost all the nations on the globe had made their contributions to the department of vehicle transportation. this rare collection embraced the palanquin of africa--the mandarin chair of china--the bullock cart of ceylon--the sedan chair of colombia (south america)--the sicilian cart of palermo--the heavy lumbering cart of india--the queer traveling kroba of turkey--the volante of spain--the tarantass of russia--the hackney coach of france--and the dog-cart of england. among the relics of special interest to americans because of their association with historical personages, we beheld the well preserved carriages of daniel webster and james knox polk. a conspicuous feature in the central court was a model of the largest steam hammer in the world, utilized in the manufacture of armor plate for vessels. on entering the palace of horticulture north of the transportation building, our organs of sight and olfactory nerves were equally affected by the dazzling and odoriferous display of exuberant flowers and fruitage. had it been admissible, we would have been glad to put our organs of tasting in active operation, likewise. for, we longed to try the relish of some of the exquisite pomological exhibits, whose multiformity was too immense to be portrayed in a pen-picture. fruits of every form and description, sent from all zones, climes, and countries were represented here. many of the exhibits were maintained at a high standard by being constantly replenished with fresh fruits at great expense, particularly the californian citrus pyramid, comprising , oranges. the richly decorated court planted with ornamental shrubs and flowers, led to the center pavilion which was roofed by a huge crystal dome. this translucent cover transmitted the light and sunshine necessary for the floricultural display beneath. stately palms, tall tree ferns in great variety, and gorgeous specimens from the flora of almost every section, formed an immense pyramid of shrubbery. the luxuriously growing vines entwined their tendrils around the iron-work of the building, adding greatly to the beauty of the panorama. this superb spectacle recalled to memory horace smith's "hymn to the flowers." in one of its fifteen stanzas, the poet exclaims: "not useless are ye, flowers, though made for pleasure, blooming over field and wave, by day and night: from every source your sanction bids me treasure harmless delight." we descended a cavern, extending underneath this magnificent flower exhibit. our scrutinizing eyes met with quite novel features. we observed that the grotto was lined with glistening crystals from the mammoth cave of south dakota. emerging again to broad daylight, we bent our steps southward to that portion of the building, where the silver model of the horticultural hall and the miniature capitol of the country compelled the admiration of the beholder. the south pavilion encompassed the displays of viticulture. representations of actual scenes in the vicinity of california vine-yards-- wine cellars--cool grottos--and a highly ornamental fountain throwing sprays of wine, constituted the most attractive domestic scenes. a picturesque panorama of the vine-clad banks of the rhine with its romantically situated castles--reminiscences of feudal times--formed a portion of the german wine cellar exhibit; also comprising an excellent display of _rhein- und moselweine_. of the foreign wine-growing countries, the most attractive contributions were made by italy, spain, portugal, france, germany, chili, new south wales, and canada. we abandoned the building in order to view the floricultural out-of-door exhibits, which covered the large spaces on the lawns adjoining it and the wooded island. glancing at the beautiful orchids, roses, carnations, sweet peas, dianthus, asters, phlox, gladiolus, zinnias, and many other fragrant flowers, we experienced infinitely more subtle modulations of delight than can be easily described. the features of the horticultural displays were so striking that their memory is immortalized:-- "for this picture in my brain only fades to come again." in fact, we had witnessed multifarious sublime spectacles during that day's sojourn in the white city. returning to the pier where the "marguerite" lay moored, we were greatly amazed as we caught sight of lake michigan--to find its waters lashed into fury by a northeast gale, of which we had felt nothing while in the pleasantly tempered horticultural building. since it was impossible to stay where we were, on account of the exposed situation, there was no help for it--but to put out for our usual anchorage, inside the breakwater at chicago. for my own part, i decided to remain on deck. perhaps, had i realized more fully what we had to encounter, i should have sought my stateroom, with the rest. but i can truly say: for three-quarters of an hour, my whole energies were employed to keep my place. during our entire journey from schenectady, n.y., to the white city, we had not experienced anything like it. everything of a movable character had to be secured; and it was an intense relief to all, when after an extraordinary upheaval--the last effort of the uncontrolled waves upon our stanch craft--she passed into the peaceful waters behind the breakwater; completely sheltered from the raging elements, which broke with ceaseless roar upon the concrete mass. the following morning as the rest of the party decided to remain in chicago for the purpose of viewing the renowned play "america" in the auditorium, i visited jackson park alone, spending many hours in the liberal arts building, which inclosed (besides multitudinous magnificent displays illustrating the department of liberal arts) the object of my special interest, viz. the educational exhibits. they comprised not only contributions from every state in the union but also from germany, great britain, france, mexico, canada, russia, new south wales, spain, belgium, and japan. the general character of them was represented by models and appliances for teaching, text-books, diagrams, examples, specimens of the school work on the various scientific subjects, and illustrations of the methods employed in instruction by the teachers of the different states and nations. by means of the ingenious arrangement of these displays, manifesting the great achievements made in the development of pedagogy, i augmented my professional learning during the hours of that day to such an extent as would otherwise require months of careful study. the means of obtaining these results of so great interest and profit to me as a teacher, were much facilitated by my knowledge of several of the languages spoken by the nations represented there. for, i readily understood the reports, statistics, and text-books sent from the educational institutions of the leading countries. furthermore, the commissioners of the respective sections, whom i addressed in their native tongue, complaisantly gave me all the additional information i desired. as i inspected, among the manifold exhibits contributed by the state of new york, the specimen work from the best pupils of the art students' league, some sketches from life and drawings from the antique attracted my special attention. they bore the signature of a young gentleman from schenectady--walter m. clute--a name which, i am certain, will be widely known in future years as that of a prominent artist of this country. we spent the following day--sunday--in chicago which is perhaps the most remarkable city in the world for its rapid growth. its history dates back to the year , when fort dearborn was erected. abandoned at the beginning of the war with great britain in , it was destroyed by the indians; but rebuilt in . the town was organized in , and the first charter of a city passed by the legislature, march , . a number of outlying suburbs of chicago were annexed by popular vote so that the present area of the city covers square miles; its population being about , , . when we consider the fact that in a great fire, sweeping over the business center of chicago, laid more than , acres in ruins, and then reflect on the city of to-day, rebuilt in a style of great solidity and magnificence, with its innumerable handsome buildings of stupendous proportions--its six hundred beautiful churches--and its vast number of educational institutions, we cannot but admire the spirit of enterprise which evolved such wondrous prosperity in little more than two decades. the destructive fire constituted the largest conflagration of modern times. commencing by the overturning of a lamp in a district built up almost exclusively of wood, about nine o'clock in the evening of october , , it continued through that night and the greater part of the next day. finally, it was checked by the explosion of gunpowder, whereupon it exhausted itself by burning all there was to ignite within the confined space. although , houses had been reduced to ashes, ten years thereafter all traces of the calamity had disappeared. it would be impossible to give a description of all the fine buildings which have made chicago famous. the principal hotel--probably the largest in the world--is the "auditorium," having its dining halls on the tenth floor. all the conveniences that modern ingenuity has excogitated--in accordance with the requirements of the present era--have been introduced into this huge structure. it includes a theater having a seating capacity for , spectators. the park system of chicago is one of the most extensive in the world. jackson and washington parks belong to the south division, whereas the western section inside the city limits comprises three; known as humboldt, garfield, and douglas parks. their ornamentation is varied by superb flower-beds, fountains, statues, and monuments. lincoln park--including a zoological garden, and being romantically situated upon the lake shore in the northern portion of the city--constitutes a delightful place of amusement for pleasure-seekers. the parks are all connected by boulevards--some of them feet wide--encircling the city, and affording a continuous drive of thirty-five miles. the trade of chicago is enormous. its chief items are grain, live-stock, meat products, and lumber. it principally manufactures iron and steel, wood, brick, leather, chemicals, boots and shoes, cigars and tobacco. the next day after our return to the chicago harbor in the evening, mrs. dr. mcdonald of chicago accompanied by her brother, mr. bernard, paid us a visit on board the "marguerite." miss campbell made the acquaintance of this amiable lady during her last trip to europe; and they were traveling-companions, spending many pleasant days journeying together in the old world. the woman's building was the first structure to be inspected after our next arrival on the exposition grounds, according to the programme for that day. it represented a great museum filled with countless contributions made by women. the superb displays of paintings, ceramics, art work, manufactures, liberal arts, embroideries, fancy work, laces; moreover, dentistry, surgery, authorship, pedagogy, etc., and works of female artisans--evinced that womankind is able to compete with man, not only in the arts and sciences and in the more delicate achievements of handiwork, but in almost every department of human activity. even the exterior of this handsome building, erected in the style of the italian renaissance after the design of miss sophia g. hayden of boston--with its exquisite sculptural decorations--executed by miss alice rideout of st. francisco--bore testimony to the fact, that women are entitled to enter into competition with their male colleagues. here, we beheld exhibits forwarded to this unique structure by women of every clime and section of the globe. even ladies of european monarchal families were represented--the queen of england and her daughters by works of art--the empresses of germany, russia, and austria as well as the queen of italy by costly laces--often the work of their own hands--and invaluable jewels--with romantic histories. the decorative needle-work exhibit constituted a very selected and complete collection; there being offered to view pieces of embroidery to the value of $ , . all that was to be seen in this edifice proved the opinion that women are justified in demanding a position equal to men. nevertheless, many refuse to acknowledge this claim of equalization by pronouncing woman inferior to man concerning intellectual abilities. daily experience and the records of the past, however, demonstrate sufficiently that many modern industrial pursuits have successfully been carried on by female activity. not only the occupations, which require manual dexterity and good taste, also the higher branches of various sciences and arts have been excellently mastered by educated ladies, performing professional duties, whose execution demands a vast amount of intelligence and learning. thus the official u.s. census of contained the enumeration of , doctresses; female lawyers; , architectresses; and , lady teachers in public schools. among the students, attending the diverse colleges in the republic, more than , are young ladies. even as inventors, women have distinguished themselves, as we may judge from the fact that during the last three decades, about , patents have been granted to female claimants, and scientific papers published--in --a list of contrivances deriving their existence from the inventiveness of females. of the uncountable evidences of woman's inventive genius, the enumeration of the following devices and improvements may suffice: a chain elevator; an appliance for lessening the noise of elevated cars; a lubricating felt for diminishing friction (very useful for railroad cars); a portable water-reservoir for extinguishing small fires; an apparatus for weighing wool (one of the most sensitive machines ever invented, and of incalculable advantage for the wool industry); a rotary loom (performing thrice the work of an ordinary one); furthermore, manifold improvements to the sewing-machine, such as a device for threading the needle while the machine is in full operation; an appliance for sewing leather--contrived by a woman in new york who runs a saddlery business there--; and many others. to the sensational inventions, originated in female brains, belong--the sea-telescope devised by mrs. mather, an instrument for the purpose of examining the keel of a ship without requiring her being put into the dry-dock--and a complicated machine for manufacturing paper bags, a very intricate affair which many eminent mechanicians have made but unsuccessful efforts to contrive. since then, miss maggie knight, the inventress of the machine above mentioned, has found out another; namely for folding paper-bags. the latter performs the work of thirty men, and has been put up under that lady's personal supervision in amherst, mass. the wonderful achievements made by women in america, have not been attained by females of any other country on the globe. this circumstance is mainly due to the fact that the public school as well as the college system in the united states--contrary to that of other nations--makes a finished education accessible to both men and women. according to a report given by president white of the university of michigan--an institution that admits students of both sexes--out of , attendants of the greek class, the best scholar was a young lady. in mathematics and other scientific studies, girls had the highest standing. furthermore, the profession of teaching in this country is principally in the hands of women; which proves that the possibility of cultivating the female mind to a high stage of perfection is absolutely unquestionable. moreover, philosophers of modern times have demonstrated that it is wrong to assign to woman a position inferior to man by basing it on the theory--that her brains have smaller dimensions. for, it is not the quantity of the _viscus_ alone that settles this scientific question; but the weight of the brains in direct proportion to that of the person's body. recent scientific researches, accomplished by the noted parisian physiologist broca, yielded the result that the ratio of woman's brains compared with man's, contains even a surplus of one to four per cent. now, that science acknowledges that the female intellect is educable to the same degree as that of man; would it not appear to be a perversion of judgment to undervalue ingenuity, because it accidentally had its seat in female brains? would it not be unjust to leave talents undeveloped and without cultivation, simply because a woman possesses them? the active part woman took in the promotion of the columbian exposition is additional proof of her ability; and on this occasion she comes to the front rank more than ever before in her history. repairing to the northern portion of the park, we entered the "art palace" through the southern of its four main entrances. we found ourselves in a gallery where the magnificent sculpture exhibit captivated our eyes. in the court running east and west, we beheld a fine display of architecture showing models of many famous edifices in the world, and their exquisite portals and architectural ornaments. the american section located in the northeastern part of the building, comprised a collection _par excellence_ of elegant paintings, masterpieces from the best artists of this country. very interesting was the retrospective art exhibit in this department; illustrating the various stages in the development of american art, from its incipiency to the present perfection. the remaining space in the eastern pavilion was taken up by the french _division_, which--we acknowledged unanimously--contained the most laudable contribution made by a foreign nation. great britain's select display, representing some of its great artists, constituted the most extensive foreign section next to france. german art was represented by fine paintings, including all the german schools that have gained celebrity; as the bavarian in munich--the saxon in dresden--and many others.--holland, belgium, russia, spain, austria, italy, norway, sweden, denmark, and canada had their share in the splendid effect, likewise. the japanese showing, elucidating the style of art, peculiar to that skillful nation, was very attractive and novel. if we trace back the records of the previous international expositions, we cannot find any report giving account of a similar collection representing modern works of art. in consequence of political causes, france had seldom made contributions to any but her own _expositions_. but the united states, not fostering hostility with any nation, was universally assisted in her gigantic enterprise. in fact, it would require volumes to describe in detail this elaborate display, whose prominent part--the home exhibits--verified irving's words: "in america literature and the elegant arts must grow up side by side with the coarser plants of daily necessity." the art palace environed groups and figures in marble and bronze, and other sculptural master-pieces--paintings in oil and water colors, on ivory, enamel, metal, and porcelain--fresco paintings on walls-- engravings--etchings--pastel and many studies in chalk and charcoal; in short, every description of modern progress in this direction, even to excellent effects produced on wood with hot irons. art is but the human effort to seize some of nature's notable transitory features to perpetuate them. the unusual scenes of grandeur and of beauty our divine mother reveals to us in some of her moods, we adore, while they are inspirations to the poet and painter; and in this untiring course of art, many geniuses have become apotheosized. to take a lovely landscape at sunset: when from the side of some enchanting stream, you look toward the mountains in the west, and see the crimson and light blue curtains of the evening slowly shaken out; their fringes of burnished gold glowing with indescribable magnificence--who can portray it and do it justice? this evening robing of those variegated crests! that mingling of color, until it fades into deep violet dyes! they in their turn passing away to give place to the jewels of the night, whose unchanging song of eternal praise goes on---- before such scenes, a corot, or an aubert dips the pencil in the glowing sky, and transfers its hues to the canvas; so that, in after time, our souls are gladdened by some retrospect, which makes life dearer to us amidst its cares. we must not consider art as the rival of nature, but her child that pays to her the most graceful tribute of homage by making her impressions permanent. highly interesting exhibits were presented to view in the _anthropological building_, including instructive ethnological and archaeological collections. in connection with the latter section were the relics shown in the convent de la rabida--where columbus, almost discouraged, found a cordial reception and kind assistance from father de la marchena--; the yucatan ruins--an illustration of ancient architecture and sculpture--; the homes of the cliff dwellers--vestiges of probably the earliest civilization of the american continent--; the spanish caravels--built in spain for the exposition--; the viking ship--reproduced from a norwegian vessel a thousand years old--; and the esquimaux village--exhibiting natives (their habitations, and sports), reindeers, and esquimaux dogs. the handsome structures erected by the foreign nations as well as those built by the states and territories of the union, were designed particularly for the entertainment of those visitors who constituted their respective representatives. nevertheless, many of them were beautifully and expensively fitted up; inclosing magnificent native products. their unique features were so manifold that it would be an impossibility to describe them deservingly without dedicating a volume to that purpose. the nineteen foreign buildings, each of which illustrated some classic style of architecture--peculiar to the nation represented--constituted an additional great feature of the columbian exposition. they gave the visitor an adequate conception of the construction and luxurious equipment of edifices abroad. in fact, on entering the buildings of germany, france, great britain, spain, new south wales, ceylon, canada, sweden, costa rica, hayti, guatemala, japan, etc., we fancied ourselves to be suddenly conveyed to these foreign countries. with a few exceptions, all the forty-four states and five territories of the union, had their share in the beautiful effect produced by their structures, erected--at a considerable expense--of such material as elucidated the prominent natural resources of the respective states. many of the edifices were modeled after buildings noted for some historical event. thus, the new york building was a reproduction, slightly modified, of the old van rensselaer residence, whose quaint architecture recalled a most interesting period in our national history, when the great metropolis of to-day was but a small sea-port town. this world's fair, which has recently been brought to a close, evinced to the millions of visitors, who were drawn by its multitudinous attractions to the white city from every section of this country, and from almost every quarter of the globe that it eclipsed in grandeur and excellence all of the previous universal expositions; for everything that good taste and modern genius could suggest and accomplish, was brought into play. the financial account given by the auditor of the columbian fair stands thus: the entire cost of the exposition to its close and the winding up of its affairs amounted to $ , , . . its total receipts were $ , , . ; thus exceeding the expenditure by $ , , . . the wonderful and rapid development of the international expositions may be recognized by the following statistics, compiled from the annals of their short history: ordinal year. location. area duration exhibitors visitors number in acres in days london . , , , paris . , , , london . , , , paris . , , , vienna . , , , philadelphia . , , , paris . , , , paris . , , , chicago..exp . , , , ...mp . unable to obtain the exact figures denoting the number of exhibitors of the columbian exposition from any authentical source of information, i introduced into the above table the number of , , mentioned in a newspaper, and therefore not absolutely reliable. conclusion. the universal verdict is--that the world's columbian exposition at chicago was a great success; and although disappearing like a dream, it will be a lasting and useful one. the mention of a few features, at once creditable to the age, and pointing hopefully to the future, may suffice to prove this opinion: notwithstanding the great rivalry between nations, there has not been a particle of jealousy, or unkind criticism exhibited at these great congresses. intelligent and representative people have been brought together from all parts of the earth, who--on returning to their homes--carried with them the germs of better feeling, which will have a tendency to break up the barriers of bitter prejudices and bigotry hitherto existing. the less favored and darker parts of our earth come more into the light. our children have had lessons, which no history or geography could convey; our women have taken a stand from which they never will recede. in the presence of the wonders shown us, and all the grand efforts of human genius, we become less selfish and more humane; a greater respect for each other is evoked. yes, it has been a good thing! all honor to the nations of the earth, who so generously have come forward with their best treasures, not sparing trouble or expense in this promoting, grand feature of human progress! the millions spent here, have been well employed; and we can safely say that--but for the unfortunate fact that during the time of the exposition, we were passing through a season of unusual financial depression--the attendance at the world's fair would have been much larger. nevertheless, it was a great success. all honor to the hon. george r. davis, the general director! all honor to his co-laborers! all honor to every one who did anything to push it along! for, it is gone--giving the pulse of the world the holiest thrill it ever had since its creation. finis. fenn masterson's discovery or the darewell chums on a cruise by allen chapman author of "bart stirling's road to success," "working hard to win," "bound to succeed," "the young storekeeper," "nat borden's find," etc. [illustration: _the_ goldsmith _publishing co._ cleveland ohio made in u.s.a.] copyright, , by cupples & leon company contents chapter page i. an automobile accident ii. a mysterious cave iii. saving the auto iv. planning a cruise v. captain wiggs's proposal vi. in peril vii. an elevator blaze viii. fenn hears something ix. off again x. the chase xi. on lake huron xii. ned gets a fish xiii. caught in the lock xiv. mysterious strangers xv. a queer find xvi. fire on board xvii. a strange vision xviii. an exploring party xix. fenn becomes ill xx. out on a hunt xxi. the chinese button xxii. fenn's mishap xxiii. the search xxiv. fenn is captured xxv. an unexpected meeting xxvi. fenn's odd discovery xxvii. a timely rescue xxviii. ruth tells her secret xxix. a baffling search xxx. the discovery--conclusion fenn masterson's discovery chapter i an automobile accident "hello!" exclaimed fenn masterson, as he opened the front door of his home, in response to a ring, and admitted his chum, bart keene. "glad to see you, bart. come on in." "what's the matter with you?" demanded bart, throwing a strap full of books into a corner of the hall, as if he cared very little for the volumes. "why weren't you at school to-day, stumpy?" "oh, i was a little hoarse this morning--" "what are you now; a mule?" inquired bart. "no--oh, hang it, you know what i mean--" "sure!" interrupted bart. "you slept in a stable last night, and, when you woke up you were a little horse. i know." "i had a little cold this morning," went on fenn. "mother made me stay home. thought i was going into consumption, i guess. i'm all right now." "gee, i wish my mother had made me stay home to-day," proceeded bart. "the algebra lesson was fierce. we all slumped." "what! you don't mean to say the professor floored frank roscoe?" and fenn looked much surprised. "yes, and ned wilding, too. i tell you, stumpy, it was a good thing you slept in that barn and became a little horse, or you'd have gone down to defeat on that problem about multiplying sixteen x, y, z's by the square root of the difference between--" "pooh! that's easy," declared fenn. "i remember it." "easy? here, let's see you do it!" exclaimed bart, and he grabbed the bundle of books and proceeded to take out the algebra. "never mind--there's no hurry about it. i'll show you later," spoke fenn. "besides, i've got to take my cough medicine now. come on up to my room." "cough medicine?" repeated bart, with a reproachful look at his chum. "yes, cough medicine," answered stumpy, seeing that his visitor rather doubted him. "mom made me take it. it's awful nasty stuff, full of tar and horehound and pine--ugh! i hate it." "moral, don't try to fool your mother and pretend you have a sore throat, when you don't want to go to school for an algebra exam.," said bart solemnly. "no, honest, i did have a sore throat this morning," declared fenn. "it's all better now. i guess i don't have to take that medicine. but come on up to my room. i've just got a fine collection of minerals." "minerals?" "yes, i'm going to collect them now. i sent for a small case, of various kinds, and i'm going to add to it. there are lots of minerals in this section of the state." "let's see, the last thing you were collecting was indian arrow heads," said bart, in musing tones; "before that it was postage stamps, and before that, postmarks. then, once, i remember, it was jackknives, and before that--" "oh, let up!" begged fenn. "are any of the other fellows coming over?" "before that it was butterflies," went on bart relentlessly. "i guess your mineral collecting craze will last about as long as any of the others, stumpy." "well, all the others were too much trouble," declared fenn, trying to justify himself. "it's no fun to be sticking stamps and postmarks in a book, and i had to chase all over the country after butterflies." "to say nothing of getting on bad terms with half the boys in the school for trading them poor knives for good ones, when you had that craze," remarked bart. "oh, i intend to make a fine collection of minerals," declared fenn. "i'll not get tired of that. you see minerals are easy to get. all you have to do is to pick up stones as you walk along. you put them in your pockets and, when you get home, you look in the catalog, see what kind they are, so as to label 'em, and put 'em in one of the little numbered squares of the cabinet. why, collecting minerals is fun. besides, it's valuable information. i might discover--" "sure, of course. oh, yes--you might discover a gold mine or a hole filled with diamonds!" interrupted bart. "oh, stumpy, i'm afraid you're a hopeless case." "wait until you see my minerals," asserted the stout youth, as he led the way up to his room. "when are the other fellows coming over?" "oh, ned'll be along right away. frank roscoe said he had to go on an errand for his father. they both are anxious to see what sort of a game you worked so's to stay home to-day. they might want to try it themselves." the two chums were soon busy inspecting the case of stones which fenn had bought. there were small samples of ore, spar, crystals and various queer rocks. "there's a piece of stone i found out near the river," said fenn, pointing to a fragment of a bright red color. "maybe it's a new kind of ruby. i'm going to show it to a jeweler." "it's red glass!" declared bart. "it is not!" "i tell you it is! look, it's a piece of a bottle. you can see where it curved for the bottom," and he pointed it out to fenn. "i guess you're right," admitted the collector, as he tossed the red object away. "never mind, i'll get some good specimens yet. hello, there's ned's whistle," and he looked out of the window, which, as it was late in june, was wide open. "come on up, ned!" he called, "bart's here!" "coming!" cried ned. "lower the drawbridge and raise the portcullis! lord mount saint dennis morency caldwalder de nois approaches!" "yes, i guess it is 'de noise' all right," murmured bart. "since he's been studying french history he's been getting off such nonsense as that every chance he has." "greeting, fair and noble sirs!" cried ned wilding, reaching the door of fenn's room, for, like the other chums, he had the run of the house, "greeting, most noble lords of the high justice, the middle and the low. i give thee greeting!" "and i give thee that!" interrupted bart, putting out his foot, and, with a sly motion, upsetting ned as he was making a low, exaggerated bow. "first down! ten yards to gain!" he cried good-naturedly, as he arose, for ned was a lively, quick-witted youth, full of fun, and never serious for more than a minute at a time. "i hope that jarred some of the foolishness out of you," observed bart. suddenly a head was poked in the open window, and a voice exclaimed: "gentlemen, allow me to introduce myself. i am the original and only genuine second-story burglar!" "frank roscoe!" exclaimed fenn. "how did you get there?" "climbed up over the porch," replied the newcomer. "i rang the bell until i was tired, and nobody answered." "that's so, i forgot. mother's out this afternoon and there's no one down stairs. but why didn't you do as ned did, walk in? the door's not locked. i didn't hear you ring." "i prefer this method of stealing into houses," replied frank, a tall dark youth, as he bounded from the window sill into the room. "it's more romantic. besides i needed exercise, and it was easy climbing up the porch pillar." "don't give us any romance," begged bart. "no, don't," advised ned, rubbing his thigh where he had come down rather heavily. "the days of romance are dead." "that's not the only thing that's dead in this town," put in fenn. "things are getting rather dull. we need some excitement to keep us awake." the two newcomers soon learned the reason for fenn's absence from school that day. they examined his cabinet of minerals and made more or less sarcastic comments about his new fad. "yes," went on bart, after a pause. "i wish we could have some fun, as we did when we were off camping in the woods, last summer." "and rescued frank's father from that sanitarium," put in ned. "well, we had a pretty lively time when you slipped off to new york, and the lodging-house keeper held you a prisoner, ned," said bart. "you had some romance then." "not the right kind," declared ned. "i'd like some more fun such as we had when the king of papricka tried to fool us." "sure! when we got carried away in the captive balloon," added frank. "that was a time!" "and do you remember when we fastened the ladder on the donkey's back, the night we were going to rescue frank's father," suggested fenn? "how he ran away in the woods?" "yes, and how it rained," put in ned. "gee, that was fierce!" "but we had a good time," remarked frank. "father can never forget how much you boys did for him." "it wasn't anything!" exclaimed ned. "say, do you remember when they thought we blew up the school with dynamite?" "do i? i should guess yes," replied ned. "yes, and how ned thought he was going to become a millionaire with that investment which made him a fugitive!" spoke bart. "oh, yes, we had good times then. but we don't seem to be having them any more. it's nothing but measly old algebra exams. that no fellow can pass. i wish--" but what bart wished he never told, for, at that instant there came from the street outside a series of sharp explosions, that sounded like a gatling gun in full operation. "what's that?" cried fenn. "it's an automobile!" replied frank, who was nearest the window. "it's running away, too, from the looks of it. they've opened the muffler and are trying to reverse i guess! something's wrong! there's going to be an accident!" the other boys crowded up back of frank to see what was going on. the street in front of fenn's house sloped sharply down to a cliff at the end of the thoroughfare. across the highway was a stout fence, designed to prevent any one from driving over the cliff, which was quite high. toward this fence a big touring car, which, as the boys could see, contained an elderly gentleman and a young lady, was rushing at furious speed. "stop! stop!" cried fenn in desperation, thinking the man in the car did not know or realize his danger. "the street ends at the fence! you'll go over the cliff!" as the auto whizzed past the house the girl in it gave one glance at fenn. the youth thought her the most beautiful person he had ever seen, though there was a look of terror in her eyes. "he can't stop!" shouted bart. "something's wrong with the machine!" indeed this seemed to be true, for the man at the steering wheel was frantically pulling on various levers and stamping, with his feet, on some pedals in front of him. the young woman in the car half arose in her seat. the man, holding the wheel with one hand, held her back with the other. she gave a startled cry and, a moment later the auto had crashed through the fence, as though it was made of paper, and the front wheels disappeared over the edge of the cliff. "come on!" cried bart. "we must go to their help!" "i'm afraid they're dead," spoke frank solemnly, as he quickly followed his chums from fenn's house. chapter ii a mysterious cave running at top speed the four boys hastened down the street toward where the automobile accident had occurred. several other persons followed them. "they've gone over the cliff!" cried fenn. "no, the rear wheels are caught on the edge!" declared ned. "you can just see the back part of the car!" "but the man and young lady must be pitched out! it hangs nearly straight up and down!" said frank. "i wonder if they could possibly be alive?" asked fenn, as he hurried along, a little in the rear of the others, for, because of his stoutness, he was not a good runner. "i'll never forget how she looked up to me, as if she wanted me to save her." by this time the chums had reached the broken fence that had proved so ineffectual a barrier to the cliff. they leaped over the shattered boards, accompanied by a number of men and boys. "gee! they're goners!" exclaimed a boy named sandy merton, peering over the edge of the cliff. "it's a hundred feet to the bottom!" "i wonder what caught the auto?" said bart. "why didn't it fall?" "a wire caught it," answered fenn. "look," and he showed his chums where several heavy strands of wire, which had been strung on the fence to further brace it, had become entangled in the wheels of the auto as they crashed through. the wire was twisted around some posts and, with the broken boards from the barrier, had served to hold the car from going over the cliff. there it hung, by the rear wheels only, a most precarious position, for, every moment, it was in danger of toppling over. "but where are the people?" asked frank, as he peered over the edge of the cliff. "i can't see them?" "they're all in pieces," declared a gloomy looking man. "they're broken to bits from the fall." "nonsense!" exclaimed bart. "here, let me have a look!" lying flat on his face he peered over the edge of the precipice. then he uttered a cry. "i can see them!" he shouted. "they've landed on the ledge, not ten feet down. they're under some bushes!" "get some ropes, quick!" cried fenn. "we'll haul 'em up before the auto falls on 'em!" "no danger of that," declared bart. "they're off to one side. i'm afraid they're badly hurt, though." "somebody go for a doctor!" urged fenn. "i will," volunteered jim nelson, who had the reputation of being the laziest boy in the town of darewell. perhaps he was afraid of being asked to help haul the auto back from the perilous position. "telephone for 'em!" called frank, knowing jim's usual slowness, and realizing that the lazy youth would welcome this method of summoning the medical men. "tell 'em to come to my house," supplemented fenn. "we will carry the man and girl there." "good idea," commented frank. "you've got more room than any of these houses near here," for, in the immediate vicinity of the cliff there were only small cottages, and some of them were unoccupied. "but how are we going to get 'em up?" asked fenn. by this time a large crowd had gathered. some had brought ropes, and there were all sorts of suggestions as to how the rescue should be effected. "i'll get them; or at least i'll go down and put a rope around them, so they can be hauled up," suddenly declared frank. "i know how to reach that ledge. there's not much danger. where's a rope?" several were soon produced, some neighboring clothes lines being confiscated. it seemed that all the crowd needed was some one to give orders. in a few minutes, with a rope tied around his waist frank was being lowered over the cliff. willing hands let him down until he was on the ledge. then, having fastened the rope about the form of the unconscious young woman, padding it with his coat, so the strands would not cut her, he gave the signal to haul up. there was a cheer as the body was laid gently down on the grass at the top of the cliff, and some one called: "she isn't dead! she's breathing!" it was harder work for frank to adjust the rope about the man's body, as he was very heavy, but the lad accomplished it, and the crowd above hauled the unfortunate automobilist up. then frank was raised from the ledge. "carry 'em to my house," cried fenn. "the doctors will soon be there if jim hasn't forgotten to telephone for 'em." on stretchers, improvised from pieces of the fence, the bodies, of which that of the girl alone seemed to contain life, were carried to fenn's house. the crowd followed but, at the door a constable named darby, at fenn's orders, refused admittance to all save the three chums, and those who had borne the stretchers. "the doctors will need room to work," declared fenn, when there were murmurs at what was his right, to exclude the mob from his home. "i'm glad mother's out," he said. "this would scare her into a fit." "the doctors are coming," said jim, who came into the house a moment later, after the man and young woman had been laid on beds where fenn directed. "i telephoned to all in darewell, but only three were home." "that ought to be enough," declared fenn. "i hope they can save their lives. there doesn't seem to be any evidences of injuries." the medical men, under the direction of dr. fanwood, the eldest of the practitioners, made hasty examinations of the two victims of the accident. "i think we'll have to operate on the man," declared dr. fanwood. "we'll need several things from my office. who can go for them?" and he looked at fenn, whom he had doctored ever since fenn was a baby, on the few occasions when that healthy youth needed medicine. "we'll go!" offered frank, bart and ned at once. "i guess we can use all three of you," decided dr. fanwood. "dr. kyte and dr. feldon will need things from their offices. now i tell you what to do, just take our horses and carriages, which are tied out in front, and drive after the things. that will be quicker." then, the three physicians having given the chums a list of what they needed, proceeded to get ready for the operation. the girl was in a semiconscious condition, but a hasty examination showed that the worst she was suffering from was shock. she could be left alone for a time. while the medical men were preparing to attend to the man, constable darby kept guard in front of the house, before which it seemed as if half the population of darewell was gathered. jim nelson was sitting in the front hall, ready to go on an errand if needed, but, on the whole, rather hoping that he would not be required to run. the hasty telephoning had been quite a strain on his lazy nature. fenn, at the suggestion of dr. fanwood, remained in the room where the young lady was, to be at hand in case she recovered consciousness. "my, things have happened suddenly," thought fenn, as he looked at the silent form on the bed. "we were just wishing for something like our old adventures again. this seems to promise a good beginning." the four boys, who, because of their intimate association, and from the fact that they lived in the town of that name, were known as "the darewell chums," had been through some lively times together, as has been related in the previous books of this series. in the first volume called "the heroes of the school," i related how the four took part in a peculiar mystery, and solved it to their satisfaction, though, at one time, when they went up in a balloon, and were captured by the enemy, it looked rather dubious for them. the boys were wide-awake lads, full of energy and resources, and they managed to free themselves from a difficult situation. their home town was on the still river, which flowed into lake erie, and darewell was a few miles from that great body of water, on which they often enjoyed themselves rowing or sailing. in the second volume of the series, "ned wilding's disappearance," there was set down the story of what happened to ned when he tried to do a little financial business on his own account. he went to new york, and there by some curious mis-chances, he had to hide, almost as if he had committed a crime. but, by the aid of his chums, and a poor lad whom they once befriended, ned was rescued. in the third volume, "frank roscoe's secret," i told of a queer case of persecution. frank and his chums went camping and frank's manner, which had been not only strange but sometimes unaccountable, became still more curious and bewildering, for one of his good nature. his chums did not know what to make of him, and there was considerable worry on their part. but it turned out that frank was the one who had to worry, because of the danger to his father, whom he had always supposed was dead, but who turned out to be alive, though in captivity. how the boys discovered frank's secret, and how they helped him to rescue his father was related in the book together with various other happenings during their encampment in the woods. and now the darewell chums seemed to be in for another series of adventures, if fenn was any judge. the young woman on the bed tossed and turned in the fever of a delirium. the lad became rather frightened, and was going to call one of the doctors, though he knew they must be very busy preparing for the operation. suddenly the young woman sat up straight in bed. her light jacket, which had not been removed, bore many dirt-stains, where she had fallen upon the ledge. she struggled to get it off. fenn started to help her, thinking one of her arms might be broken. suddenly she exclaimed: "the cave! oh, the cave! it was hidden but i can see it now! and the men! see, there are the men, digging, digging, digging! i must stop them! they will take all--" she fell back upon the pillows. "what cave? where is it? can i help you?" asked fenn eagerly. "the cave! they are in it!" exclaimed the young woman again. "the mysterious cave! if i could only find it! i must find it--my father--his wealth--search for the cave--i--he--" "yes, yes," spoke fenn, advancing to the side of the bed. "perhaps i can help you find it!" he hardly knew what he was saying, so great had been the strain of the accident, and so strangely did the words of the young lady affect him. she opened her eyes, which had been closed when she was talking. a look of consciousness came over her face. "was i speaking?" she asked in different tones than that she had used before. "did i say anything? what has happened? where am i? where is my father?" "the automobile went over a cliff," explained fenn. "you were hurt, and so was your father, but not badly, i hope. he is here. the doctors are with him." "i must--oh, let me go to him," and she arose from the bed. "what did i say just now?" she demanded suddenly. "i know i was unconscious, but i was saying something." "it was about a cave," replied fenn. "oh!" she exclaimed in such a voice that fenn was alarmed. "i was afraid so! why did i do it? forget it, please! forget that i ever mentioned it! i don't know--" she seemed about to say something more, but her face suddenly became pale, and she fell back on the pillows. "doctor!" cried fenn, very much frightened. "ah, i'm just in time, i see," remarked dr. kyte, coming into the room at that moment. "i'll attend to her now, fenn. she has only fainted." chapter iii saving the auto fenn's brain was in a whirl. the manner of the girl, her strange words, her sudden fright when he had sought to recall to her what she had said, and her reference to a mysterious cave, all served to give the lad much to think about. coming as it did, on top of the automobile accident, it added to the excitement of the day. he was glad, when he got down stairs, to find that his three chums had returned with the things for which the physicians had sent them. "well, were you playing nurse?" asked frank. "say," declared fenn earnestly, "i certainly was up against it. i had a delirious patient, who was talking about caves and strange men." "tell us," suggested bart, and fenn related what the girl had said. "that's nothing," declared ned. "she was talking in her sleep." "no, it was delirium." "well, that's the same thing," retorted ned. "it doesn't mean anything. she was all worked up over the accident. probably she looked ahead, saw the fence, and got scared half to death. then, when the auto went over the cliff, and she and her father were spilled out, it might have looked as if she was falling into a cave. that's all." "i don't believe it," declared fenn determinedly. "i think there is something back of her talk. she was only partly delirious. besides, she knew she had been talking about a cave, for she asked me to forget all about it. there's something in all this, and don't you forget it. some day i'll find out what it is." "you're a regular mystery solver, you are, stumpy," declared ned. "fenn! fenn!" exclaimed an excited woman, coming into the dining room where the boys had gathered to talk. "what has happened? what is the matter? are you hurt? was there an accident? why is constable darby in front of the house, keeping the crowd back?" "there was an accident, mother," said fenn, "and a man and a girl who were hurt have been brought here. i told them to fetch them in. i thought you wouldn't care." "no, of course not. poor things! i'm so sorry! are they badly hurt?" "i'm afraid the man is, but the girl seems to be getting better, except that she fainted awhile ago," replied fenn, and he briefly related what had happened. just then dr. fanwood came into the room, to ask fenn to heat some water, and he remarked: "it is not so bad as we feared. the young lady is suffering from nothing but shock and some bruises. the man, her father, has a bad wound on the head, but nothing serious. they will both be all right in a few days. it was a narrow escape." "who are they, doctor?" asked mrs. masterson. "i have not been able to question either of them," replied the physician, "but, from papers which we found in the man's pocket i take him to be robert hayward, of bayville, wisconsin. the young woman is evidently his daughter, ruth, though what they can be doing so far away from home, in an automobile, i do not know." "is he dangerously hurt?" asked mrs. masterson. "well, it would be dangerous to move him for a few days, as complications might set in. if he could stay here--" "of course he can," interrupted fenn's mother. "he and his daughter, too. we have plenty of room." "i am glad to hear you say so," replied the doctor. "they will get well more quickly if they are kept quiet. now i must go back to my patient." he took the hot water fenn gave him and left the room. the four chums and mrs. masterson discussed the recent happenings, and the crowd outside, learning from the constable that there was no one dead, or likely to die, went off to look at the auto which still hung over the cliff. mrs. masterson rather ridiculed fenn's idea that the girl's talk had a bearing on some mysterious happenings, and she was of the same opinion as ned, that it was merely the raving of delirium. but fenn stoutly clung to his own idea. "you'll see," he declared. the doctors left presently, and alice keene, bart's sister, who was something of a trained nurse, was installed to look after mr. hayward. miss hayward declared she was not ill enough to be in bed, and wanted to look after her father, but mrs. masterson insisted that the young woman must consider herself a patient for several days, and declared that she would take care of her. "come on, boys," suggested fenn, when the excitement had somewhat calmed down. "let's see if we can't save the auto." "i'm afraid if we disturb it the least bit it will go over the cliff," said ned. "it's hanging on by its teeth, so to speak." "we'll try, anyhow," decided bart. "i'd like to help haul it back. maybe we'd get a ride in it, after mr. hayward gets well." "that's all you care about it," taunted frank with a laugh. "no, but if we do save it, i guess you wouldn't refuse a ride in it," retorted bart. "it isn't often you get the chance." "that's so," agreed fenn. "but come on. if we wait much longer the crowd will get around it and, maybe, loosen the wire that holds it." the four chums hurried to the scene of the accident. they found that the weight of the big car had stretched the wires so that the machine hung farther than ever over the edge of the cliff. "it's going to be a hard job to save that machine," declared ned. "how are we going to do it?" "let me think a minute," spoke bart, who was usually fertile in devising ways and means of doing things. "what ye goin' to do?" demanded constable darby who, having found his post as guard at the house an empty honor, had assumed charge of the machine. "what you boys up to now? you'd better move away from here." "we're going to rescue mr. hayward's auto for him," declared fenn with more assurance than he felt. "he wants it hauled back," he added, which was true enough. "wa'al, ef he wants it, that's a different thing," replied the constable, who evidently recognized that fenn had some rights in the matter, since the injured persons had been carried to the lad's house. "i guess we've got ropes enough," spoke bart. "the next thing is to get some pulleys and find something strong enough to stand the strain. i guess that big oak tree will do. who knows where we can get some pulleys?" "there are some at our house," said fenn. "the painters left them there when they finished the job last week. i can get them." "good!" cried bart. "you get 'em, and we'll get the ropes in shape." when fenn returned with the pulleys he found that his chums had taken several turns of one of the ropes about a tree, that was to stand the strain of hauling the auto back on firm ground. the pulleys were arranged so as to give more power to the hauling force, and then, the cables having been cautiously fastened to the back of the auto, bart gave the word, and half a score of boys assisted the chums in heaving on the rope. there was a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, but the auto never budged. "once more!" cried bart. "hold on!" a voice urged, and the boys, and others in the crowd saw a telephone lineman approaching. "that wire holds the wheels!" he explained, pointing to where the wire from the fence was entangled in the spokes. "you fellows hold on the rope and i'll cut it for you!" drawing out a big pair of cutters he crawled under the rear of the auto, and, lying on his back, proceeded to sever the wire strands. "keep the rope taut!" urged bart. "when the wire is cut there'll be a heavy strain." the boys, and several men who had taken hold of the hempen cable, braced themselves. there was a snap, as the cutters went through the wire. "look out!" cried the lineman. there was a creaking of the ropes. a sudden strain came on them, so powerful, that those holding the strands felt the hemp slipping through their fingers. "she's going over the cliff!" cried bart. "hold her, boys! hold her!" chapter iv planning a cruise farther and farther over the cliff slid the heavy auto. the boys and men, holding the rope, were pulled slowly along, as is a losing team in a tug-of-war. "snub your rope, boys!" a voice suddenly called. "snub her! that's the only way to hold her back! take a half hitch around that stump, and you'll have her! she's got a little too much way on for you! snub her! snub her, i say!" bart gave one glance at the man who had called these directions. he saw a short, squatty figure, wearing a dark blue cap, with some gold braid on it. one glance was enough to show that the man knew what he was talking about. bart let go his grip of the rope. the auto slipped a little faster then, for there were not so many hands holding it. but bart knew what he was doing. he grabbed the free end of the rope and, following the directions of the newcomer, who aided him, he took a couple of turns about a big stump. this "snubbed" or slowed up the progress of the ponderous car, and a moment later it came to a stop. "now you've got her!" exclaimed the squatty man. "she'll hold until you can get a couple of teams to haul her back. you can't do it alone. too much steam needed!" "that's where you're right, captain wiggs!" remarked constable darby. "i was jest a goin' t' tell th' boys that myself, but it's better t' have th' advice come from a regular sea-farin' person i s'pose." "i'm no sea-faring person," replied the captain. "the great lakes are good enough for me, but those who cruise on them know a thing or two, even if they're not of the salt water." "your advice came just in time, captain," said ned, for the boys knew the commander of the steamer _modoc_, which was one of the great lakes fleet of freight carriers, and occasionally tied up at darewell. "i should say it did," added frank. "my arms are nearly pulled off." "i'll go up the street and see if i can get a couple of men to bring their teams here and haul the auto up," volunteered fenn. "i guess mr. hayward will pay them." the others thought this suggestion a good one, and, in a short time fenn returned with two men, who each drove two powerful horses. the animals were hitched to the rope and, after a little pulling and hauling, under the direction of captain wiggs, who naturally took charge, the auto was hauled back to the street, not much damaged from the plunge over the cliff. the crowd stood around for some time longer, looking at the touring car until fenn had the men haul it to a barn near his house. the boys would have liked to have run it themselves, but, as they knew very little about cars, and as they were not sure of the condition of the machinery of this one, they decided the slower method of propulsion would be best. in the morning there was a great improvement in the condition of mr. hayward and his daughter, ruth. in fact ruth could be up, dr. fanwood said, though she must not exert herself. that afternoon after school the three chums wanted fenn to go for a walk, but he made some excuse and hurried home. he found miss ruth, who looked prettier than ever he thought, sitting in the parlor in an easy chair. "i don't believe i thanked you and your friends for what you did for my father and myself," she said, with a smile, as she held out her hand to fenn. "oh, it isn't necessary--i mean we didn't do anything--" and poor fenn became much confused. "i--er--that is we--saw the auto go over and we hurried out." "oh, it was awful!" exclaimed ruth, "i thought i was going to be killed! it was terrible!" "it was a lucky escape," murmured fenn, sympathetically, wondering if the girl would make any reference to the cave she had raved about. but she did not, and, after asking fenn to bring his three chums, that she might thank them personally, she went back to her room. "i wish i dared ask her about that mysterious cave," thought fenn. "there's something back of it all, i'm sure. she acts as if she was afraid i'd find it out." a few days later mr. hayward was able to be up, and after that his recovery was rapid. he explained to fenn, and the boy's parents, that he was in the timber business, and had some mining interests. his daughter's health was not of the best, he added, and, in the hope of improving it, he had taken her on a long auto trip. they intended to go to maine, and camp in the woods, and were on their way there when the accident happened. "i'm sure i can't thank you for all you have done for me," said mr. hayward, looking at fenn and his parents. "those other boys, too; my daughter tells me there were three of your chums who helped." "oh, we didn't do so much," murmured fenn. "anybody would have done the same." "yes, but you did it," replied mr. hayward. "i appreciate it, i can tell you. i wish i could show you how much. perhaps i can, some day. i'll tell you what i wish you'd do; come out and see me. it's not so very far to bayville, and we can show you some great sights there, i tell you. you could make the trip along the great lakes, and they're well worth seeing. my daughter and i would make you comfortable, i'm sure." "it's very kind of you to give the boys that invitation," said mr. masterson. "i'm afraid it's too long a trip for them." "oh, nonsense!" exclaimed mr. hayward. "they can go by boat all the way. it's a fine trip." "i'm sure you would enjoy it," said ruth, smiling at fenn. "then we'll go!" exclaimed stumpy, with more energy than the occasion seemed to call for. "i wish you would," added mr. hayward, and then he and mr. masterson began a discussion of business matters. a little later that evening fenn, going in the parlor for a book, saw ruth sitting there in the darkness. "what's the matter?" he asked with ready sympathy. "are you ill? shall i call my mother?" "no--no, i'm all right--i'll be all right in a little while. please don't call any one," and the girl seemed much alarmed. "i--i was just thinking of--" "is there anything worrying you?" asked fenn boldly, as the memory of what she had said in her delirium came back to him. "can i do anything to help you? is it about a cave?" "hush!" exclaimed ruth, in such tones that fenn was startled. "don't speak of that. oh, i don't know why i mentioned it. i was not myself! forget it, please. it might cause a dreadful--oh, i can't talk about it!" she was whispering tensely, and she came close to fenn. in the next room mr. hayward could be heard telling mr. masterson something about his large business interests. "don't let my father hear you," pleaded ruth. "but perhaps i can help you," insisted fenn. "no--no one can--at least not now," she said. "don't ask me. i must go now. good-night," and she hurried from the room, leaving a much-puzzled lad behind. he forgot all about the book he wanted, so wrought up was he over what ruth had said. he decided it would not be proper to question her any further, though he wanted very much to aid her if he could. the next morning mr. hayward announced that he felt well enough to proceed. the auto had been repaired, and the gentleman and his daughter, bidding their hosts farewell, started off. they had decided to return home, as ruth was so upset over the accident that a camping trip was out of the question. "now don't forget, i expect you boys out to visit me," called mr. hayward, as the four chums waved their hands to father and daughter when the auto puffed off. "come early and stay late!" "poor girl," murmured mrs. masterson, as she went back into the house. "she seems worried over something, but i don't see what it can be, for her father is very wealthy, according to his talk, and she has everything she wants. maybe she misses her mother. she told me she had been dead only a few years." but fenn knew it was something about the mysterious cave that was worrying ruth, and he wished, more than ever, that he could do something to aid her. it was a week after this when, school having closed for the summer term, the four chums were gathered at fenn's house. frank, ned and bart had arrived at the same time, to find stumpy absorbed in the pages of a big geography. "going to take a post-graduate course?" asked bart. "no, he's looking for bayville, to see if he can't catch a glimpse of ruth," spoke ned. "i was planning a vacation trip," replied fenn, with dignity. "a vacation trip? where?" "on the great lakes," answered fenn. "i think it would be just the thing. i've been looking it up. we could go down the still river to lake erie, and then to lake huron. from there we could visit the straits of mackinaw, and then, after a trip on lake michigan, go through the sault st. mary to lake superior. then--" "yes, and then we could sail to bayville and you could visit ruth while we sat on the bank and caught fish!" interrupted frank. "oh, stumpy, it's easy to guess what you are thinking about!" chapter v captain wiggs's proposal fenn had to stand considerable "jollying" on the part of his chums, but, though he blushed and was a little annoyed, he took it in good part. "you can talk about ruth all you like," he said, "but, just the same, if you have any plans to beat a cruise on the great lakes, why--trot 'em out, that's all. we've got to go somewhere this vacation, and i don't see any better place, though i've looked through the whole geography." "and the only place you could get to was bayville," interrupted ned. "it's all right, stumpy. i agree with you, that it would be a fine trip." "how could we make it?" asked frank. "walk, of course," replied bart, with a grin. "it's water all the way." "funny!" answered frank, poking his sarcastic chum in the ribs. "i mean where could we get a boat?" "hire one, i s'pose," put in fenn, who had been busy marking an imaginary cruise in lead pencil on the map of the great lakes. "that would be pretty expensive," said bart. "we're not millionaires, though we each have a little money salted away in the bank." the boys discussed the proposed cruise for some time longer, but there seemed no way of going on it. to hire a steamer or motorboat for such a long trip was practically out of the question for them, and, with much regret they all admitted it could not be considered. "come over to-morrow night," invited fenn, when his chums left that evening. "maybe we can think of something by then." the next afternoon fenn, who had gone to the store for his mother, stopped, on his way back, at the public dock of the still river, where several vessels were loading with freight for lake erie ports. there was much hurrying about and seeming confusion; wagons and trucks backing up and going ahead, and scores, of men wheeling boxes and barrels on board lighters and steamers. "port! port your helm!" suddenly called a voice, almost in fenn's ear, and he jumped to one side, to allow a short, stout man, with his arms full of bundles, to pass him. "that's it!" the man went on. "nearly run you down, didn't i? thought you were a water-logged craft in my course. why, hello! if it isn't fenn masterson!" "captain wiggs!" exclaimed fenn, recognizing the commander of the _modoc_. "looking for a berth?" went on the captain, as he placed his bundles down on the head of a barrel. "i can sign you as cleaner of the after boiler tubes, if you like," and he looked so grave that fenn did not know whether he was joking or not. it was a habit the captain had, of making the most absurd remarks in a serious way, so that even his friends, at times, did not quite know how to take him. "yes," he went on, "i need a small boy to crawl through the after boiler tubes twice a day to keep 'em clean. would you like the job?" "i--i don't believe so," replied fenn, with a smile, for now he knew captain wiggs was joking. "all right then," said the commander, with an assumed sigh. "i'll have to do it myself, and i'm getting pretty old and fat for such work. the tubes are smaller than they used to be. but i dare say i can manage it. where you going?" he asked fenn suddenly, with a change of manner. "no place in particular. home, pretty soon. why?" "i was going to ask you to come aboard and have a glass of lemonade," invited the captain. "it's a hot day and lemonade is the best drink i know of." "oh, i'll come," decided fenn, for captain wiggs's lemonade had quite a reputation. besides there were always queer little chocolate cakes in the captain's cabin lockers, for he was very fond of sweet things, as fenn knew from experience. "haven't saved any more sinking automobiles, lately, have you?" asked the commander, when fenn was seated in the cabin, sipping a glass of the delicious beverage. "no. mr. hayward has gone back to bayville." "bayville? is that where he lives?" asked captain wiggs. "that's it," replied fenn. "why?" "that's odd," mused the captain. "i'm going right near there, this cruise. you see i've got a mixed cargo this trip," he explained. "i've got to deliver some things at several lake ports, but the bulk of the stuff goes to duluth. now if you would only ship with me, as cleaner of the after boiler tubes, why you could go along." "could i?" asked fenn eagerly. "sure." "and--and could you take any other boiler tube cleaners, or--or any other help?" "well, i need a couple of lads to dust the coal," said the captain, so seriously that fenn thought he meant it. "you see if coal is dusty it doesn't burn well," he added. "we have to dust off every lump before we can put it in the boiler. now a couple of handy lads, who were quick and smart could--" "maybe you could use three," suggested fenn, with a smile. "sure i could," spoke the captain. "that's it!" he added quickly. "you and your three chums! why not? you four could come along, and, if necessary, you could all dust coal. we use a lot of it. come on now, here's a proposal for you," and the captain smiled good naturedly. "you four boys come along and make the trip to duluth with me." "would it--would it cost much?" asked fenn, seeing a chance of carrying out the cruise he had planned. "not a cent. i tell you i'll use you boys in more ways than one. dusting the coal is only a small matter. there is the smoke stack to be scrubbed, the dishes to be hand painted and the windows to be taken out and put in again." "do you mean it?" asked fenn. "i mean, do you really want us on this trip, captain wiggs?" "of course i do. i sail in three days, to be gone a month or more. if you boys want to have a good vacation come along. get the permission of your folks and let me know to-night." "i will!" exclaimed fenn, his brain whirling with the suddenness of it all. "i'll tell the other boys right away," and, not even pausing to thank the captain for the lemonade, he hurried up the companion ladder, out on the deck of the _modoc_ and, jumping to the dock, ran up the street as fast as he could go. chapter vi in peril "here's the stuff from the store, mom!" exclaimed fenn, as he rushed into the house. "what's the matter?" asked his mother anxiously. "has there been an accident, fenn?" "got to find the boys! captain wiggs! _modoc!_ going on a cruise! tell you later!" was what fenn exclaimed in jerky sentences as he hurried down the side steps and out of the yard. "oh, those boys! they get so excited you can't do anything with them!" exclaimed mrs. masterson. "i wonder what they're up to now?" if she could have seen her son and his chums, whom he met on the street, soon after his hurried exit, she would have been more puzzled than ever. "great news! great!" yelled fenn, as he caught sight of frank, ned and bart approaching him. "we're going with captain wiggs to make a tour of the great lakes! whoop! hold me down, somebody!" he grabbed ned and bart, each by an arm, and began whirling them around in a good imitation of an indian war dance. "here! let up!" cried frank. "what's it all about? who's killed?" "nobody, you ninny!" shouted fenn. "we're going on the _modoc_!" "who says so?" "when?" "how many of us?" "where?" "are we all going?" all fenn could do was to nod his head vigorously. he was all out of breath. as soon as he could get enough wind to talk, he rapidly explained what captain wiggs had said. "does he mean we're to work our passage?" asked frank. "i don't know as i care to shovel coal, if that's what he means." "i guess he was only joking about that part of it," answered fenn. "i'm going, if i have to scrub the decks. it will be sport." "that's right," chimed in bart. "i don't mind working my way for the sake of the trip. when can we go?" "let's go down to the wharf and have a talk with him," suggested ned, and they all agreed this was a wise idea. a little later they were in the large cabin of the _modoc_, which, for a freight boat, was well fitted up. captain wiggs repeated the invitation he had given to fenn. the boys would be welcome to make the trip with him, he said, as long as their parents consented. they would need an outfit of clothing, with rough garments for stormy weather, which might be encountered. "and we'll do anything we can to help you run the boat," added bart, who felt that some return ought to be given for the captain's generosity. "well," replied the commander, in drawling tones, "i don't expect too much. but if you could manage to keep the door mats clean it would be a great help." "door mats--on a ship?" questioned ned. "yes; of course," replied the captain, with an assumption of dignity. "you see the salt spray gets all over the deck, and if it's tramped into the cabins it makes the floors dirty. my steward is very particular about clean floors, and i thought that if you could help keep the mats clean, why it would make his work easier, and he wouldn't grumble so much. however, if it's too much trouble, why of course--" "oh, we'll do it," hastily agreed fenn, fearing that the trip might be called off. he did not quite know how to take the captain's remarks, for the commander had not the least suspicion of a smile on his face. after all, thought fenn, it might be necessary to clean the door mats, and he resolved to do his share of it. "well, now that that's settled," went on the commander, as if a load had been taken from his mind, "we'll go into further details." he then explained to the boys what they would need in the way of clothing and baggage, and he briefly described the trip. the duration of it was a little uncertain as he could not tell how long he would have to wait at duluth, after unloading, before he could get a cargo to bring back. "i guess i'll get you home safe in time to begin the fall term of school," he said, "and that ought to answer." "it will," declared ned. "it's mighty fine of you to ask us." "oh, i guess you'll be worth your salt," commented captain wiggs. "besides attending to the door mats, i may expect you to look after the scuttle-butt, now and again." fenn wanted to ask what the scuttle-butt was, but as the steward came in just then, to get some orders, the boys decided it was time to leave. they promised to be on hand the day set for sailing, and then, with their minds full of the happy prospect ahead of them, they went ashore. the parents of the lads offered no objection to their making the cruise in company with captain wiggs, who was well known in darewell. in due time valises and trunks were packed and the four chums, the envy of their less-fortunate school companions, strolled down to the wharf and boarded the _modoc_. the steamer was a large one, and had good accommodations for passengers, though she seldom carried any. this time, besides the boys, there was only one man, who was making the trip for his health. he was burton ackerman, who lived in a small town not far from darewell. they found that their staterooms, which were of good size, adjoined one another. they put away their belongings, and then went up on deck. the _modoc_ had cast off, and was slowly gathering speed as it dropped down the river toward lake erie. "don't forget the scenery, boys!" called the captain, as he passed. "we won't," answered ned, with a laugh. the boys had often made the trip to lake erie, and there was little of novelty for them in this. but, when the steamer had gotten well out on the big body of water, they crowded to the rails, for they had never been out so far as this before. "it's almost as good as an ocean voyage," exclaimed bart. "what are you thinking of, stumpy?" asked frank, noticing that his short chum was rather quiet. "i know," declared ned. "he's wondering if he'll see ruth." "oh, you--" began the badgered one, when the attention of the boys was taken from tormenting their chum by several sharp blasts of the _modoc's_ whistle. there was an answering screech and frank suddenly exclaimed: "look there, boys!" they all looked. on the port side, bearing right down on them, and coming at full speed, was an immense grain barge. it appeared to be unmanageable, for the whistle was frantically blowing, and a man in the pilot house was waving his hand. "toot! toot! toot! toot!" screamed the whistle of the _modoc_. "she's going to ram us!" cried fenn. "we can't get out of the way in time!" there was a confused jangling of bells from the _modoc's_ engine room, followed by more whistles, and then the steamer began to swing around. but still the grain barge came straight on. a collision seemed inevitable. chapter vii an elevator blaze from somewhere captain wiggs reached the deck on the jump. he tore past the boys on the run, and fairly burst into the door of the pilot house, where the first mate was in charge. "we'd better get ready to jump!" cried frank. "it looks as if we were going to be cut in two." "grab life preservers!" shouted ned. "here are some back here!" he turned to lead the way to where, under an awning, some of the cork jackets were hung in racks. before he could reach them a peculiar shiver seemed to run over the _modoc_. "she's hit us!" yelled bart. "everybody jump!" the boys made a rush for the rail, intending to trust to their swimming abilities rather than to chance remaining on the steamer after the grain barge had hit her. but their plans were suddenly frustrated for, as they reached the rail, something that towered away above their heads loomed up, and the grain vessel came sliding along side of the _modoc_, just as if the two craft were about to tie up together for loading purposes. the grain barge only bumped gently against the side of the steamer. the shrill whistles ceased. the jangling bells were silent. by the narrowest of margins a bad collision had been avoided. out of the pilot house came captain wiggs, running along the rail until he came opposite the pilot house of the grain barge. then, standing on a signal flag locker the commander addressing the man in charge of the vessel which had given them all such a scare, exclaimed: "say, what in the name of the sacred cow are you trying to do, anyhow? don't you know how to steer, you inconsiderate slab-sided specimen of an isosceles triangle!" "sure i know how to steer," replied the man, who was as cool as the captain was excited. "i was steering boats when you was a baby. but i'd like to know how in the name of billy hochswatter's mud-turtle any one can manage a boat when the steam steering gear breaks just as another vessel gets in front of me." "oh, then that's different," replied captain wiggs, with an understanding of the difficulties of the situation. "yes, i guess it is," retorted the other. "why didn't you use the hand gear?" asked the commander of the _modoc_. "that got jammed just as they were swinging my boat around, and all i could do was to signal for a clear course." "well, i gave it to you, but i almost had to rip my engines off the bed plates to do it," retorted captain wiggs. "i reversed at full speed, and swung that wheel around until it looked like a spinning top. only for that we'd be on the bottom of the lake by now." "that's right," agreed the other pilot. "you had your nerve with you. well, as long as there's no damage done i s'pose you can go ahead. i'll have to lay-to for repairs." "um," was all captain wiggs replied, for he had not quite gotten over his scare, used as he was to narrow escapes from danger. slowly the _modoc_ was backed away from the side of the grain barge, and, when at the proper distance, she was sent ahead again, the other craft coming to anchor. "i hope i don't meet him again this voyage," murmured captain wiggs, as he walked up to where the four chums stood. "he's the most unlucky fellow i know. something is always happening to his boats." "who is he?" asked ned. "captain streitwetter. he's a german from germanville. did you hear him mention billy hochswatter's mud-turtle?" "yes," said bart. "what did he mean?" "that is a story," replied captain wiggs gravely, "which can only be told after the dinner dishes are washed. you'd better look after them," and with that he walked away. "there he goes again!" exclaimed frank. "you never know what he is going to say. i believe he's stringing us." "i almost know it," retorted fenn. "it's only a way he has, but the trouble is we don't know whether or not he wants us to do the things he says. i wonder if we had better do anything about the dishes?" "of course not," said frank. "the cook sees to that." "but maybe the cook is sick," insisted fenn. "captain wiggs might want us to help." "if i thought so i'd offer at once," put in ned. "i used to do it at home, once in a while, to help out." "i'll go ask him," volunteered fenn, and he started to find captain wiggs, when he was halted by seeing the commander step from behind a pile of boxes. the captain was laughing heartily. "that's the time i had you guessing; didn't i?" he demanded. "wash the dishes. ha! ha! ho! ho! that's pretty good!" the boys, looking a bit sheepish, soon joined in the merriment at their expense, and the little pleasantry served to banish the nervous feeling that remained after the narrow escape from the collision. "billy hochswatter's mud-turtle!" repeated the captain. "that's what captain streitwetter always says when he's excited. i don't believe there ever was such a person as billy hochswatter." "i either," added fenn. "i must go down to the engine room to see if we suffered any damage," the commander of the _modoc_ went on. "you boys amuse yourselves as well as you can until dinner time. you don't have to peel the potatoes," he added with a wink. "we'll have to get even with him, somehow," suggested ned, when the captain was out of hearing. "how?" asked bart. "i haven't thought it out yet, but we must play some kind of a trick on him. he'll think the darewell chums are slow if we believe all he tells us, and don't come back at him. try and think up something." "good idea," commented fenn. "we'll have the laugh on him, next time." the day passed quickly, for there were many novel sights for the boys to see. captain wiggs was kept so busy, for there were some repairs needed to one of the engines, because of the sudden reversing, that the boys did not see him again that day. he did not appear at dinner or supper, and the steward said the commander was taking his meals in the engine room. the _modoc_ was going along at less than her usual speed, but was making fairly good time. "well, i s'pose we might as well turn in, boys," suggested fenn, about nine o'clock. "i believe that is the proper term aboard a ship." "yes, messmates," spoke ned, assuming a theatrical attitude, "we will now seek our downy hammocks, and court 'tired nature's sweet restorer, balmy sleep,' to arise in the gladsome morning, and 'you must wake and call me early; call me early, mother dear, for i'm to be queen of the may, mother; i'm to be queen of the may!'" "we'll call you 'loony,' instead of 'early,' if you get off any more of that nonsense," murmured frank. "that's what," agreed fenn. "you're not studying english lit. and french history now, ned." "very well, most noble gentlemen," went on ned. "i shall obey you, right gladly, i ween!" and he made a dive for his stateroom before bart, who made a sudden grab could lay hands on him. the others soon turned in, and, in spite of their new and strange surroundings and beds, were soon sound asleep. it must have been about midnight that fenn was awakened by hearing a great tramping on deck. it was followed by confused shouts, and then came the jangling of the engine room bells. the _modoc_ seemed to increase her speed. "i wonder if there's another collision coming?" he said as he sat up. he heard bart moving in the next room, and presently frank's voice was heard calling: "say, fellows, something's wrong." the noise on deck increased, and it sounded as though several men were running to and fro, dragging ropes about. "i'm going up!" decided fenn, jumping out of his berth and hastily pulling on his clothes. from the open doors of his chums' rooms he could see that they, too, were attiring themselves with little regard for how they looked. up on deck they hurried. as they emerged from the companionway their eyes were met with a bright glare. "a fire!" exclaimed ned. "the boat's afire!" "don't say that! don't say that, young man, i beg of you!" besought a man, attired in his trousers and night shirt, as he approached ned, who recognized him as mr. ackerman, the sick passenger. "what is it?" inquired fenn, who was right behind ned. "he said the ship was on fire," repeated mr. ackerman. "i can't stand it. i have heart disease. excitement is bad for me. do, please, one of you, go and find out how fast it is burning, and come back and tell me." he sat down at the head of the companionway, as coolly as though he had asked to be informed which way the wind was blowing. evidently he knew how to take care of himself, so as not to aggravate his malady. "the ship isn't on fire!" exclaimed bart, crowding past ned and fenn. "but something evidently is burning," insisted mr. ackerman. "i can smell smoke, and see the reflection of the blaze." this was not strange, considering that the _modoc_ was in the midst of a cloud of vapor, and that bright tongues of fire could be seen close to her bow. "it's a big grain elevator on shore that's burning!" exclaimed frank. "see! there it is!" as he spoke the smoke which enveloped the steamer was blown aside. the boys could then note that, during the night the vessel had approached close to shore. they were near a good-sized city, and, among the wharfs was a big building, built to hold grain in readiness to load on the lake steamers. from the top of this flames were shooting high into the air, and the _modoc_ was approaching it at full speed. chapter viii fenn hears something "what's the matter? can't captain wiggs stop the ship?" cried fenn, for it certainly looked as if the _modoc_ was going to run, full tilt, into the flames, which were right at the water's edge, as the elevator was on the end of the wharf. "clang!" the half speed bell sounded from the engine room. the steamer began to slacken speed. "clang! clang!" two gongs. stop the engines. the _modoc_ was going ahead under her own momentum only. then another signal. under the stern of the steamer the water boiled and bubbled as the great screw was reversed, to check the vessel's way. the jingling bell, following the signal to reverse, indicated to the engineer to back his machinery at full speed, and the big craft fairly quivered, so great was the strain of stopping her up short. but they were master-hands aboard the _modoc_ and she swung broadside to a wharf as gently as a boy brings his toy boat to a stop. from the deck men leaped to the string piece, with great ropes in their hands, which they made fast to butts and piling. the steamer was tied up, so close to the burning elevator that the boys could feel the heat of it. "what are you going to do, captain?" asked mr. ackerman, who seemed to have recovered from his nervousness, when he found the _modoc_ was in no danger. "i'm going to help douse that fire!" cried the commander. "lively with that hose, men! lively now! snatch her quick and i'll give you all the water you can handle!" several brawny deck-hands began pulling a line of hose over the side. other men were lowering a big boat, into which the men with the hose jumped. the hose was unreeled after them as they pulled out on the lake, in front of the burning elevator. "i'm afraid it's a goner," remarked captain wiggs, as a gust of wind sent the leaping flames licking along the surface of the water. "how did it happen?" "whose place is it?" "what are you going to do?" those were some of the questions which the boys asked captain wiggs. he answered them all, comprehensively. "it's an elevator in which the owners of the _modoc_ are interested," he said. "i was to call there to-morrow for a load of grain. i was heading for the wharf, intending to tie up until morning, when i saw flames shooting out of the top of the shaft. i've got a powerful pump aboard, and i knew they didn't have any fire boat in town, so i speeded the _modoc_ as close as i could. i don't believe i can do much, but i'm going to try. i'm afraid the fire has too much start." "can we go ashore and watch it?" asked ned. "i guess so. don't go too near, and be careful you don't fall off the pier. it's deep water all around." captain wiggs hurried down to the engine room, for the men with the hose in the boat were now as close as they dared to go to the fire, and could use water. "come on, fellows!" cried ned. "we don't often get a chance to see a big fire like this." they leaped to the wharf, since no gang plank had been run out, and were soon hurrying along the pier to shore. the elevator was several slips or piers distant, and the boys would have to go ashore to reach it. as they ran on they could hear the big pump of the _modoc_ beginning to force water from the lake through the hose, the nozzle of which the men in the row boat directed at the fire. in the street along the water front the four chums found a great crowd. every one was hurrying to the blaze. men were shouting, boys were yelling, and even women and girls had hurriedly dressed to come out to the conflagration. "the whole block back of the elevator'll go, if they don't stop it pretty soon!" yelled a man as he passed on the run. "here comes the water-tower!" shouted several. "look out there!" "clear the way!" an insistent clanging of a fire gong to the accompaniment of barking dogs told that some piece of apparatus was dashing along the street. the boys felt some one from behind thrust them to one side. "look out!" a policeman shouted in their ears. "do you want to be killed?" they shrank back, burying themselves in the crowd on either side of the way, just as the water tower, with the plunging horses foam-flecked and heaving, dashed by. "they've sent for more engines from frenchtown!" cried some one in the throng. "they'll need all they can get." "the warehouse'll go next!" "they'd better use dynamite!" "this shows we ought to have a fire boat!" "this department don't know how to handle a blaze like that!" remarks of this nature kept floating to the ears of the boys as they hurried along, arm in arm, so they would not become separated in the press that was on every side of them. above the din sounded a shrill whistle, and a fire-engine, spouting sparks, with the stoker at the back, clinging to the rail with one hand, and with the other throwing soft coal on the glowing mass under the boiler, crammed his head out to see how much farther the panting horses had to run. the blazing elevator was hidden from sight of the boys by several buildings that intervened, but by looking up they could see the lurid sky, and the smoke-laden air, in which glowed dull red sparks, like stars. suddenly the crowd, of which the four chums formed a part, swung around a corner. then a terrible, but vivid scene was presented. on the end of a big wharf, with the black lake as a background, was the flaming structure. it stood out boldly, like a picture framed in ebony, illuminating itself by leaping, licking tongues of yellow fire, that seemed to tumble and toss--to twist and coil about like devouring serpents. up shot the flames--far above the slanting, narrow roof of the elevator. the windows shone out as though millions of candles had been placed in them. through some casements, darting spears of fire glanced, as if to transfix anything in their path, not satisfied with what was within. the piles of grain made a dense smoke, and the peculiar structure of the building, like some immense chimney, gave a draught that seemed to doom the elevator to complete destruction. at the foot of the building could be seen a dark mass of firemen, moving here and there. in spots it was illuminated by little spurts of flame, where the engines were puffing like mad to send the quenching water on the fiercely burning timbers. "they'll never stop that fire!" shouted a man close to the chums. "the roof'll cave in soon!" "why don't they use the stand pipes in the elevator?" asked another man. "no engine they've got can throw water to the roof." "the stand pipes are melted by now," was the answer. "they tried 'em, but it got too hot. there she goes!" the flames seemed to make one final leap, as if to reach a higher point in the air than they had yet attained. there was a sound as though a great gun had exploded and the roof, blown off by the heated air inside, and by the gases generated from the burning grain, was scattered into a thousand pieces. then, as if satisfied that it had accomplished what it set out to do, the fire died down a little. the top stories of the elevator toppled in, and the mass seemed to crumple up. owing to the packed heaps of grain it was burning slowly, now that most of the wood work was consumed. "that's another blow to hayward!" spoke a voice so close to fenn's ear that the boy started in spite of himself. "hush!" cautioned a man, who was beside the one who had first spoken, "some one might hear you." "no one knows what i'm talking about," was the answer. "i guess hayward will be willing to talk business now. he can't stand many such losses as this, even if he does own most of bayville. i understand he didn't carry much insurance on this grain, as it was stored for quick movement. now, when i see him--" the man stopped suddenly, for fenn was looking right at him. somehow the youth knew instinctively that he was talking about the mr. hayward who had been injured in the auto accident. what could it mean? why was the speaker glad that the westerner had suffered a loss in the elevator fire? fenn wanted to hear more. but the man who had first spoken, said nothing further. he grasped his companion by the arm, and nodded toward fenn. the other boys were still watching the fire, and were some distance away from stumpy. "were you--" began the first speaker, looking at fenn, when his companion suddenly drew him back among the crowd. "stop! stop!" fenn heard him whisper. "i must get hold of him and--" there was some mystery here. fenn vaguely felt it, but he could not tell what it was. there was a movement in the throng, and fenn's chums were pressed back to where he stood. "here comes some more engines!" was the cry. additional steamers, summoned from an adjoining city, rattled up. the fire, which had died down, seemed to break out afresh, as the flames seized on new material. "i tell you i'm going to find out about him!" this was the voice of the man who had spoken of mr. hayward. fenn glanced around. the fellow, who had a sinister face, was making his way toward him. "maybe they're thieves or pickpockets," thought fenn. "i guess we'd better get out of here while we have the chance." he leaned forward and grasped bart by the arm. "come on!" he hoarsely whispered. "what for?" inquired bart. "the fire isn't half over." "come on," repeated fenn earnestly. "i think captain wiggs may want us." he was so insistent, and nodded in such a peculiar way that bart realized something unusual was in the wind. pulling ned and frank close to him, fenn whispered: "i think some pickpockets are trying to rob us. i've brought my money with me. let's get out of here." the boys made a quick turn in the crowd, and worked their way to where the press was not so thick. fenn led the way, looking back to see if the men were following. they were. the man with the sinister face, and his companion, were trailing close after the boys. "come on!" cried fenn, suddenly breaking into a run. but the men were not to be so easily left behind. they, too, quickened their pace, and pursued the four chums, though what their motive was the boys could only guess. chapter ix off again the boys soon found themselves mixed up in another part of the crowd, that had, apparently, come down a side street leading to the lake front. they had some trouble disengaging themselves from it, and, when they again had a fairly clear street to run through, they were some distance from the fire. "did we lose 'em?" asked fenn, panting from the run. "what? who?" asked frank, who did not exactly understand the cause for the sudden retreat. "those two--pickpockets," replied fenn, not knowing exactly how to classify the strange men. "here comes a couple of fellows on the run," said ned. "i guess they're still after us. let's wait and ask what they want. they haven't any right to follow us." "no, no!" urged fenn. "come on back to the steamer." he seemed so much in earnest that his chums did not stop to ask questions, but increased their speed. just as they reached the wharf, at the end of which the _modoc_ was tied, another fire engine, hastening to the elevator blaze, dashed by. there was a quick clanging of the gong, and a shrill screech from the whistle. it was instantly followed by a shout. "the engine struck one of the men!" cried frank, looking back. "he's knocked down! run over i guess! come on back!" the boys hesitated. they did not want to leave an injured man, even if he and his companion had been pursuing them. the street, at this point, was deserted, save for the two strangers. the engine did not stop, the horses being urged on by the driver, who did not want to have the reputation of arriving last at the conflagration. "come on back and help him," urged bart, who was always anxious to aid persons in distress, even if they were enemies. the others hesitated. it was rather a risk, fenn thought. but the problem was solved for them. the man who had been knocked down by the engine arose to his feet. supporting himself on the shoulder of his companion he limped off up the street, and away from the boys. "i guess he isn't badly hurt," remarked ned. "he'll not chase us any more. that engine came along just in time." "except i guess it's too late to help put out the fire," said frank. "there can't be much left of the elevator." "but what did we run for?" asked ned. "who were those chaps, fenn?" fenn explained what he had heard, and expressed the belief that the men had some business enmity against mr. hayward. "they seemed delighted that the elevator, containing his grain, burned down; or at least the one man did," he said. "then, when they saw i was listening, though i didn't really intend to, they acted as though they wanted to get hold of me, and see why i was so interested. i thought they might be pickpockets, but now i don't believe they were." "we must tell captain wiggs about it," suggested frank. "i don't believe i will," answered fenn. "i don't want him to laugh at me, and i think he surely will if i suggest that the men chased us. he'll probably think we took two harmless citizens for burglars. no, i think the best plan will be to wait and see what turns up." "i'll tell you what you can do," spoke ned. "what?" inquired fenn. "you can ask captain wiggs who owned that grain in the burned elevator. he'll know, as he was going to get a load there." "good idea," responded fenn. "i will." the boys were soon aboard the ship again. they found that the men in the rowboat had returned, as the side of the elevator nearest the lake had all burned away, and their hose was no longer effective. the fire was under control now, but was still blazing well. enough engines had arrived to prevent it spreading. "well, this knocks my plans all askew," remarked the commander of the _modoc_, when the boys came on deck. "i don't know where to get my grain, now." "did you say the same company that owned this steamer owned that grain?" asked fenn, seeing a good chance to obtain the information he wanted. "no, i said they owned the elevator," replied the captain. "the grain is a separate matter. i don't know whose that was. whoever it belonged to won't get much good from it." "is there any way of telling who owned it?" asked fenn, for he thought, even though the men had mentioned the name "hayward," that it might be some other man than the one injured in the auto accident--some one else than the father of ruth. "why, i can tell by looking at my order slips," replied mr. wiggs. "why are you so interested?" "i was wondering if it was any one i knew," answered fenn, a little evasively, as he did not want to explain what had happened. "um--let's see," and captain wiggs who, followed by the boys had gone to the main cabin, began thumbing over the pages of a small book he took from his pocket. "'proceed to'--no, that's not it--'take cargo'--um--no, it must be on the next page--oh, yes, here it is. 'get cargo of grain at lakeville, from robert hayward company.' that's it. the grain belonged to robert hayward--why--er--say, boys, that's the name of the man who was hurt back there in darewell--he and his daughter ruth--you know him--why, fenn, he was at your house!" "so he was!" exclaimed fenn, his knowledge thus unexpectedly confirmed. "quite a remarkable coincidence!" went on the captain. "very strange! well, strange things are always happening. you didn't hear what started the fire, did you?" "i heard a policeman say it was spontaneous combustion," said frank, "but they always give that as a cause, when they can't think of any other." "i don't s'pose they'll ever find out," remarked the captain. "well, i can't do anything more. we'd better turn in, although it's most morning. soon as it gets daylight i'll have to hustle around and find out what i'm going to do." captain wiggs was a very busy man the next day, sending messages to the steamer's owners to ascertain their wishes. the boys visited the elevator, in which great piles of grain were still smouldering, in spite of the tons of water poured on them. fenn kept a lookout for the mysterious men, but did not see anything of them. captain wiggs had to remain tied up at lakeville until he received orders to proceed to the next port for a cargo that would be awaiting him there. the boys spent the time on shore, visiting various scenes of interest. "well, we're off again!" cried the commander, on the morning of the third day, as he came hurrying down the dock, waving a telegram in his hand. "tying-up is no fun. you may get under way as soon as possible, mr. sidleton," he added to the first mate. steam was up, and, in a short time the _modoc_ was again plowing the waters of lake erie. gradually lakeville was left behind, and soon they were out of sight of land. "ding-dong! ding-dong! ding-dong! ding-dong!" a bell suddenly sounded, with queer double strokes. "eight bells!" exclaimed captain wiggs, as he arose from a deck chair where he had been sitting, to the boys. "time for mess," and he led the way toward the dining saloon. as he was about to descend the companionway he looked over the rail. astern of the _modoc_ was a small steam yacht, coming on at a swift speed. "that's queer," murmured the captain. "what is?" asked fenn, for the boys were privileged characters. "that yacht," replied the commander. "she's been following us all the morning; ever since we left lakeville. i wonder what the game is? steward, bring me the glass," he called, and, when the binoculars were handed to him, the captain took a long look at the pursuing craft. chapter x the chase for nearly a minute captain wiggs continued his observation of the on-coming boat. then, laying aside the glass, he remarked: "i can't make anything out of her. it's a strange boat. never saw her on the lakes before. and they seem to have an uncommon interest in us. a couple of men on deck are taking turns in looking at us through a telescope." "two men?" asked fenn, beginning to get excited. "there are two on deck, but of course there must be more somewhere aboard," replied the captain. "and has one of them a--a sort of mean looking face?" went on fenn. "well, from what i can see of him through the glass, he doesn't look to be a very cheerful chap." "i'll wager it's those men after us!" exclaimed fenn, turning to his chums. "what men?" inquired captain wiggs. "the men who chased us when we were at the elevator fire," and fenn told of the adventure. "i wish you had mentioned that to me before," said the commander, looking grave. "this thing may be serious." "why? do you think they are thieves?" asked bart. "there's no telling what they are," and the captain took another observation at the steamer in the rear. "you know the lakes are part of the dividing line between the united states and canada. often criminals from both countries find it to their advantage to conduct some of their operations on the water, and there are any number of questionable characters plying on this lake. i can't make out why those men should want you boys, or fenn, more particularly, unless they think he may know something of their operations, and they want to stop him from talking." "well, they can't prevent me!" boasted fenn. "don't be too sure," cautioned the captain. "of course you have nothing to fear as long as you are with me, aboard the _modoc_, but don't run any chances while ashore. meanwhile those fellows have got to catch us first. they've got nerve, i must say, pursuing us as if they were government officers and we were smugglers." "do smugglers cross the lake?" asked ned. "they try to, and, sometimes they succeed. but i wish you boys would go down to dinner. i want to keep watch of this boat. when you finish, come up on deck, and you can stand guard, while i eat. we'll keep tabs on her then, and we needn't let any of the crew here know about it. it's just as well to keep matters a little quiet until we find out what it all means." the boys did not linger long over their dinner, and were soon on deck again. they found captain wiggs gazing at the pursuing steam yacht through the glass. "she's coming on," he said. "seems to have plenty of speed, but i guess we can show her a little ourselves. i'll give orders to the engineer to increase our rate some. then we'll see what happens. you keep watch, and let me know when i come back." he handed the binoculars to fenn, and went below. the four chums took turns looking at the on-coming craft. presently they noticed that their own steamer was making faster progress through the water. "i guess we'll leave 'em behind now," observed frank. "then you've got another guess coming," responded fenn. "they've put on more steam." the other boat seemed to spurt through the waves that were piled up in front of her sharp prow. she easily kept right after the _modoc_, and even seemed to approach closer. "i wonder what they'll do when they catch up to us?" asked bart. "wait until they catch us," suggested ned. "well, boys, how about it?" called captain wiggs, as he came on deck. "have you polished up the anchor chain, as i asked you to. the regular polisher-boy is sick, and i'm short handed." "you didn't tell us--" began fenn, when a smile on the face of the commander warned him that it was only a joke. "how is our friend, the enemy?" inquired captain wiggs, reaching for the glass. "well, we haven't lost her," replied frank. "so i see," observed the commander. "i think i'll have to try a little trick." he went to the pilot house and soon the _modoc_ was sweeping away from her course in a long, graceful curve. "there, now we'll see if they are following us, or whether they are just on the same course by accident, and are using us for pace-makers," remarked the captain, as he came back to where the boys were. in less than a minute the course of the pursuing vessel was also changed, and on she came, after the _modoc_, the black smoke pouring from her funnel, testifying to the fact that the engine room force was piling on the fuel to make more steam. "she's going to catch us or burst her boilers," remarked the captain, with a grim smile. "well, we'll see. i made them show their hand. they evidently believe we're bound for the canadian shore, and they think they have us outside the protection of the united states now, and can do as they please." he hurried to the pilot house, and soon there were several signals of the engine room bells. "we'll see if we can't get a few more knots out of her," observed the commander as he came back, and took a hurried look at the yacht astern. "i guess the _modoc_ has some speed left in her yet, even if she is only a freighter." true, the big steamer did go faster, but so did the pursuing boat. the chase was leading straight toward canada now. "can't seem to shake 'em off," murmured the captain, with a somewhat worried look on his face. "i've a good notion to lay-to, and see what they want." "i--i wouldn't," said fenn. "why not?" asked the captain quickly. "you haven't done anything wrong; have you?" "no, but--" "then i think i'll just ask them the meaning of this unwarranted chase. they haven't any right to keep after me like this, unless they're a government vessel, and they're not that or they would have shown their colors long ago. that's what i'll do. i'll stop!" he turned toward the pilot house to give the order. fenn took up the binoculars, which the captain had laid down, and looked through them at the strange steam yacht. he could make out the two men on deck, one of them--he with the sinister face--staring at the little knot of boys, who seemed, so unaccountably, to have become involved in a mystery. following the ringing of the engine room bells, the _modoc's_ speed began to slacken. captain wiggs came back to where the boys were and remarked. "now we'll see what will happen." hardly had he spoken than there sounded from the pursuing craft, which had not slackened speed, a shrill hissing. then a white cloud appeared to hover over her. "she's broken a steam pipe!" cried the captain. "too much pressure! i thought she couldn't stand it!" the strange craft was almost lost to sight in the cloud of white vapor that enveloped her, while, from the midst of it, came excited cries. chapter xi on lake huron "somebody's hurt!" cried fenn. "shouldn't wonder," replied captain wiggs, coolly. "there generally is when an explosion occurs in a boiler room." "aren't we going to help them?" inquired frank. "i'll give them any aid they need," said the commander. "we'll see how much the damage amounts to. i'll steam back toward 'em." he gave the necessary orders, and soon the _modoc_ was slowly approaching the disabled craft. the clouds of steam had somewhat dispersed, but that something was wrong was evident from the manner in which men were hurrying about the deck of the recent pursuing yacht. "i guess it wasn't as bad as i thought," remarked mr. wiggs. "they seem to have stopped the leak in the pipe. i hope none of the men are badly scalded. i'll offer 'em help, and they can take it or leave it. they've made enough trouble for me as it is." but the strange craft evidently did not desire any aid, nor did the commanders of it seem to court any investigation of what had happened. as the _modoc_ approached the other boat's whistle sounded, and then it slowly started off, like a lame dog running away from a fight with a superior antagonist. "had enough, eh?" remarked the captain. "i thought so. well, i'm not sorry that i don't have to get to close quarters with them. it looks as if it was coming on to blow, and it's no joke to have to tow a disabled boat on lake erie in a storm." seeing that his proffered offer of help was declined captain wiggs changed the course back to his original one. as the other craft turned about, and steamed slowly away, fenn watched through the glass, and the last thing he could see was the man with the ugly face, standing at the stern, gazing at the _modoc_ through a telescope. "he'll know me next time, anyhow," thought fenn, as he joined his chums, who were talking of the strange finish of the chase. discuss the recent happenings as they did, from all sides, the boys could not get at the bottom of them. no more could captain wiggs. but he soon found he had other things to think about than the chase which had ended so abruptly, for the weather changed suddenly, and there were indications of a heavy storm. "i'd like to make the detroit river before the blow comes on hard," he remarked. "i've got a pretty heavy load aboard, and the _modoc_, while she's a stanch craft, doesn't behave as well in a sea as she might. i've lost considerable time through that elevator fire, and stopping on account of those men chasing us, so i must make it up." the steamer was sent ahead at full speed, but the storm developed faster than the captain had calculated so that, when still several miles from a good harbor, the wind suddenly swooped out of the west and soon there was a heavy sea running. "why, it's almost like the ocean," remarked ned as, standing well forward, near the port rail, he looked across the lake and saw the big waves. "you'll think so, if this keeps up," responded captain wiggs. "lake erie can kick up as pretty a storm as i ever want to see, and i've been through some hard ones, i can tell you. this is nothing to what it will be if the wind increases." and that the wind intended increasing was evident from the way it howled over the big expanse of water, which was dotted with white-caps. through the waves the _modoc_ labored, her powerful engines and screw sending her ahead gallantly, though she rolled and pitched in a way to make the boys think they were on an ocean liner instead of a lake steamer. it grew quite dark, partly because of the clouds that gathered, and because evening was approaching. then the rain, which had held off for a while, came down with a suddenness that was almost like a cloud burst. fortunately the boys, on the advice of the captain, had donned oil-skins, and they were protected, though sometimes it seemed as if the wind would drive the rain drops right through their garments. "this is a terrible storm!" exclaimed ned, as he held on to the rail and tried to peer ahead through the mist and blackness. "wait!" fairly shouted the captain. "you haven't seen any more than the beginning." "that's enough for me!" cried fenn, as he made his way to the companionway and went below. the other boys followed, as the commander said it was hardly safe on deck. the _modoc_ was now laboring amid the big waves. the lookout, scanning the waste of waters for a sight of land, could see nothing but blackness ahead. it did not seem quite so bad to the boys, after they were in the cabin, though they had to sit braced in chairs to avoid tumbling out when the vessel pitched and tossed, and it was quite a task to move about, for there was danger of bringing up against some piece of furniture, or the cabin partitions. "an ocean voyage isn't in it with this," declared ned. "it's great!" "it may be, but it makes me feel sick," declared fenn. "i'm going to lie down in my bunk." this he did, saying he felt better when stretched out. the other boys followed his example, as the pitching was a little too much for them. they soon grew accustomed to it, however, and presently they noticed that the motion seemed less violent. "we must have come to anchor," said bart. "more likely we're inside some harbor," declared ned. they went up on deck and found that, though it was still raining hard, the wind had died down a little, which made the boat ride easier. "where are we?" called fenn, to captain wiggs, who was pacing the deck. "just entering the detroit river," was the reply. "we'll tie up at detroit for the night. how are you, boys?" "better now," replied ned. as soon as the _modoc_ was well within the river the effects of the blow were no longer noticeable. in a short time the steamer was tied up at a dock and the boys turned in for the night. captain wiggs had some business to transact in detroit, and spent nearly all of the next day there, giving the boys a chance to go ashore and see some of the sights. they resumed their trip that evening, through lake st. clair, and proceeding without stop to lake huron. emerging well out upon this vast body of inland water, the boys, one bright morning, got a fine view of it. "isn't it--isn't it big!" exclaimed fenn. "it's--it's simply--" "help him out, ned," suggested bart. "you ought to have some big adjectives on hand, left over from that last french history lesson. this is too much for stumpy." "it certainly is a lot of water," commented frank. "i thought lake erie was big, but this seems to beat it." the boys stood at the rail, absorbed in the contemplation of the beautiful scene before them. captain wiggs too, though he had viewed the lake many times, could not but admire the beauty of it as it sparkled in the morning sun. one of the men from the engine room suddenly appeared on deck, and, standing behind the commander, who was explaining something to the boys, waited until the captain had finished. "did you wish to see me?" asked mr. wiggs, turning to the man. "yes, sir. mr. mcdougall told me to ask you to step below, sir." "what's the trouble?" for the man seemed a little uneasy. "i don't know exactly, sir, but i think it's a leak." "a leak?" "yes, sir. mr. mcdougall thinks some of the forward plates have started." "it must have been the storm," commented captain wiggs, as he hastened below. "yet it's a good while taking effect. i hope it isn't serious." chapter xii ned gets a fish "hark!" exclaimed bart. "what's that sound?" "the pumps!" replied fenn. "they've started 'em. it must be a bad leak. we'd better get life preservers." "don't get excited," counseled frank coolly. "wait until you see how bad it is. these steamers are all built with water-tight compartments, and it would take quite a hole to make one of them sink. the starting of a few plates wouldn't do it." his words calmed his chums, and, when captain wiggs came on deck, a few minutes later, he announced that the leak was not a serious one, though it would be necessary to go ashore to make repairs. it was found, on docking the _modoc_ that the repairs would take about a week, and this period the boys spent in making excursions on shore, in the vicinity of the town. they had a good time, and the delay did not seem very long because of the many interesting sights. they visited a large saw mill where the logs, that had been brought down the lake in big rafts, were cut up into lumber, and the foreman of the plant showed them the various processes through which the tree trunks went before they were turned out in the shape of boards, planks or timbers. "well, we'll start in the morning, boys," announced captain wiggs one night. "the _modoc_ is in good shape again, and we'll have to make good time from now on, because of our delays." early the next morning the vessel was under way again. out on lake huron it steamed, plowing through the blue waters, under a sunny sky, while a gentle breeze stirred up little waves. "why don't you boys do some fishing?" asked captain wiggs, as he noticed the four chums sitting near the after rail, talking among themselves. "we didn't know we could catch anything here," replied ned. "i don't either," was the captain's answer, "but you can't tell until you try. there is plenty of tackle aboard, and you might land something nice. there are fish in the lake--plenty of 'em. the thing to do is to catch 'em." the boys needed no other invitation, and soon they had lines trailing over the stern of the ship, far enough away from the screw to avoid getting tangled in the blades. mr. ackerman, the sick passenger, who has improved considerably, also took a line, and joined the boys. "let's see who gets the biggest fish," proposed ned. "let's see who gets the first one," supplemented bart. "that's the best test." it did not look as if luck was going to be very good, for the lines had been over half an hour, and no one had had so much as a nibble. "this is getting tiresome," spoke ned, as he assumed a more comfortable position in his chair. then he tied his line to his wrist, propped his feet up on the rail, and lounged back. "well, if that isn't a lazy way of fishing!" exclaimed frank. "why don't you sit up?" "i will when i get a bite," replied ned. they resumed their waiting, with that patience which is, or ought to be, part of every angler's outfit. suddenly frank nudged bart and pointed to ned. the latter had fallen asleep in his chair. "let's play a joke on him," proposed fenn in a whisper. "i'll tie him fast in his chair." "no, let's pull up his line and fasten an old shoe, or something like that to it," proposed frank. "he'll think he has a big bite." they started to put this plan into operation, when, as they were about to pull up ned's line, they saw it suddenly straighten out. "he's got a bite!" exclaimed fenn. "yes, and a whopper, too," added frank. "look at it!" cried bart, as some big fish, at the stern of the boat, leaped out of the water and fell back with a splash. then the line about ned's wrist tightened. he felt the pull and awakened. "i've got him!" he cried. "i've got the biggest one!" the next moment he went sprawling from his chair, while his arm was straightened out in front of him, for the strong line, to which a big fish was attached, was fairly pulling him along. "look out! he'll go overboard!" cried mr. ackerman. bart made one leap, and grabbed ned around the waist. this saved the luckless youth from being pulled over the rail, but it did not release him from his predicament. "oh! ouch!" cried ned. "it's pulling my arm off!" indeed this seemed likely to happen, for the line was very strong, and the lad had tied it securely about his wrist. it could not slip over his hand, and the fish on the other end was tugging away for dear life. doubtless it would have been glad enough to escape, but it was fairly caught, for as they afterward found, it had swallowed ned's bait, hook and all. "let go!" yelled ned to bart, who was clinging to his waist. "if i do you'll go overboard!" replied bart. he felt his chum slipping from his grasp. "give me a hand here!" bart called to fenn and frank. they jumped to his aid, while mr. ackerman, in an excess of nervous fright, ran up and down the deck shouting: "captain! captain wiggs! stop the ship! a shark has got hold of one of the boys!" "what's that? what's the trouble?" asked the commander, hurrying up from the cabin. "a shark has got ned!" repeated the invalid. "shark? in lake huron?" replied the commander. "you're crazy!" "guess it must be a whale, by the way it pulls," said bart. "it's one of the big lake fish!" exclaimed the captain. "they're as strong as a pony. wait, i'll cut the line!" "no, don't!" begged ned, who, now that his three chums had hold of him, was in no danger of going overboard, though the thin, but tough cord, was cutting deep into his wrist, where he had foolishly tied it. "here, lend a hand!" called captain wiggs to a sailor who was passing. the man grabbed the line with both hands and soon was able, with the help which frank and fenn gave him, to haul in the fish. it seemed as if they really had a shark on the end of the line, but, when the finny specimen was gotten on deck, it was seen that it was not as large as the boys had imagined. "who would have thought it was so strong?" asked ned, rubbing his chafed wrist. "the speed of the boat had something to do with it," said the captain. "you were pulling on the fish broadside i guess, but it is a very strong species even at that. they're not often caught on a hand line." "are they good to eat?" asked ned, wishing to derive some benefit from his experience. "some folks like 'em, but they're a little too strong for me," answered the captain. "however, i think the crew will be glad to get it?" and he looked questioningly at the sailor who had helped land the prize. "yes, sir," replied the man, touching his cap. he took the fish to the galley, where the cook prepared it for the men's dinner. the boys tasted it, but did not care for the flavor. "aren't you going to fish any more?" asked the captain, as he saw ned coiling up his line, after the fish had been taken away. "that's enough for one day," was the boy's reply. "the other fellows can, if they like. my wrist is too sore." "lucky you didn't tie the line to your toe," said frank. "why?" "because you'd probably be walking lame now, if you had. as it is you can't sign any checks for a while, i s'pose." "oh, you and your checks!" exclaimed ned, in no mood to have fun poked at him. "moral! don't go to sleep while you're fishing," said bart. "well, i did better than you fellows did. you didn't get anything," retorted the fisherman. chapter xiii caught in the lock ned, at the suggestion of the captain, put some salve on his wrist, for the cord had cut through the flesh. then he had bart bandage it up. this done the boys resumed their seats near the after rail, and talked about ned's exciting catch. "i hope you don't try such a thing again," remarked mr. ackerman, as he came back from his cabin. "it's a little too much for my nerves." he sank down in a deck chair, and the boys noticed that he was quite pale. he seemed unable to get his breath. "would you mind--would one of you mind, reaching in my pocket and getting a bottle of smelling salts that i carry," he asked. "i think if i took a sniff i'd feel better." "i will," volunteered fenn, for mr. ackerman's hands hung limply by his side, and he seemed incapable of helping himself. "is this it?" asked fenn, as he reached in the upper right hand pocket of the invalid's vest and pulled out a small bottle. "no--no," was the answer, half whispered. "that is my headache cure. i think it must be in the lower pocket." fenn replaced the headache cure and explored the lower right-hand vest pocket. "is this it?" he inquired, drawing up a small box. "no, no--my dear young friend--those are my liver pills. try again. i think it must be on the other side." he still seemed too weak to raise his hands. ned was about to call captain wiggs, but fenn made another try. "i have it!" he exclaimed, pulling out a shining metal tube. "no--no," said the invalid faintly, opening his eyes and looking at what fenn held up. "that's my asthma cure. try the next pocket, please." "say, he'll kick the bucket if fenn doesn't find that medicine pretty soon," whispered frank. "guess i'll help him." fenn began a search of the lower left-hand vest pocket. he brought up a bottle, containing a dark liquid. wishing to make sure he had the right stuff, he smelled of it, before asking mr. ackerman to open his eyes and look at it. "is that it?" whispered ned. "smells bad enough to be it," was fenn's answer. "no, no. you haven't got it yet," spoke the invalid, in peevish tones. "that is my heart remedy. i must kindly ask you to try again. i remember now, it's in my right-hand coat pocket." fenn replaced the heart cure and made one more attempt. this time he brought up a short, squatty, round bottle. "that's it!" exclaimed the invalid joyfully, "now, please hold it to my nose. not too close." however, he spoke too late, for fenn had placed the open phial right under mr. ackerman's nose. the invalid gave one sniff, and then jumped from the chair as if he was shot. "wow! ouch! help!" he cried. "that's strong ammonia! i use it for hay fever. that's the wrong medicine! oh! the back of my neck is coming off!" he held his handkerchief to his face, the tears coming from his eyes because of the strong stuff. "i remember now!" he managed to gasp. "i left my smelling salts in my stateroom. but i can get them now. i'm better--much better!" "i believe he is," remarked frank, when mr. ackerman had gone below. "say, isn't he the limit, with his different kind of medicines?" "you shouldn't make fun of him," spoke bart. "whew!" suddenly exclaimed the captain's voice. "i guess my invalid passenger must have been around here," and he breathed in the ammonia-laden air. "he seems to be quite sick," said fenn. "sick?" repeated the commander. "say, i wouldn't want him to hear me, but he's no more sick than i am. he's only got a touch of hypochondriacism." "will--will he die soon of it?" asked fenn. "die? i wish i had his chance of living," went on the captain. "i guess you don't quite understand. maybe that word was too much for you. a person who has hypochondriacism has a little stomach trouble, and the rest is only imaginary. that's what mr. ackerman has. every once in a while he takes a trip with me, for the sake of his health, he says, but i think it's to get away from working. say, did he ask you to reach in his pocket for some medicines for him?" "yes," replied fenn, "and i had quite a time finding it." "i should think you would. he's a regular walking drug store. if he'd throw all his powders, pills and liquids away, and live out of doors, he'd be all right in a month. i'm not making fun of him, but i wish somebody would, some day. maybe it would cure him." "he seemed pretty sick," ventured bart. "but he was lively enough when he smelled that ammonia i gave him by mistake," said fenn. "ammonia?" questioned the commander, and the boys then told him what had happened. "ha! ho!" laughed captain wiggs. "that is the best joke yet! ammonia! oh my! i'll bet he was lively! why, i can smell it yet!" the little experience seemed to do mr. ackerman good, and it was several days before he complained again. then he was seemingly as badly off as ever, taking some sort of medicine almost every hour. but the boys understood him now, and did not waste so much sympathy on him. the _modoc_ steamed on, covering many miles over lake huron until, towards evening one afternoon, captain wiggs announced that morning would find them at the entrance of st. mary's river, the connecting link between lakes huron and superior. "can you boys stand a little jarring?" he asked, as they were in the main cabin, after supper. "jarring? why?" inquired frank. "because we've got to jump the ship over st. mary's falls, and we don't always make it the first time," was the answer, given with much gravity. "often we miss and fall back, and it jars the ship up quite a bit." "oh, are we going through the 'soo' canal?" asked fenn eagerly, for he had been reading up about the great lakes, just before coming on the trip. "that's the only way of getting around the falls," replied the captain. "i see you don't put much faith in my jumping story." "we have to go through a lock, don't we?" bart wanted to know. "yes," said captain wiggs, spreading a map out on the table, "we go through the canal, and lock, being raised up several feet, to the level of lake superior. if all goes well we'll be through the lock by noon to-morrow." "why do they call it the 'soo' canal?" asked ned. "because it is named after the falls," was the commander's reply. "the falls are called sault saint marie, and that word which is spelled 's-a-u-l-t' is pronounced as if it were spelled 's-o-o.' it is a french word, and means a leap, or water-fall. so you see when you say 'sault (soo) saint marie' you are really saying 'st. mary's waterfall.' the canal, and the city located along it, both take the name of the falls." the boys were up early the next morning to catch the first glimpse of the canal, lock and falls. it was some time before they reached them, however, and, when they did arrive at the canal, they found several vessels ahead of them, and had to wait their turn for entering the lock. they had a fine view of the surrounding country and the falls of st. mary's, spanned by a big railroad bridge. when they approached the lock, they saw that the canal was there divided by two walls of masonry making two locks and enclosing a space that was laid out like a little park, with grass plots and trees. along the edges of the retaining walls, which were very wide, many persons were walking. at last it was the turn of the _modoc_ to enter the lock. she steamed slowly ahead, and an empty grain barge was also sent in at the same time, the lock being large enough for two vessels. when the craft were in, the immense gates were closed behind them. the _modoc_ and the grain barge were now shut up in something like a box of masonry, with water for a bottom, and the sky for a top. the boys watched the men open the water-gates that let in a flood of liquid that swept in from lake superior, through the long canal. slowly the two vessels began to rise. the water boiled and bubbled, churning into foam as it forced its way in. it seemed as though it was protesting at being made to hoist the ships, instead of being allowed to course on to the mighty ocean. up and up went the great craft, being lifted as easily by the powerful water, as though some giant hand had reached down from the sky and was elevating them. a few feet more and they would be able to steam out on the upper lever of the canal, and thence into lake superior. suddenly a rope, that held the grain barge from drifting too close to the forward gates, parted. the churning of the water sent the clumsy craft ahead, and, in a moment the bow was caught under one of the heavy beams of the gate. as the water was still lifting, the nose of the craft became depressed, while the stern rose. then the barge swung over against the _modoc_, and a projection on it caught against the latter craft. the barge was now held down, bow and stern, while, from beneath, it was being lifted by an irresistible force of water. the barge careened to one side, and the _modoc_ began to heel over. "shut off the water!" cried captain wiggs, who saw the danger. "shut her off, quick, or we'll be stove in!" chapter xiv mysterious strangers under the forward gates, and through openings in them, the water was still bubbling and foaming, seeking to establish a level with that on the other side of the barrier. lower and lower sank the bow of the barge, for it was held fast on the beam. the _modoc_ heeled over more and more. "shut off the water!" again cried the captain. then the attendants at the lock were made aware that something was wrong. orders were shouted; men ran to and fro. with immense levers they shut the flood gates, and, slowly and sullenly, as though cheated of its prey, the bubbling subsided. "we must pull the barge back!" cried one of the lock men, running up along the cement wall. "no, don't do that," advised captain wiggs, as he stood on the bridge of his vessel, while the boys, who were much alarmed by the impending accident, had joined him, for they were permitted the run of the ship. "why not?" asked the man. "we've got to free her from that gate beam." "yes, but if you pull her out from under the edge of that beam suddenly, she's sure to bound up, and then she'll come slap-bang against the side of my craft. besides, i think she's held so tight that you can't pull her back." "what shall we do?" asked the man, recognizing that captain wiggs knew what he was about. "let the water out from the rear gate," was his suggestion. "that will lower my vessel and the barge gradually. they'll assume their right positions, and no damage will be done. then you can raise us again, and be sure no more ropes break. i don't want an accident like that again." the captain's advice was followed. when the water ceased coming in the forward gate, the men ran to the rear one and opened the valves there. out rushed the imprisoned fluid, boiling and bubbling at a great rate. slowly the two big vessels began to sink. the barge swung away from the _modoc_ and then, a little later, when the water had fallen sufficiently, the bow was released from the projecting beam. the two crafts were now in the same positions they had been in when they first entered the lock. men hastily fastened heavier ropes to the barge, and took several turns about strong bitts, so the ship could not again drift into danger. then the flood was once more allowed to enter the lock. again the vessels rose, and this time, without mishap, they were floated to the higher level of the canal. the forward gates were opened and out toward lake superior steamed the _modoc_, followed by the slower grain barge. the boys looked around them, being able to get a better view now, as they were some distance higher, being on a level with the top of the falls, off to their right. they saw a long string of vessels, some waiting to enter the locks to proceed east, while others were coming west. "that was a narrow escape," remarked bart, when the ship was again proceeding along. "yes, we seem to be sort of up against lots of hard luck this trip," remarked the captain. "i think you boys must be responsible." "how?" asked fenn, for the captain looked serious. "why, you're regular jonahs. if there were any whales in these waters i'd try the experiment of throwing one of you overboard, to see if i couldn't change my luck." "i'd be willing to jump over and take a swim," volunteer ned. "it looks nice and cool in there, and it's hot up here." it was a warm july day, and the weather was humid and unpleasant. "maybe when we get further out on lake superior, and come to some good place to tie up, i'll give you a chance to take a dip," responded the commander. "i'd like one myself." "ned must take care not to go to sleep, or he'll be carried under by a big fish," suggested fenn, taking precautions to get beyond the reach of his chum's arm. the _modoc_ touched at a port of call that afternoon, and captain wiggs found awaiting him a message which changed matters so that he did not have to be in any hurry to conclude his voyage. "this will give us a chance to lay-to, and go ashore," he said to the boys. "you might as well have a good time while you are on this cruise. no telling when you'll get another." it was a day after this, one of the hottest that the boys ever remembered, that the _modoc_ came to anchor off shore, near a little bay, on the edge of which, and about three miles away from where they laid-to, was a good-sized town. "now for a swim!" exclaimed ned. "can we take the boat and go ashore, captain?" the desired permission being given, the four chums were soon rowing toward where they saw a sandy beach, that seemed to be put there on purpose for bathing. they hauled the boat up on shore and soon were disporting themselves in the water. "oh, this is something like!" exclaimed fenn, as he proceeded to float with nothing but his face out of the water. "yes, you look just like a baby crocodile," replied frank. "i do, eh?" asked fenn, diving suddenly and coming up under frank, whom he ducked unceremoniously. "here! quit-erurgle-gurgle!" called the luckless one, as he sank out of sight. then the boys began to play tricks on each other, had impromptu races and diving contests, and enjoyed themselves to the limit in the cool water. "let's dress and go on a little exploring trip," proposed fenn, after they had spent an hour in the lake. "we've got time enough before we have to go aboard." his suggestion was well received, and soon the four chums were strolling back from the lake, through the dense woods that bordered it. they had not gone far before frank, who was in advance, suddenly halted. he motioned to the others to approach silently, and they joined him on tip-toe. "what is it?" asked ned. frank pointed through the bushes. beyond the screen of the underbrush the boys could see a road. it did not seem to be much traveled, but what attracted their attention was a big automobile, drawn back, and almost hidden in the thicket. "the machine's been abandoned," was bart's opinion. "it is probably broken." "hush!" cautioned frank, and not a moment too soon, for, at that instant two men stepped cautiously out of the bushes near the auto. one of them produced a telescope, and pointed it at the lake, which was just visible through the trees. the boys looked at the man. he seemed a rough sort of fellow, with an unpleasant face. he was poorly dressed, and the lads noticed that, standing against a tree near him, was a rifle. but it was a sight of the man's companion which caused the boys to stare again and wonder. for the second man was a chinese, though he wore american clothes. under his hat, however, could be seen the tell-tale queue. the white man handed his celestial companion the telescope, and murmured something to him, evidently in chinese. the other replied and applied the glass to his eye. no sooner had he done so that he uttered an exclamation, and began jumping about. the other man snatched the glass and took a look. then they both talked very excitedly, pointing to the lake and then at the auto. "i wonder what they can be up to?" whispered fenn. at that moment he stepped on a loose branch. it broke with a sharp report, and the chinaman and the white man glanced to where the boys were hidden. "come on!" exclaimed frank. "they may come after us!" chapter xv a queer find off through the woods ran the darewell chums, and it needed but a moment's listening to tell them that the two mysterious men were after them. "hurry!" called frank to fenn, who, because of his natural inability, was not able to run as fast as could the others. "come on, or they'll catch you!" "i don't see--what we've done--that we--should run," panted the stout youth. "these woods--are free. why haven't we--a right to walk in them?" "this is out west and they do things differently from what they do where we come from," responded bart, looking back. "evidently those men didn't want to be observed." "are they coming?" asked ned. "no," replied bart, pausing in his race, "they seemed to have stopped in that little clearing we just passed through." "the chinese is trying to induce the white man to come back," said frank. this was the case for, as the boys watched, they saw the pig-tailed celestial grasp his companion by the arm, and, pointing toward the lake, fairly pull him back along the path they had come. "they must be interested in some boat," suggested fenn. "say, fellows," he added hastily. "i'll bet i know what it is." "what?" inquired bart, as he stooped over to pick a lot of burdock burrs from his trousers. "these men have something to do with the two who chased us back at the elevator fire. i'll bet they're part of the same gang, and they're trying to work some trick on the _modoc_! we ought to hurry back and tell captain wiggs!" "oh, you're 'way off!" declared frank. "i don't believe these men even know those who chased us." "then who are they?" demanded fenn. "i don't know," said frank. "evidently they are interested in some boat they expect from across the lake. that is very evident from the way they acted; looking through the telescope, and all that. perhaps they have mistaken our vessel for the one they are looking for." "no," remarked bart. "i noticed when the chinese pointed the glass he aimed it in a different direction from that in which the _modoc_ lies." "then what boat are they expecting?" asked ned. "that's too big a question for me," replied bart. "it certainly is a queer thing to see a chinese and a white man in such close company, off here in the woods." "and then the auto," put in fenn. "what do you suppose that's for?" "it's part of the same game," was frank's opinion. "well, i don't know that it's up to us to discover it," went on fenn. "it's about time we got back to the ship, anyhow. come on. we'll keep on this way, and fetch around to the beach in a circle. then we'll not run across those two queer men." the boys advanced, laying their course as best they could. now and then, through the trees, they could get a glimpse of the lake, and they knew they were going in the right direction. they came to a little gully, in a dense part of the woods, and had to descend into it, to get across, as it extended for quite a distance in either direction. frank led the way, half slipping, half sliding down the sides. as he reached the bottom he gave a startled cry that alarmed his companions. "hurt yourself?" asked bart. "no, but look what i've found!" "a gold mine?" inquired ned, with a laugh. "part of a clothing store," replied frank. "look!" and he pointed to where, behind a clump of trees, was a large pile of men's clothing, hats, shoes, coats, vests, trousers and shirts. "that solves the mystery!" exclaimed fenn. "how?" asked bart. "why there's been a big robbery! the men have hidden their booty in the woods, until they have a chance to carry it away. those two men we just saw are members of the gang. they're keeping a look-out until their boat comes and then they'll take the stuff away. yes, that's it!" "i believe fenn's right," declared ned. "do you?" asked frank quietly. "then how do you account for the fact that all the garments are old? there's not a new one among 'em, not even the shoes. you can see for yourself." the boys looked more closely at the garments, which were arranged in piles, with canvas coverings tossed to one side, as though they had been protected from the weather, and recently opened. they did not touch the things, but it did not need a close inspection to show that frank was right. the garments were all old ones. "if there was a robbery it must have been of a second-hand store," went on frank, "and that's not likely. besides, see here," and he pointed a little farther off, where a heap of chinese clothing lay on the ground. "well, if this doesn't beat the dutch!" exclaimed bart. "what do you make out of that?" it was a strange find. first to come across a chinese and an american, in excited conversation in the depths of the woods, and then to discover a pile of clothes, such as are worn by white men, close to a heap, evidently discarded by a band of celestials, was sufficient, as bart said, to beat not only the dutch, but the french, english, german, spanish and a few other nations. the boys went closer to the garments of the celestials. these clothes, as did the others, exhibited unmistakable signs of wear. but they were not piled in orderly heaps; instead, being tossed carelessly together, as if they were no longer of any service. "isn't this a regular chinese puzzle?" remarked ned. "i believe they are chinese smugglers!" chorused fenn and bart. "that's what," said frank. "those two men we saw were evidently the look-outs, watching for the boat load to arrive. when the travelers from the flowery kingdom land, they are brought here, to this secluded place, and here they take off their blouses and wide pants, and put on old american clothes. old ones, so they attract no attention. i'll wager that's the solution to this chinese puzzle." "but where do the chinamen come from?" asked ned. "we're a good ways from china." "from canada," answered frank. "i remember reading lately about a lot of chinese who were taken into canada from the pacific coast. they were brought by rail to a place on lake superior about opposite here, and smuggled into this country in boats." "that's right," agreed bart. "i read how one boat load, which the smugglers were bringing over, was caught in a storm, and all the chinese drowned." "but why do they bring them over?" asked fenn, who was usually too full of fun, or too interested in some girl, to pay much attention to current events. "why, there's a united states law against letting any more chinese come in," explained frank. "the only way they can get in is to smuggle here. it's easy to get them into canada, and then, if they can make a trip across the lake, and land in some secluded spot, they're all right, if they're not discovered, and that is no easy matter, as the chinese all look so much alike." "then that white man we saw must have been one of the agents engaged in smuggling," said bart. "i've read they have a regularly organized company, and get good money from the chinese whom they smuggle over. the pig-tailed chap with him, was evidently a helper or interpreter, who was on hand because the boat was expected." "that's why they were looking across the lake with a telescope then," ventured fenn. "say, it's as clear as daylight now. i wonder if we couldn't stay and see 'em land?" "not much!" exclaimed frank. "the chances are the plans are all off, for the time being. that white man will suspect we were spying on him, and when they ran back that time, i guess it was to signal to the boat not to land. we must have given them quite a scare." "but what was the auto for?" asked ned, who liked to go into details, and who always wanted to know the why and wherefore of things. "i guess it was to take the chinese to some place where they could stay until it was safe to venture out," said frank. "sometimes they have to jump around pretty lively, i imagine, especially if the government detectives get after them." "perhaps we'd better go and tell captain wiggs what we have discovered," suggested fenn. "he may want to notify the authorities." "good idea," commented bart. "come on." as the boys started to leave the little gully where the clothing was hidden, they heard a noise behind them. turning quickly they saw the white man and chinese, as they broke through the underbrush. "they're after us!" exclaimed fenn in a hoarse whisper. chapter xvi fire on board but this time it proved to be the other way about. the two mysterious men, at the sight of the boys, dived back into the woods again, and showed no desire to come to closer acquaintance with them. instead of taking after the four chums, the men acted as though they feared pursuit. "they're running away from us!" exclaimed frank. "i guess we haven't anything to fear from them." suddenly, through the forest, there sounded a shrill steam whistle. "what's that?" asked ned. "captain wiggs, signalling to us," replied frank. "i guess we've stayed in the woods too long. come on." "maybe it's the smugglers' boat," suggested fenn. "i guess not," frank remarked. "they've been signalled to keep off. that was the _modoc's_ whistle. i recognized it." frank's words proved correct, for, when the boys reached the shore, they again heard the signal, and saw steam coming from the whistle pipe of the vessel on which they were cruising. "look there!" exclaimed frank, pointing off to the left. the boys glanced in the direction, and saw a boat. from the funnels black smoke was pouring, as if every effort was being made to get up steam. "that's the smugglers' craft, very likely," the lad went on. "she's making fast time away from here." captain wiggs listened gravely to what the boys had to tell him. he agreed with frank, that the smugglers of chinese had tried to make a landing, but, evidently, had been frightened off. "what will they do now?" asked ned. "change the landing place to some other locality," replied the captain. "up or down the coast. up, i should say, seeing the way that steamer's headed," and he pointed to the craft, with the black smoke hanging like a cloud over it. the vessel was almost out of sight. "what will they do with the clothes?" asked bart. "oh, they'll take 'em along. probably that's what the two men came to get, when they saw you and ran away. it's a well organized business, this chinese smuggling, and there is a lot of money in it--for the agents. they are probably saying all kinds of mean things about you, for breaking up their plans." "then i hope they don't catch us alone off in the woods, sometime," remarked fenn. "that chinese didn't look like a very pleasant fellow to meet after dark; especially if he had a grudge against you." "i think you've seen the last of 'em," declared captain wiggs. "if i thought it worth while i'd notify the government authorities, but, by the time i could get a message to 'em, the smugglers will be miles away. there's no telling where they'll land next time. the steamer will hang around the coast, until it gets a signal all is clear. then the pig-tails will be dumped into a boat, rowed ashore, and the vessel will scoot off for another load in canada." the anchor was broken out, hoisted, and soon, under a good head of steam, the _modoc_ was proceeding over lake superior at a fast rate, for, though he carried no perishable freight, and had no special date of arriving at duluth, captain wiggs believed in doing what he had to do as quickly as possible. that night fenn, who was not sleeping as soundly as he should, in consequence of having eaten too much supper, was awakened by hearing a peculiar buzzing noise. at first he could not locate it, and then, after sitting up in his bunk, he decided it came from the stateroom adjoining his, and which had no occupant this voyage. "it sounds like a hive of bees," he said to himself. "i wonder if the captain can have any in there." then the absurdity of such an idea was apparent to him, and he smiled at his notion. still the buzzing continued, growing louder. fenn was wide awake now. "maybe something is wrong with the ship," he reasoned. "that sound might be water coming in through a leak. i think i'll tell the captain." he got up, and, moving about his stateroom, in search of his trousers and slippers, he knocked a glass out of the rack. "what's that?" called frank, who was a light sleeper. "it's me," replied fenn. "what's the matter? sick?" "no, but i heard a funny sound, and i want to find out what it is. maybe the boat's sprung another leak." "oh, you're dreaming," commented frank. "go back to bed." "well, you come in here and listen, if you think i'm dreaming," retorted fenn. frank jumped out of his berth and came into his chum's room. the buzzing had increased in intensity, and frank had no difficulty in hearing it. "what did i tell you?" asked fenn, in triumph. "it is a queer sound," admitted frank. "what's in that next room?" "nothing, that i know of. i passed it this morning, the door was open, and it was empty." "then let's have a look," suggested frank, stepping out into the passage. "maybe you'd better--maybe it's a--" stammered fenn. "well, what?" demanded frank. "are you afraid?" "maybe it's an infernal machine those smugglers put aboard," went on fenn. "it sounds just like one." "how do you know how an infernal machine sounds?" asked frank. "well, i mean like i've read of their sounding." "oh, that's different. but this is no such thing. besides, how could the smugglers get one aboard? they haven't been near the ship." this was, of course, unanswerable, and fenn followed frank into the corridor, and to the door of the stateroom, whence sounded the peculiar buzzing noise. as they stood outside the portal it could be heard more plainly. "here goes!" whispered frank, turning the knob. both he and fenn started back in surprise, at the sight which greeted them. there, sitting in a steamer chair, in a big red bath robe, was the invalid, mr. ackerman. on the bunk in front of him was a small box, from which extended cords, terminating in shining metal tubes, which he held in his hand. the buzzing was coming from the small box. "oh, boys, i'm glad to see you!" exclaimed the man who thought he was sick. "what's the matter?" asked frank, in some alarm. "i'm taking a current of electricity, from my medical battery," was the answer. "electricity?" repeated the two chums, in questioning accents. "yes, from the battery. you see i couldn't sleep, and i often find a current of electricity is beneficial. i did not want to awaken captain wiggs with the buzz of my machine, for it makes quite a noise, so i brought it into this empty stateroom. i hope i didn't disturb you." mr. ackerman did not wait for the boys to answer. instead he continued: "but i'm glad you came in. i want to take a stronger current, and it goes better if i have some one to share it with me. if you will be so kind, you can each take one of the tubes in your hand, and i will take hold of your other hands. thus we will form a circle, with me in the center. i think i shall be able to get a current then, that will cause me to go to sleep." the boys were a little apprehensive, for, though they had taken electric "shocks" at school, during the experiments, they did not care for the amusement. however, they did not like to refuse, so, rather gingerly, fenn grasped one handle, and frank the other. mr. ackerman then did something to the battery which made it buzz louder than ever. "all ready," he announced, as he grasped fenn's right hand in his left and frank's left in his right. the instant that he did so it seemed as if the trio had been hit by something. they all doubled up, the arms of the boys and the invalid jerking like the legs of a frog. "ow!" cried fenn. "let go!" called frank. but there was no need for any one to let go. with an exclamation of great astonishment, mr. ackerman jerked his hands from the involuntary grip of the boys'. that at once broke the circuit, and the current ceased to have any effect. the machine was still buzzing away, however. "oh, dear! oh, dear!" murmured the invalid. "i meant to turn on the weak current, and i turned on the strong one! did you get bad shocks, boys?" "did we!" exclaimed fenn. "say, it feels as if i had eaten some strong horse-radish by mistake." "it seems as if a mule kicked me," remarked frank, rubbing his arms. "i'm very sorry," apologized mr. ackerman. "i really did not intend that. i hope you believe i did not." he seemed quite distressed over the happening. "that's all right," spoke fenn, good-naturedly. "we know it was an accident." "rather a fortunate accident, too," went on the invalid. "my nerves are much calmer now. i really think i shall be able to go to sleep. i must have taken the right kind of a current without knowing it. i'll do it the next time i find myself too wakeful." "please excuse us from helping," begged frank, with a smile. "it's a little too much." "oh, no, i wouldn't think of shocking you again," said mr. ackerman as he began to take the battery apart for packing. "i shall take the current alone. but there, i must not talk or i shall be awake again. i must hurry and get to sleep." "isn't he the limit!" exclaimed fenn, when he and frank were back in the stateroom again. "he thinks that was fun for us." the electrical treatment appeared to improve the sick man, for, the next day he was much better, and even laughed and joked about the night's experience. the _modoc_ continued on her course, putting many knots behind her, and the boys were more and more delighted with their cruise, which every day revealed to them new beauties of scenery. one afternoon, when they were within a day's travel of duluth, captain wiggs, who was sitting on deck with the four chums, arose suddenly and began to sniff the air. "what's the matter? is the cook burning the steak?" asked fenn. "something's burning," answered the commander, with a grave face. a moment later a sailor, much excited, came rushing up on deck. "fire in the forward hold, sir!" he called. chapter xvii a strange vision captain wiggs was not built on speed lines. he was short and squatty, and inclined to be fat. but the way in which he hustled about as soon as he heard what the sailor said was sufficient to qualify him to enter a go-as-you-please race of almost any kind. with a few jumps he was at the companionway leading below, and, as he went the boys could hear him call out: "ring the fire alarm! every man to his station! someone tell the pilot to slow down! signal to the engineer to get the pumps in gear!" nor were the members of the crew slow to carry out the commander's instructions. one man rang the automatic fire alarm, that sounded in every part of the vessel. another hurried to the bridge, where he delivered the message about stopping the boat. the _modoc_ at once began to lose way and, a moment later, the vibration from the engine room told the boys that the pumps had been started. "let's go below and see if we can help," suggested bart, and the four chums went down in a hurry. they found men dragging lines of hose forward where little curls of smoke began coming from an open hatchway. "drown her out, men!" cried the captain. "it'll be all day with us if the flames get loose in that dry freight!" several of the men, dragging the snaky lines of hose, dropped down into the hold. they called for water, and the captain signalled for it to be turned on. the flat hose bulged out like a snake after a full meal, and a splashing sound from below told that the quenching fluid was getting in its work. "can we do anything?" asked fenn, as he saw captain wiggs taking off his coat and donning oil skins. "not now, i guess. you might stand by for orders though. there's no telling into what this will develope." it was getting quite smoky below, and the hold, down into which the commander had disappeared, was pouring out a volume of black vapor. "tell 'em to send another line of hose!" came a voice from below, and fenn hurried to the engineer's room with the order. several men sprang at once to obey. the hose was unreeled from a rack on the partition, and run out to the hold. then the engineer started another pump, that had been held in reserve. there were now three lines of hose pouring water on the flames, which the boys could not see. that the blaze was not succumbing so quickly as had been hoped for, was evident by the shouts and excitement that came from the depths of the ship. "tell 'em to give us more water!" yelled the captain to the boys waiting above. frank rushed with the order, glad to escape the smoke, which was momentarily growing thicker. "tell him he's got all the water i can give him!" shouted the engineer, above the noise of the clanking machinery. "one of the pumps has gone out of commission!" frank shouted what the engineer had said to captain wiggs, below in the darkness. "then we've got to batten down the hatches and turn live steam into this hold!" was what the commander called back. "tell him to get up a good head!" frank did so. when he returned captain wiggs was just making his way out of the hold. he was black, and smoke-begrimed, while he dripped water from every point of his yellow garments. "is there any danger?" asked ned. "there always is with a fire aboard a ship," answered the commander. "but i think we'll be able to hold her down if we get plenty of steam. come on up, men," he added, and the sailors scrambled up. they looked more like colored, than white men. captain wiggs acted quickly. when the last man was up, the hatches, or coverings to the hold, were fastened down, and tarpaulins, wet with water, to make them air tight, were spread over the top. then, from pipes which ran into the hold from below, and which were for use in emergency, jets of live steam were blown into the compartment. this, the commander knew, would penetrate to every nook and corner, reaching where water could not, and would soon quench the flames. "now, all we can do is to wait," said the captain, as he sat down, for he was almost exhausted. that was the hardest part of all. when one can be busy at something, getting out of danger, or fighting a fire that can be seen, the nervous fear is swallowed up in action. but to sit and wait--wait for the unseen steam to do its work,--that was very trying. still there was no help for it. captain wiggs looked to the other part of the cargo, seeing that there was no danger of that taking fire. the forward hold was separated from the others by thick bulkheads, and there was little chance of the fire breaking through. the hull of the _modoc_ was of steel, and, provided the fire did not get hot enough to warp any of the plates, there was small danger to the ship itself. "we'll have to head for shore, in case it becomes necessary to break out the cargo," decided the captain, as he went on deck. "come on, boys. we can do nothing now, and we want to get some of this smoke out of our lungs." the course of the ship was changed. captain wiggs got out his charts and looked them over. "where will we land?" asked fenn. "not much of anywhere," was the reply. "there is no good harbor this side of duluth, but i've got to do the best i can. there is a little bay, about opposite here. there's no settlement near it, but i understand there's a good shore, and i'm going to make for it, in case this fire gets beyond my control." urged on by all the steam the engines could take, though much was needed for the fire, the vessel plowed ahead. "land ho!" called the lookout, and the captain, taking an observation, announced they were close to the bay of which he had spoken. when it was reached it was found to be a secluded harbor, with nothing in sight on the shores of it save a few old huts, that appeared to be deserted. "not a very lively place," commented the captain. "still, it will do all right if we have to land the cargo." the anchor was dropped and then all there was to do was to wait for the fire to be extinguished. the boys remained on deck, looking at the scenery about them. back of the bay, rising almost from the edge of the water, were a series of steep cliffs, of bare rock for the most part, but studded, here and there, with clumps of bushes and small trees, that somehow, found a lodgement for their roots on little ledges. "it's a lonesome sort of place," remarked fenn. "not a soul within sight." hardly had he spoken than there was seen on the face of the cliff, as if by a trick, the figure of a man. he seemed to come out, as does a magic-lantern picture on a sheet, so quickly did he appear where, before, there had been nothing but bare brown rock. "look!" exclaimed fenn, pointing. "a chinaman!" exclaimed bart. "one of the smugglers!" the boys jumped to their feet, and approached closer to the ship's rail, to get a better view. as they did so the chinese vanished as though the cliff wall had opened and swallowed him up. chapter xviii an exploring party "well, what do you think of that?" asked fenn, in surprised accents. "did he fall down?" "doesn't look so," answered frank. "i wonder if we really saw him, or whether it was a sort of day dream?" "oh, we saw him all right enough," said bart. "he looked to me just like the chinaman we saw in the woods that day." "just what i was going to remark," put in ned. "i wonder if there are any more men up on that cliff?" "what's the matter, boys?" asked captain wiggs, approaching at this juncture. they told him what they had seen. "i don't see anything very surprising in that," replied the commander. "probably he has a laundry up there, and he was out looking for customers." and the commander winked at the other chums, who joined in a laugh at fenn. "that's all right," announced the discomfited one. "but i'll wager there's something queer back of all this. do you know anything about this locality, captain?" "not a thing, and i wish i knew less. i'd never be here if it wasn't for the fire. and i must take a look now, and see how our steam bath is affecting it. i guess--" "look there!" suddenly cried fenn, pointing to the cliff, at the base of which the lake waves were breaking. they all looked. there, on the face of the wall of rock, apparently supported by nothing, stood four men, two of whom were chinese, dressed in the characteristic costume of that nation. the others were white men. they were close together, near a little clump of bushes, that sprang slantingly out from the surface of the cliff. "more of 'em, eh?" murmured the captain. "i wonder if they'll answer a hail?" he put his hands, trumpet fashion, to his mouth, and was about to call out, when a surprising thing happened. as the boys watched the men seemed to grow suddenly smaller. they fairly went down out of sight, vanishing as completely as though they had sank into the cliff. "well, i never saw such a queer thing!" exclaimed ned. "they acted just like a jack in the box, when some one shuts the lid." "that expresses it exactly," admitted the captain. "it is a queer thing. i think it will bear looking into. i wonder if they haven't something to do with the chinese smugglers." "that's what we thought." "i believe i'll go ashore and have a look," decided the commander of the _modoc_. "the government detectives ought to be told of what's going on out here in this lonely place." captain wiggs would have carried his plan out, but for the fact that an inspection of the hold showed the fire in the cargo to be smothered. the steam had done the work effectively and there was no more danger. instead of having to remain in the secluded bay for some time, ready at any moment, when danger threatened, to break out the cargo, the commander found himself able to proceed to duluth. this he decided on doing at once, as the exact extent of the fire-damage could not be ascertained until he reached a port where he could unload. accordingly all plans of making any examination of the strange actions of the queer men were abandoned and, steam having been gotten up in the main boilers, the engines were started and the _modoc_ was once more under way. as they left the little bay the boys kept close watch of the cliff, but there were no signs of life upon the brown wall of rock. if the men were somewhere within a cave on its surface, they did not show themselves. "i wonder if we'll ever solve that mystery?" inquired bart, of no one in particular, as the four chums paced the deck. "i'm going to," announced fenn, decidedly. "yes, you're going to do a lot," returned ned, with a laugh. "you were going to collect minerals, but i haven't seen you stowing any away lately, for your collection." "that's so, i forgot all about 'em," admitted fenn. "i've got lots of time, though. you can't get any minerals out here," and he motioned to the expanse of water that surrounded them. "but i'm going to look into this chinese business, though." "how?" asked frank. "we're going farther and farther away every minute." "that's all right. we can come back," announced fenn. "i thought you were going to bayville to see mr. hayward, and--er--miss ruth," went on bart. "especially ruth." "well, i may yet," replied fenn. "bayville isn't so far from here. in fact it's within a short distance of where we anchored in that bay." "how do you know?" "i asked the captain," replied fenn. "i was thinking of taking a boat and rowing there, if we'd stayed long enough." "but how do you figure on getting there now?" asked ned. "i'm coming back, after we get to duluth," was the answer. "captain wiggs has got to remain there for some time, and i don't see what there is to keep us. it's a city, and we've had enough of city life for a while. i was going to propose that, after we'd been there a couple of days, we go off on a little side trip, coming back in time to go home on the _modoc_." "good idea!" exclaimed bart. "we could go on a little camping expedition." "that was my idea," added fenn. "we've got enough money with us to hire a tent and a small outfit, all we'll need for a week or so. we've been camping in the woods before, and we know how to take care of ourselves. this cruising business is fine, but it's too lazy a life to suit me." "no, i s'pose we haven't had any excitement since we started," commented frank sarcastically. "there was the elevator fire, those men chasing us; ned nearly being pulled overboard with a fish; getting caught in the lock; the steamer on fire and the queer men on the cliff. oh, yes, we've lived a very quiet and sedate life since we left home, oh, yes, exceedingly quiet." "well, i mean--oh, you know what i mean," said fenn. "we need more action--the kind we'll get if we go off on a trip by ourselves." "that's right," agreed ned. "i'm with you, stumpy. the sooner the quicker." "when do we get to duluth?" asked bart. "very soon now," answered captain wiggs, who, coming up behind the boys, overheard the question. "i suppose you are all ready to enter port?" and he looked quizzically at the boys. "ready. how do you mean?" asked fenn. "why you can pass the quarantine regulations, i suppose? let me look at your tongues!" the boys were so surprised that, hardly knowing what they were doing, they stuck them out for the captain's inspection. "bad, very bad," he murmured. "i'll have to attend to this at once." and he laughed heartily. "sold again!" exclaimed frank, as he drew in his tongue. "i thought we were going to get even with him." "so we are," declared bart. "if not now, on the trip home. we owe him another one now." they were soon busy getting things in shape to go ashore and, when the _modoc_ tied up at a big wharf, they were all ready to go to the hotel the captain had recommended, there to stay a couple of days, until they could start on their little exploring expedition. the captain had offered no objection to this, and had told them the best route to take. "but you must be back in time to sail with me on the homeward trip," cautioned the captain, mentioning the date and time he expected to start. "i'll not wait for you, remember. the _modoc_ suffered very little damage from the fire. less than i feared and there will be no delay." "we'll be here on time," fenn assured him. the boys spent two busy days preparing for their side trip, and, bright and early one morning, they took a train that was to convey them to a little settlement, whence they were to start for a jaunt through the woods, carrying their simple camping outfit with them. chapter xix fenn becomes ill "well, now, what's our program?" asked frank when the four darewell chums were in the railroad train, speeding through the outskirts of duluth. "i s'pose fenn will make a bee line for bayville and see ruth." "i intend to go there, not only to see ruth, but to see her father," announced fenn coolly. "it's no more than right, is it? he invited us to come and see him, if we ever got out this way, and here we are. it would be mean not to pay a visit." "oh, yes, stumpy," remarked ned. "we know just how you feel about it," and he laughed, whereat fenn blushed, for he was rather sensitive concerning his liking for young ladies. "leaving mr. hayward out of it, what do you intend to do, after we've got our camp established?" asked frank, looking at fenn, with whom this idea had originated. "i'm going to see what those men were doing on the cliff," was the decided answer. "maybe they were chinese smugglers. if they were--" "yes, if they were i s'pose stumpy will climb up there single handed, make 'em all prisoners, and then write a half-dime novel about it," put in bart. "not exactly," answered fenn. "i don't see what's to hinder me giving information to the government, though, about the smugglers, if that's what they are. i understand there's a reward for that sort of information, and i could use a bit of spare cash as well as any one." "that's so!" exclaimed ned. "i didn't think about that. i'm with you, stumpy." "you'll want half the reward, i guess," interjected bart. "sure," said ned. "who wouldn't? why can't we all go in on this thing?" "of course we can," declared fenn. "we'll go camping somewhere back of that cliff, and then we can--" "hush! not so loud!" suddenly cautioned frank. then, bending his head closer to his chums, as they were sitting in two seats facing each other he added: "there's a man a couple of seats back who's been watching us pretty sharply ever since we began talking this way. i don't like his looks." "where is he?" asked fenn in a whisper. "don't look now," replied frank, making a pretense of pointing out the window at a bit of scenery. "he's staring right at us. it's the man with the light hat, with a white ribbon band on, whom i mean. you can size him up as soon as he turns his head." the boys cautiously waited for an opportunity, and took a quick inspection of the man frank had indicated. he was a total stranger to the four darewell lads, as far as any of them knew, but it did not take long to disclose the fact that the man was much interested in them. he watched their every move, and, when any one of them spoke, the fellow tried to catch what was said. the man seemed like an ordinary traveler, and, except for a peculiar cast in one eye, was not bad looking. "let's change our seats," suggested fenn, when the train had proceeded some miles farther, and the car was not so full. "we want to talk, and we can't be whispering all the while." they moved farther away from the man with the cast in his eye, and were once more discussing their plans, when frank again noticed that the man was listening. he, too, had moved up several seats, and, under pretense of reading a paper, was straining his ears for whatever the boys said. "let's go into the other car," proposed fenn. "if he follows us there we'll tell the conductor." but the man evidently did not care to run any more risks and the boys were not further annoyed. "i wonder who he was?" asked ned. "perhaps he had something to do with the smugglers." "oh, i guess he was just some fellow more interested in the business of other persons than in his own," replied frank. "i hope we didn't talk too much, so that he'll know what we are going to do." "that's so, he might go and give information to the government, and get that reward," announced fenn. "i wish we'd been more careful!" "well, i guess he'll have his own troubles finding that cliff," was bart's opinion. "we didn't mention any special place. our secret is safe enough." after further consideration of what they had said the boys agreed with this view. as they were now almost alone in the car they talked freely, deciding on what to do when in the woods. they had brought a small sleeping tent with them, some guns which they had hired and a limited supply of food. as they were going to be within reach of small settlements, villages or, at the worst, scattered farm houses, they calculated they could, from time to time, buy what they needed to eat. they had made a careful study of a map of the country they intended to utilize as part of their vacation trip, and decided on a place to camp that was not far from where they had observed the queer actions of the men on the cliff. it was also within a short distance of bayville, where, as has been said, mr. hayward and his daughter lived. they left the train at a station, near the foot of a small mountain, on the slopes of which they were to pitch their tent. their baggage and supplies was piled up on the platform and, frank, surveying it, exclaimed: "oh, dear, i wish we had that mule we used when we were rescuing my father. he could carry a good deal of this stuff, and we wouldn't break our backs." "aw, don't mind a little thing like that!" advised bart. "why it's not far, and we can make two trips if necessary." they decided this would be the best plan, and, taking what they could carry, they set off into the woods, the station agent agreeing to look after what baggage they left behind, until they came back for it. the weather was fine, and the air, in that northwestern region, was clear and bracing. "i could carry twice as much as this," announced ned, as he walked along, balancing his load on his shoulder. "here, take mine then!" cried frank quickly. "not to-day," retorted ned with a laugh. "i was only figuratively speaking." they picked out a good camping place, and, as they had brought the tent with the first load, they set that up. "now for the rest of the stuff, and we'll be in good shape for the night," remarked bart. "come on, fellows. why, fenn, what's the matter?" he asked quickly, as he noticed the stout youth seated on a log. "me? nothing. i'm all right." "no, you're not. you're as white as a sheet of paper," went on bart. "don't you feel well?" "sure. i'm all right. i guess i walked a little too fast; that's all." "well, take a good rest before you make the second trip," advised ned. "no, i'll tell you what we'll do," proposed frank. "we three can easily carry what stuff is back there at the depot. let fenn stay here and rest, and we'll go back for it. besides, we ought to leave somebody on guard," he added quickly, fearing fenn might object to anyone doing his share of the work. "oh, i'll be all right in a minute, fellows," said fenn, trying to smile, but making rather poor work of it. "it's the heat, i guess." "it is hot," agreed bart. "you go ahead and i'll catch up to you," proposed fenn. "i'm feeling a little better now." "no, you stay here and we'll fetch the rest of the stuff," repeated frank, and he insisted on it, with such good reason, also pointing out that if any tramps came along they might steal the tent, that fenn consented to remain on guard. in fact he was very glad to do so, as he felt a curious sensation in his head and stomach, and he was not a little alarmed, as he had never been seriously ill. "i hope he isn't going to be sick," observed bart, as the boys started back to the station. "we'll have to give up our camp if he is." "oh, he'll be all right," asserted ned, confidently. "it was only the heat and the walk." "i hope so," rejoined frank. but when the boys returned with the remainder of the camp stuff two hours later, they found an unpleasant surprise awaiting them. in the tent, stretched out on some hemlock boughs which they had cut before leaving, they found poor fenn. he was very pale and his eyes were closed. "he's asleep," whispered ned. frank entered softly and placed his hand on fenn's head. "he's got a high fever," he said, with alarm in his voice. "fellows, i'm afraid fenn's quite sick." chapter xx out on a hunt frank's announcement seemed to strike a cold chill to the hearts of ned and bart. sickness was something with which they had seldom come in contact, and they did not know how to proceed. "i suppose we'd better get a doctor," ventured ned. "where?" inquired frank as he came from the tent. "there isn't one within five miles--maybe farther." "haven't we any medicine?" asked bart. "i thought you said you brought some along." "so i did," replied frank. "stuff for burns, cuts and stomach aches, but i don't know as it would be safe to give him anything when he has a fever." "have you got anything for a fever?" inquired ned. "yes, some of those little, white tasteless pills, that come in small bottles. homeopathic remedies they call 'em. i'll read the directions." at that instant fenn murmured something. "he's talking!" exclaimed frank, listening at the flap of the tent. "water, mother. give me a drink of water," spoke the sick boy. "he thinks he's home," said ned. "here, i'll get him a drink, and you read the directions on that bottle of pills," directed bart. "maybe we can give him some." fenn drank thirstily of the spring water bart carried in to him, scarcely opening his eyes, and, when he did, he did not know his chum. "the smugglers!" exclaimed the now delirious youth. "we'll catch 'em! don't let ruth fall into the cave. look out!" the boys were much frightened, especially ned and bart. frank, from the experience he had had with his father, knew a little more than did the others about cases of illness. he read what it said on the bottle of pills and decided it would be safe to give fenn several of the pellets. "now, we'd better get the camp in shape for night," said frank. "we've got to stay here until morning, no matter what happens. we can't move fenn until he's better." "maybe he'll not get better," remarked ned, rather gloomily. "oh, cut out such ideas," advised frank. "he'll be all right. probably his stomach is upset. now hustle around and get a fire going. i want some hot coffee, and so do you. then we'll all feel better, after a bit of grub." once bart and ned had something definite to do they did not worry so much about fenn. frank took a look at him, now and then, in the midst of the work of making the camp. "he's asleep," he announced after one inspection. "i think his fever's going down some." "that's good," commented bart, his face losing some of its worried look. the boys ate a hasty supper and then made a more comfortable bed for fenn. the tent was big enough for all four to stretch out under it, but the three chums decided they would take turns sitting up, in order to administer to the sick lad. frank gave him some more medicine during the night, and, by twelve o'clock, fenn was somewhat better, though he still had a fever. it seemed that morning would never come, but, at length, there shone through the forest a pale, gray light, that turned to one of rosy hue, and then the golden sunbeams streamed through the trees. "thank goodness the night's gone," exclaimed ned, who had the last watch. "it seems as if we'd been here a week, instead of a few hours." "how is he?" asked bart of frank, who had assumed the rôle of doctor. "no worse, at any rate," he said, as he felt of his chum's head. "do you think we ought to get a physician?" "i think we'll see how he is to-day," answered frank. "if he doesn't get any worse i believe it will work off. i'll give him some more medicine." there must have been some virtue in the pills, for, by noon, fenn's skin was much cooler, and he had began to perspire, a sure sign that the fever was broken. his mind, too, was clear. "what's the matter? what happened?" he asked. "was i sick?" "i guess it was a little touch of sun-stroke," replied frank with a laugh. "how do you feel?" "pretty good, only weak. i'm hungry and thirsty." "that's a good sign. i guess we can fix you up." fenn made a fairly good meal on canned chicken and some biscuits which ned concocted out of a package of prepared flour. "i think i can get up now," announced the sick youth, as he finished the last of his meal. "no you don't!" exclaimed frank. "i'm the trained nurse in charge to-day, and you stay in the tent until night, anyhow." fenn wanted to disobey, but he found he was weaker than he thought, so he was glad to stretch out on the blanket, spread over the fragrant hemlock boughs. he was so much better by night that the boys were practically assured he was out of danger. they felt correspondingly happy, and prepared as fine a meal as they could in celebration of the event. fenn ate sparingly, however, and then fell off into a sound, healthful sleep. his three comrades took turns during the night watch, but there was nothing for them to do, save, now and then, to replenish the camp fire. the next day fenn was so much better that he insisted on getting up, but he did not have much ambition to do things. "we'll go hunting, as soon as you are able," announced frank, after breakfast. "our pantry isn't very well stocked." "don't wait for me," urged fenn. "go ahead. i can stay in camp, and look after things while you three are gone. i'll take my turn at hunting a little later." at first the boys would not hear of this, but, after fenn pointed out that they must have stuff to eat, they agreed to go hunting the next day, leaving him alone in camp, if it was found, by morning, that he was well enough. fortunately this proved to be the case and ned, frank and bart, carrying the guns they had hired in duluth, started off, cautioning fenn to take care of himself, and not to wander away from the tent. "we'll be back as soon as we have shot something to eat," promised bart. it was rather lonesome in camp for fenn, after his chums had left. at first he sat in front of the tent, watching the antics of some squirrels who, emboldened by hunger, came quite close to pick up crumbs. fenn scorned to shoot at them. "i think i'm strong enough to take a little walk," decided the youth, after an hour or so of idleness. "it will do me good. besides, i want to get a line on just where that cliff is, on which we saw the queer men." he started off, and found he had regained nearly all his former strength. it was a fine day, and pleasant to stroll through the woods. fenn wandered on, aiming for the lake, which was some distance away from where the tent was pitched. suddenly, as he was going through a little glade, he heard a noise on the farther side of the clearing, as though some one had stepped on, and broken, a tree branch. looking quickly up he saw, half screened by a clump of bushes, two chinamen, and a white man. the odd trio, whose advance had alarmed fenn, stopped short. then one of the celestials muttered some lingo to the other. an instant later the three drew back in the bushes, and fenn could hear them hurrying away. "i'm on the track of the smugglers!" he exclaimed. "i'm going to follow them and see where they go! i must be nearer the cliff than i thought." off fenn started, after the three men. if he had known what lay before him he would have hesitated a long time before doing what he did. but fenn did not know. chapter xxi the chinese button game was not so plentiful in the woods about the camp, as the three chums had hoped. frank, ned and bart tramped along, keeping a close watch for anything that would promise to restock the larder, but, for some time, the most they saw, were numbers of small birds--too small to shoot. "why can't we scare up a covey of partridges?" asked ned, rather disgustedly, after they had been out an hour or more. "why don't you wish for a herd of deer, or a drove of bears, that is if bears go in droves," suggested bart. "you want things too easy, you do." "i don't care whether they're easy or not, as long as there are some of them," retorted ned. "i'd like to hear how this gun sounds when it's shot off." "hark! what's that?" exclaimed bart, looking up as a sudden whirring noise was audible in the air over their heads. the boys looked up, and, to their surprise, saw a big flock of wild ducks, flying quite low. it was rather early in the season for them, as they learned later, but they did not stop to think of that. without further words, they raised their guns and blazed away. "hurrah! we got some!" yelled ned, as he saw several of the wild fowl tumbling earthward. "the other barrel!" exclaimed frank. "we may not get another chance, and we'd better kill enough to last us a week." they fired again, and killed several more of the ducks. they found the birds to be in fairly good condition, though they would be fatter later on. "they will make fine eating!" remarked bart, as he held up a string of the wild fowl. "maybe fenn won't like to set his teeth in a nice browned piece of roast duck." "providing he is well enough to eat it," added ned. "oh, he'll be well enough," was frank's answer. "but i'd like to get something else besides duck." "well, we've got plenty of time yet," suggested bart. "let's go a little farther." slinging their game over their shoulders, and reloading their guns, the boys once more started off. they had not gone far before a commotion in a clump of underbrush, just ahead of where ned was walking, startled the lad into sudden activity. "here's something!" he called in a hoarse whisper. "yes, and it's liable to come out and shake hands with you, and ask how you like the weather, if you yell that way again," remarked frank. "don't you know any better than to call out like that when you're hunting?" "i couldn't help it," whispered ned. "i saw something big and black. i think it's a bear." "a bear! where?" cried bart in a whisper, cocking his gun. "go easy," advised frank. "we stand a swell chance of killing a bear with these light shotguns. where is it, ned?" the boys were all speaking in low tones, and had come to a halt in a little circle of trees. all about them was thick underbrush, from the midst of which had issued the disturbance that caused ned to exclaim. "there it is!" he said, grasping frank by the arm, and pointing toward something dark. at that moment it moved, and a good-sized animal darted forward, right across the trail, in front of the boys, and, an instant later was scrambling up a tall tree as if for dear life. "fire!" cried ned, suiting the action to the word. he aimed point-blank at the creature, but, when the smoke cleared away, there was no dead body to testify to his prowess as a hunter. "missed!" exclaimed ned disgustedly. "and it was a fine chance to bowl over a bear cub, too." "bear cub?" repeated frank. "take a look at what you think is a bear cub." frank pointed to the tree, up which the animal had climbed. there, away out on the end of a rather thin limb, it crouched, looking down on the boys--a huddled bunch of fur. "a raccoon!" exclaimed bart. "you're a fine naturalist, you are, ned. why didn't you take it for a giraffe or an elephant?" "that's all right, you'd have made the same mistake if you had seen it first," retorted ned. "i'm going to have a shot at it, anyway." he raised his gun, but the raccoon, probably thinking now was the opportunity to show that he believed in the old maxim, to the effect that discretion is the better part of valor, made a sudden movement and vanished. "see!" exclaimed ned triumphantly. "he knew i was some relation to davy crockett. he didn't exactly want to come down, but he had some business to attend to in another tree." "that's an easy way of getting out of it," remarked bart, "but i'll wager you would have missed worse than i did if you had shot." "oh, come on and stop scrapping!" exclaimed frank. "we're not scrapping," retorted ned. "only i say i'm as good a shot as he is." "you can prove it, by shooting at a mark, when we get back to camp," suggested frank. "just now we're out hunting, not trying to decide a rifle match." but word seemed to have gone through the woods that three mighty boy hunters were abroad, and all the game appeared to have gone into hiding. tramp as the chums did, for several miles, they got no further sight of anything worth shooting at. "i guess we'll have to be content with the ducks, and go back," remarked frank, after a somewhat long jaunt in silence. "fenn may be lonesome waiting for us." "i know my stomach is lonesome for something to eat," returned bart. "the sooner some of these ducks are roasting, or stewing or cooking in whatever is the quickest way, the better i'll like it." "all right, let's head for camp," agreed ned, and, having picked out their trail, by the help of a compass they carried, they were soon journeying toward where their tent was set up. "i hope fenn is all right," remarked frank, as they trudged onward. "all right? why shouldn't he be?" inquired bart. "well, i was a little worried about leaving him alone." "why fenn is able to take care of himself," declared ned. "besides, what's there to be afraid of?" "i don't know," admitted frank. "but suppose another spell of fever should suddenly develop, and he was all alone? it wouldn't be very nice." "well, he was as anxious to have us go as we were to start off," remarked bart. "i know it, but still, i can't help feeling a little anxious." "oh, he'll be all right," declared bart, confidently. "he'll have a good fire ready for us, coffee made, and all we'll have to do will be to clean these ducks and put them to roast." "i hope so," replied frank. the boys, in the excitement of the chase, had gone farther into the woods than they had anticipated on starting out. consequently it was later than they expected when they got to where they saw landmarks that told them they were near camp. "it's only about half a mile farther now," remarked bart. "give a yell," suggested ned. "fenn will hear it and know we are coming." the three chums united their voices in a loud hallo; and, when the echoes had died away, they listened for an answering cry. none came, and the woods were silent, save for the noises made by birds flitting here and there in the branches of the trees. "he didn't hear us," said ned. "try again." "maybe--maybe he isn't there," suggested frank, in a low voice. "of course he is!" declared ned. "maybe he's asleep." "i guess he didn't hear us," suggested bart. "the wind is blowing the wrong way. let's yell again." once more they shouted, but with no effect. there came no answering hail. "come on!" called frank, increasing his speed. the boys spoke but seldom during the remainder of the tramp to camp. when they came in sight of the tent they strained their eyes for a sight of their chum. he was nowhere to be seen. "probably he's inside, lying down," spoke ned. it needed but a glance within the canvas shelter, to show that fenn was not there. in the gathering dusk frank gave a hasty glance about the locality. the embers of what had been the campfire, were cold. there was no sign that fenn had been there recently, or that he had made any preparations to receive his chums. "he must have gone off in the woods and forgotten to come back," suggested bart. "maybe he went hunting on his own account." "if he had, he'd have taken his gun," replied frank, pointing to where the weapon stood in a corner of the tent. "then he's out for a walk," declared bart. "he's staying rather late," commented frank. "i hope--" frank did not finish his sentence. suddenly, he darted forward and picked up something off the ground. "what is it?" asked bart. for answer frank held it out on the palm of his hand. it was a small object and the two boys had to bend close to see what it was. they saw one of the peculiar brass buttons that serve to hold the loops with which a chinese blouse is fastened. "a chinese button!" exclaimed bart, in a whisper. "the chinamen have been here!" added ned. "it looks as if the smugglers had fenn," said frank solemnly. "they must have sneaked in here and carried him off!" chapter xxii fenn's mishap fenn had not gone very far, in pursuit of the two chinamen and their white companion, before he became aware that he was not as strong as he thought he was. in his legs there was strange trembling, and his head felt dizzy. "i guess i was sicker than i imagined," he said to himself, as he kept doggedly on. "but i'll trail 'em. i'm going to find out where they are staying, how they get to the cliff, and what it's all about." ahead of him fenn could hear the trio making their way through the underbrush. they seemed to be following some trail, as there was a faintly-defined path through the woods at this point. "they must be preparing to smuggle in a shipload of chinese," thought fenn. "probably it's the same gang we scared off farther down the lake. they've come up here. oh, if i had some way of sending word to a government detective, i could catch 'em in the very act! but, if i can find out where the landing place is i can show the officers how to get to it. that is, if they don't take the alarm and skip out. they must know me by this time." the trail was becoming more difficult to follow. it still led toward the lake and fenn was sure he was on the right track. already he had visions of what he would do with the reward money, after he had given his chums their shares. "whew! but i'm getting tired!" exclaimed the lad, after making his way through a particularly thick bit of underbrush. "i wish some of the fellows were along to take up the chase. i wonder if they're going much farther?" he paused a moment to rest, and listened intently for a sound of the retreating footsteps of those ahead of him. "why," he exclaimed, after a second or two. "i can't hear them!" there were no sounds save those made by the birds and small beasts of the forest. "they've distanced me!" fern exclaimed. "i couldn't keep up with them! now i've lost track of them! what shall i do?" he was trembling, partly from excitement, and partly from nervousness and weakness. a mist seemed to come before his eyes. he looked about him and saw, off to the left, a little hill. "i'll climb that, and see if i can catch a glimpse of them," he said, speaking aloud. the sound of his own voice seemed to bring his confidence back to him. his legs lost their trembling and he felt stronger. up to the summit of the hill he made his way, finding it a more toilsome climb than he had imagined. he reached the top. below him, stretched out like a narrow ribbon of gray on a background of green, was the little trail he had been following, and which had been taken by the three men. it wound in and out among the woods, extending toward the lake, a glimpse of the shining water of which fenn could just catch. something moving on the trail caught his eye. he looked intently at it, and, the next moment he exclaimed: "there they are! they're hurrying along as if a whole band of detectives was after them, instead of me alone. now to see if i can't catch up to them." he gave one more look at the two celestials and the white man, who, every moment were nearing their goal, and then, hurried down the other side of the hill, to cut across through the woods at the foot, and so reach the trail. fenn had not gone more than a dozen steps when suddenly, having made a jump over a large boulder in his path, he came down rather heavily on the other side, in the midst of a clump of ferns. there was a curious sinking of the ground, as though it had caved in. fenn felt himself falling, down, down, down! he threw out his hands, and tried to grab something. he grasped a bunch of fern, but this went down with him. "help! help!" he instinctively called, though he knew no one was within hearing, save, perhaps, those three strange men, and he did not believe they would help him if they did hear his calls for aid. fenn was slipping and sliding down some inclined chute that seemed to lead from the summit of the hill, into the interior of the earth. it was so dark he could see absolutely nothing and all he could feel around him were walls of dirt. they seemed strangely smooth, and he wondered how he could slide over them and not feel bumps from rough stones which must surely be jutting out here and there from the sides of the shaft down which he had tumbled. he put out his hands, endeavoring to find something to grasp to stay his progress, and then he discovered the reason for his smooth passage. the walls of the curious slanting tunnel, in which he had been made an involuntary prisoner, were composed of smooth clay. down them water was slowly dripping, from some subterranean spring, making the sides as smooth and slippery as glass. fenn tried in vain to dig his fingers into the walls, in order to stay his progress, but he only ran the risk of tearing his nails off, and he soon desisted. all he could do was to allow himself to be carried along by the force of gravity, and the incline of the tunnel was not so great as to make his progress dangerous. "it's the stopping part i've got to worry about," thought poor fenn. "i wonder what's at the end of all this?" suddenly, as he was sliding along, feet foremost, in the darkness, his outstretched right hand came in contact with something that caused him to start in terror. it was a round, thin slimy object, that seemed stretched out beside him. "a snake!" he exclaimed. "i've fallen into a den of serpents!" he drew his hand quickly away, fear and disgust overpowering him for a moment. then the thing seemed to be at his left hand. this time, in spite of himself, his fingers closed around it. "a rope! it's a rope!" he cried aloud, as he vainly tried to catch hold of it and stay his sliding downward. but the rope slipped from his fingers, and his journey down the curious shaft was unstayed. "this must have been dug by men," thought fenn. "i'll wager the smugglers had something to do with it. why, maybe it's one of the ways they land their men. that's it! i must be sliding right down into the lake. they use the rope with which to pull themselves up the slippery tunnel." this idea seemed feasible to him, and he made further efforts to grasp the rope, in order that he might stop and pull himself up, instead of being carried on into lake superior. for that this was to be his fate he now feared, since, as near as he could tell, the tunnel sloped in that direction. but though he occasionally felt the rope, first on one side of him, and then on the other, he could not get a sufficient grasp on the slippery strands, covered as they were with clay, to check his progress. "i guess i'm doomed to go to the bottom," he thought. "if i only fall into deep water it won't be so bad. i can swim out. but if i land on the rocks--" fenn did not like to think about it. in fact his heart was full of terror at his strange situation, and only his natural courage kept him from giving way to despair. but he was filled with a dogged determination to save himself if he could, even at the end. though it has taken quite a while to describe fenn's queer mishap, it did not take him long to accomplish it. he was slipping along at considerable speed, being shunted from side to side as the tunnel widened or narrowed, but, on the whole, being carried onward and downward in a fairly straight line. suddenly the blackness was illuminated the least bit by a tiny point of light below and in front of him. it looked like an opening. "there's daylight ahead," thought the boy. "that must be where the fresh air comes from," for he had noticed that the tunnel was not close, but that a current of air was circulating through it. fenn was wrong as to the source of this supply, as he learned later, but he had little time to speculate on this matter, for, much sooner than he expected, he had reached the spot of the light. he saw, suddenly looming before him, an opening that marked the end of the tunnel. the shaft gave a sharp upward turn and fenn was shot up and out, just as are packages that are sent down those iron chutes from the sidewalk into store basements. a moment later the boy, covered with mud from head to foot, found himself on a narrow ledge on the face of a cliff overlooking lake superior. he lay, partly stunned for a moment, and blinking at the strong light into which he had come from the darkness of the shaft. below him rolled the great lake, on which he and his chums had so recently been sailing in the _modoc_. fenn arose to his feet, and gave a glance about him. "it's the same place!" he murmured. "the same place where we saw the men who so mysteriously disappeared! i'm on the track of their secret!" he looked at the ledge on which he stood. it was long and narrow, and, not far from where he was, he saw a partly-round opening, that seemed to be the mouth of another shaft, leading straight down. "well, more wonders!" exclaimed fenn, walking toward it. as he did so, he was startled to see the head of a man emerge from the second shaft. the fellow gave one look at fenn and then, with a cry of warning to some one below, he disappeared. fenn, startled and somewhat alarmed, hesitated. he was on the brink of an odd discovery. chapter xxiii the search following the finding of the chinese button, and frank's conclusion that the smugglers had carried fenn off, the three chums, back in camp, startled by the terror the thought gave them, stood looking at each other for several seconds. they did not quite know what to make of it. "do you really think the smugglers have him?" asked ned, of frank. "well, it certainly looks so. fenn is gone, and this button is evidence that some chinese have been here." "but might not fenn be off in the woods somewhere, and the chinese have paid a visit here while he was away?" asked bart. "of course that's possible. but i don't believe fenn, sick as he was, would remain away so long." "couldn't that brass button come from some other garment than one worn by a chinaman?" inquired ned. "it could, but for the fact that it has some chinese characters stamped on the under side, where the shank is," and frank showed his chums the queer marks, probably made by the celestial manufacturer. "then, here's another bit of evidence," and he pointed to the ground. ned and bart looked. there, in the soft earth, they plainly saw several footprints, made by the peculiar, thick-soled sharp-pointed shoes the chinese wear. "they've been here all right," admitted bart in a low voice. "what's to be done about it?" "i think we ought to see if we can't find fenn," declared ned. "we ought to follow and see where these chinese footsteps lead. maybe fenn is held a prisoner." "that's what we ought to do," agreed frank. "however, it is too late to do anything much now. it will soon be night. i think we'd better get something to eat, sleep as much as we can, and start off the first thing in the morning. maybe we can trail the smugglers by following the chinese footprints, and, in that way, we may find--fenn." frank hesitated a bit over his chum's name, and there was a catch in his voice. the other boys, too, were somewhat affected. "oh, we'll find him all right," declared ned, confidently, to cover up the little feeling he had manifested. "if those smugglers have him, why--we'll take him away from them, that's all." "that's the way to talk!" exclaimed frank. "now let's get some grub. what did we shoot all these ducks for?" the chums soon had a meal ready, but, it must be confessed, the ducks did not taste as good as they expected they would. however, that was more because of their anxiety over fenn, than from any defect in the birds or their cooking. morning came at last, after what the three darewell boys thought was the longest night they had ever experienced. they only slept in dozes, and, every now and again, one of them would awake and get up, to see if there were any signs of the missing fenn. "poor stumpy," murmured ned, on one occasion, when a crackling in the underbrush had deluded him into the belief that his chum had returned, but which disturbance was only caused by a prowling fox. "poor fenn! i hope he's in no danger!" if he could have seen fenn at that moment he would have had good reason for expressing that hope. "now for the trail!" exclaimed bart when, after a hasty breakfast, the three boys, shouldering their guns, were ready to start. "which way, frank? you seem to have run across the track of these smugglers, and it's up to you to follow it. lead on." "i guess we'll have no difficulty in following the trail as far as it goes," remarked frank. "when a chinaman goes walking he leave a track that can't be duplicated by any other person or animal. lucky it didn't rain in the night, for what tracks there are will still be plain. and we don't have to worry about a crowd walking over the place where they were. we're not troubled by many neighbors in these woods." they started off with frank in the lead, and he kept a careful watch for the chinese footprints. at first they were easy to follow, as the ground was soft, and the queer cork-soled shoes had been indented deeply in the clay. but, after a time, the marks became so faint that, only here and there could they be distinguished. then it became necessary for frank to station one of his chums at the place where the last step was seen, and prospect around, considerably in advance, until he picked up the next one. "if we had a hound we wouldn't have all this trouble," he said. "but, seeing as we haven't, we'll have to be our own dogs," retorted ned. "i guess we can manage it." they followed the footprints of the one chinaman for a mile or more, and then they came to an end with an abruptness that was surprising, particularly as the last one was plainly to be seen in a patch of soft mud. "well, he evidently went up in a balloon," announced bart. "it does look so, unless he had a pair of wings in his pocket," supplemented ned. frank went on ahead, looking with sharp eyes, for a recurrence of the prints. he went so far into the woods that bart called to him. "do you think he jumped that distance?" "i don't know," replied frank. "i'm going to look--" he stopped so suddenly that his chums were alarmed and ran forward to where he was. they found him staring at some marks in the earth, and the marks were those they sought--the footprints of the chinese. "how in the world did he ever get over that space without touching the ground?" inquired ned. "he must be a wonder, or else have a pair of those seven-league-boots i used to read about in a fairy book, when i was a kid." "look there!" exclaimed bart, pointing up to a tree branch overhead. "horse hair!" exclaimed ned. "i didn't know a horse could switch his tail so high." "horses nothing!" retorted bart. "that's hair from the queue of a chinaman, or i'll eat my hat!" "but what's it doing up in the tree?" demanded frank. "that's how he fooled us," replied bart. "he thought some one might trail him, and when he got to a good place, he took to the trees. they are thick enough here so he could swing himself along from limb to limb, and, after he covered twenty-five feet or more, he let himself down. it was a good chinese trick, but we got on to it. his pigtail caught in a branch. i guess it hurt him some." "yes, here are his footsteps again, as plain as ever," said frank, pointing to where the queer marks were to be seen. "but, say, we've forgotten one thing," said ned suddenly. "what?" asked bart. "we haven't looked for fenn's footprints. all along we've been paying attention to only the marks made by the chink. now where does fenn come in? this chinese fellow couldn't carry him; could he?" "not unless the chink was one of the gigantic chinese wrestlers i've read about," admitted bart. "that's so, ned. we have forgotten all about fenn's footprints." the three boys looked at each other. in their anxiety at following the trail of the queer marks they had lost sight of the fact that they wanted a clue to fenn, as well as to the smugglers. "i suppose we'd better go back to camp and begin all over," suggested ned. "no," decided frank, after a moment's thought. "let's try these prints a little longer. maybe they'll lead us to some place where we can get on fenn's trail." the others agreed to this plan, and, once more, they took up the search. they had not gone far before frank, who was again in the lead, called out: "here we are, fellows! this explains it!" ned and bart hurried forward. they found that frank had emerged upon a well-defined trail, that led at right angles to the one they had been following. but, stranger than that was what the trail showed. there, in plain view, were the footprints of two chinese and the unmistakable mark of a white man's foot. "there were two parties of smugglers!" exclaimed ned. "either that, or one member of the single party made a cut through the woods, came to our camp, and then joined the others right here," said frank. "still, i don't see anything of fenn," remarked bart. "no? what's that?" demanded frank quickly, pointing to footprints, quite some distance back of the others. "fenn's! i'll be jiggered!" cried bart. "i can tell them by the triangle mark, made with hobnails that he hammered into the heels of his shoes, after we decided to come on this trip. he said that would prevent him slipping around on deck." "those are fenn's footsteps all right--unless some one else has his shoes," declared ned. "come on! we're on the right trail at last." and the boys hurried forward, hope once more strong in their hearts. chapter xxiv fenn is captured for several seconds after he had observed the man's head disappear down the hole in the ledge, fenn waited. he wanted to see if the fellow had gone for reinforcements, or had retreated. after a minute or two fenn decided that the man was as much frightened as he himself was. "i'll take a look down that hole," he decided. "i'm not in very good shape for visiting company," he went on, with a look at his clay-covered clothes, "but i don't believe those chaps are very particular. i wonder what i'm up against? this is a queer country, with holes in the ground almost at every turn, leading to no one knows where." he advanced toward the shaft, down which the man had vanished, and, as he reached the edge, he saw that it contained a ladder. the ladder was made of tree trunks, with the branches cut off about a foot from where they joined on, leaving projections sticking up at a slight angle, and making a good hold for the hands and feet. "well, i s'pose i'm foolish to do this all alone, and that i had better go back to camp and get the boys," murmured fenn, as he prepared to descend. "but, if i do, the smugglers may escape, and i'll lose the reward. there must be an opening at the bottom of this shaft that leads right out on the lake shore. when the boats land the smuggled-in chinamen, they are probably taken up this shaft, then through the one i slid down, and so into the woods, and from there they are spirited wherever they want to go." he looked into the shaft, and listened intently, but could hear no sound. he was surprised to see that the opening, leading down to he could only guess where, was dimly lighted, seemingly in a natural manner. but his wonder at this ceased when, having gone down a little way, he noticed that the walls of the shaft were pierced, in the direction of the lake, with small openings, through which light came. the shaft, he then saw, was either a natural one, or had been bored, straight down the cliff, and at no great distance from the perpendicular face of it. the sides seemed to be of soft rock, or hard clay, and the tree-trunk ladders were fastened up against the walls by long wooden stakes, driven in deeply. there were several tree trunks, one after another, and from the smoothness of the jutting prongs it was evident that they were often used. down fenn climbed, stopping every now and then to peer through the ventilating and light holes. he caught glimpses of the great lake, that lay at the foot of the cliff, toward the bottom of which he was descending in this strange manner. "queer i don't hear or see anything more of those men i was chasing," mused the boy as he paused a moment opposite one of the air holes to get his breath. "i wonder what became of the two chinese and the white chap? then there's that man who stuck his head up out of this hole. he looked like a miner, for his hat was all covered with dirt. that reminds me, where's my hat?" instinctively he looked about him, as though he would find it hanging on one of the prongs of the tree-trunk ladder, which might answer as a hat rack. then he laughed at himself. "i remember now," he said. "it flew off when i fell through that clump of fern into the hole i thought led to china. guess i'll have to make my bow without my hat." he glanced below him. it seemed as if he was at the last of the ventilating openings for, further down, there were no glimmerings of daylight, which was fast waning. then, as he looked, he caught the flickering of a torch, not far down. it waved to and fro, casting queer shadows on the walls of the shaft, and then the person holding it seemed coming up the ladder. "now there's going to be trouble," thought fenn. "we can't pass on this thing. either he's got to wait until i get down, or i'll have to go all the way back to the top. i wonder if i better yell to let him know i'm here? no, that wouldn't be just the thing. i'll try to slip around between the wall and the ladder, and, maybe, he'll pass me." fenn proceeded to put this rather risky plan into operation. holding on by both hands to one of the projecting branches he endeavored to swing himself around. the man with the torch was coming nearer and nearer. suddenly fenn's hold slipped. he tried to recover himself but without avail. the next moment his hands lost their grip and he went plunging down into the darkness below, faintly illuminated by the smoking torch. then he knew no more. when fenn came to his senses it was only with the utmost difficulty that he could recall what had happened. he had a hazy recollection of having been in some dark hole--then a light was seen--then he slipped--then came blackness and then-- he tried to raise himself from where he lay, and a rustling told him he was reclining on a bed of straw. by the light of a torch stuck in the earthen wall of what seemed to be a cavern, fenn could make out the shadows of several men, grotesquely large and misshapen, moving about. from the distance came a peculiar noise, as of machinery. fenn's brain cleared slowly, though from the ache in his head, he knew he must have had quite a fall. he raised himself on his elbow, and gradually came to a sitting position. he drew a long breath, and started to get up. as he did so, he felt some one place his hands on his chest, and push him back, not rudely, but with enough firmness to indicate that he was to lie down. instinctively he struggled against what seemed to him a dim shape in the half-darkness. "lie down," a man's voice commanded. "you'll be all right in a little while. you had quite a fall." "what's the matter? where am i? who are you?" asked fenn. "that's all right now, sonny," was the reply in such soothing tones, as one sometimes uses toward a fretful child. "you're in safe hands." "has the kid woke up?" called a voice from the blackness beyond the circle of light cast by the torches. "yes," answered the man who had made fenn lie down. following the words there was a sudden increase in the illumination of the cavern, and fenn saw a big man approaching, carrying a torch. with him were several others. one of them had a rope. "are you--are you going to make me a prisoner?" asked fenn, his heart sinking. "that's what we are." just then another man flashed a torch in the boy's face. no sooner had he done so than he called out: "great scott! if it isn't the very kid i chased!" fenn glanced quickly up and saw, standing before him, the man with the sinister face--the man who had pursued him at the elevator fire. beside him was a man with a peculiar cast in one eye, and fenn knew he was the fellow who had listened to the conversation of the chums in the railroad car. chapter xxv an unexpected meeting along the trail, which they had thus suddenly come upon, fairly ran frank, ned and bart. now that they were sure fenn was ahead of them, though they could not tell how long since he had passed that way, they were anxious to find their chum as soon as possible. "it looks as if fenn was chasing the chinese and the white man, instead of them being after him," suggested ned. "unless they are leading him with a rope," remarked frank. "in that case he would be marching behind." "well, i'll bet they'd have a fine time making fenn march along with a rope on him," said bart. "he'd lie down and make 'em drag him. that would be fenn's way." "unless he's too sick to make any resistance," replied frank, who seemed to take a gloomy view of it. "well, there's no good wasting time talking about it," declared bart. "what we want to do is to find fenn. then we'll know exactly how it was." "that's right; save our breaths to make speed with," added ned. though the boys were not lagging on the trail, they increased their pace until they were going along at a dog trot, which carried them over a considerable space in a short time, yet was not too tiring. they caught occasional glimpses of the marks left by the feet of the chinese and the white man, as well as prints of fenn's shoes. "there they go, up that hill!" exclaimed ned, who, for the time being, was in the advance. "who? the men?" called bart quickly. "no, the footprints. come on," and he led the way up the little hill, up which fenn had hurried the day previous, with such disastrous results. fortunately the pace was beginning to tell on ned, and, as he reached the summit, and started down the other side, he slowed up. it was to this circumstance that he avoided stepping right into the hole of the shaft, down which fenn had taken that queer-sliding journey. "look here!" yelled ned, so excitedly that his two companions fairly jumped up to gain his side, thinking he must have come upon either fenn or one of the men. "somebody has fallen down that hole!" that was very evident, for the fresh earth on the edges, the scattered and torn clumps of fern, and the general disturbance about the mouth of the pit, showed that all too plainly. "see!" suddenly exclaimed bart. "there's his hat!" and, turning to one side he picked it up from the ground, where it had fallen when poor fenn took his tumble. "this shows he was here." "we were sure enough of that before," said frank, "but it certainly does seem to indicate that fenn went down there. i wonder whether he fell, or whether those men thrust him down?" bart threw himself, face downward, close to the edge of the hole. he looked carefully at the marks on the edges. then he got up and began looking about in a circle. finally, he walked back some distance down the hill. "i have it!" he finally announced. "all right, let's have it and see if we agree with you," spoke ned. "fenn came up this hill all alone," declared bart. "if you had looked closely enough you could see that the footprints of the chinese and the white man go around the base of the hill to the right. probably they made a turn, when fenn wasn't looking. he thought they went up the hill. he hurried after them, and stepped right into this trap. probably it was covered over with leaves or grass, and he couldn't see it, until it was too late. that's my theory." "and i believe you're right," declared frank. "it sounds reasonable." "then the next question is; what are we going to do about it?" inquired ned. "no use standing here discussing what happened, or how it happened. what we want to do is to get busy and rescue fenn." "that's the way to talk," declared frank. "wait a minute," suggested bart. once more he got down close to the hole, and peered into the depths. "see anything?" asked ned. "there a way to get down," replied bart, after a moment. "how; a ladder?" "no. ropes. see, there are cables fastened to the sides of this shaft, and it looks as if they had been used several times." bart reached down and got hold of a clay-covered rope, one of those which fenn had tried so vainly to grasp. "that's funny," remarked frank. "looks as if this was a regular underground railway system." "i'll bet that's what it is," cried ned. "this must be one of the means whereby the smugglers get the chinamen ashore. why didn't we think of it before? let's go down there. we can easily do it by holding on to the ropes." "it's too risky," decided frank. "there's no telling what is at the bottom." "but we've got to save fenn!" exclaimed bart, who rather sided with ned. "i know that, but there's no use running recklessly into danger. we can't help him that way. if he's down that hole, or in the hands of the smugglers, we can do him more good by keeping out of that pit, or away from the scoundrels, than we can by falling into their hands. fenn needs some one outside to help him, not some one in the same pickle he's in." frank's vigorous reasoning appealed to his chums, and, though they would have been willing to brave the unknown dangers of the hole, they admitted it would be best to try first some other means of rescuing their chum. "let's prospect around a bit," proposed frank. "maybe we can find some other way of discovering where this hole leads to. the lake can't be far away, and if we can get down to the shore we may see something that will give us a clue." "all right, come on," said bart, and the darewell chums started down the hill, in the direction of lake superior. as they emerged upon a bluff, which overlooked the vast body of water, they came to a pause, so impressed were they, even in their anxiety, with the beautiful view that stretched out before them. under the bright rays of the morning sun the lake sparkled like a sheet of silver. "i wish we were all safe together again, aboard the _modoc_," remarked ned, after a moment's pause. "same here," echoed bart. "but, if we're--" he was interrupted by a sound off to the left. gazing in that direction the boys saw, coming along the trail toward them, a man and girl. something about them seemed familiar. "mr. hayward!" cried ned. "and his daughter!" added frank, in a lower voice. "well! well!" exclaimed the man, whose lucky escape from the automobile accident in darewell, had led to the boys' acquaintance with him. "if here aren't my young friends, the darewell chums, come to pay me a visit! i'm very glad to see you, but i thought there were four of you." "so there are, father," interrupted ruth. "where is fenn?" she asked, turning quickly to the three boys. "is he ill--didn't he come with you?" "he's lost!" replied frank. "we're hunting for him." "lost?" repeated mr. hayward. "how? where?" frank briefly related what had happened since they had started from darewell on the cruise to duluth. "well i never!" exclaimed robert hayward. "that's a great story! and the last trace you have of him is down that hole?" "the very last," answered ned, looking at ruth, and not blaming fenn for thinking she was pretty. "this must be looked into," declared mr. hayward. "lucky i happened to be out here with my daughter. you see i live several miles from here, but to-day, ruth and i decided to take a little trip. i--i wanted to look at some land i--some property i am interested in out here. i was on my way to it when i saw you boys." the man seemed to have a curious hesitation in his manner and his words, and ruth, too, appeared under some strain. but the boys were too anxious about their comrade to pay much attention to this. "come on!" suddenly called mr. hayward. "where are you going, father?" asked ruth. "i'm going to find fenn masterson. i think i have a clue that will help us," and he strode forward, followed by his daughter and the wondering boys. chapter xxvi fenn's odd discovery mutual surprise showed on the face of fenn, as well as on the countenance of the man who made this surprising announcement in the cave, where we have left that rather unfortunate youth. the boy, who had been prepared to meet a band of chinese smugglers, now saw before him the mysterious person, who appeared to have some interest in the affairs of mr. hayward, and who seemed to be pleased that misfortune should overtake the man who had recovered from the auto accident near fenn's house. "well, how'd you get here?" asked the man gruffly, advancing closer to the captive, and holding his torch to throw the light on fenn's face. "slid part way, and climbed the rest," answered the lad, who decided to remain as cool as possible under the circumstances. "humph! well, i reckon you know where you are now?" "i haven't the least idea, except that i'm under ground." "yes, and you're liable to stay here for some time. you'll find, before i get through with you, that it isn't healthy, out in this country, to pay too much attention to the business of other folks. i'll pay you back for spying on me. i thought i'd gotten rid of you some time ago, but i see you're still after me." "i'm not after you," answered fenn. "i didn't expect to see you down here. nor am i spying on you. you're mistaken." "weren't you trying to hear what i was saying--the night of the fire--aren't you in the employ of robert hayward?" demanded the man, asking his questions too quickly to permit of any answer. "i'm not employed by mr. hayward, though i know him, and he is a friend of mine," declared fenn. "i wasn't intentionally listening to what you were saying that night, but, when i found you were an enemy of mr. hayward, i wanted to know more about you." "how do you know i am his enemy?" asked the man. "from the way you talked. besides, why did you chase after me, and try to catch us on the _modoc_?" "that's something for me to know, and for you to find out," replied the man, with an unpleasant laugh. "you're too wise, you are." "maybe i'll find out more than you want me to," retorted fenn. "no danger. i'm going to put you where you can't do anything for a while, and, after you've cooled down a bit, i'll think of what to do next. tom, come here," he called. a big man approached, and, at a nod from the fellow of the sinister countenance, gathered fenn up in his arms, in spite of the resistance the lad made. fenn soon found it was useless to struggle, so he remained quietly in the grip of the burly chap. "take him to the inner cave," directed the man, whom the others addressed as dirkfell, "and then come back. we need you in getting this last load out. after that we'll take a rest." fenn tried to see where he was being carried, but it was almost impossible in the darkness. there were several flickering torches, stuck in the earthen walls of the cavern, here and there, and, by the glimmers of them, the youth could see men hurrying to and fro. some carried picks and others shovels, while some bore boxes that seemed to be very heavy. "i wonder what sort of a place i've gotten into," thought fenn. "maybe it's--yes, i'll bet that's what it is--a gold mine!" for a moment the thought of this made his heart beat strangely fast. then cooler reason came to him, and he recalled that the region around lake superior contained no gold, though there were mines of other minerals, some quite valuable. this train of thought was interrupted by the sudden stopping of the man who was carrying him, as though he was a baby. the fellow stooped down, kicked a door open with his foot, and, the next moment fenn found himself in a small cave, lighted by a lantern hanging over a rough table, around which several chairs were drawn. "here's where you stay until the boss tells you to come out," fairly growled the man. fenn did not reply, and the fellow withdrew, taking care, as the lad noted, to lock the door after him. no sooner was the portal closed, than fenn began an inspection of the place. he took the lantern and held it close to the door. it was made of heavy planks, and the fastening seemed to be on the outside. as for the remainder of the cave, the walls were composed of hard clay, or harder rock. the place was a sort of niche, hollowed out from the larger cavern. "well, i seem to be in a pickle," observed fenn grimly. "that comes of prying too much into other people's affairs, i s'pose. no help for it, however. i'm here and the next question is how to get away. i wish the boys were with me--no, i don't either. it's bad enough to be here myself, without getting them into trouble. "i guess they'll be surprised when they get back to camp and find me gone. i wish i'd left some sort of a message. they won't know where to look for me." but fenn did not give his chums credit for their energy. the prisoner made a circuit of his dungeon, and concluded there was no way, at present, of getting out. he readily got rid of the rope that fastened his arms behind him. "i will just take another look at that door," mused fenn, when, having completed his tour of inspection, which did not take him long, he again found himself in front of the portal. he held the lantern up as high as he could. "if i stood on a chair i could see better," he reasoned. he got one of the rough pieces of furniture, mounted it, and, was just raising the light up to the top of the door when his hand slipped and the lantern fell, smashing the glass, and extinguishing the wick. "hu!" exclaimed fenn, standing on the chair in the darkness. "lucky it didn't explode and set fire to the oil. i'd been worse off then i am now." he was in total darkness, and was about to get down off the chair, and grope his way back to the table, when a gleam of light, showing through a crack in the door, attracted his attention. "somebody is coming," he said. "maybe they're going to let me out. or, perhaps, they heard the lantern fall." but, as he looked, he saw that the gleam was not made by a torch or lantern being carried by someone approaching his dungeon. instead it came from several torches stuck in the wall of the main cave. and, by the light of these torches fenn made an odd discovery. several men were digging in the sides of the cavern, loosening the clay and soft rock with picks and shovels. they were piling the material in boxes which were loaded into a car, that ran on a small track, and were hurried off, to some place that the boy could not see. as he watched he saw dirkfell approach, and, by signs and gestures, for fenn could not hear at that distance, the man urged the laborers to work faster. "they're mining," thought fenn. "it must be valuable stuff, too, or they wouldn't take out such small quantities. and they must be working in secret, or they wouldn't take all the precautions they do, to remain hidden. there's something queer back of all this, and i'd like to see what it is." fenn applied his eye closely to the crack in the door. he could see the men gathered about a cavity in the cavern wall, on which they were working, and, from the way in which they pointed at something the boy believed they must have come upon a rich deposit of whatever ore they were mining. "i wish i was out of this place!" exclaimed fenn to himself. "if i had the boys here to help me i'll bet we could escape, and then there'd be a different story to tell. "there must be an opening, somewhere," he reasoned. "that air comes from under the door. it's fresh, so there must be some communication directly with the outer air, from the big cave." he stretched out flat on his face, and put his eyes as close as he could to the bottom of the portal. he saw light beneath it, and, jumping up, exclaimed: "that's it! i see a way to get out. but i must wait until the men have gone!" an idea had come to fenn. the floor of the small cave he was in, was of earth. between it and the bottom of the door, was quite a space. if he could enlarge this space, it might be possible for him to crawl under the door, and this he resolved to attempt, as soon as it would be safe. he felt in his pocket to see if his knife was there, and his heart beat more rapidly as his fingers closed on the handle. it contained a large, strong blade, and he thought he could do his digging with it. but it would be necessary to wait until the men got out of the way, and, if they worked in two shifts, this would not occur. anxiously fenn waited. every minute seemed an hour as he sat there in the darkness, now and then kneeling down to peer under the door, to see if the men had gone. but, every time, he saw them at their queer operations, or taking something from the walls of the cave. he fell into a doze, to be awakened by the entrance of some one into his apartment. "where's the light?" asked a voice fenn recognized as belonging to the man who had carried him in. "it fell and broke," he answered. "humph! well, i'll bring another. the boss didn't give no orders to leave you in the dark. here's some grub. it's supper time." "what day is it?" asked fenn. "thursday. why?" the boy did not answer. he knew, however, that he had been in the cave a much shorter time than he supposed. it was the evening of the same day he had started to follow the smugglers. now he appeared to have lost track of them, but he was in the power of a gang as bad, if not worse. the man brought another lantern, and also some water. the food was coarse, but fenn ate it with a good deal of relish. "guess you'll have to sleep on the table," the man went on, as he threw some blankets down. "there's no bed in this hotel," and he laughed. but fenn was too busy thinking of his plan to escape, to care about a bed. he hoped, now that it was night, the men would stop working. and, in this, he was not disappointed. some one called a signal through the cavern, and the men, dropping their tools, and taking their torches with them, filed out of sight of the boy, watching from beneath the door. he wanted to begin his digging at once, but concluded it would be safer to postpone it a while. he was sure it must have been several hours that he waited there in the silence. then, taking an observation, and finding the outer cavern to be in blackness, he commenced to burrow under the door, like a dog after a hidden rabbit. the big blade of his knife easily cut into the soft clay, and, working hard for some time, he had quite an opening beneath the portal. he tried to squeeze through, but found he was a bit too big for it. "a little more and i can slip out," he whispered to himself. faster and faster he plied the knife, loosening the earth, and throwing it back with his hands. once more he tried and, though it was a tight squeeze, he managed to wiggle out. "now!" he mused. "if i don't run into anybody i can get to the foot of the shaft, and go up that ladder. guess i'll take the light." he reached back under the door, and got hold of the lantern, which he had placed near the hole, slipping it under his coat so that the gleams would not betray him. then, remembering, as best he could which way the man had carried him, he stole softly along, on the alert for any of the miners. he had not gone more than a dozen feet, and had just turned a corner, which showed him a straight, long tunnel, that, he believed, led to the foot of the shaft, when, to his consternation, he heard a noise. at the same time a voice called: "hey! where you goin'?" fenn resolved to chance all to boldness. taking the lantern from under his coat, that he might see to run through the cave, he sprang forward, toward what he believed was the shaft down which he had come on the tree-trunk ladder. "stop! stop!" called someone behind him, but fenn kept on. chapter xxvii a timely rescue fenn's fear, and his fierce desire to escape from the cave, lent him speed. forward he went, faster than he had ever run before. suddenly there loomed up before him a dim, hazy light, but it was the illumination from the sun, and not from an artificial source. "it must be morning!" the boy thought. "i worked at that hole all night. but how is it that the sun shines down the shaft? i didn't believe it could. there's something strange here!" all these thoughts flashed through his mind while he ran on, intent on distancing his pursuer, who was close behind him. fenn could hear the man's footsteps. once more the fellow shouted: "hey! stop! you don't know where you're goin'!" "i don't, eh?" thought fenn. "well, i guess i do. i'm going to get away from you, that's where i'm going." the dim light became plainer now. fenn could see that it came through an opening in the cave; an opening that was close to the ground. clearly then, this could not be the shaft down which he had come. he was puzzled, but he kept on. he threw away the lantern, for he did not need it any longer to see where to go. several other voices joined in the shouts of alarm, and in urging fenn to stop. he did not answer but kept on. "if i can once get outside they'll not dare to carry me back," the lad reasoned. "it's only a little farther now." he was panting from the run, for the exertion, following his illness, and the experience he had gone through, was too much for him. he felt that he could go no farther. yet he knew if he halted now the men would get him, and he feared for the consequences that might follow his attempt to escape. "oh, if only some of the boys were here!" was his almost despairing thought. "if ever i needed help i do now!" the light was so good now that fenn could distinguish the sides of the cave. he saw that he was running along a straight tunnel, quite high and wide, but which narrowed, like a funnel, as it approached the opening toward which he was speeding. "i wonder if there's room for me to get out?" he thought. "and i wonder where i'll be when i get out?" "hold on! hold on!" yelled the man back of fenn. "you'll get hurt if you go any farther!" "and i'll get hurt if i go back," whispered fenn, pantingly. "stop! stop!" cried another voice which the lad recognized as dirkfell's. "come back! i'll not harm you!" "he's too late with that promise," fenn thought. a few seconds later he was at the opening of the cave. he fairly sprang through it, finding it large enough to give him passage standing upright. he leaped out, so glad was he to leave behind the terrors of the dark cave, and the mysterious men, who seemed so anxious to keep him a prisoner. "free!" fenn almost shouted as he passed the edge of the opening. he was about to give an exultant cry, but it was choked on his lips. for the opening was on the sheer edge of a cliff, without the semblance of a foothold beyond it, and below it there sparkled the blue waters of lake superior! fenn felt himself falling. he was launched through the air by his leap for liberty, and, a moment later, the lake had closed over his head! meanwhile mr. hayward, followed by his daughter, frank, bart and ned was hurrying along, bent on discovering and rescuing fenn. true, they did not know where he was, but mr. hayward had a clue he wished to follow. as he hastened along, he told the boys what it was. "my daughter and i have been sort of living in the woods for the past week," he said. "we have taken auto trips as far as the machine would go, and then have tramped the rest of the way. i want to see how my land is. it is some property i bought a good while ago, and which i never thought amounted to much. but i have a chance to sell it now, and i may dispose of it. "i was looking along the lake shore, the other day, for some of my land extends out there,--and i saw a boat, containing some chinese and a white man. it was being rowed up and down the shore, and i thought, at the time, the men acted rather suspiciously. they seemed to be waiting for something to happen. i was too busy to pay much attention to them, but i believe now that they were part of that smugglers' band you speak of." "why didn't you tell the police, father?" asked ruth. "to think of poor fenn being captured by them." "we are not sure he is captured by them, ruth," said mr. hayward. "at any rate i'm going to the point on shore near where i saw the boat. it may be there is a tunnel running from that place on the hill, where fenn disappeared, right down to the lake. in that case we may find some trace of him there. this region used to be worked by some ancient race, i understand, who dug deep into the earth after certain minerals and ores. there are several tunnels, shafts and queer passages through the hills and along shore, i have heard; shafts that used to give access to the mines. they have long been abandoned, but it is just possible that the smugglers may have discovered and utilized them." "maybe they're hiding in a cave, somewhere, now," suggested ned, "and perhaps they have fenn a prisoner." "oh dear! isn't it dreadful!" exclaimed ruth, with a shudder. the other boys could not help wishing she was as anxious about them as she was over fenn. it made up, in a great measure, for all he was likely to suffer, bart thought. he looked closely at ruth. she seemed strangely excited, as though she feared some nameless terror. "this way!" called mr. hayward, leading the little party of rescuers through a short cut, and down a sloping bank to the shore of the lake. "here we are. now the boat, when i saw it, was right opposite that little point of land," and he motioned to indicate where he meant. at that instant bart saw something black bobbing about on the surface of the lake. "what's that?" he cried, pointing to it. "a boat!" exclaimed ruth. "there is the boat now, daddy!" "it's too small for a boat," replied mr. hayward. "it's a man! it's some one in the lake!" he added excitedly. "and he's about done for, too! i'll swim out and get him!" before any of the boys could offer, or indeed make any move, to go to the rescue, mr. hayward had thrown off the heaviest of his clothing and plunged in. with powerful strokes he made for the black object, which, as the others could see, was a person making feeble efforts to swim ashore. with anxious eyes the three chums and ruth watched the rescue. they saw mr. hayward reach the bobbing head, saw him place an arm about the exhausted swimmer, and then strike out for shore. a few minutes later the man was able to wade. in his arms he carried an almost inert bundle. "i got him, boys!" he called. "who?" asked ruth. "fenn masterson! i was just in the nick of time. he was going down for the final plunge," and with that he laid the nearly-unconscious form of fenn down on the sandy shore. chapter xxviii ruth tells her secret "quick! we must hurry him to a doctor!" exclaimed ruth, as she bent down over fenn. "will he die, daddy?" "i think not. he'll be all right in a little while. but we'll take him to our house. lucky the auto is not far away." "i'm--i'm all right," gasped fenn, faintly. "i was just tired out, that's all. i didn't swallow any water. there--there seemed to be some sort of a current setting against the shore, and--i couldn't make any headway." he sat up, looking rather woe-begone, soaking wet as he was, and with some of the red clay still clinging to his clothes. mr. hayward was hastily donning his outer garments over his wet things. "i'll have the auto around in a jiffy!" he exclaimed. "lucky it's summer, and you'll not take cold. just rest yourself, fenn, until i come back, and we'll have you all right again." "but how in the world did you ever get into the lake?" asked ruth, as her father hurried away. "i jumped in." "jumped in!" repeated bart. "how was that?" "now we mustn't ask him too many questions," interrupted ruth. "he's not able to answer." "oh yes i am," replied the lad who had been through rather strenuous times in the last few hours. thereupon he briefly related what had happened since his chums left him to go hunting, ending up with his unexpected plunge into the lake. in turn bart told how they had searched for him, and how, having met mr. hayward and his daughter, the hunt was brought to such a timely ending. "but what were those men taking out of the cave?" asked frank, when ruth had gone down the shore, along which a road ran, to see if her father was returning. "that's what we've got to discover," answered fenn. "i think there's a valuable secret back of it. we'll go--" but further conversation was interrupted by the arrival of the auto--the same big touring car that had so nearly come to grief in darewell. the four boys got in, fenn was wrapped in a lap robe, to prevent getting chilled on the quick ride that was to follow, and the car was sent whizzing along an unfrequented road to mr. hayward's home, several miles away. the three chums wanted to ask fenn all sorts of questions about his experiences, but ruth, who constituted herself a sort of emergency nurse, forbade them. "you'll have time enough after he has had a rest," she said. "besides, he's just gotten over a fever, you say. do you want him to get another? it looks as though he was." and that was just what happened. when the auto reached mr. hayward's home fenn was found to be in considerable distress. his cheeks were hot and flushed and he was put to bed at once, though he insisted, with his usual disregard of trifles that concerned himself, that he was "all right." a physician was summoned, and prescribed quiet, and some soothing medicine. "he has had a severe shock," he said, "and this, on top of his former attack of fever, from which he had barely recovered, has caused a slight relapse. it is nothing dangerous, and, with careful nursing he will be all right in a few days." "then, i'm going to take care of him," declared ruth. "it will be a chance to pay back some of his, and his folks' kindness to me and my father. now mind, i don't want you boys to speak to fenn unless i give you permission," and she laughed as she shook her finger at the chums to impress this on them. fenn, under the influence of the medicine, soon fell into a deep sleep, which, the pretty nurse said, was the best thing in the world for him. "i guess we'd better go back to camp," proposed bart. "all we brought away from there are the guns, and some one might come along and steal the other stuff, which isn't ours." "that's so, those smugglers are still around i suppose," added ned. "we had better get back, i think." "you'll do nothing of the sort," declared mr. hayward good-naturedly. "you're going to be my guests, or i'll be very much offended. we've not got such a fine place as some, but you're welcome to what there is. if things were different--but there, i want you to stay." he seemed affected by something, and his manner was so queer that the boys could not help noticing it. ruth, too, appeared embarrassed, and, at first, bart and his chums thought it might be that she was not prepared for company, since, as her mother was dead, she had the whole care of the house, though there was a servant to help her. but her invitation, which she added to that of her father's, assured the boys that they would be very welcome. "you can't rough it so much as you could out in the woods," said ruth, "but i think you'll like it here. we have a motor boat, and you may wish to run it on the lake." "a motor boat!" exclaimed bart. "that settles it! we stay!" "but what about our camp stuff?" asked frank. "i'll send a man to gather it up and ship it back to duluth," said mr. hayward. "there's no need of you going back there at all. i'll be glad to have you stay. we're a little upset on account of--" he stopped suddenly, and glanced at his daughter, who did not appear to be listening to what he was saying. but she heard, nevertheless, as was shown by her next remark. "oh, dad means some of the servants have gone," quickly explained ruth. "you see we had too many," she went on. "i decided we could get along with one, for i want to help do the work. i must learn to be a housekeeper, you know," and she blushed a little. "we're not upset a bit, daddy. you see, i'll manage." it seemed as though something sad was worrying mr. hayward, but, he soon recovered his usual spirits, and got the boys to give him directions for shipping back their camp stuff. "now, i'll look after it," he said, as he prepared to leave the house, having changed his wet garments for dry ones. "i have some other matters to attend to, and i may not be back until late. i guess you can get along here. you can pretend you're camping out, and, if you get tired of that, ruth will show you where the motor boat is. only, don't upset," and, with that caution, he left them. the three chums decided they would try the boat at once, and, ruth, having ascertained that they knew how to run one, showed them where the launch was kept in a neat boat-house on the shore of lake superior. "don't be gone too long," she said. "you can't tell what will happen to fenn." "i guess he couldn't be in better hands," said frank, with a bow. "oh, thank you!" exclaimed ruth, with a pretty blush. "that'll do you," observed bart, nudging frank with his elbow. "i'll tell fenn when he gets well." ruth returned to her patient, after urging the three chums to be back in time for dinner. she found fenn awake, and with unnaturally bright eyes. "you must go to sleep," she told him. "i can't sleep." "why not?" "i'm thinking of something." "what about?" she asked with a little laugh. "about all the wonderful adventures you had?" "partly, and about that cave. it's the same one." "the same one? what do you mean?" "the same one you talked about when you were at our house. the mysterious cave, where the men were at work. i see it all now. it's the same cave! there is some secret about it! tell me what it is. don't you remember what you said? you wanted to find the cave, but couldn't. i have found it!" "oh!" exclaimed ruth. she drew back as if frightened. "oh!" she cried again. "can it be possible. it seems like a dream! can it be my cave?" "tell me about it," suggested fenn, for even his illness could not deter him from trying to solve the mystery. "i am going to tell you a secret," answered ruth. "it is something i have told no one. you know my father is--or, rather he was--quite wealthy. he owned considerable property, and was counted a millionaire. but lately, through some misfortune, he has lost nearly all his wealth. i suspect, though i do not know for sure, that some wicked men have cheated him out of it. but he does not know that i am aware of his loss. he has kept it a secret and he tries to keep up when he is with me, but i can see the strain he is under. he does not want me to suffer, dear daddy! but i don't mind. i don't care for money as long as i have him. "he thinks he can get his wealth back again, and so he has been making all sorts of sacrifices in order that i may continue to live here, in the same style we used to. but i found out about it. i discharged all the servants but one, to save money, and i am economizing in other ways." "but about the cave," insisted fenn. "it sounds almost like a dream," went on ruth. "one day, when i was walking through the woods around here, just before daddy and i took that automobile trip east, i was on a ledge of the cliff, about opposite where you were in the lake to-day. that particular ledge is not there now, as a landslide carried it away, but it was quite large, and easy to get to, when i was on it. i was after some peculiar flowers that grew there. "as i was gathering them i saw an opening in the cliff, and i could look right into a large cave. i was so surprised i did not know what to do, and, much more so, when i saw several men at work. they seemed to be taking stuff out--valuable stuff, for they were very careful with it. i must have made some noise, for one of the men came to where i was looking in. "he was very angry, and tried to grab me. i drew back, and nearly toppled off the ledge into the lake. then the man threatened me. he said if i ever told what i saw something dreadful would happen to me. "i was much frightened, and hurried away. i was going to tell my father of what i had seen, but the memory of the man's threat prevented me. the thing got on my mind so i was taken ill. then came the automobile trip and the accident. but i could not forget the cave. it seemed like a bad dream, and it followed me. i did not know i had mentioned it in my delirium at your house, until you told me. then i was frightened lest something happen to you, as well as to myself, and i begged you never to refer to it. but i could not forget it. all the while i kept wondering who those men were, and what they were taking out. i thought perhaps they might have found gold. of course it was foolish, and, sometimes i think it was all only a bad dream. only it is not a dream about poor daddy losing all his money." "and it isn't any dream about that cave!" exclaimed fenn, sitting up in bed. "it's real. there are men in it taking out something i think is valuable. they are doing it secretly, too. i don't know who it belongs to, but we'll soon find that out. by some curious chance i have discovered the same cave you looked into. i'll take you to it, and we'll see what those men are digging out. i'm going to get right up and go back there. i'm all right! we must go before the men take all the stuff! where are the boys? tell them to come here and help me dress." "no, no!" exclaimed ruth. "the doctor said you must be kept quiet!" "i'm going to go back to that cave!" declared fenn, and, getting out of bed, clad in a big bath robe, he began to hunt for his clothes, which, however were not in the room, having been taken to the laundry to be pressed. "mary! mary!" called ruth to the servant. "telephone for the doctor. tell him fenn is delirious!" chapter xxix a baffling search fenn sat down rather suddenly on hearing ruth make that announcement. he grew calm. "all right," he said, good-naturedly, "there's no use alarming you. i'm not delirious. i never felt better in my life. that sleep i had was fine. my fever is all gone. but, go ahead, if you want to. send for the doctor. i don't mind. i know what he'll say, and then i can go and hunt for that cave." "oh, fenn, are you sure you're all right?" asked ruth, much reassured by the cool manner in which the boy spoke. "sure. here, feel of my pulse. it's as slow as yours." ruth did so, and, having had some experience in cases of illness, she realized that fenn's fever had gone down. "you do seem better," she acknowledged. "however, i think it would be a good thing for the doctor to see you. i don't want you to run any chances." "all right," agreed fenn. the physician came again and said that, much to his surprise, fenn's illness was not as alarming as had at first appeared. "can't i go out?" asked the lad, not telling what for. "hum--ah--er--um--well, it's a little risky, but then--well, i guess you can," and, after much humming and hawing the medical man gave his consent and left, shaking his head over the perverseness of those who were always in a hurry. "now send up my clothes, please," begged fenn, when the doctor was safely away. "we'll solve the mystery of that cave in jig style." "hadn't we better wait for the other boys?" suggested ruth. "besides it's nearly dinner time, and you ought to eat something." "good idea," declared fenn, but, whether it was the one about eating, or waiting for the boys he did not say. frank, bart and ned were rather late getting back from the motor boat ride, but they had such a good time that no one blamed them. mr. hayward also returned, and it was quite a merry party that gathered about the table. that is all except mr. hayward. he seemed to be rather worried over something, and, at times, was rather distracted, his thoughts evidently being elsewhere. "what's worrying you, daddy?" asked ruth, after a while. "nothing, my dear. why?" "you're not eating at all." "i'm not very hungry. but come, we must go with fenn and see if we can't help him locate that cave. i don't imagine we shall find anything of any account. most likely the men were engaged in working an abandoned mine from which the prehistoric inhabitants took everything of value. perhaps the men were those chinese smugglers. i have telephoned word to the government authorities about them, and some detectives may arrive any minute." "those men were not smugglers," declared fenn. "they were taking something valuable from that mine, and they were so secretive about it that i'm sure they had no right to the stuff." "well, we'll soon see," declared mr. hayward. "where are we going to begin?" asked bart. "let's go up to that hole, where we found fenn's hat, and work down," suggested ned. "that's no good," declared the lad who had made the queer passage. "that chute only comes out on the ledge, where the main shaft begins. if we could get to the ledge we'd be all right." "i think we can get there without crawling or sliding down that dark, roped passage," said mr. hayward. "but i was going to suggest that we take the motor boat and cruise along near where we picked fenn up. if we found the opening in the cliff, from where he jumped, it would be easier. it is rather difficult to get to the ledge." "i think that's the best idea," remarked frank. "may i go with you, daddy?" asked ruth, a bright flush of excitement coming into her cheeks. "maybe i can find the--" she stopped suddenly. "i'm afraid not. there might be danger," said her father, not noticing her last remark. "i'm not afraid." "i wouldn't," said fenn quickly. "those men that i saw, didn't have any weapons, but they might be ugly customers, just the same." "i think you had better remain at home, my dear," decided the girl's father, and, somewhat against her will, she consented, after a whispered conference with fenn. the others were soon in the motor launch, and were cruising along the lake shore, as near as possible to where fenn had leaped into the water. narrowly they scanned the face of the cliff, for a sight of the opening from which fenn had jumped. they went up and down for half a mile, in either direction, but there was no sign of it. "are you sure you jumped out of a hole, stumpy?" asked bart. "sure. i remember catching just a glimpse of that point of land before i went under water." "then the opening into the cave ought to be somewhere near here," remarked mr. hayward, bringing the boat to a stop. once more they scanned the cliff, going as close to shore as they could. there appeared to be no break in the surface of the palisade. "i guess we'll have to try the ledge," announced mr. hayward. "we can go down that tree-trunk ladder, but it's more risky than this way." he was about to head the craft for a landing place, in order to begin the tramp through the woods, to a point whence the ledge could be reached, when the attention of all in the motorboat was attracted by something happening on shore. from the bushes dashed a chinaman, his pig-tail streaming in the wind. behind him came a man, with a revolver in his hand. "stop! you almond-eyed scare-crow!" he exclaimed. "i'm not going to hurt you!" but the chinaman only ran the faster. suddenly the man raised his revolver and fired in the air. the celestial stopped as though he had been shot. "i thought that would fetch you!" shouted the man, and, a moment later, he had the handcuffs on the representative of the flowery kingdom. "that's one of the smugglers!" cried fenn. "the police must be after them!" "what's the trouble?" asked mr. hayward, of the white man, as the boat neared shore. "chinese smugglers," was the short answer. "we got the whole crowd a while ago, just as they were landing a boat load in a secluded cove. but are you mr. hayward?" "i am." "i was told to look out for you. i understand you gave the information that led to the capture." "i did, but these boys here told me of it. they're to get whatever reward is coming." "oh, there's a reward all right. this fellow got away when we were bagging the rest. i had a hard chase after him, and i wanted to catch him, as he's one of the ring-leaders. but what are you doing here; on the lookout for some more of the chinks?" "no, we're searching for a queer cave where fenn, one of these boys here, was kept a prisoner. there have been some strange goings on in these parts, and i'd like to get at the bottom of them. i thought maybe the smugglers had a hand in it." at the mention of the cave, concerning which mr. hayward gave the government officer a few details, as fenn had related them to him, the chinese captive seemed suddenly interested. when mr. hayward told how they had so far, conducted a baffling search, for the entrance, the celestial exclaimed: "me show you." "what does he mean?" asked mr. hayward. "blessed if i know," answered the officer. "what's that, john?" "me show hole in glound. me know. clum that way," and he pointed a short distance up the lake. "do you suppose he knows where the entrance is?" asked mr. hayward. "shouldn't wonder," replied the detective. "those chinks know more than they'll tell. probably he knows the game is up, and he may think, if he plays into our hands, he'll get off easier." "that's lite!" exclaimed the chinese with a grin. "me turn state's evidence. me know. me show you." "i guess he's an old hand at the game," commented the officer. "probably it wouldn't be a bad plan to follow his advice. wait, i'll summon a couple of my men, and we'll go along. no telling what we'll run up against." he blew a shrill signal on a whistle he carried and soon two men emerged from the woods on the run. they did not appear surprised to see their chief with the prisoner, and at a word from him they got into the motor boat, the handcuffed celestial meekly following. "now, john, which way," asked the detective, who introduced himself as mr. harkness. "up by bluushes," replied the chinese, pointing to a clump which grew on the cliff. "hole behind bluushes, so no can see. smart trick. me know." "i believe he does," commented mr. harkness. "i'll unhandcuff him, and he can show us," and he removed the irons from the almond-eyed chap. the motor boat was put over to where the chinaman indicated. it came to a stop at the foot of a sheer cliff, right under the clump of bushes, which grew about thirty feet up from the surface of the water. "how in the world are we going to get up there without a ladder?" asked fenn. "we should have brought one along." "here ladder!" suddenly exclaimed the celestial, who, at a question from one of the officers gave his name as lem sing. "me get ladder." lem sing took hold of a stone that jutted out from the face of the cliff. he pulled on it, and it came out in his hand. to it was attached a strong cord, extending up somewhere inside the cliff, lem sing gave a vigorous yank, and something surprising happened. the clump of bushes vanished, and, in their place, was a round hole. "that's where i jumped from!" exclaimed fenn. but this was not all. down the cliff, out of the hole in the face of it, came tumbling a strong rope ladder, being fastened somewhere inside the hole. "that how up get!" exclaimed lem sing, with a grin. "now can up-go!" "sure we can 'up-go'!" exclaimed mr. harkness. "come on, boys," and he began to ascend the ladder, which swayed rather dangerously. chapter xxx the discovery--conclusion the others followed, one at a time, leaving one of the detectives in charge of lem sing. "now, fenn, lead the way," called mr. hayward. "i guess they've all gone," said fenn. "there don't seem to be any of the miners here, now." hardly had he spoken when, turning a corner in the shaft, the party came upon a curious scene. in a big chamber, the same one which fenn had viewed from the crack in the door of his small prison, there were half a score of men, working by the light of torches, digging stuff from the walls of the cave, and carrying it out in small boxes. "here they are!" shouted fenn. "this is the place, and they're at work!" "to the shaft!" shouted some one. "they're after us!" there was a hurrying and scurrying to escape, and, before the detectives or mr. hayward could make any move to capture the men, they had all disappeared. "come on!" cried mr. harkness. "show us the way to the shaft where the ladder is, fenn! maybe we can nab some of 'em." "it isn't worth while," declared mr. hayward. "these men were evidently afraid of being caught, but, from what i can see, they were not doing anything unlawful." "no," admitted mr. harkness. "we caught the last of them when we got lem sing. but what were these men digging?" "i'll take a look," answered robert hayward. suddenly he gave a cry, as he took some of the soft earth in his fingers. "say, this is almost as good as a silver mine!" exclaimed mr. hayward. "this stuff is in great demand! it's used by chemists, and they can't get enough of it." "lucky for the man who owns this land," commented mr. harkness. "but i don't see that it concerns us. guess i'd better be going." "why, man, this is my land!" suddenly exclaimed mr. hayward. "i own a big tract in here, but i believed it was worthless, and i was about to sell it very cheap. now--well, say, you couldn't buy it! my fortune is made again!" "boys," he went on, a little more soberly, "you don't know it, but i've been in quite a hole lately. the house where i live was about to be sold for a mortgage. but my daughter never knew. she--" "yes, she did," interrupted fenn. "she knew all about it, and she was trying to help you!" "she did? you don't mean it!" then fenn explained; telling of ruth's strange remarks while in a delirium at his house, her unexpected discovery of the cave, the man's threat, her long silence under fear of it, and her desire to aid her father to recover his wealth. "well, this gets me!" exclaimed mr. hayward. "ruth is a girl that's hard to beat." they went to the foot of the shaft, where fenn had come down, but there were no men to be seen. "let them go," suggested mr. hayward. "i've got all i want, and i must hurry and tell my daughter the news, bless her heart!" "it was all fenn's good luck," declared ruth, when the story had been told. "you ought to reward him, daddy." "reward him! well, i guess i will. and the other boys, too. nothing is too good for them." the chinese smugglers were punished for their attempt to break the united states immigration laws, and the celestials they tried to land were sent back to canada. lem sing had planned the trick so that by pulling on the rope the bushes dropped back out of sight, and the ladder came down. the miners used this device to send away the valuable clay, and it was by this queer hole that the men on the cliff so mysteriously appeared and disappeared when the boys were watching them from the deck of the _modoc_. the two chinamen and the white man, whom fenn had followed, were the advance party, looking to see if the coast was clear for a landing which had once been unintentionally frustrated by the boys, and, the visit of the one chinese to the camp was only to discover if the lads were detectives, which lem at first feared. while fenn was following the men, one had slipped behind him and gone to the camp, to see if it was deserted. it was this fellow who had dropped the button which gave frank, ned and bart their clue. "but what i can't understand," said fenn, "is why that man dirkfell should chase us the night of the fire, and pursue us in the steam yacht. do you know him, mr. hayward?" "dirkfell!" exclaimed the gentleman. "i should say i did, to my sorrow. it was through business dealings with him that i lost all my wealth. he held the mortgage on this house, and was about to buy that land, under which the cave is located. he has long borne a grudge against me--a grudge for which there is no excuse, for i never injured him. when he heard of my loss in the elevator fire i presume he could not help saying how glad he was. then, probably, when he saw you looking at him so sharply, fenn, he imagined you must be some agent of mine. he was evidently in fear of being found out in his secret mining operations under my land, and that was why he made such an effort to catch you, even following the _modoc_. i understand now, why he was so anxious to get possession of this land that i considered worthless. but i beat him at his own game, thanks to you and your chums." "and your daughter did her part," said fenn, "for she saw the cave first." "of course she did, god bless her." "i don't understand how the chinese smugglers and the miners both used the cave and the secret entrances," said frank. "i didn't until i had a talk with the detectives," said mr. hayward. "the chinese used the cave a long time before dirkfell was aware of what valuable stuff was in it. he and his gang worked in harmony with the celestials." "are they going to try to catch him?" asked fenn. "no, it's not worth while, since they have broken up the smuggling gang. i guess dirkfell will not show himself in these parts soon again." nor did he, or any of his gang. the boys spent a week with mr. hayward. then they started back to duluth, to join captain wiggs. they found the _modoc_ ready to sail, and they were warmly welcomed by the commander. "well, we've certainly had some strenuous happenings this trip," observed frank. "i don't think we'll have such lively times again." but he was mistaken, they did have plenty of adventures, and what some of them were i shall relate in another book, to be called "bart keene's hunting days." the end transcriber's notes: --text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). --punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected. --archaic and variable spelling has been preserved. --variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved. the iron boys on the ore boats or roughing it on the great lakes by james r. mears author of the iron boys in the mines, the iron boys as foremen, the iron boys in the steel mills, etc. illustrated philadelphia henry altemus company copyright, , by howard e. altemus illustration: both boys were hurled forward contents chapter page i. to the inland seas ii. the iron boys as cargo iii. a surprised skipper iv. the boys stand the test v. trouble in the stoke hole vi. the first step upward vii. the iron boys on deck viii. the crash in the fog ix. a tragedy of the lakes x. tossed up by the waves xi. by pluck alone xii. on the road to conneaut xiii. in the grip of a giant shell xiv. steve saves the captain xv. at the wheel xvi. through the rocky cut xvii. the blow in the dark xviii. visitors on the "richmond" xix. in the grip of the waves xx. an exciting rescue xxi. a new hand at the wheel xxii. leading a lively chase xxiii. the wireless message xxiv. conclusion the iron boys on the ore boats chapter i to the inland seas "what are we to do?" "the first duty of an inspector is to inspect, i should say," answered steve rush, with a soft laugh, in answer to his companion's question. bob jarvis made a wry face. "you think you are very smart this morning, seeing that you have been complimented by the president of the mining company," grumbled jarvis. "i don't know whether i like this new job or not. we were making pretty good money in the mines and we were bosses at that. are we going to do any bossing when we get on the lakes?" "i think not. we shall be ordinary seamen. somebody else will do the bossing in this instance and we shall be the victims. mr. carrhart will tell us all about it in a minute. he is arranging for our work now. it will be a great change, and while we shall be working pretty hard we shall be adding to our store of knowledge, bob. we are lucky to possess so fully the confidence of our superiors. let's try to show that we are worthy of their confidence in our new places." "when do we start?" "i don't know. mr. carrhart is looking that matter up now." the lads were sitting in the private office of the president of the mining company, whither they had been summoned from their work at the mines. mr. carrhart, the president, stepped briskly into the office at that juncture. "well, lads, i have arranged for your transportation." "may i ask on what ship we are to sail, sir?" questioned steve. "the 'wanderer.' she is not one of our newest ships, but she is a staunch old vessel with about as many conveniences as are to be found on the newer and more modern boats. i sometimes think we are getting further away from what a ship should be--but then, i am not a sailor. i am not supposed to know anything about ships," laughed the president. "when do we sail?" "some time to-night. the 'wanderer' is not yet in. she passed the soo nearly forty hours ago and should dock some time this afternoon. she is coming up light this time, for a change." "how long does it take to load the ship with ore?" asked steve, his active mind already in search of knowledge along the line of their new calling. "eight hours or so." "that is quick time," nodded jarvis. "it strikes me as being a long time," remarked rush. "that is the point exactly," agreed mr. carrhart. "if you boys can find a way to shorten the loading time you will have served your purpose well. that is exactly why we are sending you out on this inspecting tour--that is, it is one of the reasons. we want to know where we can save money and time in the shipment of ores to the furnaces." "but, sir, we know nothing about this branch of the business," protested steve. "are there not others better qualified than ourselves?" "they think they are," answered the president reflectively. "we have tried them out. most of them are wedded to old methods. what we want is new methods as well as new blood. besides, you lads have expressed yourselves as being anxious to learn everything about the mining and steel business. i am taking you at your word. you are thoroughly posted on the mining end. i do not believe you could be much more so were you to spend three years more underground. the shipment of the ore is the next step. you have followed the ore down from the mines to the shipping point, here in duluth. now i am going to have you spend a few months on the great lakes." "that will be a fine experience, sir." "i think so." "is the purpose of our going to sea on the lakes known, or is it not to be known to any one outside of ourselves?" "certainly not. the mission might fail of its purposes were such to be the case. to all intents and appearances, you two boys will be plain, everyday sailors. you will find many hardships in the life of a great lakes sailor, but then, if i know you, i do not believe you will mind these very much," added mr. carrhart, with an indulgent smile. "we certainly shall not," answered rush, with emphasis. "the harder the work the better it seems to agree with me." "but not with me," retorted jarvis. the president laughed. "that doesn't agree with what the reports show. for industry and attention to duty you are a close second to your friend rush. i presume, rush, that we shall be losing you one of these days?" "what do you mean, sir?" "you will wish to go on to the mills, eh?" steve thought briefly. "yes, sir; that is our ambition." "i thought so. you may depend upon me to use my influence to further your ambition, though i shall very much dislike to lose you." "you are very kind, sir." "what i hoped you would do was to remain with the mining end of our business, where one of these days you would rise to the grade of general superintendent. perhaps after you have had your experiences at the other end of the line, you will decide to come back. if i am still president of the mining company you will be well taken care of, should you return." "thank you, sir; perhaps we shall be back sooner than you think." "and now for the subject at issue. here is a letter to the master of the 'wanderer,' captain simms, stating that you are to be taken on board his ship as seamen. he does not know that it is your first cruise, but i have an idea that he will learn the truth soon enough." there was a grim smile on the face of the president. "you will find captain simms a gruff old seadog. he is one of our oldest and most trustworthy masters, and after you come to know him i am sure you will like him very much. you have a fairly clear idea of what is expected of you by the company. you boys are both keen and resourceful and i expect a great deal from you. i know that you will see all there is to be seen, and no doubt will see some things that have been overlooked by older heads than yours." "have you any further directions to give before we leave you, sir?" inquired steve. "none whatever. i wish you success, which i am sure you will have. you need not go to the ore docks until this evening, unless you wish to, as you probably will have some things to do in town." after bidding the president good-bye, the boys took their leave. it seemed only a few weeks since steve rush had first entered the office of the president of the mining company looking for a job. the same office boy with whom he had had trouble at the start of his career was on guard at the door, but steve had grown away from him. steve, who with his companion, bob jarvis, will be recognized at once as one of the iron boys, was tall for his age and muscular. his manner of life had done much for his physical well-being, and he was not the same boy who had fought his way into the president's office, the account of which is set forth in "the iron boys in the mines." it was there that steve rush and bob jarvis first became friends, after they had met and fought a battle in a lonely drift in the cousin jack iron mine; it was there that both lads proved their heroism by saving the president and several other officials of the company, when the entire company was threatened with death from a burning bag of dynamite. it was in the cousin jack mine that steve and his newly found friend saw the need of and invented a new tram railroad system, by which the mining company was saved many thousands of dollars a year. again in "the iron boys as foremen," was told how the lads proved themselves by saving the powder magazine from blowing up while the mine was burning and the flames were creeping toward the deadly explosives. it will be recalled that it was mainly through the heroic efforts of the iron boys that the red rock mine was saved from almost total destruction, and that through their further efforts many lives were undoubtedly saved. from then on they continued to distinguish themselves, playing a conspicuous part in the great strike, in the end exposing and unmasking a wicked and unscrupulous man who was leading the miners on to commit deeds of violence. they were the same boys who were now starting out on a new career for the same company. in this instance the lads were to become sailors on the inland seas, known as the great lakes. the lads were taking up this new calling for the twofold purpose of learning still another branch of the great corporation's business and they fondly hoped their work would prove of importance to their employers. the office of the president was located in duluth, many miles from the iron range where the boys had been working for the last two years. their first act after leaving the offices was to make their way down to the water front to the ship canal, leading from the harbor out to lake superior. steve pointed out the äerial bridge to his companion. this was a car carried through the air suspended from a giant truss over the river, by which passengers were transferred across to superior on the other side. bob had never seen this wonder before and was deeply interested in it. to steve rush it was of particular interest, for he had acquired no slight knowledge of engineering during his experience in the mines up on the range. boats were moving in and out, huge lake freighters, ore boats and passenger ships, for the lake traffic was in full cry now. after strolling about for a time, steve took his companion home with him, and the rest of the afternoon was spent with steve's mother. supper finished, the lads decided that they would get down to the ore docks, as the ship would likely be in by that time. darkness had set in when they reached the docks. these docks, as those who have had the misfortune to have to make their way over them are aware, consist of tiers upon tiers of trestle. over the tops, high in the air, ore trains rumble in by day and by night, discharging their cargoes of red ore into huge hoppers, from which the ore is loaded into the boats, or great lakes ore carriers, as they are called. neither boy had ever been out on one of these trestles before, and the task looked to be rather formidable. "how are we going to do it?" demanded bob, surveying the great structure apprehensively. "i guess the only way will be to keep going until we get somewhere or fall off. i don't see the ship, but we shall see it when we get to the top of the trestle." both boys narrowly missed being run down by an ore train as it was shunted out on the trestle. the lads were in a dangerous place, but they did not feel at all disturbed about it. men were flitting about in the dim light of half a dozen electric globes distributed along the top of the trestle that loomed all of seventy-five feet above the water. "there's a ship down there," cried steve. "yes, and there's one on the other side," answered bob. "why, there are ships at all of the docks along here. are you sure we have hit the right dock?" "i am not sure of anything, except that we are likely to break our necks if we don't look sharp," answered rush, with a laugh. "we will ask the first man we meet where the 'wanderer' is. there comes some one now." rush hailed the man, a foreigner. the latter neither answered nor paid the slightest attention to the question put to him. "thank you," murmured rush. "mighty sociable lot of men up here," jeered bob. "but then i suppose they have to keep their minds on their work or fall off the trestle. i prefer to work underground. in the mines, there's no danger of falling down." ore was being shot down through the chutes into boats on each side of the great trestle. there was the roar as of a great cataract as the red dirt went hurtling down into the hold of the ships many feet below. "let's get down on one of the other levels, steve. then we'll drift over to the heading at the other end." "anybody'd think you were down in a mine. these aren't levels; they are tiers. you remind me of one of our miners who came down here to duluth. he went to a hotel, and in telling some of the boys about it, he said: 'we got in a swell cage with looking glasses all around the inside. the cage tender jerked us up to the sixteenth level. we went along this till we came to a crosscut; then they led us into a swell drift an' we struck the heading and sat down.' what do you think of that?" "that sounds like a lumber-jack more than it does a miner. he must have had a sky parlor. i wonder what hotel he got into." suddenly a great shouting was set up far below where the boys were standing, and further on toward the end of the trestle. "now what's the matter?" wondered steve. two long blasts of a steamship's whistle sounded. "there goes a ship. they're pulling out. i'll bet that's the 'wanderer,'" shouted bob. "if if is, she will pull out without us. no, it can't be the 'wanderer,' for she did not come in until after sundown and it is not possible that the ship could be loaded by this time. we'll simply have to find our way down through the trestle somewhere and locate our ship. if we knew which side the boat lay it would be easier for us. can you see which boat is leaving, bob?" "i think it is a boat from one of the other piers. i don't see anything going away near us." "suppose we move out toward the end. then we shall be able to see where we are and what we are doing." "and fall off?" "certainly not. we will walk along by the side of the track. there is a railing here. no danger at all of falling." the boys had their suit cases in their hands. they carried little baggage, having been informed that there was no room on board for trunks or luggage. besides, the lads needed few clothes outside of several suits of underwear. as they stepped along, walking side by side, steve pointed up at a bright star. "i wonder if we had better lay our course by that one----grab me, bob--i'm falling!" suddenly cried steve rush. jarvis stretched out a quick hand, fastening upon steve's collar. but the movement threw jarvis off his balance. he, too, toppled forward. rush had stepped into an open chute through which the red ore was roaring down into the hold of the ship seventy-five feet below them. steve struggled valiantly to prevent himself from going in, and bob tried his best to keep from going in after. "let go, bob; you'll go in, too!" the warning came too late. steve shot out of sight, leaving a fragment of his coat collar in the hand of his companion. then bob went in, head first. neither lad uttered a cry. they were not of the crying kind, and even had they uttered a shout their voices would have been drowned in the roar of the ore thundering into the hold of the big ship awaiting it down in the slip. chapter ii the iron boys as cargo through some fortunate twist of his body, jarvis righted himself while going through the big hopper into which the ore was shooting. he landed feet first at the bottom of the hopper. in the meantime steve rush, with a few seconds' start of his companion, had gone on down through the hopper. he hit the long wooden ore chutes that led down into the ship; he struck the chute with a heavy bump and then went on at a speed that took his breath away. steve was in a sitting posture. jarvis followed him at the same rate of speed, lying flat on his back. there was ore on all sides of them; in fact, they were riding on the swift-moving ore; all about them was darkness, and even had there been lights it is doubtful if the iron boys would have seen them, because of the speed at which they were traveling. steve's mind was working with its usual rapidity. had he known exactly what awaited them below he might have been able to plan with more certainty. he did reason, however, that they would probably have to pass through a small opening when they reached the bottom of the chute. in this he was wrong, though right across the chute where it entered the ship was a heavy iron brace dividing the chute in half, which was placed there to give the ship more rigidity. "lie flat!" shouted rush, with quick instinct, himself dropping on his back. he did not know whether bob were following him or not. jarvis was, but he was in no need of the admonition to lie flat. he was as flat as it was possible for him to be and he could not have straightened up had it been to save his life. jarvis was close enough, however, to hear the warning cry. he opened his mouth to answer, getting it full of red ore as a result. the ore got down in his throat, sending him into a paroxysm of choking, sneezing and growling that was lost in the noise about him. suddenly steve felt himself shooting through space. he realized, in that instant, that he had left the chute. a few seconds more and he struck heavily on his feet, bounded into the air, then plunged forward head first. the lad landed on his stomach, slipped down a conical pile of ore to the bottom, his head striking the side of the ship, doubling him up and leaving him stunned and unconscious. jarvis, who was not far behind him, went through very much the same experience, save that he turned a somersault when he left the chute, landing flat on his back on the pile of ore. his feet drove against the side of the ship with the force of a battering-ram, backed by the full weight of the lad's body. the effect was nearly the same as it had been in the case of rush. bob was stunned. he, too, lay still, after curling up against the vessel's side. "hey, what's that?" a voice had shouted as the boys disappeared through the hatches. "what's what?" "i thought i saw something besides ore go through the chute in number seven hatch." "you're seeing things!" "maybe i am." "close number seven hatch!" shouted the second mate, and the two deck hands, after the chute had been hoisted a little above the deck, slid the heavy hatch cover into place. all the ore that was needed had gone in through that hatch. the ship was nearly loaded. all that was now required was a few car-loads at the ends to trim the ship properly, after which she would be ready to sail. within the next ten minutes the rest of the ore had been shipped. with loud crashings, interspersed with hoarse shouts, harshly-uttered commands and an occasional toot of warning from the ship's whistle, the hatch-covers were put in place and the ship made ready for her journey down the great lakes. there followed a moment of inactivity; then came a blast of the whistle fully a minute in duration. it was the signal that the ship was about to back out of her slip, warning all other craft to keep clear. the propeller began to churn the waters of the harbor and the ore carrier, with its cargo of ten thousand tons of iron ore, backed slowly out into the stream. bob jarvis rolled over until he was practically standing on his head and shoulders. he toppled over on his back with a jolt that woke him up. the lad gave a kick and some one grunted. "hey, there, take your foot out of my stomach, whoever you are. is that you, bob?" "i--i don't know. hello, steve, that you?" "i guess it's both of us. ugh! my mouth is so full of ore that i can hard--hardly talk." "i've got a dark red taste in my own mouth. i've swallowed enough ore to make a steel rail. do you know where we are?" "we have fallen into the hold of a ship, and we are lucky that we are not dead." "maybe we are and don't know it," jeered jarvis, pulling himself up. he tried to get to his feet, but the ore slipped from under him, leaving him at the bottom against the side of the vessel again. "quit it!" shouted steve. "are you trying to bury me?" the latter was on his feet too, brushing the dirt from mouth, eyes, nose and ears. bob had sent a quantity of it sliding down the chute. "i can't help it. what's the matter with you? what do you think about this business?" "i don't think, i know. we are in a nice fix." "think so?" "i told you i didn't think," retorted steve in a tone of slight irritation. "glad you admit it." "we have been dumped into the hold of an ore vessel. i don't know whether or not there is any way to get out, and it is sure that the hatches will not be opened again until the vessel reaches her destination." "how long will that be?" "that depends upon where they are going. if they are bound for any of the lake erie ports i should imagine it would take a week or more." bob groaned. "i'm going to yell." "yell, if you can. i've too much ore in my mouth to make much of a noise." jarvis raised his voice in a shout. it did not seem to attract any attention. the lad shouted again and again. by this time the ship was trembling from stem to stern under the jar of the propeller that was beating the water at many hundred revolutions a minute. "nobody on this ship, i guess," muttered bob. "come, suggest something. you've always got something to say," urged jarvis. "i was about to say that you might as well save your breath. no one can hear us through the thick decks; in fact, i presume every one has turned in except those on watch forward, and the engine room crews at the rear end of the ship." "then i am going to lie down and go to sleep," declared jarvis. "don't do anything of the sort. the ore is likely to slide down and bury you. the less disturbance we make here the better it will be for us." "why didn't you think of that before we fell in? i suppose we are pretty deep down in the ship, aren't we?" "about as close to the bottom as we can get without drowning. we will keep as quiet as possible until we can plan some way of helping ourselves out of this predicament." bob grunted unintelligibly. for some time after this the iron boys leaned against the side of the ship, steve trying to plan some way out of the difficulty, bob growling inwardly over the hard luck that had befallen them. all at once the ship gave a quick, sudden lurch. jarvis lost his balance, falling over on his face. the ore came down in a deluge, covering him from head to feet before he had sufficient time to scramble out of the way. steve, bracing himself against the side of the ship, stooped over and helped his companion to his feet. "the old tub's going to tip over," gasped jarvis. "what's the matter with her?" "nothing is wrong. we have gotten out of the ship canal and into the open water of lake superior. there must be considerable sea. don't you hear the waves smashing against the sides of the ship?" "it isn't what i hear, but what i feel," answered bob faintly. "i feel queer. my head's spinning like a top. is yours?" "no; i can't say that it is. are you getting seasick?" "how do i know? i have never been seasick. how does it feel to be that way?" "i have heard that when people are seasick they don't care very much whether they live or die." "then--then--i wish i could die right here, if it would make me forget that awful goneness under my belt. ugh!" bob settled down against the side of the ship, moaning. "don't be a baby. get up and be a man." "i--i don't want to be a man. i--i'd rather be a wooden image, then i wouldn't care what happened. in case the ship went down i could float and----" bob's words were lost in an anguished moan. steve felt far from comfortable, but he set his teeth and made a resolve not to give up. "the sea is coming up, bob," announced rush after a long period of silence. "the--the sea----? it's my opinion that something else will be coming up soon if things don't stop moving around the way--the way they are doing now." steve laughed. "remember, bob, that we are not likely to get anything in our stomachs for some days. be careful." bob groaned. "if i ever get anything solid under my feet i'll take it out of you for that! that's a mean trick to play on a fellow when he's in the shape i'm in at this minute. how long do you suppose the noise outside will keep up?" "i don't know. probably all the way down superior." "and how far is that?" "let me see. i think mr. carrhart said the trip to the--the soo took thirty-six hours." "help!" muttered jarvis faintly. "now, i want you to brace up. come on, get up. if you don't i'll trounce you and make you forget your troubles." "yes, you can talk, but if you felt as badly as i do, you wouldn't spout that way. you; couldn't without--without----" "perhaps i _do_ feel badly, but i may have the will power to fight it out." steve reached down and pulled jarvis up beside him. the latter protested, but it did him no good, for he was apparently unable to offer any resistance. rush threw an arm about his companion and began talking about other subjects in order to divert bob's mind from his sufferings, for his was a real case of seasickness. in the meantime the sea seemed to be rising, though as a matter of fact there was little sea on. the short, sharp waves of the lake were moving the big, flat-bottomed steamer almost as roughly as they would have moved a little row boat, for the ore carriers are proverbial rollers. after a time jarvis began to feel easier, and the lads, lulled by the motion of the ship, grew sleepy. steve did not dare allow himself to go to sleep. he knew, full well, that such a thing would be dangerous. a lurch of the vessel might cover their heads with dirt and smother them to death before they were able to extricate themselves. then again, they might be buried too deeply to dig their way out at all. "lean up against me, bob. no need of our both standing here suffering for sleep. if you get too heavy i'll let you drop; then i guess you will wake up." bob leaned heavily on his companion. he would have done so in a moment more at any rate, for his eyelids seemed to weigh a ton. the lad was asleep almost instantly. after a time steve's eyelids also drooped. he could hold them up no longer. then he went to sleep, braced against the wall of the hull, his companion sleeping soundly in his arms. there could be but one result of this. they had been asleep but a few moments before, in a lurch of the ship, rush toppled over with jarvis on top of him, a ton or more of ore banked up about them. "get up! get up!" shouted steve, as soon as he was able to get his mouth free of the red ore. jarvis muttered, and steve was obliged to push his companion off by sheer force. the lad pinched and pounded himself, to awaken his dulled senses thoroughly, then he began to punch jarvis about with his clenched fists. "leggo! quit that, or i'll----" bob tried to strike steve, but instead, he measured his length on the ore pile. "i'm trying to get you awake, and if you don't want to be roughly handled you'd better pull yourself together," warned steve. "i'll get even with you for this one," growled jarvis. "what's the use in trying to keep awake?" "i've answered that question already. besides, i am going to try to find some way out of this hold." "you'll have a nice time doing it," growled jarvis. "i expect to have. but i know there must be some way. you keep close to me." "what are you going to do?" "feel my way along the side of the ship to see if i can get hold of a ladder or something that we can climb up." "i couldn't climb a step ladder without falling off, the way i feel now," objected jarvis. chapter iii a surprised skipper "no use!" groaned jarvis. "there isn't a ghost of a chance of our getting out of this until the old tub gets to some place or other. we're done for, this time. i wish i had stayed in the mines, where i belong, instead of following along after you. you can get into more trouble than any other fellow i ever knew." "never mind," laughed steve. "we're the iron boys. why shouldn't we travel as part of the iron ore cargo? the only thing that troubles me is that we have lost our ship. the 'wanderer' will sail to-night with two men short, and--but i care more about what mr. carrhart will think when he hears that we missed our boat. he will think us a couple of stupid boys, and he will be justified in so thinking." "i don't care what he thinks," growled bob. "what's bothering me now is my stomach, and the thought of how i'm going to get out of this." steve did not reply. an idea had occurred to him. gathering up a handful of soft ore he tossed it up over his head. some of the stuff showered down over bob jarvis, causing that young man to protest vigorously. a large portion of the stuff, however, did not come down. steve heard it drop on metal, roll a little way then stop. "quit that, now," protested jarvis. "what on earth are you trying to do? i can't appreciate a joke to-night." "this is not a joke," answered steve, gathering up another handful. "i am saving your life." "huh! pleasant way you have of doing the trick." several large chunks of ore were tossed up with the same result. they did not roll back into the hold. "i've got it, bob," exulted the iron boy. "you're wrong there. i got most of it myself." "listen! there is a platform or passageway running along this side of the ship above our heads. i suspected there must be something of the sort, for surely they have to get into the hold occasionally----" "above our heads, you say, eh?" "yes." "precious lot of good that will do us," grunted bob. "that depends upon whether or not you have any spunk left." "i guess i've got as much of that kind of stuff as you have. but i'm sick--i'm a sick man, steve rush!" "forget it, and then you'll be a brave man. at all events i'll tell you what i want you to do." "go ahead. i can't be any worse off than i am." "i am going to brace myself here against the side, and i want you to climb up to my shoulders. you ought not to have any difficulty in standing on them, when once you get up, for you will have the side of the hull to lean against." "can't do it; can't do it at all. why don't you do it yourself, instead of trying to make me do so when you know how sick i am?" "all right, if you want me to stand on your neck. i am offering you the easiest part of the plan." "i guess you won't stand on my neck! all right; i'll be the goat. what am i to do when i get up to where i can stand on _your_ neck?" "reach up for the platform. if you can get it, all you have to do is to pull yourself up. then, after you are once up you can, perhaps, reach over and give me a hand." "fine, fine!" jeered jarvis. "i wish i could talk as easily as you. why, i'd hire out to spout in a political campaign and----" "don't waste breath. i am ready." feeling his way in the darkness, bob finally got hold of his companion. it was not a difficult task for him, strong and athletic as he was, to climb to rush's shoulders. the difficulty was in staying on the shoulders after he once got there. bob didn't stay long. he toppled over backwards with a quick roll of the ship, landing high up on the ore pile, sliding down to the bottom, protesting and growling at the boy who had been the cause of his downfall. "do it yourself!" jarvis shouted after getting to his feet once more. "come on, now! you're all right." after a little urging jarvis succeeded in reaching his chum's shoulders once more. "now, be careful! i will try to hold you," said steve grasping his companion's ankles. "i've got hold of it. i've got the platform. it's only a little above my waist. leggo my legs." steve stepped out from under so suddenly that jarvis was left dangling in the air. the latter was too busy in trying to pull himself up, to enable him to make any retort. he scrambled to the passageway or platform, out of breath and dizzy. for a few moments bob lay flat on the support beneath him, groaning. "don't be a tenderfoot. what's the matter?" called steve. "everything's the matter. i'm all shot to pieces--i'm all falling apart inside----" "take your time. when you feel able give me a hand. is there any railing around the walk?" "yes; how did you know?" "i just guessed it, that's all." "all right; come on." bob leaned as far over as he could, without falling, and tried to reach the upraised hands of his companion. "can't make it. you've got to grow a little first," jarvis jeered. "we are going to make it. i'm going to back up on the ore and take a running jump. you stand by ready to catch me. better twist your legs about a railing post if there is such a thing handy." "i'm waiting for you. i hope you bump your nose until it bleeds." but steve rush did not bump his nose. he took a running jump, nearly losing his foothold in starting. by a lucky chance he landed half way up the side of the hold, right against bob's hands. bob grasped him about the waist. "now, pull me up," commanded rush. "i can't. i'm a sick man, i tell you." "fudge! just hang on and i will do the rest, but for goodness' sake don't let go and fall off." "why should i let go? you don't think i am so anxious to get down there as all that, do you?" steve climbed nimbly up the body of his companion until he found himself able to reach the rail with one hand. it was then but the work of a moment to pull himself up to the platform. "there, now we're all right," exclaimed rush triumphantly. "no, we're all wrong. i tell you i'm a sick man," protested jarvis. "if i hear you say that again, i am likely to throw you off. you make me sick." "hope i do. then you'll know how i feel." "this is better than i had hoped for," said steve, not heeding his friend's ill-natured remark. "they've got to get up early in the morning if they want to down the iron boys, i tell you," he chuckled. "it strikes me that we downed ourselves pretty thoroughly. well, are we going to get out of here to-night?" "we are going to make an effort to do so at once. keep hold of the rail and follow me. look out where you step. we don't want to take any more tumbles, or----" "oh, that's all right. i couldn't feel any worse if i fell off from a house or the top of a mine shaft." the two moved along cautiously, steve feeling his way with feet and hands. they were going toward the stern of the ship, though they were not aware of the fact. the passageway, constructed for the purpose of getting about on the inside of the hull, was narrow, built of metal, but without anything on it to bar their progress. they made their way around the stern, which, inside the ship, was next to the engine room. rush felt the throb of the engines near him and knew then that they were near the stern. they were separated from the engine room by a bulkhead and there was no opening into the engine compartment from the cargo-carrying part of the hull. "we shall have to work our way to the other end," steve said. the boys, with steve in the lead, continued their cautious creeping around the ship until finally they had reached the forward end. steve's hands came in contact with a door. "oh, pshaw, it's locked," he cried. "this is too bad." "kick it in," suggested bob, as the most practical way out of the difficulty. "i can't; it's locked." "and after all the trouble we have been put to!" "at least, bob, we have found a place where we shall be able to lie down and go to sleep in safety. that is surely worth all the trouble we have been put to, as you call it." "that's so. i hadn't thought of it in that light before. and i'm such a sick----" "you know what i told you." jarvis did not complete what he was saying. "good night." bob threw himself down on the hard floor and went to sleep. steve decided that this was the best thing they could do, so he, too, lay down and was sound asleep at once. neither lad awakened for hours. steve finally opened his eyes and yawned. a ray of light that had penetrated between a thin joint between a hatch cover and its frame, hit his left eye squarely. "wake up, bob," he cried. "go 'way! don't bother me. i'm having my beauty sleep." steve sprang up, shaking the other boy roughly. "it's daylight. come on; we've got to make a break to get out of here now, if we do it at all. i just heard some one tramping along the deck overhead." bob sat up rubbing his eyes sleepily. he would much have preferred to sleep longer, but he knew full well that, if he tried it, steve rush would fall upon him and make life miserable for him for the next few minutes. so jarvis got up, grumbling. "where does that door lead to?" he demanded, pointing to a door that steve had not yet seen. a faint light in the hold made it possible to see a short distance away. steve glanced at the door, then sprang toward it. "hurrah, it is unlocked!" "and don't forget that i found it. i can see like an owl, even if i am sick----" steve had jerked the door open, revealing a dark chamber. it proved to be the chain and anchor room where odds and ends of the ship were stored. after a little groping about in this chamber, they came upon a companion-way, up which they hurried. there they met with another door, but this one too was unlocked. rush opened it and stepped into the full light of day. for the moment the light blinded both. the boys stood there, rubbing their eyes, blinking, and breathing in the fresh air of the lake. "great!" exclaimed steve. the ship was rolling gently. they glanced about them, but there was no land in sight. everything was a sea of green, with white-capped combers tracing long lines of white against the deep green. "beautiful, isn't it, old chap?" "it might be, if there were some land in sight. where's everybody?" "i don't know, but we will find out." smoke was rolling from the funnel of the steamer, a ribbon of white steam from the exhaust pipe trailing off astern and losing itself in the black smoke. "this is a beautiful sight, even if we have lost our boat and gone to sea on an unknown craft," exclaimed rush, his eyes glistening. "pshaw!" grunted jarvis. "i guess it is about time we looked up some one and found out whether we are headed for the soo, or----" "or the north pole," added jarvis. "well, who are you?" demanded a gruff voice just behind the lads. the iron boys wheeled sharply. they found themselves facing a thick-set man, whose face, from exposure to wind and sunshine, was almost fiery red. he was surveying the boys from head to foot with a look of stern disapproval. steve and bob, with their torn and soiled clothes, _did_ present a most disreputable appearance. their hair was unkempt and full of red ore, while their linen, white and clean when they left home on the previous day, now also partook of the color of the iron ore in which they had wallowed for several hours. "may i ask who you are, sir?" questioned steve politely. "i am the captain of this ship, and, unless you answer my question pretty lively, i'll have you ironed and thrown into the hold." "we have just come from there, sir," interrupted bob. "that is quite evident from your appearance. you are stowaways, eh?" "no, sir; we got into the ship by accident, last night, and could not get out. we tried to attract attention, but were unable to do so." "what were you doing around the ship?" "we were to ship on the 'wanderer.' we lost our way on the docks and fell into the hold of this ship. we had a hard time getting out, but here we are, hoping to get to our ship as soon as we get to the next stop." it was the captain's turn to look astonished. chapter iv the boys stand the test "you want to get on board the 'wanderer,' eh?" "yes, sir." "what for?" "i have told you we were to ship on her--we were to work on board." "what were you to do on board?" "we were to work at whatever we were set at." "hm-m-m!" mused the red-faced skipper. "had your breakfast?" "no, sir; we have not had anything to eat since we ate luncheon yesterday noon." "hm-m-m-m. come with me." the captain led the way aft over the decks, along a walk at the side of the hatches, which the lads observed were snugly battened down. their conductor passed on by the engine house, clear to the stern of the vessel, where he entered the door of the deck-house. "jake!" he called sharply, poking his head into the room. a white-capped, white-aproned man suddenly made his appearance. "vat iss?" demanded the ship's cook. "give these boys some breakfast." jake surveyed the boys critically before replying. "_ja_," he said, turning back into his kitchen. "sit down at the table. when you have finished eating come forward and i will talk with you." "thank you. where shall we find you, sir?" asked rush. "if i'm not in the wheel house i'll be somewhere else." "i hope you won't take it into your head to meet us in the hold," interjected jarvis. "we have had hold enough to hold us for the rest of our lives." "don't get smart, young man," snapped the master, turning and leaving the room. "i wouldn't get funny with the captain, were i in your place," warned steve. "he evidently doesn't appreciate your jokes. smell that breakfast?" "you bet i do, but smelling won't help much." jake soon brought in a satisfying meal, to which the boys helped themselves liberally. the cook stood about watching them questioningly for a time, but, as the boys seemed too busy to open a conversation with him, he turned back to his galley with a deep grunt of disapproval. after having finished their meal the iron boys went out on deck, where for a time they stood leaning over the rail looking down into the foaming water slipping past the side of the ship. "we had better be going forward, bob," suggested steve. on the way forward they passed several deck hands at work. some were sweeping, others washing down the decks with a hose and a scrub brush. "that's going to be our job, i guess," grinned bob. "then, it's me for the mines, steve rush!" inquiring for the captain, they were told that he was in his cabin just under the pilot-house. they hurried there, and, knocking, were told to enter. the captain's quarters they found, to their surprise, to be luxurious. there was an observation room extending across the ship, with eight windows in front, looking out on the sea ahead of the ship. off from this observation room and to the rear of it were two handsome bedrooms, furnished with brass bedsteads and hung with silk draperies. bob looked around for a mat on which to wipe his feet. the captain, seated at a desk, turned around in his chair, surveying the boys critically. "you certainly are not very handsome to look at," was his comment, uttered in a gruff tone. "no, sir, not very," admitted steve, flushing as he looked down at his soiled clothes. "do we have to dress up on this ship?" demanded jarvis, with some heat. "you will have to do one thing--preserve a respectful attitude toward the commanding officer, and take orders without giving any back talk," replied the master, eyeing the boy sternly. "we aren't working on this ship." "perhaps you think you are not, but you are." "we are working, or going to work, on the 'wanderer,'" answered bob. "that is what i am saying. this is the 'wanderer.'" "the 'wanderer'?" exclaimed the lads. "yes." "then we did fall into luck, after all." "it looks that way, though you may change your minds before you've been aboard long. which of you is which?" "i am steve rush. this is bob jarvis." "glad to meet you, young gentlemen." they could not tell if the captain intended the words to be sarcastic, or whether he meant to be polite to them. they were rather inclined to the former opinion. "when do we go to work?" demanded jarvis. "now; at once. we don't have any lazybones on board this ship. are you men strong?" "yes, sir; i think so," replied steve, smiling. "can you shovel coal?" "we can shovel anything that we are able to lift." "very well, then; i'll put you in the stoke hole." "what kind of a hole is that?" questioned jarvis. "that is the place where the black-faced gang shovel the fuel under the boilers to make the ship move along." "oh, you mean the firemen?" "that's the scientific name. the common name is stoker. i'll send you down to the chief engineer, and he will give you a trick. you'll have to work like sixty, and if you don't you'll get off at the soo and foot it back home," continued the skipper gruffly. if steve were disappointed, or objected to the work that had been assigned to them, he made no comment. jarvis, however, made no secret of his displeasure. he grumbled under his breath, despite the warning looks directed at him by steve rush. captain simms pushed a button, and a few minutes later a short man, clean shaven, red of face like the captain, entered. "this is mr. major, the first mate. he is next in rank to the master. he will take you to the chief engineer for your assignment." "where do we sleep?" asked jarvis. "i had nearly forgotten that. you will show the boys their cabin, mr. major." the first mate nodded. his was a surly face, and the lads did not approve of him at first. however, upon gaining the deck the first mate spoke to them in a tone that was kind and helpful. "this is your first time out, isn't it, boys?" he asked. "yes, sir," replied steve. "well, you'll get along all right. do your work well and you will find that captain simms will take to you all right. you will have enough time off to rest and sleep, though the work is pretty steady on the lakes. you will find this is the case when we are in port, even more than when on the move. the loading and unloading keeps all hands at their stations. you have been in the mines, have you not?" "yes, sir." "we were foremen," interjected bob. the mate glanced at them in surprise. "i should think you would have stayed there, then. the pay is better and the hours more regular." "we wished to learn this end of the business," answered steve somewhat shortly. a few minutes later they were introduced to mr. macrae, the chief engineer, in whose department they were to begin their work on a lake steamer. the chief was a man of few words, these words always to the point. the mate explained to him the disposition captain simms wished made of the boys. "ever fire any?" demanded the chief. steve shook his head. "nothing more than a cook stove," spoke up jarvis, with a twinkle in his eyes, at which the chief's face threatened for a few seconds to relax into a smile. instead, it drew down harshly and his lips set more firmly together. "humph! nice couple to send me, and short-handed in the stoke hole, as it is. well, you'll fire all right, and you'll find it ain't no six-day stove-firing, either." "when do we go on?" asked rush. "i guess now is as good a time as any. where's your jumpers?" steve glanced at his companion quizzically. "did we leave our bags down in the hold, bob?" "i guess that's where we left them, sure enough." the mate sent a deck hand for the bags of the boys, after which they retired to the cabin set aside for them at the stern of the ship, and began preparing for their new work. they went on duty at nine o'clock, being told that they would take a six-hour trick, with a six-hour lay-off, after which they would report for duty again. the chief took the boys below, introduced them to the foreman of the fire room, then stood about while the foreman instructed them in their duties. these consisted in keeping the fire up under two boilers. they were obliged to throw the coal in many feet under the boiler, which required both skill and strength. when the fire doors were closed, the heat was still stifling, but when the doors were thrown open waves of white hot heat leaped out enveloping the stokers. the first time that jarvis essayed the feat he burned his eyebrows off by getting too close to the door and facing it full. bob sprang back with a growl that was half howl. as soon as he could get the door closed he ran to the water barrel, sticking his head clear under. the stoke-room gang howled uproariously. "a lubber, eh?" laughed one of the stokers. "you'll get all the hotness you want before you get out of this hole. how about you, pretty boy?" turning to address steve. "you look out for your own furnaces, old man; i'll attend to mine, and if i get stuck i'll ask somebody who knows." the gang laughed at this, and the fellow whom rush had answered so sharply, glared angrily at the tall, slender lad who was throwing coal into the white-hot mouth of the furnace. he was doing his work almost as methodically as though he was used to it, save that his aim was not quite as sure as in the case of the more experienced men. after having watched the boys at work for a few minutes, mr. macrae nodded to himself, then climbed up the ladders to the deck. he met the master soon after. "get those boys to work?" demanded captain simms. "yes." "any good?" "pretty likely pair. they have the strength of yearling bulls. where did they come from? i didn't see them when we came out." "no, they came out of the hold," grinned captain simms. "out of the hold?" "yes; funny thing about that. they boarded the ship with a load of ore." the captain went on to explain how the boys came to be on board. "doesn't it strike you as peculiar that they are sent down here in this way?" "not at all, mac. they want to learn the business. mr. carrhart sent me a line yesterday explaining the case. said they were a fine pair, and he wanted to see them get along." "then why put them in the hole?" "don't you think that will try them out as quickly as anything else?" said the captain. "i guess that's right," admitted the chief engineer. "and we need them just now, too. i'm glad they are on board, even if they are green hands. but young rush is going to be a winner, and no mistake." "what's the matter with the other one?" "nothing, except that he is a little fresh at times." "so i already have observed. you will take that out of him, mac." "i'll do that all right, or break his back in the trying. the stoke hole isn't any place for weaklings, as you and i know." "keep me posted. i want to know about them. if they make good maybe i'll change them, giving them a berth on deck." "we'd better give them a good try-out first," advised the chief. "certainly." in the meantime the subjects of this discussion were toiling with might and main far down below the water level. the ship seemed much steadier down there, and there was scarcely any roll perceptible. had it not been for the terrific heat the youngsters would not have minded the work so much. however, as the day drew on they began to feel the strain. the gong, announcing the change of watch, sounded loud and startling. they did not give it any heed, but kept right on shoveling. "well, are you fellows going to work right through the next trick?" asked the foreman. "have we finished?" questioned bob innocently. "until nine o'clock to-night." the lads put down their shovels with a sigh of relief. "is there such a thing as a bath room that we can use?" questioned rush. "what? do you fellows ever wash?" demanded the stoker who had had the words with steve earlier in the day. "that depends upon the company we have been in," answered the lad sharply. "did you tell me about the bath room, sir?" the foreman could not repress a grin. he pointed up the companion ladder. "you will find one on the deck above this. first door to the right." "thank you, sir." steve began climbing up the ladder, followed by bob and, a few rungs behind, by the surly stoker who had sought to have fun with the iron boys and had got the worst of the argument in each case. their first trick on board an ore carrier had been gotten through successfully, but it was about the hardest six hours the lads remembered ever having put in. they hurried out into the air before taking a bath. never had fresh air smelled so sweet as it did that day. the lads were black, the coating of soot on their faces being streaked with perspiration, and their clothes could have been no wetter had they just come up from the sea. "this is about the limit!" laughed bob jarvis. "here i am, without any eyebrows and half my beautiful locks burned away, all because you and i have ambitions to get on in the world. honestly, steve, is it worth it?" "you know it is, bob jarvis," answered the iron boy, gazing straight into the inflamed, soot-framed eyes of his companion. chapter v trouble in the stoke hole "i'll put you to sleep one of these fine days, young feller," greeted the stoker with whom steve had had the words. the boys had just turned to go to their bath, bob already having entered the deck house. "are you addressing me?" demanded steve coldly. "i'm talking to you." "forget it," said the lad, brushing past the soot-begrimed stoker and hurrying in to his bath. that was the beginning of it. surely steve had not tried to make an enemy of the man, but he had done so just the same, and an enemy whom he was to hear from ere many days had passed. meeting the first mate later in the day steve asked who the man was. "the name he gave on coming aboard was smith. i don't know anything about him. he has never sailed with us before, but i understand he knows his business--that is, he is a good stoker and has been on ships before. why do you ask?" "i wondered," answered steve evasively. "has he been bothering you?" "oh, no; i am not very much bothered," answered the lad, with a smile. the boys' cabin was on the starboard or right side of the ship. it was a pleasant little room, commanding a view out over the water. there were two berths in the cabin, a little desk and a couple of steamship pictures, the door of the cabin opening out to the deck. they felt very much at home in their new quarters, and after the first good sleep there they were ready for anything that might be required of them. the new stokers took their evening trick, each determined to hold up his end of the work with the rest of the men. and each did. not a man in that hot, fiery pit shoveled more coal on that watch, or shoveled it to better advantage than did the iron boys. the man smith shoveled at the furnace door next to steve rush, and the former lost no opportunity to hurl rough jokes and taunts at the iron boy. these were, in most instances, greeted with howls of delight by the other stokers, who seemed to take the keenest pleasure in seeing the two boys humiliated. steve took it all good-naturedly, but jarvis had to exercise great self-restraint to keep himself in check. he could hardly resist taking it out of the big bully. smith was tall and angular, his small, beady eyes setting more closely together than was good to look upon. in addition to this there was a slight slant to them, giving him almost the appearance of an oriental. steve shrewdly came to the conclusion that smith was a bad man, and furthermore, the boy decided in his own mind that the man had a past, for rush was a keen observer, few things passing him unobserved. all at once, smith's shovel slipped, showering steve with coal from head to foot. the sharp edges of the chunks of coal cut the boy's head and one cheek until the blood came. rush calmly brushed himself off, wiped the blood from his head and face amid the jeers of the stokers. then he turned to the grinning smith. "did you do that on purpose?" demanded the lad coolly. "i reckon it was an accident, kid. what would you do if it wasn't?" "i am not making any threats, but i hope it will not happen again." "he did it on purpose," volunteered bob. "never mind, bob; keep out of this. mr. smith had a dizzy spell and he couldn't see where he was tossing the coal. he isn't wholly responsible for what he is doing." smith uttered a growl. "you making sport of me?" he demanded, in a surly tone. "oh, no; i couldn't think of that, because i don't see anything funny about you. you are the most serious proposition i ever set eyes on." smith was not grinning now. his face had drawn down into harsh, menacing lines, his chin settling close to his chest, his eyes narrowing to mere slits. rush was watching him as the boy carelessly tossed a shovel of coal into the furnace. smith drew a long breath, grabbed up his shovel and began firing once more. the critical stage had been passed for the moment, but rush knew that sooner or later there would be a clash of some sort, and he knew, too, that when it did come the tough stokers would side with their own companion. nothing more of a serious nature occurred in that watch, though the boys kept on the lookout for trouble. it was in the early morning watch, however, when the ship's company was sleeping, all save those who were on watch at the time, that there came a renewal of the trouble--when the threatened disturbance came to a head. the boys had arranged that when the back of either was turned to the stoker the other should keep his eyes open. this arrangement they had carried out faithfully until four o'clock in the morning arrived. day was breaking, but the toilers down in the depths of the stoke hole could not see the coming of the day. they would not have noticed it had they been able to for the reasons that their minds were wholly absorbed with other matters. suddenly a second shower of coal rained over steve rush from the shovel of the man smith. steve turned sharply, fixing his eyes on jarvis. the latter nodded, meaning that smith had thrown the coal deliberately. "that's the time you did it on purpose, mister man," said steve in his usual calm voice. "well, supposing i did? what you going to do about it?" "this!" whack! the iron boy's fist smote the stoker a powerful blow in the face. smith toppled over against the hot boiler. rush saw at once that the fellow would be seriously burned. leaping forward he dragged the man away, dropping him on the coal heap. for the moment the stokers were so amazed at the exhibition of strength and skill on the part of steve rush that they could do no more than gape and gaze. the knocked-out stoker struggled to his feet. his eyes were bloodshot and his face distorted with passion. "i would suggest that we put off our dispute until we have nothing else to do," suggested steve. "you mustn't forget that we are on duty now, and the captain will discipline us if we have trouble here." with a bellow of rage, smith rushed his young antagonist. the blow that he got this time spun the fellow around, landing him on his face on the coal heap. the blow had reached him before his own fists were fairly up in position. steve knew that what was to be done must be done quickly. he loathed such fights, but he was among rough men. he had been among rough men ever since he had started out in the mines, and it was a case of fighting one's battles or going down with serious injuries, or perhaps worse. experience had told him that the quicker such affairs were ended the better for all concerned, and that the man who landed the first effective blow was more than likely to win the fight. steve usually did land first. bob was dancing about with glowing eyes. "please somebody hit _me_!" he begged. "i've got to get into the row. i've got to punch some of you wooden heads, or you'll never be satisfied; neither will i." "give them the coal. bury them!" roared a voice. smith leaped to his feet, and stretching out a hand threw open a furnace door. "i'll give the little fiend a toasting!" he howled. "no, no--the coal!" protested the others. the iron boys saw at once that matters had taken a more serious turn than they had looked for. the lads slowly backed up against a bulk head, their hands resting easily on their shovels. "i would suggest that you men had better get to work," said rush. "the steam will be going down in a minute or so, then you'll hear from the chief engineer." he had hoped to call them back to their duty, and thus avoid what was before them. "the coal, the coal!" with one accord the stokers thrust their shovels into the coal pile. ten shovels of hard coal were hurled at the iron boys with unerring aim and at almost projectile speed. "down!" shouted rush. both lads dropped to the floor of the fire room, the black chunks of coal passing harmlessly over their heads. "let 'em have another! throw low!" the stokers sent the next black volley straight out from their hips, which should have reached the mark had the boys adopted their former tactics. "dodge between!" commanded steve. jarvis obeyed instantly. in fact, in an emergency, he always looked to his companion for orders. when they saw that their second attempt had failed the stokers uttered a yell of rage. "bat them over the head with your shovels!" advised one. but rush had anticipated the suggestion. he was already leaping forward, his shovel cutting the air. he brought its flat side against the side of a stoker's head. the man toppled over, unconscious, and before the men could recover from their surprise two more of their number had fallen victims to the iron boy's shovel. bob had leaped into the fray by this time. he was swinging his own shovel, uttering a shout each time it came in contact with a head. "give ground, bob!" shouted rush. "i'll fix them. just watch out that they don't land on you, or they'll cut your head off with those sharp-edged things." "i'll hold them! come on, you black ruffians!" steve had sprung to one side of the fire room, where he began tugging at a wheel, from which he unrolled a long, dark object. one end of this he quickly connected to a four-inch pipe, turned a shut-off and sprang out into the middle of the fire room, carrying one end of the object in his hands. "quick! back off, bob!" bob did so. he saw at once what rush intended to do. "give it to them!" he shouted. chapter vi the first step upward the iron boy held a three-inch fire hose in his hands. a powerful stream leaped from the nozzle. the first man it hit was bowled over like a nine-pin, the man uttering a choking yell as he went down. another leaped at steve with upraised shovel. he shared the fate of his companion. one after another of them went down under the force of the stream from the fire hose. it was a kind of warfare that none of those tough customers had ever engaged in before. in a moment the men were yelling wildly, now and then bob jarvis's voice raised above the hubbub in a howl of joy. the heat in the fire room quickly turned the water to steam, a dense gray cloud hanging over all, obscuring everything in the room. it was with difficulty that the boy could make out the forms of his enemies. the men were making desperate efforts to break through and escape by the door, to which rush had slowly backed. as soon as a man sprang forward steve would let him have the full force of the stream from the hose squarely in the face. the stoker would be on his back instantly; then rush, would play the stream on the others, swinging the hose from side to side to keep the crew back. all the fight had been taken out of them, but the relentless stream still played on and over them with terrific force. "quit! we've got enough!" howled a voice. "i can't hear," answered steve, playing the hose from one end of the cringing line to the other. "i'm going to turn on the hot water soon, i don't believe this cold water will take all the dirt off." "skin them alive!" jeered jarvis. there came an interruption. the howls of the men, having reached the upper deck, had attracted the attention of the chief engineer. he had come running down the companion ladder, believing something serious had happened in the engine room. he was met by a cloud of steam. "what's going on here? have you blown out a tube?" he shouted. "no; i'm blowing off some rowdies, that's all. bob, shut off the water. the fun's all over." macrae grasped rush by the collar. "what does this mean? i'll discharge you at the end of the cruise." "i am sorry, sir; but those men attacked us and we had to fight them the best way we could. i thought a shower bath would do them more good than anything else, and cool them off quicker." "get to work there, you lazy lubbers. your steam is twenty pounds below the mark. i'll fine the lot of you. rush, come up to the deck, i want to talk with you." "i would suggest, sir, that you hear what the men have to say first." "how did this row start?" demanded the chief engineer. "he turned the hose on us, jest because he got a grouch on against us." "that's a lie!" exclaimed jarvis. mr. macrae motioned for steve to accompany him. the boy followed up to the deck where the chief led the way to his office and cabin. "now, i'll listen to the story. you have done a very serious thing; you have imperiled the safety of the ship and laid yourself liable to arrest and ironing. what have you to say?" "i acted purely in self defense. it was a case of defend yourself or get my head knocked off. i chose the former. i am sorry i was the cause of the steam going down, but we can put on more steam in a few minutes. i couldn't do the same for my head." "tell me exactly what occurred." rush did so, omitting the name of the stoker who had been the real cause of the uprising. mr. macrae listened with grave face until the story of the trouble had been told. "who started it?" "i would rather not say. i do not think he will start anything else very soon. he got about all that was coming to him." "i should say he did. however, this is a matter that will have to be laid before captain simms. go back to the fire room. i will accompany you and see that matters are straightened out." this the chief did. "the next man who starts any disturbance here will be put in irons!" said mr. macrae sternly. "this applies to every one of you. i shall lay the matter before the captain, as it is. he will act as he thinks best, but it is my opinion that the whole gang of you ought to be thrown off the ship at the first stop. you may be, at that." as soon as the captain rose, the chief told him the story of the battle in the stoke hole. "what, those two boys did up the whole crew of ten men down there?" exclaimed the master. "that's about what it amounted to." "most remarkable thing i ever heard of! but i will guarantee they never started the row." "no, i think not. both boys refuse to say who did." "good for them. i knew they had the right kind of stuff in them. pity we haven't got more like them." "what do you think best to do, sir?" captain simms reflected for a moment. "being convinced that the stokers are wholly to blame, i shall fine each of them a day's pay. you may so inform them." "and the two boys also?" "no. why should they be fined? you can't blame them for defending themselves. what time do the boys come off watch?" "nine o'clock." "tell them to report to me after they get fixed up." "very good, sir." captain simms went to his cabin, where he related to the first mate the story of the fire room row. both officers laughed heartily. "i would have given a month's wages to have seen that fuss," laughed the mate. "i guess the black-face gang has come to the conclusion that it has picked up a couple of tartars. evidently it isn't the first time those lads have been called upon to take care of themselves." before the stoke hole watch knocked off the captain made it his business to go below and look over the men. every man save the iron boys wore a sullen, revengeful look on his face. but this was not all. there was blood on several of the faces, and the men's clothes and hair still bore traces of the shower bath that steve rush had given them. neither lad paid any attention to the captain. they went on with their work as steadily as though he were not present, or nothing out of the ordinary had occurred. the captain turned away rather hastily and left the compartment. he felt that, if he remained a second longer, he would have to laugh. that would not do at all. and laugh he did, after he had gotten far enough away from the fire room to make wise such a proceeding. "i'll get even with you for that!" snarled smith in rush's ear, after the departure of the master. steve made no reply. "you'll wake up one of these fine mornings wetter than i was after you turned the hose on me, you whelp!" smith drove his elbow into the iron boy's side with considerable force. rush slowly faced him. "look here, you loafer, i'll knock you down if you do that again. or, if you prefer it, i'll give you another bath. you are trying to pick a fight with me. i am not looking for it, but if you insist i'll give you what you want. fight or stop!" smith glanced uneasily at the door leading from the fire room, muttered something unintelligible to the others and began shoveling coal into his furnace. shortly after that the watch ended. steve hurried through his bath. after putting on his clean clothes he called on the captain. the latter looked over the slim, well set-up young lad quizzically. "i didn't think it of you, rush." steve flushed painfully. "you wish to see me, sir?" "yes. be careful. in this instance let me say very frankly that i am glad you cleaned out that lot. the only trouble is that you ought to have thrown the whole gang overboard. we can't spare them, or i might have done it myself before this. i'm going to take you two boys off the stoke hole watch." "what do you wish us to do, sir?" "i will promote you to the deck." chapter vii the iron boys on deck the lads began their work above decks on the following day. it was a welcome relief to be out in the open air, with the wind blowing over them, the soft odors of the inland seas mingling with the faint perfume of the land drifting out from the unseen shores. the first work of the iron boys was to remove the hatches that the sun might penetrate the hold and dry out the ore, which had been put in very damp. ore in that condition did not handle easily, taking up time and costing considerably more to handle than when dry. steve pondered over this all during his first forenoon's work. here was something that ought to be remedied. his fertile brain was at a loss to solve the problem. he talked the matter over with jarvis after luncheon, that day, and asked his companion's opinion. "that's easy," answered bob promptly. "put a stove in." "where?" "in the ore pockets on the trestles." "that would be fine," grinned steve. "but you have given me an idea. i will think it over. there is a point that it will pay us both to think over very carefully. have you seen anything of our friends from below decks this morning?" "no; i guess they must be sleeping." "look out, bob. we haven't heard the last from smith. he is a vengeful fellow and he will try to get even with us. i hope he doesn't ship with us on the return trip." "i'll punch his head for him if he gets funny with me." "i don't like the man's looks at all. it is my opinion that he is a desperate character." "well, so are we, for that matter," replied jarvis with a mirthless grin. "i am beginning to think so myself, old chap. it seems almost impossible for us to keep out of trouble. i, for one, am going to stop it. next time any rough argument is started i'm going to run." jarvis laughed uproariously. "i think i see you doing it! why, you wouldn't run if you saw a herd of elephants charging you. no, sir--not steve rush!" at about four o'clock in the afternoon the boys were ordered to assist in replacing the hatches to make all snug for the night. the vessel was slipping down lake huron, now, at an eleven-knot gait. there was a gentle roll on the sea, but neither lad minded that. neither would suffer further from seasickness, they felt sure. the hatches having been made secure there was nothing more to be done for the rest of the afternoon. the lads were free to go where they pleased and do as they pleased. they repaired to their cabin, where they remained until supper time. they now ate with the ship's officers, the stokers and oilers having a mess-room by themselves. the officers' mess-room was a roomy apartment at the extreme stern of the ship, and the food served there was excellent. the boys did not remember ever to have had better. mr. major, the first mate, occupied the lower end of the long table, while the captain sat at the head. there was little conversation. the principal business was eating, sailors having a habit of shoveling in their food as fast as possible when it is placed before them. the result was that steve and bob, being accustomed to eat slowly and chew their food well, were not half through when the others rose from the table. "going to eat all night?" demanded the captain, with the suspicion of a smile on his face. "oh, no," laughed rush. "not quite so long as that, i hope." "how about you?" questioned the master, nodding at jarvis. "well," answered bob reflectively, "as nearly as i can figure it i am about amidships between soup and pie. if i don't fall through the centre hatch before i reach the pie end i'll be on deck about seven o'clock." the officers laughed heartily. "do we go on duty this evening, sir?" questioned rush. "certainly," replied the captain. "you take your regular tricks just the same. you two will take the forward watch at nine o'clock." they had never been on watch before, and did not know what their duties were to be. so, after finishing their supper, they hunted up mr. major and asked him to explain their duties to them. he told them that all they had to do would be to watch out for lights ahead and either side of the ship, ring the hours on the ship's bell just forward of the bridge, at the same time glancing back at their own ship's running lights to see if all were burning brightly. the mate told them how to report this, giving them some other suggestions at the same time. "this is fine," glowed bob. "we're going to walk the bridge at midnight, aren't we?" "rush will have the bridge watch," explained mr. major. "you will take the deck just forward of and under the bridge. it is not hard work in good weather, but it gets to be rather lonesome at times. i shall be on duty in the pilot-house during your trick. if you are in doubt at any time be sure to call out to me." both promised that they would. it was with keen anticipation that the lads made their way forward from their cabins a few minutes before nine o'clock. "second watch changed," called the watch who was on the point of retiring. "aye, aye," answered the officer in charge in the pilot-house. all was dark in there so the men could see ahead, the windows of the captain's cabin having the shades pulled tight so that not a single ray of light could shine out ahead to blind the eyes of the lookouts. "all clear ahead. steamer heading up the lake off the starboard bow." "all right," answered steve as he took his place at the rail of the bridge. "i guess she won't run into us." "watch for that steamer's red light off to starboard," warned a business-like voice from the blackness of the pilot-house. "i will," replied steve. "say, 'aye, aye, sir.'" "aye, aye, sir." "that's right. we observe all the forms on board these ships just the same as they do on the high seas." "what's all that talk about up there?" called bob jarvis, from his post in the bow on the deck below. "you are to keep watch of that fellow off to starboard," answered rush. "starboard? let's see--that's the left side, isn't it?" "no, the right." "oh, i guess that's right." "tell the watch below to 'tend to his business," warned the mate in the pilot-house. "forward watch, knock off talking," called steve. "don't get funny up there or i'll come up and straighten you out." "bob," called steve softly, "the officer will be down there in a moment if you don't stop your nonsense. this is business. keep your eyes on the water and call out whenever you see a light. i----" "ship, ho!" sang out jarvis suddenly, interrupting what steve was saying. "lower watch reports a ship, sir," sang out steve. "where away?" demanded the mate. "where away?" repeated steve. "oh, 'bout a mile off the right-hand side," answered the lower watch nonchalantly. "he means the vessel off to starboard, sir," rush informed the officer in charge. "has that wooden-head just discovered the ore carrier over there?" "i guess so, sir." "pshaw! you keep your eyes open." "he will be all right after he gets settled down to it, sir," said steve apologetically. "we're likely to be sent to the bottom before that time, if we wait for him to keep us out of trouble." the ship sailed on. now and then steve's keen eyes would sight a green or red or a white light, and under the instruction of the mate he quickly learned to determine the position of the boat from her lights, enabling him to say instantly which way the other ship was traveling. after a while the captain entered the pilot-house. "who's on the forward watch?" he demanded. "rush on the bridge, jarvis in the forward peak." "keep a sharp lookout. they are new men." "aye, aye, sir. rush is all right. he has eyes like an owl at night. trust him for not letting anything----" "red light dead ahead," called rush. "what do you make of her?" "nothing more, sir." "that's one of the wyckoff coal fleet," announced the captain, leaning from the pilot-house window. "she's headed for shoal island." "how in the name of all that's good does he know all that?" muttered the boy on the bridge. "i can't see a thing but the red light, and that means that her port beam is almost across our bow. i don't see anything else." "i suppose you are wondering how i know that, eh?" chuckled the captain, nodding to the lad pacing the bridge just below him. "well, yes, sir; i was wondering," admitted rush. "do you make out her white lights!" "no, sir." "that's where i have you. there is a bank of fog or mist settling over the lake. if you will raise your eyes a little to the right of the red light you will make out two faint blurs----" "i see them, sir." "those are her masthead lights. i know the set of the masts of the wyckoff boats, that's all. so will you, after you have been at sea long enough. it is all a matter of experience. i have been drilling up and down these lakes for the past thirty years. i ought to know a few things about them and the fellows who are navigating them. it's going to storm." "yes, sir," agreed the lad, but he did not see any signs of rain. the stars were bright overhead and the moon was shining brightly. "i see i have a few things to learn about the weather," he muttered. a few minutes later steve discovered that the moon and the stars had suddenly disappeared. the captain knew they would, for the wind had veered to the southeast and he had seen the fog bank settling down since the first moment he entered the pilot house. the rain started in shortly afterwards in a thin drizzle. "hey, up there, it's getting wet down here!" shouted bob. "hand me down an umbrella or something." "keep a sharp lookout, lads," warned the captain. "remember we've got a load of coal across our bows." "aye, aye, sir," answered steve. "i think i can see quite a way ahead of us." "that is a mistake. you can't see a ship's length ahead. keep your eyes open." "i will, sir." "where is your raincoat?" "i am afraid i have none. i never thought to bring one with me." "tell your friend jarvis to go to my cabin and ask the steward for two coats." steve did so, and a few minutes later the lads were well protected from the storm, which was now upon them in full force. the rain was coming down in blinding sheets by this time, beating into the faces of the iron boys. suddenly steve leaned over the edge of the bridge, shading his eyes with his hand. something that he thought he had observed in bob's position had attracted his attention. he gazed more keenly, then uttered a little gasp. jarvis was standing with his head down, facing away from the storm toward the stern of the ship. he looked very comfortable and contented. "bob!" steve's tone was stern. "bob!" "what do you want?" "turn around and be quick about it!" steve was speaking too low for the officers in the pilot-house to hear. "don't you know that the safety of the ship depends largely on our watchfulness at this minute, and----" "clang, clang, clang, clang, clang clang," interrupted the ship's clock in the pilot-house. steve grasped the cord attached to the clapper of the big bell in front of the bridge, giving it six steady jerks. "six bells, eleven o'clock. all lights are burning brightly, sir," rush called in the singsong voice of the sailor. "aye, aye," answered the deep voice of the mate from the darkness of the pilot-house. "reduce speed to one-half," commanded the captain, in a low voice. he usually gave his commands calmly, no matter how great the stress or emergency. "do you see anything of that coal carrier, rush?" "no, sir; she must be some distance away from us by this time." "she ought to be, but she isn't." "may i ask how you know that, sir?" "i get her smoke." "i don't make it out, sir." "neither do i, by sight, but i see it through my nose. i smell it." "well, doesn't that beat all!" muttered rush. he bent every energy toward piercing the black bank ahead. for the first time steve rush experienced a sense of uneasiness, and for the first time he realized what the perils of the sea meant. before, it had seemed to him that, unless a ship were laboring in a great storm, there could be little danger. once a minute the siren far back in the darkness, near the engine superstructure, would wail out a long, dismal blast which, a moment later, was answered by the ship out there somewhere ahead. the sound of the other boat's siren did not seem to steve rush to be getting any nearer, but to the experienced ears of captain simms quite the contrary was plain. "look steady, down there!" he warned in a sharp tone which told rush there was something that he did not know about was likely to happen. "look sharp!" he repeated to bob jarvis. "i'm looking. i'm----" steve rush's voice cut in quick and sharp, though there was little trace of excitement in it. "sheer off! ship dead ahead!" "hard a-port!" commanded the captain, at the same time sounding a long wailing blast on the siren. a deafening crash followed almost upon the command. chapter viii the crash in the fog steve was thrown flat on his face on the bridge, while bob jarvis doubled up, wedged into the forepeak of the boat on the deck below. "full speed astern!" roared the captain. the chains of the pilot-house telegraph rattled ominously and the propeller, nearly six hundred feet aft of the bridge, began whirling the other way at tremendous speed. "hey! what--what--what's happened?" shouted bob jarvis. "have we hit the shore?" "close the water-tight bulkheads!" commanded captain simms. the mate threw over the electric switch that gave the signal for the closing of all water-tight doors and bulkheads. "sound the general alarm!" gongs began to ring all over the ship. "order the engine and stoke room crews to stand by their tricks. i'll give them warning in time in case we have been badly hit." the mate obeyed quickly and without a single lost motion. by this time steve had leaped to his feet. ahead of him, it seemed almost on top of them, loomed a great black hull. lights shone dimly through the heavy pall of fog. he understood without having to be told what had happened. the "wanderer" had come into collision with another ship, presumably the same one whose lights the bridge watch had been watching off to starboard earlier in the evening. even in the excitement of the moment rush did not understand how this thing could have happened, if the other boat had held to the courses she was on when he last saw the other boat. "make ready the lifeboats!" commanded the captain of the "wanderer." then, raising his megaphone to his lips, the master bellowed through it: "are you hard hit?" "we have a hole punched in our side big enough for you to go through. stand by until we can find out whether we'll float or not." "aye, aye, we'll stand by. we want to find out how much of a smash _we_ have got. mr. major, get down there and examine the nose of our boat, and see how much of a bang we got. it's lucky for us that we hit the other craft in the position we did." the mate hurried down to where bob was still on watch. even after the crash had come, and he had picked himself up, jarvis stuck to his post, though he believed the ship to be sinking. and, besides, bob being right at the point of the collision, so close in fact that woodwork from the other boat showered over him in a perfect rain, got the full force of it. he was bruised and battered, he had lost his hat and he was greatly shaken up by the terrific impact. the "wanderer" had backed away to a safe distance, and the first mate was now making an examination of her wound. "we've broken our nose off," he called up to the bridge. "is she taking in any water?" "yes, sir; but i think the bulkhead will hold it so we won't go down." "good! ahoy, coal carrier there." "aye, aye," came the reply from the deck of the stranger. "who are you?" "the 'james macomber,' coal laden, bound for shoal island." "well, i must say you are doing some fine steering. what are you doing over here?" "we got out of position in the fog." "i should say you did. how are you?" "listing badly to port and settling by the stern." "better get your boats over while you have the time. shall we put over a boat?" "no; we can manage to get away if she goes." "i tell you, you're going down! get away while you've got the time." "all right; stand by." "can i do anything, sir?" asked steve. "yes; go aft and take two men with you. take the boat and cast off. lay well away from the ship and give me a hail, so i'll know where you are. stand by and, mind you, don't drift away and get lost. we'll never pick you up in this fog if you do. understand?" "yes, sir." "order jarvis up to the bridge." "bob, come up here. the captain orders you to take the bridge." steve ran down the ladder to the forward deck, then on down to the main deck, where all hands not otherwise engaged had assembled. they were leaning over the side peering into the darkness to see what had happened. steve was beset by questions. he explained briefly what had happened, repeating the captain's orders for himself and two men to man the life-boat and put off to pick up any one needing assistance. the second mate, then in charge of the deck, assigned two strong oarsmen to go with rush. the latter was to be in charge of the boat, so the captain had said, though steve was dubious about his ability to fill that office. of course he was interested in boats, but he was much more familiar with drifts and levels than he was with navigation of the lakes. "man the boat," ordered the second mate. the men took their places in the life-boat, which already had been hauled up ready for launching, the iron boy taking his place in the stern by the tiller. "are you ready?" "all ready." "cast off!" came the hoarse command from the second mate. steve instinctively grasped the gunwales of the life-boat as the craft dropped toward the water. he thought the boat had broken loose from the davits and was falling into the sea, so swift was its descent. yet he might have known from the sound of the groaning, creaking block and tackle that he and his companions were still safe. the life-boat struck the water with a loud splash, rocking perilously as steve, still gripping the sides, stood in a crouching position ready to jump should the boat tip over. then the little craft righted itself, though it lay rising and falling, rolling and tossing perilously on the long lake swell. rush had no idea that the water was so turbulent. "cast off!" the two oarsmen quickly unhooked the blocks from the rings at the extreme ends of the small boat. "are you ready?" they asked. "yes," said steve, though he was not certain whether he was ready or not. his mind worked with its usual quickness, however. he knew that he was expected to get off somewhere near the steamer "macomber." "give way!" he commanded. the sailors pushed the life-boat away from the side of the ship with their oars; then, placing the oars in the locks, fell to pulling steadily. steve turned the tiller the wrong way the first thing. the nose of the life boat hit the hull of the "wanderer" with such force as to throw the three men to the bottom of their boat. "lubbers!" bellowed the second mate from the deck of the ship. "what are you trying to do--run us down?" steve's face was burning with mortification. fortunately the night was too dark for any one to see this. "what's the matter with you?" demanded one of the oarsmen. "i turned the tiller the wrong way," answered rush truthfully. "pull away." the men growled as they fell to their oars once more. a few swift strokes and they were clear of their ship, rush this time handling his tiller with more skill than before. he tried the rudder cautiously and found that it responded readily to the least movement of the tiller. "now i'm all right," he muttered. "that is if i don't run something else down." swinging out in a wide circle the lad steered around the bow of the "wanderer," heading for the spot where he thought the distressed ship lay. "lifeboat there!" bellowed the captain through his megaphone. "aye, aye, sir." "where you heading?" "for the other ship." "no you're not. you're heading for the shore. pull to port a little more. there, that's better. look where you are going, now." the captain's tone was stern and commanding. steve leaned well forward, peering into the thick fog ahead. he could not make out the other ship as yet, though he could hear the shouting and the hoarsely uttered commands on her deck. it was a scene such as he had never imagined before, and it thrilled steve rush through and through. he felt that he was ready for deeds of valor if he should only get the chance to perform them. "steady, men," the boy warned. "we must be near the other ship now. i can hear their voices more plainly. it is curious we can't see their lights, though." "that's because of the fog, cap'n," volunteered one of the sailors at the oars. "they're----" "look out! we're under the stern of the ship now!" cried rush, throwing his tiller hard to port. the life boat hit the stern of the ship, far down under her counter, with a resounding crash. there followed the sound of breaking woodwork, as the gunwale of the lifeboat crashed in. the little craft shipped a heavy sea, drenching all hands. the sailors had dropped their oars and were preparing to jump. "sit down!" commanded the young skipper. "we're sinking!" "well, if we are, let's get in a better place to do it. we don't want to be floundering in the water under the stern of this sinking ship, do we? get to your oars and pull away!" the iron boy's voice had assumed a tone of command. the men, recognizing that he was not alarmed, bent themselves to their oars and pulled quickly from their present dangerous position. "have we anything in the boat with which to bail it out?" "no." "then we will sit in the water. i guess we can't be much wetter than we are." the men grumbled. "lay to, till i find out how badly we are injured." a brief examination of the side of the boat that had come in contact with the ship, showed that the gunwale had been smashed in, but the gash did not extend far enough down to place the little boat in great danger unless perhaps the sea rose high enough to wash over the side. as yet the lake was rolling lazily as is usually the case in a fog, for a breeze would quickly dispel the heaviest bank of fog and drive it away. "we're all right," decided the young coxswain. "pull around slowly." standing up in the stern of the life-boat with the tiller between his legs, steve hailed the disabled ship. "ahoy, there!" he called. "ahoy! who are you?" "life-boat from the 'wanderer.' if you want any help, sing out." "we'll need it all right." "are you sinking?" "we don't know. we're settling some." "got much water aboard?" "more'n we need to drink. come in closer, so we can get you if we need to." "how about your own boats?" "life boat smashed in the collision. ship's raft is safe. that'll carry most of us, perhaps all of us, if necessary." "better get it ready, then, in case anything happens," advised the lad, who was rapidly becoming a seasoned sailor. "pull in a little closer, boys, but look sharp because we may have to get out in a hurry, in case anything happens over there." the boat drifted slowly in toward the injured ship. this time the little craft had worked around abeam of the coaler, the latter's lights showing dimly in the thick fog. "keep your siren going to warn off other ships, why don't you?" shouted rush. the suggestion was a good one. it was instantly acted upon by the master of the "macomber." then the "wanderer" started her siren going, the hoarse voices of the whistles sounding dull and unreal through the fog. steve grinned appreciatively. "at least i have made one good suggestion," he muttered. "there will be no excuse for any other ship hereabouts running into us. that would be a nice mess." suddenly there arose a commotion on board the damaged coaler. the shouts grew louder. the crash of a steel hatch falling into place could be heard here and there. a loud splash sounded between the life-boat and the ship. "somebody's overboard!" cried steve. "pull in!" "life-boat there!" "aye, aye!" "we're sinking by the stern!" "pull in quick, lads!" commanded steve rush. chapter ix a tragedy of the lakes there followed a sound as though the wind were suddenly rising. the sound grew to the roar of a gale. rush did not understand the meaning of it. he did understand, however, that there was a man in the water near by, and that there was a human life to save. "where are you?" he called. "here! be quick!" rush had the fellow by the collar, in short order, and with some difficulty, hauled the man into the life-boat. "the ship's going down. get out of here!" cried the rescued sailor. "pull out, boys!" commanded rush, grasping the tiller and swinging the bow of his boat about. "there she goes!" shouted the sailor from the "macomber." the huge coaler's lights suddenly went out as the sea flooded her dynamo room. the hatches began blowing off with loud explosions as the water was forced up under them. "what is it?" cried steve. "the hatches." boom! "there goes the main bulkhead. it's all up with her now." yells and cries rent the air. men were leaping into the sea from the doomed ship, and though the men in the life-boat could not see, they could hear. "i can't stand this!" gritted the iron boy, jamming the tiller hard over. "what are you going to do?" demanded one of the sailors. "i'm going in there after those men," answered steve rush. "it's sure death!" "we'll go, just the same." "no we won't; we'll pull out of here like lightning." steve grabbed up a boat hook. "pull, i tell you; pull for all you two are worth, or i'll knock your heads off with this hook. now--go!" the oarsmen pulled. they were used to obeying orders, and they realized that the young coxswain of their craft was no weakling. he meant exactly what he had said. besides the men, after all, were as anxious to save those of their own calling, now struggling in the water, as steve could possibly be. the bow of the life-boat sent the water spurting into the air as the craft cut through the sea. another man was hauled aboard. "where's the rest of them?" demanded rush. "the water's full of them," gasped the rescued sailor. "ahoy, there, men--swim this way if you can. we're waiting for you. we'll----" with a sickening roar that steve rush would never forget as long as he lived, the "macomber" dived stern first under the surface of the water. her engine and boiler rooms, being at the stern, were flooded instantly. then came a report as if the universe had been suddenly rent in twain, an explosion that seemed to rend the air, the earth and the sea. "the ship's blowing up!" cried one of the men in the boat. he knew what the sound meant. steve did not, but he caught his breath sharply when he heard the words. "pull out!" instead, the life-boat was lifted out. it seemed to rise right up into the air, and when the iron boy at the helm sought to throw the rudder over there was not water to push against--only thin air. "hang on! we're going over!" shouted the boy. cries for help were heard on all sides of the life-boat now. but steve was powerless to aid the drowning ones. he was concerned with saving himself and those with him just at this time. the boat continued to go into the air; then, suddenly, it swung bottom side up, spilling its human freight into the lake. as the men of the life-boat fell into the water they were caught by the suction of the sinking ship and borne struggling about in the great eddy that swirled with the speed of a mill-race. steve fought valiantly to save himself by trying to swim out of the whirlpool, but even his great strength was not equal to the task. he was tossed to the centre of the eddy; then he felt himself being drawn downward by some invisible force. even then the iron boy did not lose his presence of mind. he caught and held his breath as the waters were closing over him. down and down shot the body of steve rush until he believed he must be near the bottom of lake huron. hours seemed to have been occupied in the descent, whereas it had been a matter of seconds only. he had made no resistance, calmly deciding to save his strength until action would count for something. steve had no thought of giving up. while his heart was filled with a great dread he was not excited, because he would not permit himself to be. "i'll die game, if i do die," he kept repeating to himself. at last the pull from beneath seemed to be lessening a little. there was not the same terrific force tugging at his feet. steve kicked out and the effort, he thought, raised him a little. thus encouraged he began kicking with all his strength, treading water and working his hands as fast as he could. there could be no doubt about it now. he was shooting toward the top at a good speed. suddenly he gave a great gasp as he felt the warm, damp air strike his face. his lungs were almost at the bursting point, and he felt that he could not have held his breath a second longer. steve lay over on the water, on his back, moving his hands listlessly to help keep him afloat. thus far he had had no thought of the ship to which he belonged. he was too much exhausted to do more than lie still, which he did, drawing in long, deep breaths of the fresh air. nothing had ever tasted so sweet to steve rush and he felt an overpowering desire to go to sleep. all at once he threw himself over on his stomach as the long, shrill blast of a steamer's whistle smote his ears. "it's the 'wanderer'!" he cried. "and they must be miles away." the ship was not very far away. it was the blanket of fog that had smothered the sound of the whistle and made it seem many miles off to port of him. rush raised his voice and shouted. his voice, of course, carried for a very short distance, for the same reason that had made the ship's whistle sound a long way off. again and again did he shout, but not a response did he get, save the long wail of the siren. not a light was to be seen anywhere, nor were there any signs of the other men who had been in the life-boat with him at the time it was lifted from the water and turned bottom side up. a great feeling of lonesomeness came over the iron boy when he realized that he was far out in the lake alone. he, of course, did not know how far they were from shore, but he believed it to be at least twenty miles. he reasoned that his ship would not sail away without him unless the captain were reasonably certain that steve had been drowned. the lad decided to swim in the direction from which the whistle sound had come. he had taken but a few strokes when he became entangled in a mass of wreckage. at first he thought he was going to drown before he could extricate himself, then he discovered that he could not if he tried. illustration: steve clung to the door. pieces of floating wood were all about him, some of them the lad recognized as part of a deck house. he fastened to a door that had been split in half, probably by the explosion, and stretching out full length upon it, lay still to rest. he was reasonably safe now, though, of course, unless he were rescued very soon he would become chilled and slip off into the sea. the wind began to stir up out of the southwest a little. steve took courage from this. "it will blow me toward the ship," he exclaimed. "that is, if the ship is where i think it is." he began paddling with might and main, steering with his feet as well as he could, shifting his weight this side and that from time to time as a swell threatened to upset him. the siren blew several long blasts. "that's queer," muttered steve. "she seems to be getting farther and farther away from me all the time." the reason for this was that rush was getting farther and farther away from the ship. he was propelling himself along in the wrong direction. as the fog began to race on ahead of him he took a look over the waters that now showed white ridges as far as the eye could penetrate. not a light could he see, save one bright light dead ahead of him. the light winked, went out, then suddenly appeared after a few seconds interval. "there's the ship!" he cried. "but, oh, how far off it seems to be." what steve could not understand, was that he did not see more than one light. both masthead lights, at least, should have shown. he decided that the side light, the red and the green, were too low down for him to catch a glance at over the tops of the rising waves. "i'll swim for it anyway," he decided, settling to his work with all the strength that was in him. it would be useless to waste breath in calling, because those on the ship could not hear him at that great distance. suddenly the wind abated, the fog rolled back over the lake, again enveloping the swimmer in a dense black mantle. the sea was still running with him, however, and would continue to do so for some time to come, thus helping him along. after a couple hours of paddling and drifting, during which rush made considerable headway, the lad realized that he was getting tired. further than this he was cold and chilled. the chills extended from his head to his feet. "this won't do," steve cried, confusedly. "if i get much colder i shall fall off my ship and drown." he began paddling with renewed vigor, but, work as he would he seemed unable to throw off the chill. he realized, too, that his body was getting numb. the iron boy fought desperately, but the more he fought the more drowsy did he become. his efforts grew less and less and his progress slower. steve wrapped both arms about the door and with cheek pressed close to it, resigned himself to what he thought would be a few minutes' rest. his heavy eyelids closed slowly; his breathing grew regular, but faint and his legs stretched out full length, being in the water up to his knees. steve had given way to the languor that was creeping over him. he was adrift and alone far out on the treacherous water of the great lake. chapter x tossed up by the waves the light that steve rush had seen, the winking, twinkling light came from the lighthouse on north point. the north point light was a revolving affair, which accounted for its vanishing and then reappearing at stated intervals. a few hours passed, though they were as seconds to the unconscious boy on the slender raft. at last he began to feel a glow spreading over his benumbed body. he moved a little, took a long breath then settled back into his former stupor. but the warmth continued to spread. steve felt a sense of being on fire. after a while he realized that the support under him was no longer moving, though he could hear the roar of the waves in his ears. he found himself dimly wondering why they did not break over him and drench him and chill him to the marrow. steve tried to raise one hand to his head, but the hand was pinioned so that he could not move it. his curiosity was becoming aroused. rush opened his eyes. before him and above him was a rocky, precipitous coast. then in a rush of understanding he realized that he was lying on the rocky shore of the lake coast. both hands were still under the door, which accounted for his inability to raise one of them a few minutes since. the sun was beating down hotly, warming the iron boy's blood, sending it more rapidly through his veins. with a cry of thankfulness steve rush got unsteadily to his feet. he was so stiff that he could hardly stand, though the numbness of a few hours since was fast passing away. "i have been carried to the shore and i'm saved!" he shouted. "this is the most wonderful thing that ever has happened to me. but i wonder where i am." it was early in the morning, that was certain. he judged the hour must be about seven o'clock. his watch had stopped at midnight. turning quickly the lad glanced out over the green waters of the lake that sparkled in the morning sunlight, a gentle ripple ruffling the surface. here and there a huge ore carrier was observed, working its way up or down the lake. far in the offing thin ribbons of gray smoke told where other vessels were steaming along. "i wonder if any of those ships is the 'wanderer'?" mused the iron boy. "and i wonder something else, too--i wonder whether i am going to get any breakfast or not. it is useless for me to try to signal a ship in here. they probably would not come in even if they saw me, as i imagine this is shoal water all around here. there must be some one living about here somewhere. i'll start on a little exploring tour for breakfast." steve turned away and began climbing up the rocks. this being his first passage over the lakes, he was not at all familiar with the coast and consequently had no idea where he was. in the meantime the ship had sailed away. the "wanderer" had lain to until the first gray dawn of the morning. a few of the men had been saved, including two of the sailors in the boat steve had set out in. all the others in that craft had been lost, as were the greater part of the crew of the lost steamer. the men rescued from the life-boat were of the opinion that steve rush had gone down with the others. bob jarvis said not a word. his face was pale and drawn. he went about his duties methodically, speaking to no one, but listening to every word that was said about the tragedy. after cutting wide circles for a full two hours the "wanderer" was put about on her interrupted course. "south south-west one half," announced the skipper in a low tone. the words meant to all who heard them, that he had abandoned the search--that the missing men had been given up for lost. their names would be added to the list of fifty thousand souls who have lost their lives on the great lakes during the last fifty years. captain simms' face was grave. he had taken a great liking to steve rush. he had lost, as he thought, three men, the first loss of life on a ship commanded by him since he had been in the service of the company as a sailing master. "mr. major, you will report the accident and the loss of the men as soon as we reach the st. clair river," he said. "aye, aye, sir." captain simms left the pilot-house, from which point of vantage he had been sweeping the waters of the lake with his glasses, and went down to his own cabin to turn in for a few hours' sleep. * * * * * in the meantime the object of the thoughts of nearly every man on board, steve rush, was climbing to the top of the rocks that lined the coast. reaching there he sought the highest point attainable and looked about him. "i am on an island!" he exclaimed. "from the looks of things i am the only person here. well, this _is_ cheerful, but it is much better than being out yonder," he added with a gesture toward the rippling waters of lake huron. rush decided to investigate his island the next thing he did. so he climbed down to the beach again and began following the coast line. as he went on he found traces indicating that some one had been there. there were chicken bones and the charred embers of a recent fire in one spot. steve came to the conclusion that fishermen had been on the island not long since. if this were so there were hopes that they or some of their kind would visit the place again. steve walked the greater part of the day. on one side of the island he saw a large bay. across a point of what he judged to be the mainland, he could see another bay and beyond that a cloud in the sky that looked like smoke. "there must be a large town or a city over yonder, but i don't know what it is. i do not even know whether i am in the united states or canada." all day long the lad tramped. when night came he was hungry, stiff and weak. had it not been for his splendid constitution and great endurance he would have given up long before that. just before dark he caught sight of a small sailboat slipping easily along, headed, he thought, for the larger bay on beyond the narrow point of land. steve hailed the craft. one man in the stern of the boat stood up and gazed shoreward through a glass. rush swung his arms and shouted that he wanted to be taken off the island. the man in the stern calmly closed his glasses and sat down, while the boat held steadily to her course. steve sat down, too. he was not so much discouraged as he was angry and disgusted. "why couldn't he have sailed somewhere so i wouldn't have seen him, instead of drifting by so tantalizingly near me?" he cried. there being no answer to the question, rush began looking about for a place to sleep. the best he could do was a spot just under a ledge of rock. the boy went down to the beach and brought back his life raft, the piece of a deck house door on which he had floated ashore. this he carried up to his bedroom under the ledge and stood it against the rocks. "that will do very well, in the absence of something better," he decided grinning as broadly as the drawn muscles of his face would permit him to do. then steve crawled under this rude shelter, drawing his coat as closely about him as possible and went sound asleep. steve was exhausted bodily and mentally, and it was not to be wondered at considering what he had gone through in the last twelve hours. besides this he had had nothing to eat since supper on the previous day. the following morning rush did not awaken until the sunlight warmed his bedroom. he crawled out, rubbed his eyes and looked about him. "well, if it isn't morning! but maybe it's the next morning; maybe i slept a day and a night." he had now lost all track of time. steve sat down to think matters over calmly. his position was a serious one and he understood that full well. "if i remain here another day i shall be unable to get away," he mused. "then i shall in all probability starve to death. that won't do. i don't propose to give up as long as i have any strength left in me, and i guess i have a little, even after what i have passed through." rush sat studying the narrow stretch of water separating him from the slender neck of land that he had observed the day before. "it can't be more than three miles across there. if i had had a good meal this morning i believe i could swim across to the other shore. that looks to me like the mainland. there is surely something on beyond there several miles away. i wonder if i dare try to swim it?" a little reflection convinced the lad that such an attempt could end but one way--he would drown before he reached the neck of land. his eyes roved about, after a while resting reflectively on the piece of deck-house door that had served his purpose so well after the sinking of the steamer. a look of new-found intelligence gradually grew in his eyes. "the very thing! hurrah!" he cried, springing up and dancing about, forgetful for the moment, that he needed all the strength he had left. "i swam on the door all night. surely i can stand a few hours more on it in the bright sunlight. why didn't i think of it before?" rush lost no time in acting upon the suggestion that had come to him. he grabbed up the cabin door and began staggering down the rocks with it. the door was heavy and he was weak. once he stumbled and fell. the door went clattering down over the rocks, steve bringing up in a heap some distance above it. "there, i'll bet it's broken. if it is i'm done for." but the door was not broken. it was tough enough to stand the hard usage to which it had been subjected. steve was after it with a shout as soon as he saw that it had not been split. after that he proceeded more carefully; within a few minutes he reached the beach with his burden. there the lad paused to think over the best way to go about his own rescue. he took off his coat slowly, folded and placed it on the door, then removing his suspenders he tied the coat fast to his raft. "there, i think that's all i had better take off or i shall get chilled again." after a final, sweeping glance at the sea, the lad shoved the raft, or rather one end of it, into the water and sat down on the beach to rest and gather courage for the great undertaking before him. "it beats all what a man will do for the sake of a meal," he grinned. "i might stay on this island all summer, and have a pretty good time, were it possible for me to get along without food. but, no; i've got to eat or i'll die. well, here goes." he shoved the door out into the water, pushing it along ahead of him until the water was up to his shoulders. rush then slid his body up on the raft and began paddling with his hands and kicking his feet, pushing himself along, heading around a curve of the island, for the extreme narrow point of land jutting out into the lake. chapter xi by pluck alone after half an hour of steady paddling, rush shoved his coat up for a pillow and lay flat on the slender raft to rest himself. he was breathing hard from his exertions; in fact, he was well nigh exhausted. but the iron boy's pluck was of the same quality as ever. nothing could weaken that, no matter how dire his predicament. "i could make better time swimming," he mused, raising his head a little and gazing longingly at the shore that now seemed farther off than before, "if i only dared. i don't mean that; i do dare, but it would not be prudent. i want to get to the mainland, and i think my present method is the best one to get me there. well, i must start the engines going again," decided the lad, grinning at his own humor. had any one chanced to be looking in his direction from the shore, that person probably would have thought he was gazing upon some strange creature from the deep, for steve was making the water foam all about him. his head and the end of the board were all that were visible above the surface. once he paddled so fast as to cause him to lose his balance. his raft turned turtle, landing rush on his back in the water. laughing almost gleefully at his own misfortune, the lad, in a few swift strokes, regained the door. "that was just so much effort wasted," he remarked. "i must remember that i am not running a race. i ought to be in pretty good trim for one, though; if i get through with this one i shall be fit for most any kind of an old race that i come across." for the rest of the journey steve made no attempt to spurt. he paddled along steadily, making slow but sure progress toward the goal on which his eyes were continually fixed. the sun was at its zenith when, slipping from the board, he found solid rock under his feet. steve tried to shout, but he was too worn to raise his voice. he clung to the door until it grounded with a grating sound on the beach. steve lay there for a few minutes. then he staggered to his feet, making his way up the beach a few feet from the water, there to throw himself on the ground exhausted. for nearly two hours he lay resting, having fallen into a deep sleep. then he awakened, sat up, resting his head in his hands for one last little wink, the wink that was to give the lad the strength and courage to take up his journey. "hello, what's the matter?" rush started up suddenly. he saw before him a boy somewhat younger than himself, dressed in rough clothes. the boy was carrying part of a fish net. "say, i'm glad to see you, and don't you forget it," exclaimed the iron boy, striding forward and grasping the hand of the other lad, much to the latter's astonishment. "who are you?" "i'm billy trimmer. i am a fisherman--me and my father." "do you live near here?" asked steve eagerly, with visions of a meal before him. "nope. we live over yonder," pointing to the cloud of smoke that was now much more plainly in evidence than before. "is that a town over there?" "yes." "what is the name of the town?" "alpena." "oh! and what do you call that little island over yonder?" "that one with the stones sticking up all over it like a porcupine's back?" "that describes it. some of them are sticking into me yet." "that's little gull island." "how far is it to alpena?" questioned rush. "'bout ten miles." steve uttered a long, low whistle. "what's the easiest way to get there?" "hoof it. ain't no other way." "that's too bad. is there a house anywhere near here where i could buy something to eat?" "nary a house. but you kin git all you want over to alpena." "thank you very much. i think i will be going." "say, where'd you come from?" "from the lake--out of the lake. i was drowned out there last night, or pretty nearly drowned. a steamer went down and i was carried under----" "a steamer?" "yes." "which one?" "the 'macomber,' i think it was. coal laden and----" "i must tell pa," and the fisher boy was off on the run. steve gazed after the lad reflectively. "i'd give a ten-dollar bill to anybody who would tell me how to run like that now. poor bob, i'll bet he's eating his big heart out for sorrow over my disappearance." steve paused. "they think i'm drowned, of course, they do, and i ought to be. it must have been intended that i should be, but somehow i didn't arrive on schedule time." chuckling to himself, the lad started on toward the city, ten miles away. he tried to make himself forget his weariness by whistling and singing. coming to some willow bushes, he cut the stiffest small branch he could find, from which he trimmed the nubs, then started on, whipping his legs with it. this seemed to start the circulation, and at the same time to take his mind from his own weariness. after a time the wet, swollen shoes began to chafe his heels, and it was not very long before the skin had been worn from both heels. then a blister suddenly bobbed up on the ball of the right foot. the boy took off his shoes and tried to doctor the sore spots, but there was nothing he could do save tear up his handkerchief and bind up the affected parts. "a boil on my nose, now, would just about complete my misfortune," rush grinned. "i'm going to carry my shoes in my hands." this did not work very well, for steve's feet were sore and the rocks over which he was walking made his feet more tender than ever, so he put the shoes on again. they had shrunk, of course, and the putting on was attended with a great deal of pain. steve rush did not even grunt. he drew them on almost roughly, stamped in them and jumped up and down. "there, i guess that'll fix that blister, anyway. i wish i could jump on the sore spots on my heels and cure them as easily." he started, and kept on without another stop until three o'clock in the afternoon, when rush halted for a drink of water at a little creek that crossed his trail. it was a sore and very much dilapidated young man who crawled into the town just before supper time that evening. realizing that his appearance was far from prepossessing, rush sought the back streets, following them in so far as possible, keeping an eye out for a hotel that he thought might be respectable. he found such a place after some searching about, during which the policemen he passed had eyed him suspiciously. steve entered the place, which proved to be a farmers' hotel, and asked if he could get supper and lodging there. the man behind the desk eyed the lad narrowly. "you've made a mistake young fellow," said the clerk. "how so?" inquired steve innocently. "you should go out and see the hostler. maybe he'll put you up. we don't keep your kind in here." several bystanders laughed at the boy's expense. but rush never flinched. "oh, i beg your pardon, sir; i thought i was in the stable. this must be where you herd the other lower animals. i see they are all here." before any one could recover his wits sufficiently to make a retort, steve had stepped out of the place. next the boy tried a restaurant. he got no further than the desk when he was held up by the proprietor. "hold on; where are you going?" "i wish something to eat," answered the boy politely. "you're in the wrong place, and----" "no, i am not. that's what the fellow told me the last place i called at. they can't both be the wrong place, so this must be the right one." the proprietor of the place stepped out from behind his desk, laying a firm hand on steve rush's shoulder. a peculiar glint shot into the eyes of the iron boy, but he stood still. "we can't serve you here. this is a gentlemen's restaurant. perhaps you will find something that will suit you down on the south side." "i have money, sir. i am willing to pay for what i get. i have been in a shipwreck and am not very presentable----" "i can't help it; you'll have to get out." "see here, sir, i shall not get out until i have had my supper. i have had nothing to eat in twenty-four hours, and i'm hungry." "go on, go on; don't raise any disturbance here." steve walked over and laid a five-dollar bill on the desk. "there's your money in advance. give me the change after i have finished my supper----" "i said i couldn't serve you here. i----" "oh, yes you can, and what's more you're going to." "i'll call a policeman and have you put out." "look here, mister man, unless i get some supper here quickly, i'll have the law on you. you are keeping a public house, and you have no right to turn me out." steve didn't know whether he were right or not, but he took a long chance. he saw at once that he had made a good point, so he pressed it further. "i am going to sit down at that table over there, and i shall expect to be served at once." the proprietor's hand fell from the iron boy's shoulder as the latter strode to the nearest table and seated himself. a waiter stepped up to him asking what he would have, at the same time thrusting a bill of fare on the table in front of the boy. "i think i'll take about five dollars' worth of ham and eggs," answered rush without a trace of a smile on his face. chapter xii on the road to conneaut steve had no further difficulty at the restaurant, though he noticed that the proprietor of the place was watching him and scowling at him all through the meal. "i usually get what i go after," thought the boy. "in this case it is food." after paying his bill he hunted up a clothing store, where he fitted himself out with a new suit, shirt, necktie, straw hat and a suit of underwear, for everything that steve had on was practically ruined. this, with a pair of shoes purchased at another store, made him look quite like his usual self. arrayed in his new suit steve had no difficulty in getting into one of the best hotels in the city. he left a call for six o'clock that he might catch a train to detroit, where he hoped to catch the "wanderer." he nearly missed the train next morning, because of his longing for a cat nap. arriving at detroit he visited a newspaper office and inquired if the ship had been sighted. "passed down during the night," was the discouraging answer. "where for?" questioned the boy, as the ships usually got their destination orders when they passed detroit. "conneaut. see here, you are not one of the men who were on that ship are you?" questioned the newspaper man. "thank you, sir. i will be going. can you tell me what time i can get a train for conneaut?" answered rush, avoiding the question. steve felt that he would be called upon to make a report of his share in the disaster, and his good judgment told him that he should not make a first statement to any one outside the company. the next train out did not leave until late in the afternoon, so rush employed the time in going about the city. he visited all the places of interest, getting his luncheon at a large hotel on the hill. the hotel was named after a famous indian chief, but the prices asked for the luncheon made steve gasp. "my wages would keep me here about three days," he muttered. later the lad boarded a train and hurried toward his destination. he did not know whether he should find his ship in port or not, reasoning that the craft would have to proceed under reduced speed the rest of the way down on account of the smashed-in bow. shortly after dark the boy arrived. inquiring his way to the ore docks, he hurried down toward the inlet. this was a narrow canal, leading up into the lower part of the town for some distance. ships were packed in the inlet, side to side, like sardines in a box. most of them were lying with anchor lights up; others with their running lights still lighted, showing that they had just arrived in port. on either side of the inlet loomed the dark trestles, from some of which the rattle and roar of unloading machinery arose in a deafening chorus. "this is about all a man's life is worth to face," decided steve, as he dodged a swiftly moving car that towered above him loaded with ore. then he narrowly missed being ground under a traveling crane that was in operation unloading a ship. "can you tell me, sir, if the 'wanderer' has arrived?" asked the boy of a yard policeman who approached the lad to find out what he was doing there. "she's outside the harbor now. i heard her whistling for a tug a few minutes ago. but we don't allow strangers in the yards here. it is too dangerous." "i belong on the 'wanderer,'" explained steve. "oh, you do, eh?" "yes." "then what are you doing here?" "waiting for her." "when did you leave her?" questioned the officer suspiciously. "a couple of days ago, somewhere about the middle of lake huron. i went down when the wreck occurred." the story of the wreck and the sinking of the coaler had by this time been spread all over the country. the policeman gazed at the boy with wondering eyes. "you don't say?" "yes, sir." "tell me about it." "i am sorry, but i think i had better say nothing until i have talked with captain simms. do you know where the 'wanderer' is going to berth?" "see that pig there, just shifting her position?" referring to a whaleback, the latter style of boats being known to sailors on the lakes as "pigs," because of their pig-like bow. "yes." "the ship you want is coming into that berth. see, there's a crowd of reporters waiting around there now to interview the captain." "i guess i'll keep out of their sight, then," laughed the lad. steve paced up and down the dock keeping well in the shadow, watching the channel with eager eyes. he could hardly wait until the ship got in, so anxious was he to relieve the anxiety of his companion, bob jarvis. "there she comes," announced the policeman. steve shaded his eyes and gazed intently. yes, sure enough it was the "wanderer." he could make out her broken nose now and the peculiar set of her sticks. the lad had never before realized the size of the ship. she seemed to loom up in the air higher than any of the buildings on the opposite side of the inlet. all was dark on board her, no light save her running lights showing; but up there in the darkened pilot-house steve knew, keen, cautious eyes were watching out for the safety of the boat as well as for the safety of others in the harbor. rush heard the rasping sound of the bridge telegraph as the signal was given to reverse. the spring-rope came whirling through the air and a moment later the big hawser struck the water with a splash, being quickly drawn to the dock by the dock hands. all this was very interesting to steve rush, for it will be remembered that he had never watched the docking of an ore boat before. the figure of mr. major, the first mate, was faintly outlined at the rail, looking down and giving orders to the men on the dock in a sharp, business-like tone. "put out the ladder!" the mate commanded. the ladder came over the side, and was let down carefully until it rested on the dock. before any of those on board had an opportunity to go over the side steve had sprung to the ladder, up which he ran nimbly, swinging over the rail to the deck of the "wanderer." "see here, young fellow, what do you want?" demanded the mate. then he leaned forward, gazing keenly at the newcomer. "wha--what----" "steve!" screamed jarvis, rushing across the ship and throwing his arms about young rush. jarvis was so overcome with emotion that for the moment he found himself unable to utter another sound. "rush!" cried the mate, fairly pulling the boy away from his companion and wringing both steve's hands. "why, why, we thought you went down with the coaler." "i did. i guess i'm too tough to die. i surely have had plenty of opportunity to do so." "wait till i get through docking the ship, and then tell me all about it." "i must see the captain first. is he up in the house?" "no; i think he just went down to his cabin." "were any of our men lost?" "two of them. jarvis here leaped overboard and saved four men from the other ship, who were drowning while trying to swim out to us." "good boy, bob," said steve as he patted his companion affectionately. "you must tell me all about it when we get to our cabin, by and by. i have had some experiences, too, some that will make you laugh." others of the crew were pressing forward to shake the hand of the plucky iron boy, for both boys were popular with all hands save the stoke-hole crew. "i must see the captain, bob. i'll be back in a few minutes." steve hurried up to the forward deck, rapped on the door and was bidden to enter. captain simms looked, then blinked rapidly as his eyes fixed themselves on the boy framed in the cabin doorway. "hello, is that you, rush?" "yes, sir." "i thought there wasn't water enough in huron to drown your kind." "no, sir." "come in and sit down. i want to talk to you." chapter xiii in the grip of a giant shell before captain simms would permit the lad to leave him, he had to hear the story of steve's experiences. the story was frequently interrupted by grunts of approval on the part of the skipper. the latter was not an emotional man, as was evidenced by his greeting of rush after the boy had, as it were, risen from the lake. rush's story finished, he asked the captain to tell him all about what had occurred after the accident. "it isn't what did occur so much as what's going to happen," answered the master gloomily. "what do you mean, sir?" "i shall lose my license." "what, and you not to blame? impossible." "yes, but how am i going to prove that i am blameless?" "the authorities will believe what you say, will they not?" "they have just as good a right to believe the captain of the other boat. he will say it was my fault, and perhaps i shall say it was his fault, and there you are. both of us will lose out in the end. the other skipper was saved and i am glad of it. it seems too bad that, after all these years on the lakes without a blemish on my record, i have to be knocked out at this time. my wife and little girl will be heart-broken." "perhaps it will not be so bad as you think, sir. of course, we are all deeply grieved over the loss of life. that cannot now be helped. it is our business to find out where the blame is and fix it there, no matter whom it hits. i know one whom i am pretty sure it will not hit." captain simms squinted at the lad. "who?" "yourself." "rush, you're a fine fellow. i like you," announced the skipper, with something approaching enthusiasm in his voice as he stepped forward and grasped the hands of his deck man in a grip of iron. steve thought he had a pretty good grip himself, but his own was as nothing compared with that of the captain of the "wanderer." "i reported the accident from detroit, and was ordered to proceed to destination if able. i haven't heard anything from headquarters yet. i shall hear something in the morning, as soon as our arrival here is reported." "when do we unload?" "they begin in about an hour." "then i must get into some old clothes and get ready for work." "you need not go on duty to-night, unless you wish to." "i prefer it. you see, i have been idle for a couple of days and i shall get out of practice," replied the boy, with a good-natured laugh. "idle! humph! after swimming half way across lake huron, being drowned into the bargain, walking almost across the state of michigan, going without food for twenty-four hours, not to speak of a few other little things--then to talk about being idle. go back and tell the cook to set up the best on the ship. after you have had a good meal you may go to work, if you wish. i suppose you'll not be satisfied unless you do. go on with you. tell the first mate i want to see him." an hour later found steve in his working clothes. the cranes for unloading were just being moved into place when he reached the deck. these were huge affairs, each provided with a giant scoop that gulped a little mouthful of some fifty tons of ore every time its iron jaws were opened. there was a rattle and a bang as the hatch covers were being ripped off and cast to the far side of the deck; men on the trestles were shouting, whistles were blowing in the harbor, gasoline launches conveying ship's officers to and from the other side of the inlet, were exhausting with vicious explosions. steve thought he had never seen such confusion before, yet he knew full well that there was in reality no confusion about it. everything was being worked out in keeping with a perfectly arranged system. "rush, you get down in the hold and take charge of the unloading," ordered the mate. steve hurried below. the hold was dimly lighted by an electric light at either end. he did not know exactly what he was expected to do. the great scoop dived down, swallowed a mouthful of ore and was out with it like some huge monster, almost before rush realized what was going on. "whew! that's going some!" he exclaimed. "there comes the thing again. hello, up there!" cried the boy, with hands to mouth. "hadn't you better take out some from the other end so as to unload the boat evenly?" "yes, that's what we've got you down there for, to watch things," shouted a voice from the deck. "you're all right. keep it up!" "i don't know whether i am, or not," muttered the boy making his way over the ore to the stern of the hold. "this strikes me as being a dangerous sort of spot." he watched the huge steel lips of the scoop as it felt about like the lips of a horse gathering the oats from its manger, quickly grabbing up its fifty tons of ore then leaping for the trestle some fifty feet above, where it dropped its burden into cars waiting to transfer the ore to the furnaces. load after load was scooped up. the rattle and the bang of the unloader was deafening. it made the iron boy's ears ache. "according to the speed at which we are unloading, now, we should be finished in about four hours," he said. "this is the most wonderful mechanism i ever saw!" there came a lull, during which the ship was moved further astern, in order that the unloader might pick up ore from the forward part of the hold. by the time this had been done, and the huge crane shifted to its new position, nearly an hour had been lost. the boy pondered over this for some time. it seemed to him like an unnecessary loss of time. "why, so long as they have one crane at an unloading point, should they not have more?" he reflected. "this is worth looking into." he thought he saw where a great improvement could be made, and he decided to think it over when he had more time. perhaps he could suggest something to the officials that would be of use to them after all. steve and his companion, while working as ordinary seamen, were drawing the same fine salaries that they had received in the mines. therefore the boys felt it was their duty to earn the money being paid to them by doing something worth while. they were getting three times as much as was paid to the other men doing similar work. as rush was thinking all these things over the lights in the hold suddenly went out, leaving the place in absolute darkness. "lights out!" he shouted. a rush of air fanned his cheek. he raised a hand to brush away some object that seemed to be hovering over him. it was as if invisible hands were groping in the dark, feeling for the iron boy's face to caress it. steve instinctively crouched down as low as he could on the ore. there was little of it beneath him, the greater part having been removed by the giant shell of the unloader. suddenly with a groan and many creakings the object whose presence he had dimly felt now closed over him. "the unloader!" cried steve. "it's caught me! it's caught me!" chapter xiv steve saves the captain fortunately for steve rush the load scooped up by the unloader, chanced to be a light one, only a few tons being in the scoop itself. that left him head room so that he was not crushed against the upper side of the giant shell. still, his quarters were cramped and the sensation was, if anything, more trying than had been that when he found himself alone in the waters of lake huron. "i'm done for this time, i guess. hello, there! stop the machine! i'm caught!" he shouted. in the groaning and creaking of the great crane his cries for help were unheard. steve felt himself being borne swiftly through the air. up, up swung the great shell, swaying dizzily from side to side after it left the deck of the ship. as it passed out of the hold steve uttered a shout louder than the others. he was not frightened, but, as was quite natural under the circumstances, he wanted to get out of his unpleasant predicament. bob jarvis, who was at the rail, heard the cry. he divined the truth instantly. springing to an open hatch he leaned over, bellowing out the name of his companion into the hold. there was no response. bob did not believe there would be. "stop it! stop it!" he shouted. it is doubtful if the crane man heard, and if he did he failed to understand, for the big shell kept on mounting to the top of the trestle. "what's the matter!" demanded the mate. "you're enough to raise the dead." jarvis did not stop to answer. he sprang for the side of the ship, leaped over the rail, and, catching the sides of the ladder, shot down to the pier without touching a single rung of the ladder. the instant his feet touched the pier the lad darted off to the trestle. a cleat ladder extended up the side of the trestle to the top. bob ran up it like a real sailor and rushed over the ties to the place where the train was being loaded for the furnaces. in the meantime, steve rush had been hoisted to the top. he knew what was coming. the lad braced his feet and shoulders against opposite sides of the scoop, hoping thereby to hold himself in place. he had forgotten that the shell would open up at the proper moment in order to discharge its load--would open up so wide that not even a fragment of anything would be left within it. suddenly the great jaws of the shell opened with a crash and a bang. there followed the roar of rushing iron ore as it dropped into the waiting ore car on the track. rush dropped like a stone. he landed in the railroad car, half buried under the ore, dazed and bleeding from the sharp pieces of ore that had hit him on the head during his descent. "hey there, stop it, stop it!" shouted jarvis, running toward the spot as the crane was swinging the scoop off toward the ship for another load. "stop what?" demanded the foreman of loading. "you've dumped a man from that scoop! which car was it?" the foreman laughed easily. "i guess you must be crazy." "which car is it, i say? answer me quick. he may be killed, or----" "that's the car right there, the last one filled and----" but bob was bounding toward the place with desperate haste. "steve! steve!" "ye-yes, i'm it again," answered a muffled voice, dragging himself from the ore, shaking the dirt from him. "look out for the shell! it'll be on you again before you know it," warned jarvis. he had heard the creaking and groaning of the machinery, sounds, which told him the big scoop was on its way upward again with still another load of the red ore. rush staggered to the edge of the car. "jump!" commanded bob. steve did so, not knowing where he would land, but with perfect confidence in his companion's presence of mind. no sooner had the lad cleared the car than a load of ore was dumped on the spot where he had been standing but a few seconds before. bob grunted as the heavy body of steve rush landed full in his arms, causing the former to sit down heavily on the trestle with the dirt from the dumping shell, showering over them. "good for you, bob! you saved my life. let's get out of this place." "i am perfectly agreeable to that. how do we get down?" "there are two ways. one is to jump off and the other is to go down the ladder. the latter is the way i'm going. perhaps you prefer the other, judging from your past performances as the horsemen would say. you have made some pretty good records as it is." bob made for the ladder, followed by steve. when the two boys climbed over the rail to the deck of the ship, the first mate gazed at them in astonishment. "i thought you were down in the hold, rush." "so i was," laughed the boy. "what did you come out for?" "i couldn't help myself. i went up in the scoop, which caught me when the lights went out down there. something is the matter with your electric arrangements down there, i guess." mr. major gasped. "you don't mean you went up in that thing?" "i guess i do." "he got dumped on an ore car," added jarvis by way of explanation. "and he lives to tell the tale." "get down in the hold. the ship is listing to port. they are taking too much out on that side. jarvis, you run back and tell the engineer to have his electrician find out what is the matter with the lights in the hold. look out for yourself, rush, this time. i am beginning to think you are a hoodoo." "and i am beginning to hold the same opinion," answered the iron boy. "if you keep on we won't be able to get a sailor to ship on the same craft with you." "i don't know that i should blame them much for feeling that way. trouble is tied to my heels, but somehow i manage to get through on a pinch," laughed the boy, hurrying for the stairway that led down into the entrance to the ore hold. the ship was fully unloaded at midnight. all hands were dirty, dusty and tired when they started aft to wash up and get ready for bed. "where's that soogy barrel?" yelled one of the deck hands, meaning the receptacle holding hot water, well soaped, from which the men filled their basins for washing. "it's down in the engine room being steamed out. there's another one down in the lazaret. we'll fetch it up and have it filled before those lubbers down below get the old one ready." "we'll help," cried steve. "come along, fellows. i guess the whole crew ought to be able to get the barrel up without calling any of the dock hands to help us." they started away, laughing, and the barrel was hoisted from the lazaret or storeroom near the stern of the vessel, quickly filled from a hot-water pipe and a good portion of the contents distributed among the men. in another hour all hands save the anchor watch were sound asleep, the captain with the stoicism of the sailor, sleeping as soundly as the rest, notwithstanding the fact that he might wake up in the morning shorn of his command, a disgraced man. instead, on the following morning the "wanderer's" master received a message from duluth ordering him to report immediately for a hearing. he was instructed to bring with him certain men of his crew. there was no time to be lost. without waiting for breakfast the captain ordered mr. major, the first mate, the iron boys and the wheelman on duty at the time of the collision to make ready to accompany him to duluth at once. the message further stated that the ship would be taken to duluth for survey and repairs by a master who was then on the way to conneaut. the party got away within a few minutes, the second mate being left in charge, and thirty minutes later they were on their way to the north. the examination took place that evening immediately after the arrival of the officers and men from the "wanderer." the examination was to be a strictly company examination, but the government officers in charge of the licensing of pilots on the great lakes were on hand to listen to the testimony and to decide whether further investigations were necessary. mr. carrhart and the superintendent of the line of steamships belonging to the company were present to take an active part in the investigation. captain simms was the first witness called. he gave his version of the accident, explaining the position of the ship, the course it was sailing on at the time and all other facts in his possession. the fact that he was on duty at the time, and that the ship was sailing under reduced speed, was a point in his favor, though it did not by any means serve to relieve him of the responsibility for the accident. "who was on the bridge at the time of the accident?" asked mr. carrhart. "stephen rush. jarvis was on watch in the forepeak." "we will hear rush next," said mr. carrhart. the iron boy was called in from an adjoining room, where the witnesses had been placed. when a witness finished his testimony he was permitted to sit down in the room and listen to the proceedings. this captain simms did. steve took his place in the witness chair. "you were on the bridge watch on the night that the 'wanderer' collided with the 'macomber,' were you not?" asked the superintendent, who was conducting the examination. "yes, sir." "state what occurred." steve, in a clear, firm voice that carried conviction with it, related briefly and tersely all that he knew of the collision. he omitted his experience in drifting ashore, but a few questions from mr. carrhart served to draw out that most interesting recital. all hands listened attentively. each face, as the narrative proceeded, expressed silent admiration for the wonderful pluck and endurance of the iron boy. but his hearers did not feel surprised at what he had accomplished after they had studied the firm set of the lips, the square-cut jaw and the clear, steady eyes. "you had sighted the side lights of the 'macomber' some time before the collision, had you not?" "yes, sir; about half an hour before the crash came, i should say, roughly speaking." "what was the position of the two ships?" "i don't know that i can explain it so that you would understand. i can draw a diagram of it if you wish." "do so." rush quickly outlined the position of the two ships on a pad of paper and handed it to his questioner. "do you know what the course of your ship was?" "not so that i could name it. i would know if i had a compass--i mean i could point it out." the superintendent called for a compass card, which a clerk brought from his office. steve studied it a moment, turning the card around until he had placed it in the desired position. "this is where we were, up to the time the fog came down and we couldn't see anything more," he said, placing a finger on a point on the card. "but you were on the bridge. how could you know this?" demanded the questioner. "i was watching the bridge compass, trying to learn something about it. you see, this is my first experience on a ship and i was anxious to learn all i could." "then your course was south-south-west-one-half?" "i don't know, sir. the little mark on the compass rim was on the point that i have indicated, previous to the time the fog settled." thus far the lad's testimony had corroborated all that the captain had said. "have you had any talk with captain simms as to what you should testify to?" interrupted one of the government representatives. "certainly not, sir," answered the boy flushing. "captain simms is not that kind of man. he expects me to tell the truth, and that is what i am trying to do." "we understand that, rush," interposed mr. carrhart, soothingly. "you are giving us some valuable information. the gentlemen merely wish to get at all of the facts." "now, mr. rush, let me understand this clearly. you say that the course was south-south-west-one-half just before the fog settled?" "yes, sir, if that is the course indicated by that point," again placing his finger on the compass card. "am i to infer then that the course was changed after the fog came down?" "yes, sir." "ah!" the spectators straightened up at this. their faces were grave. an important piece of evidence had been brought out. it might be against captain simms, or it might be in his favor. all depended upon the boy's further testimony. "what was the course after the change?" steve again pointed to the card. "we swung over to this point." the superintendent and the government representatives examined the point indicated by steve very carefully. "south-south-west flat?" "if that is it, yes sir." "captain, you may answer where you are. did you change your course as indicated by rush?" "i did. the boy is right. he hasn't eyes in his head for nothing. he sees more than any one else on my ship does." "did you think what the reason for that change of course was?" demanded the superintendent, again turning to steve. "i thought it was to make sure that we should clear the other ship." "yes; according to the position of both vessels, the 'macomber' had the right of way," interjected the captain. "i changed the course to clear them, and i should have done so. i don't understand, yet, why i did not." "why did you not tell us of this in your testimony?" "i did not think of it." "even though it was in your favor?" the captain nodded. the captain of the lost "macomber" was called in. "what course was your ship steering when the collision occurred?" he was asked. "i supposed it was the course as indicated on the report made by me." "you were in your cabin asleep?" "yes, sir." "who was on duty in the pilot-house?" "the mate and the wheelman." "they were lost?" "they were." "you know of no reason why they should have changed their course so as to throw your ship squarely in front of the 'wanderer'?" "no earthly reason." "they were thoroughly capable and experienced men?" "yes, so far as my observation went." "you admit that the course of your ship was changed, do you not?" "if what the young man and captain simms say is true, our course must have been changed. i cannot but think the mate must have lost his head, or else failed to note the position of the compass while he was busy peering ahead. that is probably the explanation, the wheelman forgetting himself in looking ahead also. he knew there was a ship under their bows; both knew it and they were naturally anxious." "you would not have mentioned this had not the young seaman rush brought it out?" "i might not have, because i did not know it. it puts the matter in an entirely new light." "you admit, then, that your vessel was in the wrong?" interposed one of the government officials. "i am obliged to, granting that the statements we have heard are correct, and i have no idea that they are not. while i am responsible for the safety of my ship, i do not see how i can be held accountable for the disaster. i did not know there was a fog and no word was brought to me to that effect. a man must get sleep at some time, and what better time than when the skies are fair and the sea is calm?" the officials cleared the room, after which they went into executive session with the government men. their discussion lasted little more than half an hour. the two captains were then sent for, the witnesses being allowed to enter the room also. "captain simms," announced the superintendent of the steamship line, "we find you free from all blame in this matter. you did all that you could. you let your ship swing off sufficiently to have cleared the 'macomber'; you were under reduced speed, and you were at your post where you should have been under the circumstances. besides this, you and your crew did heroic service in rescuing the men of the ill-fated ship. you lost two of your own men in so doing and nearly lost a third. especial credit is due to seaman robert jarvis, who bravely saved several lives at the risk of losing his own. as for you, captain," he added, addressing the master of the "macomber," "i am sorry to say that we shall have to lay you off for sixty days. while you were not physically responsible for the loss of your ship, you are morally responsible. had you been at your post, and had there been no errors of judgment on your part, you would have been freed from blame. at the expiration of your suspension you will no doubt be assigned to another ship. the government officials here concur in both decisions. they agree that captain simms is wholly blameless for the disaster." captain simms did not smile. his face was grave. he was sincerely sorry for the other captain. he knew how easy it was for a man to lose his place in the line through no immediate fault of his own. simms himself might have been in the position of the other man had it not been for one keen, honest, observant boy. "gentlemen, i wish to say a word," announced mr. carrhart, rising. "i wish to say that this board owes a vote of thanks to seaman stephen rush." "we do," assented several voices at once. "i know mr. rush and his friend jarvis very well, and i have watched their careers for the last two years. they always do well whatever is set before them to do. had it not been for rush's very explicit testimony--for his keen observation, we probably should not have gotten at the facts, and a great injustice might have been done to captain simms, though that would have been largely his own fault. captain simms, you will proceed to detroit in the morning and take charge of the 'richmond,' our new steel, ore-carrying steamer, which is ready to go into commission at once. i presume you will take these two young men with you on the new boat?" "i certainly shall if they will ship with me," answered captain simms promptly. "i wish i had some more men like them. even half as good men would do very well." the captain stepped across the room and grasped steve by the hand. "i owe this whole business to you, rush, and you bet i won't forget it!" chapter xv at the wheel "isn't she a beauty!" said steve admiringly, as, with jarvis and captain simms, he stood on the dock at the shipyards in detroit, gazing up at the new steamer, the finest ship of her kind plying the lakes. "she is," agreed the master proudly, "but i'm not forgetting that i might not have had her if it hadn't been for you. let's go aboard and look her over." all hands climbed the ladder to the deck. besides the usual two deck-houses, fore and aft, there was another house just aft of the forward house. this was the guest or passenger dining room where the guests of the line would be served with their meals. after admiring this the men went forward. the captain's quarters were handsomer than anything the men ever had seen before. "the only trouble with this outfit up here is that it's bigger and i'll be lonesome up here," laughed the captain. "we'll come up and visit you," returned jarvis. "i hope you will, at that," answered the skipper heartily. "i don't know of any men i would rather have in my cabin. i'll tell you what you do. you both come in every evening when we are not otherwise engaged, and i will teach you navigation." "thank you very much, sir," replied rush. "that is exactly what i wish to learn. of course, i cannot learn it all while i am on the lakes, but i shall be able to get a general idea of it." "you will learn it quickly enough. after you have been on these lakes one season you'll know more about these waters than a whole lot of men who have been drilling up and down here for the greater part of their lives. we will go back and look over your quarters now." the room assigned to the boys was even more attractive than had been their quarters on the old ship. the room was large and cosily furnished, and the iron boys were delighted with it. the next thing was the selection of a crew. captain simms, with the authority of the officials of the line, decided to ship his old crew, which was done as soon as the "wanderer" reached detroit on the following day. the new ship was under orders to proceed to duluth for a cargo of ore. the up trip was uneventful, the efforts of all hands being devoted to shaking the new vessel down and getting acquainted with her. the "richmond" proved herself to be all that was expected of her. she handled easily and well. during the three days' trip up the lakes, the boys began their study of navigation. their first work was to learn to box the compass; that is, name every point on the compass. steve, with his usual aptness, committed the card to memory in one night. bob was not very far behind him. then they took up the study of the theory of navigation, working out positions by moon, stars and sun, all requiring more or less mathematical proficiency. rush proved himself an apt pupil, and he had made a good start by the time they reached the ore docks in duluth. the lads found a few hours time in which to run home to see steve's mother, and at daylight on the following morning the "richmond" backed from her slip and turned her trim bow toward the waters of lake superior once more. "i am going to put you two men on the wheel," announced the master, on the morning of the second day out. "steering the ship?" questioned jarvis. "yes. you will find it easy work, but you will have to pay strict attention to business." the eyes of the iron boys glowed with pleasure. they took a trial watch early that forenoon under the direction of the captain, who first explained the operation of the wheel. unlike the old style steering wheels, this one was operated by crude petroleum instead of by ropes and chains running over pulleys. turning the wheel forced the oil through a little half-inch pipe. the pressure thus obtained opened a valve in the engine room and set the steam steering gear at work. the ship, by this modern method, could be steered with a single finger. "wonderful, wonderful!" exclaimed the boys, when they fully understood the operation. their knowledge of it was not complete until they had made a journey back to the engine room to watch the steam steering gear work there as the wheel was turned in the pilot-house. then there was another wonder that they were instructed in, the electrical equipment of the ship. all the running lights were lighted by electricity from the pilot-house. then there were three methods of blowing the whistle situated aft of the pilot-house. first, there was the usual whistle cord; then there was a lever some two feet in length, that pulled the wire attached to the whistle valve. but the most remarkable of all was an electric button whistle. a pressure on this blew the steam whistle. a long pressure blew a long blast and a quick pressure a short blast. "electricity plays an important part in the world's affairs to-day," said captain simms, noting their keen interest. "you see we have wireless equipment, too." "why isn't it working?" "it will be when we get some one to operate it. i understand that the line is going to ship an operator at the soo. i don't know whether it is a good thing or not. too handy for the officials to say, 'why did you do that?' or 'why didn't you do this?' well, it's always possible that the thing won't work when you want it to. i guess we can see to that." the boys nodded. steve was at the wheel. he soon got the knack of keeping the vessel on her course, but found that watching the compass card so steadily made his head ache. still, it was fascinating work. the helmsman sat on a high stool, both arms resting on the wheel between the spokes, his eyes looking over the wheel and down into the binnacle. a glance up showed miles of sea ahead with the gently rising and falling bow of the ship in the foreground. there was a consciousness of power as the helmsman gently turned the wheel this way or that. the great ship obeyed his slightest pressure. glancing back through the rear windows of the pilot-house the stern of the ship swung in response to the turn of the wheel with a crack-the-whip motion. the skipper, noting steve's glance at the swinging stern, nodded. "that is what you must look out for when in close quarters. you see, you are so far forward here that you can scarcely believe what a wide circle that other end will make--i should say sweep. it doesn't necessarily cut circles. in entering harbors you must measure your distance with your eyes and know how far you can turn your wheel without having the stern of the ship smash into a breakwater, or crash in the side of some other vessel to the right or left of you." "there is much to learn. i can see that." "sailing the lakes is done by instinct largely. if a man's cut out for the business he makes a go of it. if he isn't, some dark night he misses his way and lands on a hidden reef somewhere. then, presto, he's out of a job, and maybe worse." "when do we reach the soo?" interrupted jarvis. "this evening. rush will be at the wheel about that time, and you had better be up here, too, jarvis. you can't become too familiar with the ports and the lights. do you know how to read buoys?" "no, sir," answered the boys. "it is very simple. when you are entering port red buoys, with even numbers, are left to your right hand or starboard. black buoys with odd numbers are left to the left hand or port. that's the rule the world over." "but," objected jarvis, "suppose it's night and you can't see the buoys. what are you going to do then?" the captain laughed heartily. "lights, my boy. channels are lighted at night, so you can't go wrong; but a good navigator will take his ship through any place without a light to guide him. i want you boys to learn every one of the ranges----" "what is a range?" interrupted bob. "guide lights," spoke up steve quickly. "they are the lights on shore, either lighthouses or buoys, to show you how to lay your course." "that is the idea," agreed captain simms. "let's hear you box the compass while we are here alone, jarvis." bob went over, taking a look at the compass. "why do you do that?" "i wanted to see whether we were at the north pole or the south pole." "i guess you would know it if you were--that is, you would be pretty certain that you weren't navigating the great lakes. go ahead now." jarvis shut his eyes and began reading off the points of the compass, making only one error in his reading. "that is fine," announced the skipper. "i'll guarantee there isn't a man in the ship's crew, outside of the first mate, who can do it so well. of course, i am excepting rush and myself. rush does everything well." that night steve took his regular trick at the wheel at eight o'clock. of course, jarvis was there, too, as were the captain and the first mate. they were nearing the soo, as they could see from the lights. "let's see, you boys have not been through here, have you?" "we were below decks the other time, sir." "oh, yes, i remember. we will take the canadian locks this time. the canadian locks are on the left and the american locks on the right, but the latter are too short to hold a boat as long as this one, so we are obliged to take the canadian side." "why do we have to lock through?" questioned jarvis. "to get around the rapids, and for the further reason that huron lies lower than superior. this is whitefish bay. the light that we have just dropped to starboard is whitefish point lighthouse. rush, do you see that red light yonder?" "yes, sir." "point on it." "i can't see the bow of our boat so as to tell whether i am pointing on the light or not." "i'll fix that." the captain pressed a button and a ray of dull, ghostly light appeared just beyond and over the bow. the lads uttered exclamations of amazement. "what is it? how did you do it, sir?" "that, lads, is a guide light on the end of the pole that answers for the bowsprit. the light is there for the purpose of giving you a guide to steer by in narrow places." lights began to spring up ahead, until there was such a confusion of them that neither boy could make anything out of them, but the steady eyes of the captain picked out the lights that he wished to find without the least difficulty. "do you hear the roar of the rapids in the st. mary's river?" "yes; we hear them." "those green lights way over yonder are on the american locks. now port your helm and steer for that white light standing high above the rest. are you on it?" "on the mark, sir," answered steve. they continued on this course for ten or fifteen minutes, when the captain ordered the wheelman to starboard his wheel. this threw the bow to the left, sending the boat across the bay on a diagonal course. "why don't you go straight in?" asked jarvis. "we should land high and dry on the rocks if we did," answered the skipper, with a short laugh. "others have tried that very thing. the hulls of some of their ships are down there under the water now." the boys began to realize that navigating the great lakes required a great deal of skill and knowledge. "there is a ship in the locks now," announced captain simms. both boys gazed into the night, but they could see no ship. the master signaled the engine room to slow down, explaining, at the same time, that they would have to drift in slowly and stop until the other boat got out. the channel began to narrow as the master directed the wheel this way and that until they found themselves in a walled-in channel that led directly to the locks themselves. "snub her!" commanded the captain, leaning from the pilot-house window. a ladder was shoved over the side of the moving ship, a man on either side of it on deck pushing it along so that it might not be dragged. quick as a flash a sailor sprang on the ladder, and, grasping the side pieces, shot down to the dock on that side, a distance of some twenty feet. following came others, all getting down in the same manner. it was a dangerous thing to do and excited the wonder and admiration of the two boys in the pilot-house. "if i were to try that i would be in the water," laughed rush. "it is a good thing for me that i am at the wheel, for i wouldn't be able to resist trying that experiment." hawsers were cast over from the deck, and these, the men who had gone over the side, twisted about snubbing posts. at the same time the ship's propeller began reversing slowly at a signal from the captain. the ship came to an easy stop. the skill with which it had all been done, made a deep impression on the iron boys. a few moments later the gates of the locks opened and the other steamer moved slowly out. so close did they pass the "richmond" that some of the men reached out and shook hands across the gulf, while the two captains held a brief conversation. then the "richmond" let go her moorings and moved slowly into the canadian locks. the gates swung to behind them, the water began rushing from the other end of the locks and the ship rapidly settled until her decks were level with the dock beside which she stood. the men who had gone over the side now stepped aboard and hauled in the hawsers after them. "marvelous!" breathed the iron boys. "slow speed ahead," commanded the skipper. "we are now on the huron level. here comes your relief. i hope you boys get a good night's sleep." "thank you, sir; good night," answered the lads, starting for their cabin. it had been a most interesting evening for them. chapter xvi through the rocky cut four long and two short blasts roared from the whistle of the "richmond." it was the private signal of captain simms. the ship was bearing down on port huron and was at that moment at the mouth of the st. clair river. the skipper stepped to the door of the pilot-house with megaphone in hand. "this is where i live," he explained. "my wife always comes out to see me as we pass. see the light there, in that cottage on the river bank? well, that's where i live when i'm not steamboating. there she comes." through the moonlight steve saw a woman running down to the edge of the water. "how are you, john?" called her pleasant voice through a megaphone. "i'm well; how are the folks?" "they're all well." "any news?" "nothing except that betty has six pretty white chickens and she's terribly cross." "put her in the soup," suggested the captain. just then a little white-robed figure appeared at an upper window of the captain's home. in her hand the little one also held a megaphone. it was the captain's twelve-year-old daughter, marie, the apple of his eye. "h-e-l-l-o p-pa-pa-a-a," came the greeting in a childish treble. "hello, marie!" bellowed bob jarvis from the rail aft of the bridge. "who are you? i don't know your voice." "i'm bob jarvis, but you don't know me." "hello, bob. yes, i do. my papa wrote to me about you. where's steve?" there was a laugh that rippled from one end of the deck to the other. "never mind him; he is steering the ship. when are you coming out with us? come along and we'll have a lot of fun." "i don't know. when papa says i may. when may i come, papa? and you haven't said a word to me yet. you'll be gone in a minute." "how could i? you haven't given me a chance to get a word in edgeways. port your helm a little," he added, in a lower voice to rush. "port a little," answered steve. "when, papa?" "perhaps the next trip. i will send you a letter from down the line. jennie, can you go back with us if i stop for you on the up trip?" "i'll see. if i can do so i'll run up the red flag on the staff. if you see that you may stop. if not, you will know we can't get away that trip. i've got to attend to my early canning, you know." captain simms grumbled something outside the megaphone, that sounded something like, "shoot the canning!" "good-bye," came two voices, sounding faint and far away on the soft night air, one being a woman's voice, the other the thin, childish treble of a little girl. "head on that bright light low down there," directed the skipper, with a last lingering look back toward his home. "that's the worst of this business. a fellow gets about a five-minute look at his home and family, once a month or so. i'd rather be sitting on my front porch to-night than steering a ship through this rocky river." "is that a light-house that i am steering for?" "no; that's an inspector's cabin. starboard some." "starboard some," repeated the helmsman. "all ships have to report as they go by. you will hear him call when we get abreast. those fellows never seem to sleep." "it must be a lonely life for a man out there." "it is, and----" "ship ahoy. what ship is that?" bellowed the inspector through his megaphone. "'richmond' from duluth with ore." "the what?" "'richmond'!" roared bob from the lower deck. "i don't catch it." "six o'clock," howled jarvis with his hands to his mouth, at which there was a loud laugh from the ship's company. "steamer 'richmond,'" shouted the captain. "why don't you open your ears? think we can stand here yelling like wild indians all night?" the inspector did not answer. from past experience he realized the futility of an argument with a lake captain. "this is the most dangerous navigating of any place on the lakes, rush," said the skipper. "the bottom of our ship is only three feet from the bottom of the cut at this minute. swerving six feet either to the right or left out of our course would put us hard and fast on the rocks. we should block the channel besides running the risk of breaking the ship's back. steady!" "steady, sir." "remember, i am talking to the rudder. i keep that rudder in my mind every second of the time. i can see its every movement. i don't know there is such a thing as a steering wheel when i'm navigating like this. port a little." "port a little, sir." "now head for that range light up on the hill there. this cut, known as rock cut, was built by the government at great expense. hold your course as you are until you round the bend in the cut there, then head on a red light that you will see high up on the rocks. get your funnel back there in range with the white light on the hill you see to the left. you will be exactly in the channel then. keep in the middle. i have to go to my cabin for a moment. i think i can trust you. remember, the channel is narrow and you must keep well within it." "i will, sir." steve was left alone in the pilot-house. as he was steering by range guides alone, now, he did not have to watch the compass. all the windows of the pilot-house had been let down so that he had an unobstructed view all around. "i'm running the ship," breathed the lad. "i don't know who's taking the biggest chance, myself or the captain." though the iron boy felt the responsibility of his position, he could not help the little thrill of triumph that ran through him. he was far up in the air with no one save the watch down in the forepeak near him. the night was bright and glorious, the most peaceful scene he had ever gazed upon. but rush did not devote much thought to the peacefulness of his surroundings. his mind was too thoroughly centred on his work. the "richmond," sailed majestically around the bend in the cut, steve glancing back over the decks to see that his funnel was coming in line with the range indicated by the captain. as rush looked ahead through the open pilot-house window again his heart fairly leaped into his throat. two eyes, one red the other green were blinking at him right in his path dead ahead. "it's a ship!" he exclaimed. "i don't dare pass it here. i don't know whether there's room or not. what shall i do?" the iron boy's quick mind solved the problem in a flash. springing to the pilot-house telegraph he swung the indicator over to the words, "half speed astern." the ship began to tremble under the impact of the reversing propeller. grasping the whistle lever steve blew five short, sharp blasts, then taking his place at the wheel he calmly kept the vessel in her course, the other ship bearing down on him whistling as if the whistle lever had been wired down. the reversing of the propeller had not been lost on captain simms. he knew instantly what it meant when he felt the trembling of the vessel. then came the danger signal--five sharp blasts on the whistle. the captain was out of his cabin on the run taking the stairway to the bridge three steps at a time. by this time rush had thrown the telegraph indicator over to "full speed astern." he was watching the stern to see that it did not swing out of the channel, then turning to see what the vessel ahead of him was doing. what had caused him to so suddenly reverse the propeller was not so much the narrowness of the channel, but rather a light that was placed well out from the shore line on his side. it was a white light, and, while he did not understand the meaning of it, he knew that it had been placed there as a warning to ships to keep well outside of it. the other boat was coming to a stop also, but by the time captain simms reached the pilot-house the bows of the two ships were so close together that it seemed as though they might crash together. one swift, comprehensive glance told the captain everything. he noted that his vessel was reversing, that the pilot was keeping her in the channel and that the other ship was coming to a stop. without a word to steve he grasped his megaphone and sprang to the window. "choke her down, you fools! do you want to run us under?" "get out of the way yourself! why didn't you blow your whistle? you saw that buoy there. you have seen it for the last half hour. you knew you ought to have given warning before you got into the cut here." "what does that buoy mean?" demanded captain simms. "a coal barge was sunk there this morning." the two vessels met with a heavy bump that set everything rattling on board both ships, but the shock was not sufficiently severe to do any damage to either. "back up, you fellows, unless you want us to push you out!" commanded captain simms. in the meantime, after the shock, steve had stepped to the telegraph and swung the indicator to the word "stop!" the two captains hurled language at each other for the next two minutes, but the other skipper grew tired of it first. he gave the order to reverse propeller. the up-bound boat began to retreat slowly. "slow speed ahead," commanded captain simms. the master was leaning from the pilot-house window, megaphone in hand, ready to roar at the other skipper at the first opportunity. but there was no good excuse for him to do so. after backing down stream sufficiently to make passing safe, captain simms gave his whistle lever a jerk, sounding one sharp blast, meaning that he would meet and pass the other vessel on its port side. the "richmond" slipped by at a little higher speed than was safe, her sides scraping the paint off the other boat in spots. "i ought to report you, you lubber!" roared captain simms in passing. "you ain't fit to command a mud scow. i've got a kid on this boat who's a better captain, after half a cruise, than you'll be if you cruise all your life." the captain jerked the telegraph indicator to "three-quarter speed ahead" with such violence that it threatened to tear the indicator chains from their hooks. then he turned to rush. "steve, much obliged," he said. "that's the second time you saved the ship. i owe you another one for that. unless i am greatly mistaken, you'll be trotting around with a master's license in your inside pocket by the time you are twenty-one. steady there." "steady, sir," answered the boy at the wheel. chapter xvii the blow in the dark they had passed out through lake st. clair as eight bells rang out. steve relinquished the wheel to the next watch and bidding good night to the captain started back toward his quarters. the lad made his way back over the deck, strolling slowly along, enjoying the night and thinking over the events of the evening. as he reached the after deck-house he halted, leaning against it looking forward and watching the gentle rising and falling of the upper works forward. "it is almost fascinating enough to make one want to spend his life on board a ship," mused the iron boy. "well, i must turn in. i----" he did not finish what he was about to say. a crushing blow was dealt him on the back of the head, coming from the deep shadows on the starboard side of the after deck-house. steve staggered forward, then fell face downward on the steel deck of the "richmond." sailors found him there, half an hour later, unconscious. no one knew what had happened. the captain was notified at once and he, after an examination of the boy, decided that steve had fallen against a steel hatch and had given his head a severe bump. they worked over the lad for nearly an hour before getting him back to consciousness. he had been put to bed, and bob was detailed to sit by and watch his companion, which he did with solemn face. steve fell into a deep sleep from which he did not fully awaken until morning. he was lame and sore from head to feet. bob was asleep on the edge of the berth and the ship was rolling heavily. without waking his companion, rush got up after much effort, dressed himself, and, supporting himself by keeping his hands on the woodwork, made his way outside. day was just breaking. steve leaned against the deck-house in the same position that he had been occupying on the previous night when he was struck. the captain, at that juncture, came along on his way to breakfast. "hello, rush," he greeted, halting. "how do you feel?" "all knocked out." "that's too bad. come in and have some breakfast. you will feel better after that." "i do not think i want any breakfast, sir." "pshaw! come along. by the way, you had a nasty fall last night, didn't you?" "i should say i did." "how did you happen to slip?" "i didn't slip, captain." "you didn't?" "no, sir." "then how did you happen to crack your head on a hatch cover?" "how was i lying when you found me?" "they said you were lying on your face." "if that was the case, i couldn't very well have bumped the back of my head on a hatch cover, could i?" "that had not occurred to me before. see here, didn't you lose your balance or stumble and fall?" "i fell, but it was through no fault of my own." "will you tell me what did happen?" questioned the captain with a puzzled expression on his face. "i think i was struck," answered rush calmly. "knocked down?" "yes, sir." "impossible! who--what----?" "i do not know any more about it than you do, sir. i was standing here just as i am now, when i got a terrible blow on the back of my head. i didn't know it was a blow then, but as i think it over i remember very well. everything grew dark about me. the next i knew i was in my cabin, with you and jarvis working over me." "what you are telling me is a very serious matter, rush." "it was serious enough for me at the time." "who was on the deck at the time?" "no one, so far as i observed." "but, it would have been impossible for any one to approach close enough to hit you, without your either hearing or seeing him." "it would seem so. yet the fact remains that i was hit. it takes considerable to knock me out, sir, but i got enough last night." "do you suspect any one?" "not a person. i cannot understand it at all." "well, you just keep your eyes open. if you find out who struck that dastardly blow i'll deal severely with him. he won't be in condition to strike any one else for some time to come." "i think i shall be able to take care of the man myself when i meet him and know him," replied the lad, with a faint smile. "i shall report for duty on time this morning, so please do not put any one in my place." "very well; perhaps it will do you good to be busy. well, i'm going to breakfast. let me know if you get a line on this mystery." steve did not answer. he stood leaning against the after deck-house, thinking. finally he turned with a sigh intending to go forward. as he did so a man came out of the stokers' dining room and started to go below. rush halted sharply. "hello, smith," he said. "when did you come aboard the 'richmond'?" "when did you think i came aboard?" "that's what i am asking you." "mebby i'm a fish and swam out," answered the stoker. smith was the man with whom steve had had the trouble on the first disastrous cruise. "i shouldn't be surprised. you are equal to most anything that's out of the ordinary. where were you last night?" "stoking from six to twelve--eight bells. but----" smith checked himself. "so you came off at twelve, eh?" "i did. but how's that your business?" "perhaps it may be my business. at least, i am going to make it my business." "see here, young feller, be you trying to pick a row with me?" "no; one doesn't have to pick a quarrel with you. you're always quarreling. if i wanted to have a fight with you all i should have to do would be to look at you and the fight would be on. i'm looking at you now, smith." the stoker uttered a half-suppressed growl of anger, started toward the iron boy, then halted, opening and closing his fingers nervously. "i'll--i'll----" "out with it. you will feel better after you have said it," urged steve in an encouraging voice. "i'll break your blasted head for you----" smith made a jump for the iron boy. steve stepped lightly to one side, putting out his foot as the stoker shot by him. smith's head hit the edge of a hatch, then he sprawled forward on the deck. "so you're the fellow who gave me that blow in the dark last night, are you?" demanded the lad in a stern voice. "i--i'll kill you for this!" roared the stoker, raising a vengeful face to the iron boy. "you'll do it some dark night, then. you haven't the courage to face a man in broad daylight and meet him man to man--no; i won't put it that way, for you are no man. you're just a common tough, that's what you are. now get up and take your medicine, for you're going to get a walloping that ought to last you longer than the hose bath did." smith sprang to his feet and rushed at his young antagonist. he did not reach steve, however. the fellow suddenly received a blow under the ear that sent him spinning and tumbling over among the hatches that extended above the deck some two feet at their highest point. but steve had not delivered the blow. he had not even raised his hands, though he was standing in position ready to meet the charge of the tough stoker. "get up, you hound!" roared captain simms. it was he who had delivered the blow. he had emerged from the mess room just in time to see the stoker's enraged face over steve rush's shoulder. the captain understood instantly what smith was about to do. the skipper took two quick strides forward and his powerful fist smote the other man a terrific blow. the stoker leaped to his feet and went for the captain, now enraged beyond all control. but he had reckoned without his man. the skipper knocked the angry stoker down almost before the latter could raise his fists. "never mind, captain; i can take care of him," urged steve. "stand back! this is my circus. what was he going to hit you for?" "i was to blame. i goaded him into it. i----" "wait a minute. he hasn't got enough yet. he's coming for me." the captain suspended conversation long enough to give smith a right and left swing on either side of the head that sent the fellow to the deck with all the fight knocked out of him, and which put him out of business for the next ten minutes. captain simms turned calmly to rush. "now, what was it you were saying, my lad?" rush could not repress a smile. "nothing very much. you know smith and myself had some trouble on the last cruise?" "yes, i remember." "he never has gotten over being angry at me. he began saying disagreeable things to me, and i suppose i helped the matter along by tantalizing him. i was as much to blame as smith was. but--but i'm sorry you didn't let me give him what he was spoiling for." "he got it, that's all that is necessary," growled the master. "see here, rush, he isn't the fellow who hit you last night, is he?" demanded the captain suddenly, shooting a quick, suspicious glance into the face of the iron boy. "i didn't see who hit me," answered steve, truthfully even if somewhat evasively. "call the first mate!" rush did so. "put that man in irons and keep him on bread and water until he is ready to go to work and mind his own business. i've half a notion to turn him over to the authorities for mutiny," said the skipper reflectively. "don't you think he has had punishment enough, sir?" urged steve. "yes, i suppose he has at that. iron him, major. it will do him good." the stoker woke up just as the steel bracelets were being snapped on his wrists. protesting and threatening, he was dragged to the lazaret, where he was destined to remain for the next twenty-four hours in solitary confinement, with nothing more substantial to live on than bread and water. chapter xviii visitors on the "richmond" the ugly stoker was liberated on the following day after having promised to behave himself in the future. but he held his head low when showing himself on deck, which was seldom. he never permitted his shifting eyes to meet those of steve rush, nor did steve make any effort to address the man. the lad was confident, in his own mind, that smith was the man who struck him that night by the after deck-house, but the drubbing that captain simms had given the fellow made rush feel that they were now even. on the way back the ship picked up mrs. simms and little marie at port huron. the "richmond" was on its way to south chicago with a cargo of coal. this took them around into lake michigan, and many were the happy hours spent by the captain's little daughter and the iron boys. they played games on deck between watches, as though all three were children. rush and jarvis had constituted themselves the special guardians of the little girl, and she queened it over them, making them her willing subjects. at south chicago the ship was held up for a week because the company to which the coal was consigned was not ready to receive it. steve considered this to be bad business policy on the part of the steamship people, and another memorandum went down in his book, to be considered in detail later on. while at south chicago the lads made frequent trips into the city, which they had never visited before. one afternoon they took the captain's wife and daughter to a matinee, then out to dinner at a fashionable restaurant. it made a pleasant break in the lives of each of the four, and helped to cement the friendship between little marie and her new-found friends. at last the coal was unloaded. after filling the tanks with water ballast, the "richmond" started away for the northward to take on another cargo of ore and once more to drill down the great lakes. the water ballast did not draw the ship down to its load level, with the result that she rolled considerably. "the glass is falling," announced the captain as the craft swung into lake superior two days later. "i shouldn't be surprised if we had quite a jabble of a sea before night." "we don't care, do we?" chirped marie, to whom a rolling ship was a keen delight. "not as long as the dishes stay on the table," answered bob, with a merry laugh. "when are you going to bake that long-promised cake for me?" "just as soon as the cook will let me. he's always cooking something for the night watch when he isn't getting the regular meals. my, but that night watch must have an awful appetite!" she chuckled. "yes, i've noticed that," agreed bob. "but you can't lay it to me. i've a feather-weight appetite. i didn't have any at all when i first went aboard an ore carrier. it beats all how quickly a fellow will lose all interest in life the first time out." the wind blew hard all the way up superior, raising, as the captain had promised it would, "quite a jabble of a sea." but the blow was nothing like a heavy gale. it was just a sea, a nasty, uncomfortable sea. the boys and marie were in great good humor all the way up. marie's mother was ill in her stateroom and the assistant cook had had an unexpected attack of seasickness. "nice crew of lubbers," growled the captain, when informed of the assistant cook's indisposition. the ship reached duluth at night and immediately was shunted into the slip at the ore docks for loading. after the hatches were down a huge crate was hoisted aboard with a crane. a section of the deck was opened up and the crate was let down into the lazaret. the crate was consigned to one of the company's officials in the east. no one paid any attention to the crate, and it is doubtful if any one save the captain and the first mate knew what the contents of the crate were. hatches were battened down and long before daylight the "richmond" was on her way again. by this time the "jabble" had increased to a full gale. no other ship ventured out, but captain simms was not a skipper to be held back by the weather. he knew his ship was seaworthy and he knew full well how to handle her safely in any sea that the lakes could kick up. a full northwester was raging down from the hills and the glass was falling all the time. the "glass" is the sailor's name for barometer. steve took the wheel as they passed out, and he was obliged to give up the wheelman's stool because he could not keep it right side up under him. he dragged a platform over to the wheel. it was made for the purpose, having cross-cleats on it to enable the helmsman to keep his footing when the ship was cutting up capers. "there," he announced, "i'll stick here until the wheel comes off." waves broke over the vessel continuously, striking the deck with reports like those of distant artillery. superior was a dreary waste of gray and white. the air seemed full of the spume of the crested rollers, while the clouds were leaden and threatening. "look at the rainbow!" cried bob, pointing off to the westward. "that ain't a rainbow you landlubber," jeered a companion. "well, if it isn't i never saw a rainbow." "no, it's a dog." "a what?" "sundog." "bob, you certainly are a lubber," laughed mr. major. "didn't you ever see a sundog before?" "never. what are they for?" "i don't know what they are for. i know what they do--they bring gales and storm and trouble all along the line. that's what the dogs do." "i think the other ships saw it before we did, for there doesn't seem to be another boat on the lake." "no; at least, the little fellows have taken to harbors along the coast. it wasn't the sundog, however, but the glass that warned them. you know the glass has been falling for the past twenty-four hours. we know what to expect when that happens, but we don't know what to expect when the storm strikes us. these lakes are the most treacherous bodies of water in the world. twenty miles beyond here is the graveyard of superior, where the hulls of more than fifty ships lie rotting on the bottom. some of them went down in weather no worse than this. this is bad enough." bob listened attentively. "do you ever get seasick in any of these storms?" "always," answered the first mate, in a matter of fact tone. "if this keeps on you won't see me at mess to-day noon. you'll have to eat your dinner standing up, but not for me." the weather grew more tempestuous as the forenoon wore on. the scuppers were running rivers of green lake water and there was not a dry spot on the decks; even the upper works standing high in the air, were dripping with the spray that had been showered over them. "let her off three points," commanded the captain. almost instant relief from the incessant pounding was noticeable. the waves came aboard only occasionally, though the sea was running the same as before and the ship was rolling almost down to her rails. "that is better," nodded steve, his voice echoing in the silence of the pilot-house. "did it make you dizzy?" smiled the skipper. "no, sir. i got all over that after i fell in the hold that time. it isn't a comfortable feeling to have the floor rolling around beneath one's feet, but i am getting so that i do not mind it much. is that a boat ahead of us there?" "yes," replied the captain, placing the glasses to his eyes. "it's a pig, and she's having a pretty hard time of it. all you can see of her is a smother of foam in the place where the ship is. the smoke from her funnel seems to come right out of the lake." "are those whalebacks safe, captain?" asked the pilot. "yes. i commanded one for two seasons. they are perfectly safe, so long as nothing happens to them." steve laughed. "that goes without saying." "but they are the wettest boats in the world, as you can judge by watching that fellow beating his way against the sea. they have a very thin skin and the least puncture will go through. next thing you'll hear the hatches blowing off, and down she goes like a meteorite shot from above." "i don't believe i should care for them. i prefer to be high above water like this, rather than under it all the way down the lakes. if i wanted to travel on a submarine i'd ship on a real one." the gale was playing tunes on the braces, and the life-span running from the forward to the after deck-house was swaying back and forth. steve gazed at it a moment then turned to the skipper. "i never could see the use of those life-spans. if the ship goes down, i don't understand how a life-span from one end of the ship to the other, is going to help any." "they haven't been on long. a good many lives would have been saved if they had been. you see, the span is a rope on which travels a little swing just large enough to hold a man. then there is a free rope running through a ring in the top of the swing by which to pull one's self along." "yes, i have figured that out." "then suppose that to-night, in the darkness, we were to miss our way. the compass might go bad, we might be driven out of our course and all that sort of thing, you know--and all of a sudden we might drive our bow full speed on one of those low-lying apostle islands!" "yes, sir." "the stern of the ship would sink low and there she would pound to pieces. that's where the men astern would find use for the life-span. by it they would be able to pull themselves to the bow of the boat and perhaps make their escape before the stern finally went down under water. they are a good thing, and you should see to it that the spans are always in working order. i have those on my ship examined every day. i----" the captain was interrupted in what he was saying by a yell from the deck. the skipper took a quick look aft through the pilot-house windows, then sprang to the pilot-house telegraph. "full speed astern!" crashed the message to the engine room. chapter xix in the grip of the waves "somebody overboard!" said the captain sharply. "who?" demanded steve, in an equally sharp tone as his relief took the wheel from his hands. "i don't know." just then the figure of a man was seen to leap from the top of the after deck-house into the raging sea. bob jarvis had been clinging to a ladder that the chief engineer was holding up against the whistle pipe, the valve of the whistle having worked loose. the engineer had asked bob to help him as a favor, which the lad was glad to do, though that was not his department. it was a ticklish position in which to work, and at any moment a lurch of the ship might throw the ladder over and throw the iron boy into the sea. he gave no heed to the danger of his position, for he was rapidly becoming a true sailor. suddenly, as though some instinct had told him to do so, bob turned his head and glanced over the deck to the forward deck-house. as he did so he uttered an exclamation. little marie had just descended the steps from her father's quarters, and was already on the main deck. in her arms she carried several parcels. "go back!" roared jarvis. the words were driven back down his throat by the wind, and if the child understood his gestures she did not heed them. bob groaned. "let me down, quick! the child is trying to get aft and she'll never make it." with rare presence of mind, jarvis gave the whistle lever five quick, short jerks, sending forth as many blasts, the signal of danger. instantly some one shouted a sharp warning. by this time the lad had slid down the ladder and was making for the edge of the deck-house to drop down to the deck. he halted all of a sudden. bob tried to cry out, but the words would not come. he felt a sickening sensation sweep over him, and a sudden dizziness took possession of him. a white-crested wave had risen up out of the sea right alongside of the big steel ore carrier. for a moment it hung trembling over the ship like an avenging monster. then suddenly it swooped down. it reminded jarvis of a steam clam shell scooping up ore. he was thinking calmly now, and he was planning what he should do an instant later. the green scoop dipped, lifted the little marie clear of the deck, then raised her high above the steel hatch covers. a faint cry floated back to where the iron boy was standing as the captain's daughter was carried over the opposite side of the ship and dropped into the sea. a great shout escaped bob jarvis. lifting himself to his toes he took a long curving dive from the deck-house. he cleared the ship's rail with plenty of room to spare, entering the water head first just at the base of a huge swell. in an almost incredibly short time his hatless head bobbed up on the other side of the swell, leaving him struggling alone on the rough waters. the ship had slipped quickly by. but already her propeller was beating the water with all the force of the steam power behind it, turned on full, in an effort to start the ship going astern. steve had rushed out on deck the instant he was relieved. unmindful of the seas that were again breaking over the deck as the ship shifted her position, he dashed aft, drenched to the skin and battered this way and that by the angry combers as they roared curling aboard. a sailor ran panting up the stairs to the pilot-house. "it's the little girl!" cried the sailor. "your daughter's overboard and jarvis has gone after her. they'll both be drowned!" "port your helm a little," said the skipper in a calm, steady voice, as he turned to the wheelman. "steady!" springing to the telephone he called up the after deck-house. "have boat number manned and swung out ready for launching. have men stand by with life-lines and rings ready to cast if we come up with them. you stand by and watch out astern." the commands were delivered in quick, sharp accents, but there was no trace of excitement either in the captain's tone or on his features. he was every inch the commander, cool, calm, resourceful. years of commanding had taught him that to be a master of others one must first be the master of himself and of his own emotions. "where are they? do you see them?" shouted rush, as he dashed to the after rail of the ship where a number of men were standing with pale, frightened faces. a hand pointed astern where, a second or so later, steve caught sight of the bobbing head of his companion. "has he got the child?" rush cried. "yes. leastwise, he had a minute ago. it was a lucky chance. you see, he jumped just in time and the girl was fairly swept into his arms." "it was not chance," retorted steve. "bob knew what he was doing." steve was pacing up and down the after deck, scarcely able to restrain himself from leaping into the sea and going to his companion's assistance. he knew, however, that the chances were that he would never be able to reach the struggling figure off there. at any rate the ship, which was now beating its way astern at a very fair rate of speed, would get to the spot before he could possibly hope to do so, even if he were able to make it at all. far up above the decks in the pilot-house with glasses to his eyes, stood the skipper, calm, stern, alert, now and then giving a brief command to the man at the wheel in a voice in which there was still no hint of nervousness or excitement. the first mate gazed at his commander in wonder. there were iron boys in that ship's company and there was a master who was also iron. "i think you had better go aft, mr. major," directed the skipper. "take charge back there. we are going to have difficulty in getting them aboard, even if they keep up until we get to them. the boy is making a great fight of it." "aye, aye, sir. has he the girl still?" "yes. he is trying to keep her head above water until we get to him, but i'm afraid she'll drown before we can help them." the first mate hurried from the pilot-house, starting aft at a run. he began shouting out his orders before he reached the stern. he found steve rush with coat and shoes off, poised on the rail of the plunging stern, the water dashing over him as he clung with one hand to a stanchion. "you are not going to try to go over, rush?" he shouted. "there's no need now," answered the boy, not for an instant taking his eyes from the two figures off there in the water. the ship was drawing near and it was observable that jarvis was not battling as strongly as he had before. they knew that he was becoming exhausted from his desperate struggle with the great seas that were sweeping him. "man boat number and put it over!" commanded the mate. "no use to do that," called rush. "it will not live. better put over the lines at the proper time." "no; it is the captain's orders to launch number boat. i want two men." nearly every man there stepped forward. they glanced at rush. he was still on the rail. he had made no effort to volunteer for the dangerous service. they wondered at it, but they knew the boy's courage too well to think for a moment that he had been deterred from offering to go out in the life-boat through fear. there were those present who would have resented such an imputation. steve cast a disapproving glance at the mate who was then superintending the launching of the craft. the men who were to go out in it already had taken their places in the boat, that had been provided with ropes, life rings and life preservers. at command the boat was swung out, the men standing up and steadying their craft by pressing their oars against the sides of the ship itself. "careful that you do not fall out!" warned mr. major. "i will give the command to let go. when i do so drop to your seats and out oars." "aye, aye, sir." "shut off!" shouted rush. "you'll run them down!" the mate made a signal to the captain, but the latter had timed the progress of his vessel too well to need the signal. already the propeller had ceased revolving and the captain was giving his directions to the wheelman so as to throw the stern to one side of the struggling boy. captain simms' plan was to drift down on jarvis and the child, with the sea. perhaps it was not the best thing to do, but it was the quickest and seconds were golden at that critical moment. "let go!" roared the mate. the life-boat struck the water with a splash. instantly it was picked up on the crest of a giant roller, lifted high in the air, and hurled against the side of the ship with terrific force. with a sickening crash the life-boat was crushed into splinters, precipitating the crew into the rough sea. rush leaped from the rail to the deck. he had been ready to do so when he saw what the mate proposed to do. he foresaw the end of the life-boat, and perhaps of the men who were manning her, even before they made a start to obey the orders of the mate. grasping a life ring to which a long line had been attached, steve hurled it over the side of the ship. "grab the line!" he shouted to one of the men next to him. "watch out and haul in when you get your man hooked." another life ring dropped over the side of the ship and the line to this steve passed to another man. both struggling sailors in the water fastened to the life rings that had been dropped within easy reach of them, thanks to the careful aim of the iron boy. steve saw that the two were reasonably safe; then, grabbing up another ring, he sprang to the rail on the port side. bob jarvis and the girl were drifting in, buffeted this way and that by one huge wave after another. the girl's head was drooping over bob's left shoulder. "can you make it?" bellowed rush. "i don't know." bob's voice sounded far away. steve was watching him with keen, steady eyes. the lad felt sure that they never would get aboard without at least serious injury. "kick the ship ahead a couple of turns!" shouted rush in a tone of command. the word was transmitted to the captain in the pilot-house by gestures. the captain gave the signal, but not quite quickly enough to accomplish what rush had hoped for. he wanted the ship advanced a few feet so that jarvis and his burden would drift past the stern where they could be pulled up without the danger of being crushed against the side of the ship. before the propeller had made one complete revolution the stern of the "richmond" was hit by a giant wave and then by another. the vessel it seemed was literally lifted from the water and thrown to one side. that was the side where bob jarvis was struggling to save himself and the captain's daughter. illustration: another figure dived from the rail. bob saw what was going to happen. the plucky lad held the child off at arm's length, as far away from the oncoming ship as possible, while with the other hand he sought to break the force of the blow. the side of the ship hit jarvis a tremendous blow. the lad's arm doubled under him and his head drooped forward on the water. "he's killed!" cried the watchers. splash! another figure had dived from the rail. it was steve. his dive took him right under bob and his burden. rush came up the other side and struck out for the couple with long, powerful strokes. chapter xx an exciting rescue with him rush had carried a life ring attached to the end of a rope, the other end of the rope having been, with rare presence of mind, made fast to the rail by him before leaping. he reached his companion just as bob's head drooped over and he lost consciousness. still, jarvis kept his grip on the arm of the child. rush had to tear the girl's dress in order to wrench jarvis's grip free of her. in so doing steve lost the life ring. it was carried away from him in a twinkling. now he had two persons on his hands with the seas rolling over him almost mountain high, though the ship, being on the windward side, protected them somewhat. "haul in and cast the ring!" steve managed to shout, just before he was jammed choking under a heavy wave. rush threw himself on his back with his head toward the ship, one arm under marie and the other arm supporting bob, who was making desperate efforts to help himself, though unable to do much in that direction. then rush began kicking himself slowly toward the vessel, which had been shifted about and was once more drifting down on them. "cast your lines before you get close enough to hit us!" steve cried when he could do so without getting a mouthful of water. unfortunately those on deck were not very good shots at this sort of target work and their life rings went far wide of the mark. the ropes on all but one of them slipped through the hands of the casters and dropped into the sea. "lubbers!" roared the captain from the pilot-house window. steve caught the third ring. twisting the rope about the body of marie just under her arms, he tore the ring loose. "haul up, quick!" he shouted, swimming along with the child after having thrust the life ring over the head of bob jarvis. steve held to the girl so that she should not be thrown against the ship head first, which would have seriously injured her at least, and perhaps killed her then and there. possibly the little girl was dead already. rush did not know, but he thought he had detected life when he first grasped her. "hurry, hurry!" he cried. the girl was hauled free of the water, and, limp and lifeless, she was tenderly lifted over the rail. captain simms, after hurling some brief directions at the man at the wheel, dashed from the pilot-house, down the steps and along the deck to the stern, where marie lay on the deck. the father lost no time in getting at work on her. "save those boys if it costs the ship to do it!" he roared. "major, use your wits! get them out, i tell you. i'll hold you personally responsible for their rescue!" "rush is hit!" shouted a voice excitedly. looking over they saw steve striking out blindly to where bob was floating away helplessly on the sea. it was plain that rush had been stunned by being thrown against the side of the ship. still, by sheer pluck, he was keeping himself up and swimming, but with evident effort, toward his companion. bob was in a helpless condition and every second the life ring was slipping up and threatening to bob out from under his head. were that to happen there was little chance that he would be saved. steve tried to shout to them, but his voice would not come. he swallowed enough water in these attempts to drown the ordinary person. his eyes were so full of water and he was so dazed from the bump he had sustained, that he could not make out where jarvis was. "port! port!" roared a voice from the deck. steve caught the direction and veered a little to port. "more port. can you keep it up?" rush did not answer, for he was beyond answering. only his wonderful pluck and endurance were keeping him from throwing up his hands and sinking under the surface. with a final burst of speed he reached his companion. steve threw out one hand and fastened on the other iron boy. as he did so the ring slipped from jarvis's head and floated away. rush realized at once what had happened, and began upbraiding himself for his carelessness. the knowledge seemed to give him new strength. his body fairly leaped from the water as he took several powerful strokes toward the drowning bob. "wake up!" cried steve, shaking his companion roughly. jarvis mumbled in reply, and tried feebly to help himself, but he was too weak and too full of water to accomplish anything. steve, by a great effort, twisted his companion about and began swimming toward the ship with him. shouts and suggestions were hurled at him from the ship, but he did not hear them. the iron boy was making the fight of his life. at last, after mighty struggles, he managed to get near enough to the "richmond" to catch a line that was tossed to him. this he quickly made fast about jarvis's waist and waved a hand to indicate that the men above were to haul away. steve lay over on his back on the water with a great sigh of relief as the men began hauling the other boy toward the deck. "get a line over there to rush!" thundered the captain. "don't you see the boy is drowning?" but steve missed every line that was tossed to him. he was making powerful efforts to pull himself together sufficiently to save himself, but he could not do so. "take care of the child, major. keep pumping the water out of her. she'll be all right in a moment," cried the captain. "give me a line, quick!" before the brave skipper could carry out his purpose of climbing over the rail preparatory to dropping into the lake, another man swiftly leaped to the rail and let himself drop feet first. he carried two lines with him. "it's smith, the stoker!" cried a chorus of voices. it was indeed the stoker, the enemy of the iron boys, who had determined to avenge himself on them for the insults he believed they had heaped upon him. what sudden revulsion of feeling led the stoker to risk his life to save that of steve rush none ever knew, nor would he ever afterwards discuss it. smith was a powerful fellow, a man who feared nothing and besides, he was a strong swimmer. he pounced upon rush as if he were about to do him bodily injury. it was the work of but a moment to make fast the line about the boy's body. "get him up, and be quick!" yelled the stoker. a cheer rose from the deck; two men at this time were working over bob, while the captain, having returned to his daughter, was ministering to her. steve was hauled aboard, where he settled down in a heap. the sailors turned him face downward, and then some one happened to think of the stoker. smith was keeping himself from being jammed against the side of the ship by holding both hands against the side of it and hurling angry imprecations at those on deck who had apparently forgotten his existence. "smi--smith--get him!" muttered steve. "put a ladder over the side! lash it to the rail and give the man a line with which to steady himself!" commanded the captain. "come, come! have you all lost your senses?" his orders were carried out with a snap, and a moment later the dripping figure of smith appeared above the level of the deck. "you're a fine lot of lubbers," growled the stoker. "you let a man go overboard and then forget he's there. i ought to throw the bunch of you overboard." "take those boys to their cabins as soon as you get the water out of them," ordered captain simms. "no, no; i'm all right," protested steve, pulling himself together and staggering away from the men who were thumping him with their closed fists, hoping in that way to bring him back to himself. the stoker had betaken himself to the fire room to dry off. his face had once more regained its surly, hang-dog expression, and he made rough answers to the few questions that were put to him by his fellow-workers in the stoke-hole. at last the workers succeeded in shaking most of the water out of bob jarvis. he had swallowed a lot of it and was so weak that he could not stand. at steve's suggestion they carried bob around on the lee side of the after deck-house. the steward came running out with a bottle of brandy, some of which he sought to pour down between the boy's blue lips. jarvis thrust the bottle aside, half angrily. "none--none of that horrible stuff for me! i--i'd rather be full of lake superior water and--and _that's_ the limit----" steve stooped over, and placing his hands under the other boy's arms, lifted him to his feet. "brace up! you're all right now," encouraged rush. "yes. i'm all right, _only_----" the sailors laughed at this; then they shouted, more from relief from the strain under which they had been laboring than because of the humor of jarvis's reply. "want to go in and lie down now?" questioned steve, barely able to keep his feet. "no!" "then we'll walk and see if we can get our sea legs," proposed steve, slipping an arm about his companion's waist and starting slowly toward the stern. the boys could hardly keep their feet, they were still so weak. they staggered from one side of the passage to the other, but their iron grit kept them up. "how is little marie?" demanded jarvis, suddenly turning to rush. "come; we will go and see. we were forgetting our duty," muttered steve, starting for the cabin, where the little girl had been taken. chapter xxi a new hand at the wheel marie had entirely recovered consciousness when the lads entered the steward's cabin. but the child's face was chalky white, her lips colorless and her eyes dull. captain simms had sent for his wife, who, ill in her stateroom, had not known of the exciting events that were taking place at the other end of the ship. mrs. simms forgot all about her seasickness when summoned and told what had happened. marie's eyes lighted up when they rested on the dripping forms of the iron boys. "hello, kiddie," greeted jarvis. "how'd you like your swim?" "come and kiss me," answered the child simply. jarvis blushed, but braced himself. then, stooping over, he gently kissed the little one on the cheek. "you, too, steve," she nodded with compelling eyes. then steve rush kissed her, patted her cheek and straightened up to meet the arms of the captain's wife. "you saved her life," she murmured. "i beg your pardon, mrs. simms; it's bob jarvis whom you should thank. he's the real hero this time. i'm only a sort of assistant hero," said steve with a laugh. the captain tried to speak, but something seemed to stick in his throat. he gulped, swallowed, then grasping both boys by the shoulders thrust them from the cabin. "get out! get out you young rascals before i give you a sound thumping!" he exploded, as the iron boys, laughing heartily, were ejected to the deck. "that's a fine way to show a fellow's appreciation," snorted bob. "do you know where that kiddie was going when she was swept overboard? i mean, before she was swept over?" "coming aft?" "yes; she was coming aft. she was coming aft to make a cake for you and me, that's what she was doing. she told me she was going to bake one for us to-day and she had the stuff in her hands that she was going to put into the cake. it's a shame," added jarvis, his voice pitched a little higher than usual. "yes, but not half so bad as if we hadn't saved her, old man. i'm proud of you, bob jarvis." "you needn't be. i was the easiest kind of a mark. i would have drowned if it hadn't been for you." "and both of us would undoubtedly have gone down had it not been for the stoker, smith. what do you make of that, bob?" jarvis halted reflectively. "i think," announced the lad wisely, "that he was--was--what do you say a fellow is suffering from when he goes dippy up here?" tapping the top of his head. "temporary aberration?" "that's it. i wish i could think of things ready-made, the way you do. well, i believe he must have been suffering from that. he'll be wanting to lick us again the minute he sets eyes on us." "here he comes now. he's just come up from his watch. oh, smith!" the stoker halted, then started on again. steve grasped his arm. the fellow shook the lad loose. "see here, we want to talk to you." smith halted reluctantly. "i want to take back every unpleasant thing i have ever said to you. at the same time i want to apologize for what i have done. i've been in the wrong all the time, i guess. will you shake hands?" the stoker hesitated, shifted uneasily, all the time avoiding looking into the eyes of the iron boys. finally he thrust out a reluctant hand. steve grabbed it and bob caught up the other. the stoker, muttering half sullenly, broke away and ran into the deck-house, leaving the boys standing outside looking at each other. "well, that beats anything i ever saw," growled bob. "do you know," said steve reflectively, "i believe that fellow has been a criminal of some sort. the way his eyes avoid yours, his shifty, hang-dog manner, reminds me of certain other gentlemen whom i have seen. however, after what he has done for us, it is not for you and me to try to get him into any further trouble. he saved our lives and that's all there is about it so far as we are concerned. i don't believe he will try any more tricks on us. he is the man who hit me on deck here the other night. i'm just as sure of it as i am that we are standing here now. captain simms gave him an awful walloping. maybe that's what beat some sense into the fellow's head." all the rest of the day marie remained in bed. the captain, who had gone back to the pilot-house after carrying the child to his own quarters, made frequent trips below to see how she was getting on. she was doing so well that she wanted to get up and play. the rest of the day passed without incident, though the gale, if anything, grew worse. the air was filled with flying spray that reached high up on the masts. the wireless operator picked up messages from other ships that had sought safe harbor on the lee side of the islands along the lake, but thus far there had been no reports of disasters. the captain had warned the operator to be on the sharp lookout for appeals for help. to the satisfaction of all no cries for help came. the boys went about their duties, rush taking another trick at the wheel late in the afternoon, leaving it along toward eight bells, midnight. bob, in this instance, relieved him. the night was starless and intensely dark and the hurling spray made necessary a sharp lookout ahead. two men were stationed on the bridge and another in the forepeak to watch for lights, though the captain did not look for many that night. he knew that at least all the timid skippers, had scudded for calm water at the first signs of a big blow. believing that all was safe he went to bed, and the ship went rolling and plunging, lurching and tumbling on her way, creaking and groaning as though the effort caused her great pain. shortly before daylight, bob fancying that he heard some one entering the pilot-house, glanced at the open door on the lee side. at first he saw nothing. then all of a sudden a huge, shadowy form seemed to rise from the floor at that point. bob gazed in amazement. "what's that, mr. major?" he asked sharply. "where?" demanded the mate, leaning out and looking forward. "there, there, at the door?" "i don't see anything." "neither do i, now, but i did a moment ago. i----" bob received a blow from a huge paw that tipped him over sideways, tumbling him over. "help!" yelled the boy, bolting for the door. about this time the first mate, who had run around to the rear of the steering wheel, got a blow on the side of the head that laid him low. he, too, scrambled to his feet and dashed for the door, slamming it shut after him. "what's the trouble in there?" shouted one of the bridge watch, poking his head in at the window. he had heard some sort of disturbance in the pilot-house, he thought, but the wind being so strong he was unable to decide what the disturbance was about. there was no answer to his question. "i say----" he shouted; then something happened to him. a huge paw was stretched out through the forward pilot-house window. it came down on the head of the watch with a whack, laying him flat on the deck. the second watch ran to where his companion had fallen. "here, here, what's the mat----" the watch did not finish the sentence. a cuff on the ear, and a mighty cuff at that, sent him clear to the end of the bridge, and had the weather cloths not been in place he would undoubtedly have been knocked through between the rails and into the sea. both men set up a wild yell of fear. "it's some kind of animal!" shouted bob. "send for the captain. i'm going back to the wheel." summoning all his courage the lad opened the pilot-house door, peering cautiously in. he got a blow that knocked him over backwards and bob jarvis tumbled all the way down the stairs to the main deck. captain simms came rushing out of his cabin in his pajamas. he had heard the running on the deck above him and surmising that something had gone wrong, rushed out to the deck. "what's wrong? what's wrong?" he bellowed, casting a quick glance ahead, almost expecting to see another ship bearing down upon them. "i say, what's happened?" "help!" howled the distant voice of bob jarvis from the lower deck. "help, help!" yelled the two men on the bridge watch in chorus. "captain!" roared first mate major, bounding down the stairs to where the captain was standing. the skipper grabbed the mate by the arm and shook him violently. "here, here! what's wrong? have all of you lubbers gone mad?" "it--it's in the pilot-house!" gasped the now thoroughly frightened mate. "what's in the pilot-house?" demanded captain simms angrily. "nobody--i mean i don't know. it's a----" but the skipper waited to hear no more. he rushed up the stairs, two steps at a jump. reaching the bridge deck he sprang for the door of the pilot-house and jerked it open. as he did so his keen eyes caught sight of a huge, shadowy figure at the wheel. the strange, uncouth shape was twirling the wheel merrily, while the ship was diving this way and that in a most unusual and erratic manner. the figure at the wheel suddenly bolted forward, making a grab for captain simms. quite a portion of the skipper's pajamas were left in the grip of the strange object, causing the captain to retire hastily, slamming the door as he did so. "it's the bear! the bear has escaped!" he shouted. "the bear?" yelled several voices. "yes, the bear in that crate in the lazaret. we were taking it down for mr. carrhart, to be shipped to a friend of his in pittsburgh." "wow!" cried jarvis, who had been creeping up the stairs. he turned and bolted down again with all speed. chapter xxii leading a lively chase "the bear has escaped!" shouted a voice down on the main deck. "what bear?" "the one that was in the lazaret." "didn't know there was any bear there. you're kidding," answered the doubting sailor. "go up and take a peep into the wheel-house, if you don't believe it. you'll get a bang on the side of the head that will make your ears ring eight bells for the rest of the night." "i--i guess i'll take your word for it." the sailor turned and ran for the deck-house. steve rush, aroused by the shouting, got up and poked his head from the cabin window. "hey, what's happening?" he called. jarvis was on his way back to tell his chum the news. "old bruin has escaped." "who's he?" "an old party we had cooped in a crate in the lazar----" "a bear?" "you bet he's a bear. he waved a paw at me that knocked me clean out of the pilot-house." "wait, i'll be out in a minute." steve hurried into his clothes, and a few minutes later was out on the rolling deck. he could barely make out the lights of the forward deck-house through the mist of spray that hung over the ship like a cloud. "where is he?" cried the iron boy. "up there in the house." "but who is steering the ship?" "i guess the bear is. nobody else up there except the captain, jumping around the bridge-deck in his pajamas, mad as a hatter." steve, deciding that he would like a closer look, hurried to the bridge. there he found captain simms in a plight if anything more ludicrous than had been painted by bob jarvis. rush saw that the ship was reeling about like a crazy sailor. "do something, somebody!" roared the skipper. "what would you suggest?" questioned steve, taking a peep through an open window and narrowly missing getting his eyes scratched out as a hairy paw reached through the window with a downward, raking sweep. captain simms forgot his anger long enough to laugh at the agility with which rush leaped backward, falling over a steel cleat, coming up grinning but very red of face. "that's what the beast did to me, only he got too much of my clothes for comfort," remarked the skipper. it was steve's turn to laugh, which he did uproariously. "maybe you think it's funny, but you wouldn't if you were in my place. the next question is how are we going to get that beast from the iron range out of the pilot-house?" "i'll tell you," said bob, who had followed his companion up to the bridge. "we'll coax him out with a chunk of fresh meat." "will you hold the meat?" answered the master sharply. "no, thank you," laughed jarvis. "your idea isn't half bad. i believe i will get a piece of meat and try it," replied rush reflectively. "see here, young man. not quite so fast. what do you propose to do with the beast when you get him out?" "i--i--hadn't thought of that," stammered rush. "i suppose you'd let him dance about the decks and run us all overboard, eh? no, sir. he stays where he is. you keep watch of him while i go down stairs and get some clothing on. this summer costume is a little too airy for this kind of a night." the two boys watched the pilot-house from a safe distance while the captain went below. day was beginning to dawn, and by the faint light they could see mr. bruin spinning the pilot-wheel this way and that. he seemed as pleased as a child with a new toy. the compass card, with its dim white spot showing the position of the ship, attracted his attention. brain scratched on the glass over the compass card and getting no satisfaction from so doing, returned to the wheel. such steering probably never had been seen on the great lakes before. all at once five shrill blasts sounded dead ahead. "there comes a steamer!" yelled bob. "we'll run it down!" shouted steve. "hey, captain!" the up-coming steamer knew that something was wrong and her deck officer was sounding a danger signal. it looked as if a collision could not be avoided. steve ran around to the front of the pilot-house, and rang in the signal "full speed astern" on the bridge telegraph. then the "richmond" did cut up. bruin was still steering as fancy dictated, the bow of the ship wobbling this way and that. illustration: a huge form stood at the wheel. in the meantime the captain of the other steamer was trying his best to get his craft out of the way of the wobbling "richmond." "sheer off! sheer off!" bellowed the skipper of the up-boat. "you'll cut us in two." the boys thought so as well, but there was nothing they could do save wait for results and trust to luck. bang! the nose of the "richmond" caught the other boat a glancing blow and bounced off. the sides of the two ships bumped together, then the stern of the "richmond" side-swiped the stranger with a smash that sent everything jingling on the two ships, while the skipper of the up-craft was dancing up and down the deck of his vessel, heaping abuse upon captain simms and his "fool crew." "we must get that beast out, at all costs," raged the master of the "richmond." just then bruin leaned back from the window and against the whistle lever. instantly a roar, accompanied by a cloud of steam, burst from the whistle at the after end of the boat. the roaring of the siren did not cease. it kept right up and mr. bear glanced about uneasily as if suspecting that the noise was directed against him. about this time the chief engineer rushed to the deck. "stop that blowing. you'll blow all the steam out of the boilers!" he commanded, shouting up to the bridge. "suppose you come up and stop it yourself," suggested jarvis, grinning over the rail. "we shall have to try that meat plan, i guess, boys," decided the master. "how shall we do it without playing the part of the meat?" "i have a plan," answered steve. "bob, if you will get a piece of meat i will see what i can do in the meantime." bob hurried aft for the fresh meat while steve busied himself by preparing a rope which he placed at the foot of the stairs on the lower deck. by this time, jarvis had returned with the meat, the captain having watched the arrangement with nods of approval. "please have some men stationed under cover of the deck-house below us and have a tarpaulin, one of the canvas hatch covers, handy, will you?" asked rush. "certainly. jarvis tell the mate to do as steve suggests. i will open the door of the pilot-house when you are ready." in the meantime bruin had left the whistle lever and lumbered to the starboard window where he stood observing the preparations for his capture. his nose was upraised sniffing the air, for he smelled the fresh meat. "look out that he doesn't jump out of the window," warned bob. "i hardly think he will. it is quite a drop," answered rush. "now, captain, if you will open the door, i think we are ready," he added, taking the meat from the hands of his companion. "you don't need me now, do you, steve?" "well not just this minute," laughed rush. bob ran up the rope ladder of the foremast, and from this point of safety he grinned his enjoyment of the scene. captain simms threw open the pilot-house door; then he also shinned up the ladder. the bear was ambling toward steve at a rapid gait. but the iron boy did not appear to be at all frightened. he slid down the stairs to the forward deck, waited until the bear was almost upon him, then dropped to the main or lower deck. bruin was after him without loss of time. reaching the lower deck, steve dropped the fresh meat in the big loop of rope that he had spread out on the deck, and quickly darted behind a hatch. the bear seized the meat with an ugly growl. steve gave the rope, one end of which was in his hands, a violent jerk and the next second the bear was floundering about the deck, fighting, pawing and uttering fierce growls, with the noose of steve's rope drawn down tight over one of the animal's fore-legs. steve took a twist around a stanchion. "the tarpaulin!" he shouted. not a man made a move to do the lad's bidding. "bob! come down here. i want you! quick!" "i'm coming." jarvis was down the ladder in short order. "what shall we do now?" "grab hold of this canvas and help me throw it over the beast." "but he'll bite," protested bob. "he will if we do not get him secured pretty soon. hurry, there!" each taking hold of a corner of the big, heavy canvas the lads approached the big beast with caution. "now, he-o!" they swung the tarpaulin back and forth to give it momentum, bruin stretching out quick paws in an effort to grab the canvas, at the same time showing his teeth and uttering fierce growls. "let go!" shouted rush. the canvas fell completely over the beast, the centre of the covering dropping directly on his head. mr. bear began to claw and roar, but the more he clawed the more entangled did he become. the crew uttered a cheer. "hurry up, men! give me a hand or he'll get away from us yet!" steve threw himself upon the writhing heap, with jarvis a close second. but no sooner had the boys landed on the canvas than they were tossed off. back they sprang, making plucky efforts to twist the canvas into position where the animal could not throw it off. by this time captain simms was down the ladders and stairs, making for the writhing heap on the jump. "get in there, you lubbers!" he roared. the men obeyed his command, though they did so with reluctance. "fall on the heap!" after a lively battle, consuming some twenty minutes, the escaped bear was hopelessly entangled in the tarpaulin, the corners of which were tied securely, thus imprisoning him beyond the possibility of his getting out. "the next question is, what are we going to do with him, now that we have him?" inquired the captain. "is his crate broken so that it cannot be fixed?" asked rush. "no; it can be fixed up," interjected the chief engineer. "hurry up and attend to it, macrae." in a few minutes the crate was ready. steve engineered the following efforts, as he had those that had gone before. the bear was dragged back to the stern. there the men waited while steve put another large chunk of meat in the cage. "all ready, men. throw him down the stairs. be sure that you get him down, or he'll be after us and then we shall have our hands full," shouted steve. "it strikes me we already have," muttered the captain, gazing admiringly at the efforts of the iron boy. "you ought to join a menagerie," suggested jarvis. "all ready now," warned steve. "all ready," answered the men. steve cast a final look about, taking careful note of the knots which were ready to be unfastened at the word. "let go!" he shouted. with a roar mr. bruin went rolling, bumping and scratching down the stairs into the lazaret. steve crept down the stairs. "everyone stay back," he warned. none needed the advice. none of the ship's company felt the least inclination to climb into that dark hole where the angry bear was floundering about. "throw on a light," called rush. a solitary light gleamed in the darkness of the lazaret. about that time the bear smelled the fresh meat in the cage. with a grunt and a growl he went in search of it, nosing here and there. at last he found it. steve, crouching on the stairway was watching the beast with keen eyes. the bear entered the cage. with a bound rush dropped to the floor of the lazaret. bang! the door of the cage swung to, the padlock securing it, quickly slipped through the staple and locked. mr. bear was a prisoner. "there, you may all come down now, children," called the iron boy. "is he in?" demanded a voice at the head of the stairs. "he is. bruin is having the rest of his breakfast now." "three cheers for steve rush," cried the captain, pulling off his cap. "hip-hip-hurrah!" yelled the sailors. "hip-hip-hurrah! hip-hip-hurrah! t-i-g-e-r!" added bob jarvis. steve came up from the lower deck, his face flushed with triumph. "well, we got him, didn't we?" he demanded. "you mean _you_ got him," answered the captain. "we all got him." "it is my opinion," added the skipper, "that you ought to be the captain of this boat. you've got more horse sense than all the rest of us together." chapter xxiii the wireless message for the rest of that day the ship had a measure of quiet, just for a change. the storm kept on with its former severity and there was more or less discomfort. meals had to be eaten standing up, and life lines had been run along the deck to support the one who ventured along the decks forward or aft. marie was not allowed to leave her father's cabin again while the storm lasted. considerable time had been lost, owing to the trouble caused by the bear, so the ship was put to full speed. of late the boys had taken the keenest sort of interest in the wireless outfit with which the ship was equipped. they spent much of their leisure time with the wireless operator. steve had learned part of the morse alphabet and occasionally he tried to operate the key. two days later, as they were sitting in the wireless room, where the operator, with feet on his desk, was telling them a story of a wreck that he had been in on the atlantic when he was operator on a liner, a flash from the switchboard told them that they had picked up a wireless from another ship or station. the operator quickly adjusted the receiver over his head, listened a moment then threw his key open. a few quick sentences were crashed forth, the aërials above the deck of the ship snapping out the message in sundry vicious cracklings. steve tried to catch the drift of what was being said, but it was too fast for him. he could not hear what the operator was receiving, but after a while the operator picked up his pencil and began writing industriously. glancing over the man's shoulder steve's eyes caught a few words that caused him to lean forward with renewed interest. then he sat back, possessing himself in patience until the message should have been finished. "that's strange," said the operator, laying down his head piece. "what is it?" questioned bob. "nothing much. it is just a message i picked up about some fellow that the police want." "well, it isn't i, that's sure," said jarvis with a confident laugh. "it is--but here, read it for yourself." steve read the message out loud. "'wanted: one, gus collins, for complicity in a post-office robbery at elgin on the night of june third. collins has been a sailor and is said to be on one of the ships on the lakes. about five feet ten in height, gray eyes, blonde hair. has a peculiar stoop to his shoulders, and a habit of peering up suspiciously, but not meeting the eyes of the person he is talking to. five hundred dollars reward offered for his capture by the post-office department.'" "i'd like to make that five hundred," laughed jarvis. steve did not reply at once. his face was serious. he was thinking. "well, there is one thing certain, mr. gus collins isn't on this ship," announced the operator, hanging up his headstall. "funny message to send out. skippers of these boats have something else to do besides hunting down criminals for the post-office department." rush nodded thoughtfully. somehow, the description of the man seemed to strike a familiar chord in him. he could not help feeling that he had seen some one who in a measure answered that description. "ever seen him, bob?" questioned the lad. jarvis shook his head. "wouldn't have recognized him if i had seen him. say!" "well?" "maybe the bear is collins in disguise." there was a laugh at this. rush read the message over again. "shall i take it up to the captain?" "yes, if you will." steve did so. captain simms read the alarm message through twice. "pshaw!" he grunted. "let the government find its own criminals. it doesn't hire me to be a policeman. how's the bear?" "i haven't heard him complain any since we put him back," answered steve with a grin. "how did he get out, do you think?" "the cage tipped over in a roll of the ship. no more wild animal shows on this ship. are you going to try to earn that five hundred dollars?" demanded the skipper, changing the subject abruptly. "i had not thought of doing so. you do not think he is on your ship, do you?" "if he was you'd catch him, even if you had to bait him with raw beef. say, are you going to stay with me?" "why, i am not thinking of leaving, captain simms." "i don't mean now. of course, you wouldn't leave me in the middle of the season. you're too square for that. i mean at the end of the season?" "of course, we shall have to work during the winter. we can't afford to lie around in idleness." "yes, of course. but what about next season?" "that is a long way off," smiled rush. "will you come back with me next year?" "i could not promise. frankly, captain, i wish i might stay with you. i like the life and i should be happy to spend the rest of my days on the water, were it not for one fact." "what is that?" "there isn't much of a future to the lake business." captain simms nodded. "nothing beyond being a captain. that's the stone wall we butt against sooner or later, if we are lucky enough to get that far. i don't blame you, but i am sorry. i was in hopes you would stay with us another season." "this season is young yet. perhaps you may be glad to get rid of me before the end of it," laughed rush. "no danger of that. but i am going to make it worth your while to stay, you see if i don't. tell the operator to send back word, to the man that sent out this message, that we haven't got any safe crackers on board the 'richmond.'" "very well, sir." steve picked up the message and left the cabin. he walked thoughtfully aft to his own state room, where he found jarvis getting ready to go on duty. rush sat down to study the description of the much-wanted criminal. "i can't get it out of my mind that i know that man." he muttered. "i know i have seen him somewhere. but where? pshaw! why should i trouble myself about the matter? i'm no policeman, and i don't want to earn any money at the price of another man's liberty." "what's the matter--gone crazy?" demanded jarvis, eyeing his companion suspiciously. "they say it's a sure sign, when a fellow gets the habit of talking to himself." rush laughed heartily. "then both of us must be in the same boat, for i heard you mumbling to yourself this very day." "when?" "at the time the bear was chasing you." "huh!" "bob, listen." steve read out the message, slowly, giving emphasis to that part describing the man wanted by the government. "think hard, now. isn't there some one whom you have seen that answers that description, the stooping shoulders, the peculiar way of glancing up from under the half-closed eyelids----" "nobody but smith." "smith!" rush gazed at the other boy blankly. "that's so; he does rather answer the description." "of course he isn't the man." "perhaps not." all the rest of the day steve thought over the contents of that message and the suggestion made by jarvis. he did not see the stoker, however, until the following morning, just as steve was coming off duty. "morning, smith," greeted the lad, bending a scrutinizing gaze on the surly fireman. "morning," mumbled the other. "by the way, old chap; were you ever in elgin?" smith gave the lad a quick, sharp look. "what are you getting at?" "do you know a man named collins--gus collins?" persisted the iron boy. "co--co--collins?" "yes, a fellow who was interested in cracking a post-office safe out in elgin----" "it's a lie!" exploded the stoker, straightening up suddenly, his face flushing and his features working convulsively. "ah! then you do know something about this man, collins, eh?" "ye--no, i don't know anything about him. i've heard of him, that's all. now you let me alone, or----" "smith, you saved my life. i'm not such a cur as to forget that. i think you have something to say to----" "i ain't got anything to say to you." "oh, yes, you have. come with me to my cabin, where we can talk without interruption. it may be worth your while." "i won't go!" smith raised a hand as if he would strike the boy whose finger-tips were resting on the stoker's shoulder. "you come with me!" commanded steve, placing a firmer grip on the shoulder of the stoker. in that way, and without further resistance, steve led him to his own stateroom. "sit down! now tell me all about it." the fireman's face was sullen and rebellious. "there--there ain't nothing to tell," answered the man in a low, half-angry voice. "you are gus collins! i know you, now. i was sure i had seen the man whose description was sent out by the police and the government officials." the stoker's face went ghastly. "yes, i am. now what are you going to do about it?" he demanded, rising to his full height, standing over rush in a threatening attitude. "i am going to talk with you for the present. i think i have a right to do that, and see if there isn't something i can do for you after all you have done for me. sit down, gus." with a bewildered look on his face, the stoker sank into the chair. "tell me the whole story, gus," urged rush gently. "you need not be afraid of me. i am your friend, no matter what you have done." for a full five minutes collins did not speak. it was plain to the keen-eyed boy before him that the man was battling with himself and was trying to decide what his course of action should be. "did you have any part in the robbery of that post-office?" urged steve. "_no!_" fairly shouted the stoker. "then you have nothing to fear." "yes, i have, too. i've got everything to fear. i'm a bad man, and----" "perhaps you were, but you have wiped that all out by your heroic act in----" "boy, i've served time in joliet. i'm an ex-convict. i stole something once when i didn't know what i was doing. they put me away for five years for that little job. while i was in prison my temper got the best of me one day, and i hurt a man, and----" "you don't mean you----" "no, i didn't kill him, but i was used worse than a little yellow dog after that. what little good there was in me was beaten out of me, and--never let your temper get the best of you, boy. it's an awful thing to have a temper like mine." steve nodded. "well, i got out. my time was up." "when was that?" "this spring. i was dogged from the time i left the prison until one day i managed to give them the slip, and----" "you mean the police were following you?" "yes; spotting me." "what for?" "to see that i didn't get into any mischief. the last time they saw me i was in elgin. i left on the six o'clock train, after throwing the spotters off. that night the post-office there was cracked. i read about it in the papers next day, and i knew they'd put it on me. i got clear of the place as soon as possible, shipped up the lakes from chicago; then got in with this crowd. now i'll be sent back to joliet again." "perhaps not; not if you are innocent." "i am as innocent as you are, steve rush. help me, boy! help me to get away. they'll nail me this time, sure. they've got the line drawn on me fair and square. they sent out that alarm you've got in your hands there. help me to get away in the small boat to-night and i'll make shore and disappear. i'll fool them. i did you a good turn. do a great one for me, now!" "yes, gus; i will do you a turn, but i won't help you to escape. that would be a foolish thing to do. the police would get you sooner or later, and your flight would be the very worst thing possible for you when they did get you." "you won't help me?" "no, not in that way." "how then?" "i shall have to think it over, but if you are innocent, have no fears, for you shall be freed of the accusation. i must talk with the captain----" collins started to protest. "no one else on board shall know of it except my friend, jarvis, and he is true-blue. when we have you freed i will see to it that you get a berth on this or some other boat, for life, if you want it." collins shook his head. "no; they'll fire me when they find out i've done time. nobody wants an ex-convict. they drive a man to the dogs after once he's fallen----" "here's one man who won't drive you, gus collins. here's one man who's going to stand right back of you and see that you get fair play. then you're going to hold your head up and be a man with other men. you leave it all to me, will you? will you promise to do so?" collins eyed the bronzed, manly face before him, for a full moment; then he stretched out an impulsive hand. "put it there, little pard! i'll stand up, even if i do time for it, if it'll please you any. you're the pluckiest, the squarest bunch of muscle that i've ever come up with!" chapter xxiv conclusion steve rush had told the whole story to captain simms, to all of which the captain listened in deep interest. "well, what do you propose to do about it?" questioned the skipper, with a quizzical smile. "if you will give me a leave of absence, i think i should like to go back to elgin with collins and help to get him free," announced steve. "don't monkey with fire. a crook's a crook, and----" "this one _will_ be, if he is sent up again. i propose to get him out, even if it takes all the rest of the summer to do it." "all right. go ahead, lad, but for goodness' sake wait until we get the bear out of this ship," laughed the captain. the result was that as soon as the "richmond" reached its destination on lake erie, steve and the stoker, both dressed in their best, slipped ashore and took a train for chicago. early the next forenoon they presented themselves at the police station in the town where the robbery had occurred, steve acting as spokesman and stating that collins had heard he was wanted and had come to give himself up, prepared to prove his innocence. of course the stoker was locked up. the man was sullen once more, and when the iron doors clanged behind him he gave up all hope. "they've got me! i was a fool!" he muttered. shortly after that steve visited him, and when the boy left the man collins was in a better frame of mind. rush got to work at once. he must find some one who would remember to have seen gus leaving town. suddenly an idea occurred to the boy. he visited the railroad station. from one official to another he traveled, asking questions and getting scant courtesy. everyone's hand appeared to be against him when the owner learned the object of rush's mission. it was not until the next day that he found the man for whom he was looking. that was the conductor of the train on which collins had taken passage when he left the town the evening of the robbery, and several hours before it occurred. he had obtained from collins a description of the clothes the latter wore on that night, and where he sat in the train, establishing the fact that the man's soft hat, tipped up behind, was pulled well down over his face, and that he wore a red necktie. armed with this description, steve visited the conductor at the latter's home. at first the conductor did not seem to remember, but when steve mentioned the felt hat, the red necktie and the stoop of the man's shoulders in connection with the furtive glancing up from beneath the eyelids, the railroad man, slapped his thigh violently. "of course i remember him. i'd know him if i saw him. he had a scar on his right cheek----" "that's the man," cut in rush triumphantly. "come over to the station with me and identify him. you will prevent a grave injustice being done if you will assist me in this matter." the conductor readily picked out gus collins as the man whom he had seen on his train proceeding the robbery. a few days later the conductor was summoned before the grand jury, at steve's instigation, where he repeated his story in detail. steve gave evidence also as to what he knew about the man, repeating the interview he had had with the stoker on board the ship. the result was that gus collins stepped from his cell a free man that evening. he said little, but he seemed unable to keep his eyes from the face of the boy who had saved him from prison. collins knew that nothing could have saved him had it not been for the iron boy, but somehow he could not find it possible to express his thankfulness. "we will go back to duluth," said the lad. "we shall not be able to catch the ship down this way i guess. anyhow, a few days' layoff will not hurt us in the least." "what are you going to do with me now?" demanded the fireman, finding his voice at last. "i shall take good care of you. forget all that's past. you are a man now, and you are going to be a man henceforth. quit brooding over your troubles. you haven't any. they were all washed out of you in the lake the day you went in after me. i have something in mind for you that i think will please you." reaching duluth, steve sought mr carrhart at once and to the president the lad told the whole story. "what do you want, my lad--what do you wish me to do for your friend?" asked the president kindly. rush told him in a few words. the result was that mr. carrhart gave the boy a letter to the superintendent, telling steve to return for an interview after he had finished with the collins' business. it was a proud and happy steve who sought out gus collins an hour later, at the hotel where the man and the boy were stopping. "well, what about it?" demanded the stoker, without the least trace of hopefulness in his tone. "you are to report for duty on the 'richmond' as soon as she gets in." "oh!" collins' face brightened. "here's your appointment," added steve, handing over a document with the imprint of the steamship company at its head. collins read it through, changed color then stared at steve. "is this some kind of a joke you're playing on me?" "it is no joke, gus. you are appointed foreman of the stoke-room of the ore carrier 'richmond,' and you'll save more coal for the company than any other stoker who ever bossed a fire-room." collins sat down heavily. the tears were blinding his eyes. steve did not try to stop them. he realized that they marked the turning point in what had been a hard life, a life that had bidden fair to be wholly wrecked in the name of justice. but what steve rush in his unselfishness did not realize, was that he had saved a human soul. the interview with mr. carrhart took place that afternoon. "yes, sir; i think i have a few suggestions to make," answered steve in reply to a question from the president. "but first i should like to ask some questions of you." "proceed." steve asked the average cost of operating the ships of the fleet per month; what the ships earned by carrying coal for other concerns on the return trips, together with a number of other shrewd and pointed questions. all of these mr. carrhart answered freely, knowing that the boy's reasons for asking them were in the interest of his investigations. rush made some rapid calculations on a pad on the president's desk. "you have some two hundred ships in the line, i believe, sir?" "yes; two hundred and ten." "would it be any saving if you could save an hour in the unloading of these ships--two hundred and ten hours, in other words, every time the whole fleet made a trip down the lakes?" "well, i should say it would." "that is easy." "explain." "simply put on an extra unloader for each dock, so that both may work at the same time." mr. carrhart considered. he, too, made some calculations. "yes, that is an excellent suggestion. it will mark a very great saving in the transportation cost. candidly, the idea never occurred to me. you have earned your salary for one year at least," added the president with an indulgent smile. "i felt sure you would dig up something of value to us, to say nothing of the value the experience would be to you." "i'm not through yet," laughed the iron boy. "i'm going to show you how you can save something like thirty thousand dollars a year more on the carrying proposition." "why, rush, you amaze me. it cannot be possible, after figuring down all transportations the way the experts of this company have done and been doing for years." "the old saying is to the effect that figures never lie. perhaps mine do. if so, you will be able to discover the untruth at once." "may i ask how you propose to work this great saving?" asked the president good-naturedly. "send your boats back light." "send them back light?" "yes, sir; in water ballast." "but, my boy, don't you understand that it will mean the loss of a lot of money to do that? the ships earn a great many thousands of dollars a year by carrying freight for pay on the return trips." "yes, sir; i understand that. their cargo is mostly coal, is it not?" "it is." "for ports all along the great lakes?" "certainly." "and through carrying this coal your ships lose from a week to ten days and some times two weeks' on every round trip." "how do you know this?" interrupted mr. carrhart. "i have asked questions," smiled steve. "call it a week's loss of time on each trip. do you know what that means?" "i begin to see," answered the president reflectively. "it means that every time your fleet makes a round trip, carrying coal back with them, the company loses their services to the enormous total of two hundred and ten weeks, more than four years, mr. carrhart. if you will glance over these figures of mine you will observe that, by this method, the company is losing about the figure stated by me a few minutes ago, over and above what you get in freights for carrying the coal." the president made a few brief calculations. he went over his figures and steve's several times, his forehead corrugated with deep wrinkles as he did so. at last mr. carrhart glanced up, gazing steadily at the slightly flushed face of the iron boy. "rush you are a very remarkable young man," he said. "of course, i knew that before, but what i did not know was that you had a head for finance, such as you have just demonstrated. this is really a most remarkable showing. i shall bring it before the board at the next meeting. there is no doubt about your suggestions being adopted. i think it will come in the nature of a revelation to the board. my boy, i am proud of you. i can't tell you how proud i am, especially so because i picked you out, feeling from the first that you would prove a winner." "thank you, sir." "and, in this connection, i received a long letter from captain simms from cleveland yesterday. he made certain suggestions regarding yourself and your friend jarvis, which it gives me great pleasure to act upon. you have been appointed second mate of the steamer 'richmond'; jarvis, first wheelman. you will be called upon to pass a government examination for a license, which you will take to-morrow morning. you will have no difficulty about it, if you are as good a navigator as captain simms says you are, and i have no doubt you are. if you remain on the lakes we'll be making a captain of you some of these days. however, i have an idea you do not intend to be a sailor." "no, sir, not permanently." * * * * * and so steve rush began as a watch officer on the great lakes. he proved that the confidence of his superiors was not misplaced, and for the rest of the season he remained on the "richmond," distinguishing himself in many ways. gus collins, with his fresh start in life, had dropped his hang-dog expression. when he talked to a man, now, he looked that man squarely in the eye, and from the moment of his return to the ship he was a daily worshipper at the shrine of steve rush. at the close of the season steve found the foreman a place with a manufacturing firm, with the help of a letter from captain simms. then, bidding good-bye to their friends, the lads gathered up their dunnage and went home for a few weeks' rest before taking up the new life that they had about decided upon. what happened to them in their new calling will be related in detail in a following volume entitled, "the iron boys in the steel mills; or, beginning anew in the cinder pits." in the great steel mills the boys were to work among the roaring furnaces, the swiftly moving cranes and the moulding mills, where the metal that they had helped to mine ran in rivers that turned into gold. there the boys were to be called upon to face death many times, and in many forms, as they toiled among the rough men of the mills and laughed at the thousand and one perils of their new life. the end. * * * * * transcriber's note obvious spelling and punctuation errors have been corrected, missing words have been added. the advertisement of the boys of steel series contains the numbering as presented in the book. differing spellings used throughtout the book for: life boat, lifeboat and life-boat light-house, lighthouse layoff, lay-off hatch cover, hatch-cover are retained as used by the author * * * * * henry altemus company's catalogue of the best and least expensive books for real boys and girls * * * * * really good and new stories for boys and girls are not plentiful. many stories, too, are so highly improbable as to bring a grin of derision to the young reader's face before he has gone far. the name of altemus is a distinctive brand on the cover of a book, always ensuring the buyer of having a book that is up-to-date and fine throughout. no buyer of an altemus book is ever disappointed. many are the claims made as to the inexpensiveness of books. go into any bookstore and ask for an altemus book. compare the price charged you for altemus books with the price demanded for other juvenile books. you will at once discover that a given outlay of money will buy more of the altemus books than of those published by other houses. every dealer in books carries the altemus books. * * * * * sold by all booksellers or sent postpaid on receipt of price henry altemus company - cherry street, philadelphia the motor boat club series by h. irving hancock the keynote of these books is manliness. the stories are wonderfully entertaining, and they are at the same time sound and wholesome, no boy will willingly lay down an unfinished book in this series. the motor boat club of the kennebec; or, the secret of smugglers' island. the motor boat club at nantucket; or, the mystery of the dunstan heir. the motor boat club off long island; or, a daring marine game at racing speed. the motor boat club and the wireless; or, the dot, dash and dare cruise. the motor boat club in florida; or, laying the ghost of alligator swamp. the motor boat club at the golden gate; or, a thrilling capture in the great fog. the motor boat club on the great lakes; or, the flying dutchman of the big fresh water. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the range and grange hustlers by frank gee patchin have you any idea of the excitements, the glories of life on great ranches in the west? any bright boy will "devour" the books of this series, once he has made a start with the first volume. the range and grange hustlers on the ranch; or, the boy shepherds of the great divide. the range and grange hustlers' greatest round-up; or, pitting their wits against a packers' combine. the range and grange hustlers on the plains; or, following the steam plows across the prairie. the range and grange hustlers at chicago; or, the conspiracy of the wheat pit. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. submarine boys series by victor g. durham these splendid books for boys and girls deal with life aboard submarine torpedo boats, and with the adventures of the young crew, and possess, in addition to the author's surpassing knack of storytelling, a great educational value for all young readers. the submarine boys on duty; or, life on a diving torpedo boat. the submarine boys' trial trip; or, "making good" as young experts. the submarine boys and the middies; or, the prize detail at annapolis. the submarine boys and the spies; or, dodging the sharks of the deep. the submarine boys' lightning cruise; or, the young kings of the deep. the submarine boys for the flag; or, deeding their lives to uncle sam. the submarine boys and the smugglers; or, breaking up the new jersey customs frauds. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the square dollar boys series by h. irving hancock the reading boy will be a voter within a few years; these books are bound to make him think, and when he casts his vote he will do it more intelligently for having read these volumes. the square dollar boys wake up; or, fighting the trolley franchise steal. the square dollar boys smash the ring; or, in the lists against the crooked land deal. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * ben lightbody series by walter benham ben lightbody, special; or, seizing his first chance to make good. ben lightbody's biggest puzzle; or, running the double ghost to earth. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. pony rider boys series by frank gee patchin these tales may be aptly described as those of a new cooper. in every sense they belong to the best class of books for boys and girls. the pony rider boys in the rockies; or, the secret of the lost claim. the pony rider boys in texas; or, the veiled riddle of the plains. the pony rider boys in montana; or, the mystery of the old custer trail. the pony rider boys in the ozarks; or, the secret of ruby mountain. the pony rider boys in the alkali; or, finding a key to the desert maze. the pony rider boys in new mexico; or, the end of the silver trail. the pony rider boys in the grand canyon; or, the mystery of bright angel gulch. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the boys of steel series by james r. mears the author has made of these volumes a series of romances with scenes laid in the iron and steel world. each book presents a vivid picture of some phase of this great industry. the information given is exact and truthful; above all, each story is full of adventure and fascination. the iron boys in the mines; or, starting at the bottom of the shaft. the iron boys as foremen; or, heading the diamond drill shift. the iron boys on the ore boats; or, roughing it on the great lakes. the iron boys in the steel mills; or, beginning anew in the cinder pits. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. west point series by h. irving hancock the principal characters in these narratives are manly, young americans whose doings will inspire all boy readers. dick prescott's first year at west point; or, two chums in the cadet gray. dick prescott's second year at west point; or, finding the glory of the soldier's life. dick prescott's third year at west point; or, standing firm for flag and honor. dick prescott's fourth year at west point; or, ready to drop the gray for shoulder straps. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * annapolis series by h. irving hancock the spirit of the new navy is delightfully and truthfully depicted in these volumes. dave darrin's first year at annapolis; or, two plebe midshipmen at the u. s. naval academy. dave darrin's second year at annapolis; or, two midshipmen as naval academy "youngsters." dave darrin's third year at annapolis; or, leaders of the second class midshipmen. dave darrin's fourth year at annapolis; or, headed for graduation and the big cruise. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the young engineers series by h. irving hancock the heroes of these stories are known to readers of the high school boys series. in this new series tom reade and harry hazelton prove worthy of all the traditions of dick & co. the young engineers in colorado; or, at railroad building in earnest. the young engineers in arizona; or, laying tracks on the "man-killer" quicksand. the young engineers in nevada; or, seeking fortune on the turn of a pick. the young engineers in mexico; or, fighting the mine swindlers. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. boys of the army series by h. irving hancock these books breathe the life and spirit of the united states army of to-day, and the life, just as it is, is described by a master pen. uncle sam's boys in the ranks; or, two recruits in the united states army. uncle sam's boys on field duty; or, winning corporal's chevrons. uncle sam's boys as sergeants; or, handling their first real commands. uncle sam's boys in the philippines; or, following the flag against the moros. (_other volumes to follow rapidly._) cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * battleship boys series by frank gee patchin these stories throb with the life of young americans on to-day's huge drab dreadnaughts. the battleship boys at sea; or, two apprentices in uncle sam's navy. the battleship boys first step upward; or, winning their grades as petty officers. the battleship boys in foreign service; or, earning new ratings in european seas. the battleship boys in the tropics; or, upholding the american flag in a honduras revolution. (_other volumes to follow rapidly._) cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the meadow-brook girls series by janet aldridge real live stories pulsing with the vibrant atmosphere of outdoor life. the meadow-brook girls under canvas; or, fun and frolic in the summer camp. the meadow-brook girls across country; or, the young pathfinders on a summer hike. the meadow-brook girls afloat; or, the stormy cruise of the red rover. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * high school boys series by h. irving hancock in this series of bright, crisp books a new note has been struck. boys of every age under sixty will be interested in these fascinating volumes. the high school freshmen; or, dick & co.'s first year pranks and sports. the high school pitcher; or, dick & co. on the gridley diamond. the high school left end; or, dick & co. grilling on the football gridiron. the high school captain of the team; or, dick & co. leading the athletic vanguard. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * grammar school boys series by h. irving hancock this series of stories, based on the actual doings of grammar school boys, comes near to the heart of the average american boy. the grammar school boys of gridley; or, dick & co. start things moving. the grammar school boys snowbound; or, dick & co. at winter sports. the grammar school boys in the woods; or, dick & co. trail fun and knowledge. the grammar school boys in summer athletics; or, dick & co. make their fame secure. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * high school boys' vacation series by h. irving hancock "give us more dick prescott books!" this has been the burden of the cry from young readers of the country over. almost numberless letters have been received by the publishers, making this eager demand; for dick prescott, dave darrin, tom reade, and the other members of dick & co. are the most popular high school boys in the land. boys will alternately thrill and chuckle when reading these splendid narratives. the high school boys' canoe club; or, dick & co.'s rivals on lake pleasant. the high school boys in summer camp; or, the dick prescott six training for the gridley eleven. the high school boys' fishing trip; or, dick & co. in the wilderness. the high school boys' training hike; or, dick & co. making themselves "hard as nails." cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the circus boys series by edgar b. p. darlington mr. darlington's books breathe forth every phase of an intensely interesting and exciting life. the circus boys on the flying rings; or, making the start in the sawdust life. the circus boys across the continent; or, winning new laurels on the tanbark. the circus boys in dixie land; or, winning the plaudits of the sunny south. the circus boys on the mississippi; or, afloat with the big show on the big river. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the high school girls series by jessie graham flower, a. m. these breezy stories of the american high school girl take the reader fairly by storm. grace harlowe's plebe year at high school; or, the merry doings of the oakdale freshman girls. grace harlowe's sophomore year at high school; or, the record of the girl chums in work and athletics. grace harlowe's junior year at high school; or, fast friends in the sororities. grace harlowe's senior year at high school; or, the parting of the ways. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. * * * * * the automobile girls series by laura dent crane no girl's library--no family book-case can be considered at all complete unless it contains these sparkling twentieth-century books. the automobile girls at newport; or, watching the summer parade. the automobile girls in the berkshires; or, the ghost of lost man's trail. the automobile girls along the hudson; or, fighting fire in sleepy hollow. the automobile girls at chicago; or, winning out against heavy odds. the automobile girls at palm beach; or, proving their mettle under southern skies. cloth, illustrated price, per volume, c. elsie's journey on inland waters by martha finley [illustration] new york dodd, mead and company publishers copyright, , by dodd, mead and company. _all rights reserved._ chapter i. after her return from the trip across the lake with the bridal party, the _dolphin_ lay at anchor near the white city for a week or more; there were so many interesting and beautiful exhibits at the fair still unseen by them that captain raymond, his family, and guests scarce knew how to tear themselves away. at the breakfast table on the morning after their arrival, they, as usual, considered together the question where the day should be spent. it was soon evident that they were not all of one mind, some preferring a visit to one building, some to another. "i should like nothing better than to spend some hours in the art palace, examining paintings and statuary," said violet, "and i have an idea that mamma would enjoy doing the same," looking enquiringly at her mother as she finished her sentence. "in which you are quite right," responded grandma elsie. "there is nothing i enjoy more than pictures and statuary such as may be found there." "and i am sure your father and i can echo that sentiment," remarked mrs. dinsmore, with a smiling glance at her husband. "very true, my dear," he said. "then that is where we shall go," said the captain. "that includes your four children, i suppose, papa?" remarked lucilla, half enquiringly, half in assertion. "unless one or more of them should prefer to remain at home--here on the yacht," he replied. "how about that, neddie, my boy?" "oh, papa, i don't want to stay here! please let me go with you and mamma," exclaimed the little fellow, with a look of mingled alarm and entreaty. "you certainly shall, if you want to, my son," returned his father. "i am happy to say that my little boy has been very good and given no unnecessary trouble in visiting the fair thus far. and i can say the same of my little elsie and her older sisters also," he added, with an affectionate look from one to another. "thank you, papa," said lucilla and grace, the latter adding, "i think it would be strange indeed should we ever intentionally and willingly give trouble to such a father as ours." "i don't intend ever to do that," said little elsie earnestly, and with a loving upward look into her father's face. "i am glad to hear it, dear child," he returned, with an appreciative smile. "i, too," said her mother. "well, we will make quite a party, even if all the rest choose to go elsewhere." the art palace was a very beautiful building of brick and steel; its style of architecture ionic of the most classic and refined type. it was very large: feet wide by feet in length, with an eastern and western annex, a grand nave and transept feet wide and feet high intersecting it, and that surmounted by a dome very high and wide, and having upon its apex a winged figure of victory. from this dome the central section was flooded with light, and here was a grand collection of sculpture and paintings, in which every civilized nation was represented, the number of pieces shown being nearly twenty-five thousand. it was the largest art exhibition ever made in the history of the world. it was not strange, therefore, that though our friends had been in the building more than once before, they still found an abundance of fine works of art which were well worth attentive study, and as entirely new to them as though they had been but just placed there. little elsie was particularly attracted, and her curiosity was excited by an oil painting among the french exhibits of joan of arc listening to the voices. "is there a story to it?" she asked of her grandma, who stood nearest to her at the moment. "yes, dear; and if you want to hear it, i shall tell it to you when we go back to the _dolphin_," was the kindly rejoinder, and the child, knowing that grandma elsie's promises were sure to be kept, said no more at the moment, but waited patiently until the appointed time. as usual, she and neddie were ready for a rest sooner than the older people, and were taken back to the yacht by their father, grandma elsie and grace accompanying them, saying that they, too, were weary enough to enjoy sitting down with the little folks for an hour or so. "oh, i'm glad grandma's going too!" cried ned, and elsie added, with a joyous look, "so am i, grandma, but i'm very sorry you are tired." "do not let that trouble you, dearest," returned mrs. travilla, with a loving smile. "you know if i were not tired i should miss the enjoyment of resting." "and there is enjoyment in that," remarked the captain; "yet i regret, mother, that your strength is not sufficient to enable you to see and enjoy all the beautiful sights here, which we may never again have an opportunity to behold." "well, captain, one cannot have everything in this world," returned grandma elsie, with a contented little laugh, "and it is a real enjoyment to me to sit on the deck of the _dolphin_ with my dear little grandchildren about me, and entertain them with such stories as will both interest and instruct them." "oh, are you going to tell us the story of that picture i asked you about, grandma?" queried little elsie, with a look of delight. "what picture was that?" asked her father, who had not heard what passed between the lady and the child while gazing together upon maillart's painting. mrs. travilla explained, adding, "i suppose you have no objection to my redeeming my promise?" "oh, no! not at all; it is a historical story, and i do not see that it can do them any harm to hear it, sadly as it ends." they had reached the yacht while talking, and presently were on board and comfortably seated underneath the awning on the deck. then the captain left them, and grandma elsie, noting the look of eager expectancy on little elsie's face, at once began the coveted tale. "the story i am about to tell you," she said, "is of things done and suffered more than four hundred years ago. at that time there was war between the english and french. the king of england, not satisfied with his own dominions, wanted france also and claimed it because his mother was the daughter of a former french king; so he sent an army across the channel into france to force the french to take him for their king, instead of their own monarch." "didn't the french people want to have the english king to be theirs too, grandma?" asked elsie. "no, indeed! and so a long, long war followed, and a great many of both the french and english were killed. "at that time there was a young peasant girl named joan, a modest, industrious, pious girl, who loved her country and was distressed over the dreadful war going on in it. she longed to help to drive the english away; but it did not seem as if she--a girl of fifteen, who could neither read nor write, though she could sew and spin and work out in the fields and gardens--could do anything to help to rid her dear land of the invaders. but she thought a great deal about it and at length imagined that she heard heavenly voices calling to her to go and fight for her king." "and that was the picture that we saw to-day, grandma?" asked elsie. "but it wasn't really true?" "no, dear; probably joan of arc, as she is called, really imagined she heard them, and the painter has imagined how they might have looked." "then it isn't real," remarked the little girl, in a tone of disappointment. "no, not what the picture represents; but the story of what poor joan of arc, or the maid of orleans, as she is often called, thought and did is true. when she told her story of the voices speaking to her no one believed it; they thought she was crazy. but she was not discouraged. she went to her king, or rather the dauphin, for he had not been crowned, and told her story to him and his council--that god had revealed to her that the french troops would succeed in driving the enemy away from the city of orleans, which they were besieging at that time. "the dauphin listened, believed what she told him, and gave her leave to dress herself in male attire and go with the troops, riding on a white palfrey and bearing a sword and a white banner. the soldiers believed in her, and in consequence were filled with such courage and enthusiasm that they fought very bravely and soon succeeded in driving the english away from orleans. "this success so delighted the french, and so raised their hope of ridding france of her enemies, that they won victory after victory, driving the english out of one province after another, and even out of paris itself, so that the english hated and dreaded poor joan. "she conducted the dauphin to rheims, where he was crowned, and she wept for joy as she saluted him as king. then she wanted to go home, thinking her work was done; but king charles begged her to stay with the army, and to please him she did. but she began to have fearful forebodings because she no longer heard the voices. yet she remained with the french army and was present at a good many battles, till at length she was taken prisoner by the burgundians and sold to the english for a large sum by the burgundian officer." "oh, grandma! and did the english hurt her for fighting for her own dear country?" "i cannot say certainly," replied mrs. travilla; "accounts differ, some saying that she was put to death as a heretic and sorceress; others that some five or six years later she arrived at metz, was at once recognized by her two brothers, and afterward married." "oh, i hope that is the true end of the story!" exclaimed elsie. "it would be so dreadful to have her put to death for helping to save her dear country." "so it would," said grace; "but in those early times such dreadful, dreadful deeds used to be done. i often feel thankful that i did not live in those days." "yes," said mrs. travilla, "we may well be full of gratitude and love to god our heavenly father that our lot has been cast in these better times and in our dear land." "and that we have our dear, kind grandma to love," said neddie, nestling closer to her, "and our papa and mamma. some little children haven't any." "no, i had no mother when i was your age, ned," sighed grandma elsie, "and i cannot tell you how much i used to long for her when aunt chloe would tell me how sweet and lovely she had been, and how sorry she was to leave her baby." "her baby? was that you, grandma?" he asked, with a wondering look up into her face. "yes," she replied, with a smile, and stroking his hair caressingly. "but you had a papa? grandpa is your papa, isn't he? i hear you call him that sometimes." "yes, he is; my dear father and your mamma's grandfather, which makes him yours too." "mine, too," said little elsie, in a tone of satisfaction. "oh, see! here comes the boat with evelyn and uncle walter in it!" "you are early to-night as well as ourselves," remarked grace, as they stepped upon the deck and drew near the little group already gathered there. "yes," returned evelyn, "i was tired, and walter kindly brought me home. the yacht seems like a home to me nowadays," she added, with a light laugh. "yes," said grace; "i am sure papa likes to have us all feel that it is a home to us at present." "and a very good and comfortable one it is," remarked walter, handing evelyn to a seat, then taking one himself opposite her and near his mother's side. "where have you two been? and what have you seen that is worth telling about?" asked grace. "visiting buildings," returned walter; "brazil, turkey, hayti, sweden, and lastly venezuela." "and what did you see there?" "in venezuela's exhibit? christopher columbus and general bolivar--that is, their effigies--specimens of birds, animals, minerals, preserves, spices, coffee, vegetables, fine needlework, some manufactured goods, and--most interesting of all, we thought--the flag carried by pizarro in his conquest of peru." "pizarro? who was he? and what did he do, uncle wal?" asked little elsie. "he was a very, very bad man and did some very, very wicked deeds," replied walter. "did he kill people?" "yes, that he did; and got killed himself at last. the bible says, 'whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed,' and there have been a great many examples of it in the history of the world." "does god say that, uncle walter?" asked neddie. "yes; god said it to noah, shortly after he and his family came out of the ark." "when the flood was over?" "yes." "please tell us about that flag and the bad man that carried it," urged little elsie, and walter complied. "pizarro was a spaniard," he began, "a very courageous, but covetous and cruel man; very ignorant, too; he could neither read nor write. he was a swineherd in his youth, but gave up that occupation and came over to america to seek a fortune in this new world. he crossed the isthmus of panama with balboa and discovered the pacific ocean. while there he heard rumors of a country farther south, where gold and silver were said to be as abundant as iron in spain, and he was seized with a great desire to go there and help himself to as much as possible. so he and another fellow named almagro, and luque, a priest, put their money together and fitted out a small expedition, of which pizarro took command. "they did not go very far that time, but afterward tried it again, first making an agreement that all they got of lands, treasures, and other things, vassals included, should be divided equally between them. "they set sail in two ships. they really reached peru, and when pizarro went back to panama he carried with him many beautiful and valuable ornaments of gold and silver which the kind-hearted natives had given him, also specimens of cloth made of wool and having a silky appearance and brilliant color, and some llamas, or alpacas." "they had certainly treated him very kindly," remarked grace, as walter paused for a moment in his narrative. "yes; and what a mean wretch he must have been to want to rob them of everything--even to life, liberty, and happiness. he was determined to do that as soon as possible; so determined that, not being able to find enough volunteers in panama, he went all the way back to spain (a far greater undertaking then than it would be now), told the story of his discoveries before the king, charles v., and his ministers; describing the wealth of the countries and showing the goods and ornaments he had brought from them. "then they gave him--what was not theirs to give--permission to conquer peru, and the titles of governor and captain-general of that country. he on his part agreed to raise a certain number of troops, and to send to the king of spain one-fifth of all the treasures he should obtain. he then returned to panama and soon set sail for peru again." "with a great many soldiers, uncle wal?" queried little ned. "no; with what in these days would be considered a very small army; only soldiers, of whom were cavalry." "cavalry?" repeated ned, in a tone of enquiry. "yes, soldiers on horseback. the peruvians, having never before seen a horse, took each mounted man and the steed he rode to be but one animal, and were much afraid of them. the firearms, too, inspired great terror, as they knew nothing of gunpowder and its uses. "at that time there was war among the natives of peru and quito. huano capac, the former inca of peru, had died some years previous, leaving peru to his son huascar, and quito, which he had conquered shortly before, to another son--half-brother to huascar. the two had quarrelled and had been fighting each other for about two years, and just before the arrival of the spaniards atahualpa had defeated his brother huascar, taken him prisoner, and confined him in a strong fortress." "perhaps," remarked evelyn, "if they had not been so busy fighting each other they might have discovered the approach of pizarro, their common enemy, in season to prevent the mischief he was prepared to do them." "very possibly," returned walter. "as it was, the spaniards drew near atahualpa's victorious camp, where they found fifty thousand men assembled. pizarro had at the most only two hundred; a mere handful in comparison with the numbers of the peruvians, but by a most daring and diabolical stratagem he got possession of the unsuspecting inca. "atahualpa came to visit him in a friendly spirit. a priest began explaining to him the christian, or rather the papal religion; told him that the pope had power over all the kingdoms of the earth and that he had presented peru to the king of spain; also that they had come to take possession in the name of that king. "naturally that made atahualpa very angry; so angry that he indignantly interrupted the priest, saying that the pope--whoever he was--must be a crazy fool to talk of giving away countries which did not belong to him. then he asked on what authority such claims were made. "the priest pointed to a bible. atahualpa dashed it angrily to the ground, and the fields began to fill with indians. then pizarro waved a white scarf--the signal he had agreed upon with his men--and his artillery poured sudden death into the terrified masses of indians, while the spanish cavalry rode them down in a furious, merciless way. the ranks of the poor, unarmed peruvians were thrown into confusion; their foes were butchering them without mercy; they could do little to save themselves; they used every effort to defend and save the sacred inca, but in vain; and after hours of that fiendish murdering of the poor, defenceless creatures, the spaniards got full possession of him. "at first they pretended to be very kind to him, especially when he offered, as his ransom, to fill the room in which he stood with gold as high as he could reach. "huascar, in his prison, heard of this and offered a still larger ransom for himself, and to prevent it atahualpa had him secretly murdered. "soon after that the gold for atahualpa's ransom began to pour in, and when there was as much as he had promised he demanded his freedom. but pizarro refused to let him go--though he took the gold--accusing him of plotting against him; and after much base treachery the spaniards held a mock trial and condemned atahualpa to be burned. but when they led him out to the stake he consented to be baptized, and for that they were so very merciful as to strangle before burning him." "oh, uncle walter, what cruel, cruel men!" exclaimed little elsie. "they were, indeed," sighed her grandma. "the bible tells us 'the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.' pizarro and his band were very, very wicked men. they had no more right to the country of the peruvians than the peruvians would have had to theirs, had they crossed the ocean to spain and seized upon it for their own. 'all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword,' our saviour said, and how true it proved in the case of these men of whom we have been talking! atahualpa caused his brother huascar to be killed; pizarro, almagro, and the others killed atahualpa; pizarro afterward killed almagro; and later on pizarro was himself slain by almagro's son diego." chapter ii. ned had begun to nod, and elsie's eyes drooped as if she too were in need of a nap; perceiving which grandma elsie bade their nurse take them to their berth. a light breeze had sprung up, and it was very pleasant on deck in the shade of the awning; while, resting upon couches or in easy chairs, they talked in a quiet way of the various interesting exhibits to which they had given their attention since leaving the yacht that morning. "we visited the illinois building," said evelyn, "and were very much interested in the wonderful grain picture there. it is an ideal prairie farm--with farmhouse, barn, stock-sheds, all made of corn-husks as well as the picket fence surrounding it; there are stock and poultry in the barnyard; there is a windmill too, and there are fields and cattle." "yes," said walter, as eva paused in her account, "and the perspective showed fields of grass and grain, pasture too, and sky effects--all made of natural grains, grasses, leaves, and berries indigenous to illinois." "oh, i think i must get papa to take us to see it!" exclaimed grace. "there is a curtain that partly covers the picture," continued walter; "it is made of the same materials and caught up by a rope with tassels made of yellow corn. "we visited the idaho building too," he went on, "and i think you should all see it. it is really picturesque--a log-house on a foundation of lava and basaltic rock. the timbers we were told are from young cedar trees, stuffed and stained to produce the effect of age; then it has fine upper and lower balconies shaded by a projecting roof upheld by brackets of logs. i heard people remarking that it was the handsomest log-house ever built, and certainly i never saw any other nearly so handsome." "ah, here comes the boat again with the rest of our folks!" exclaimed grace, and springing to his feet, walter hastened to the side of the vessel to assist the ladies in getting on board. "well, lu, have you had a good time since i left you?" asked grace, in a lively tone, as her sister drew near. "yes; yes, indeed!" returned lucilla; "we have seen and enjoyed a great deal, and i wouldn't have missed it on any account, though we are all very tired, i think. i am, i know," she concluded, dropping into a seat by grace's side. "as we all are," said violet. "i am glad, mamma, that you came back to the yacht when you did." "yes, i thought it wiser not to allow myself to become very weary before taking rest; and we have had a pleasant, quiet time here together," returned grandma elsie, looking up with an affectionate smile into the face of her father, who had just drawn near and was standing by her side, regarding her with a slightly anxious look. "i am glad you were so prudent," he said, "for you have not been over strong since that illness that made us all so anxious." "no; and we all feel that we must be very careful of our dear mother," remarked the captain, who had just joined the little group. "of gracie also," he added, smiling down into her face and laying a caressing hand for a moment on her head. "are you feeling very tired, daughter?" "not so very much now, papa," she answered brightly; "we have been resting nicely here, talking over the sights and historical stories connected with them." then, turning to her sister, "tell us where you have been and what you have seen since we left the party, lu," she requested. "ah, i am afraid i cannot begin to tell all," returned lucilla, in a lively tone and with a pleased little laugh, "for 'their name is legion'; the loveliest pictures and statuary in the fine arts building, and a great variety of curious and interesting things in machinery hall. we went up to the gallery there and took a ride in the travelling crane. it is like an elevated railroad, is moved by electricity, and runs the whole length of the building, twenty or thirty feet above the floor. we stepped in at one end and sat down upon chairs ranged along the front edge, and it was really entertaining to watch the crowds of people moving along the floors below, and to get at last a glance at the exhibits." "exhibits!" echoed grace. "of what kind? oh, machines, of course! but i should hardly expect them to be very interesting." "machines for making ice cream and candy would interest you, wouldn't they?" asked lulu. "perhaps the hot baths, too; though i suppose you wouldn't care much about printing-presses, rock-drills, sewing-machines, washing-machines, looms, and the like. i own i didn't care over much for them myself. but in the restful, cooling, breezy ride, with nothing to do but watch the goings on of other people, and a glance now and then at something interesting as we glided past it, i did find a good deal of enjoyment. ah," drawing out her pretty little watch and glancing at its face, "i must excuse myself now and go to my stateroom; for i see it is nearly meal time, and my hair and dress certainly need some attention;" and with that she left them. mr. dinsmore and the captain, wishing to look at some exhibits in which the ladies took but little interest, went ashore again early in the evening; leaving mrs. dinsmore, mrs. travilla, and the younger ones occupying the comfortable seats on the _dolphin's_ deck, and enjoying the cool evening breeze and the somewhat distant view of the beauties of the brilliantly illuminated white city, as well as that of the starry heavens above them. violet had gone down to the cabin with her children to see them safely in bed, and for some minutes no one left in the little group behind had spoken. but presently grace broke the silence. "i have just been thinking what a wonderful change has come over this part of our country since the war of . i remember that history tells us there was only a fort and a trading post here then, where now this great city stands, and that it was destroyed. grandma elsie, don't you want to tell us the whole story?" she concluded in a coaxing tone. "i am willing, if you all wish it," was the sweet-toned reply, immediately followed by an eager assent from everyone present. "well, then, my dears," she said, "to begin at the beginning--this spot, we are told, was first visited by a white man in . he was a french jesuit called father marquette. he built a cabin there and planted a missionary station. eleven years afterward his cabin was replaced by a fort. i do not know how long that fort stood, but lossing tells us that in a mulatto from st. domingo found his way to that far-off wilderness, and that the indians said of him 'the first white man who settled here was a negro.' he did not stay very long, however, and the improvements he had made fell into the hands of the next comer, who was a native of quebec named john kinzie. "he was an enterprising trader with the indians, and for twenty years the only white man in northern illinois except a few american soldiers. it was in that he made chicago his home, and on the fourth of july of that year a fort our government had been building there was formally dedicated and called fort dearborn, in honor of the then secretary of war. it stood on a slight elevation on the south bank of the chicago river, about half a mile from its mouth, and directly opposite, on the north bank, stood mr. kinzie's dwelling. it was a modest mansion begun by jean baptiste, and enlarged by mr. kinzie. he had some lombardy poplars planted in front within an enclosed yard, and at the back a fine garden and growing orchard. "there he had lived in peace and prosperity, esteemed and confided in by the surrounding indians, for eight years, when in june of war was declared by our government with great britain. of course you all know and remember what were the causes of that second struggle with our mother country?" "indeed we do, mother," exclaimed walter. "she interfered with our commerce, capturing every american vessel bound to, or returning from a port where her commerce was not favored; and worse still, was continually seizing our sailors and forcing them into her service; depriving us of our god-given rights and making slaves of freemen. if ever a war was justifiable on one side that one was on ours. is it not so?" "i think it is, my son," replied grandma elsie, smiling slightly at the lad's heat. "was fort dearborn strong and well built, mamma?" queried rosie. "yes; it was strongly picketed, had a block-house at each of two angles on the southern side, on the north side a sally-port and covered way that led down to the river for the double purpose of obtaining water during a siege and of having a way of escape should that be desirable at any time--and was strongly picketed. "the fort was built by major whistler, his soldiers dragging all the timber to the spot because they had no oxen. some material was furnished from fort wayne, but so economically was the work done that the fortress did not cost the government fifty dollars. "but to return to my story--the garrison there at the time of the declaration of war consisted of fifty-four men. the only other residents of the post at that time were the wives of captain heald and lieutenant helm, the second in command, those of some of the soldiers, a few canadians with their wives and children, and mr. kinzie and his family. "they were all on the most friendly terms with the principal tribes of indians in that neighborhood--the pottawatomies and winnebagoes, yet they could not win them from their attachment for the british, who yearly made them large presents as bribes to secure their alliance. portions of their tribes had been engaged in the battle of tippecanoe, fought the previous autumn, and since that some of the leading chiefs had seemed sullen, and suspicions of intended hostility on their part at times troubled the minds of the officers of the fort. "one day in the spring of two indians of the calumet band were at the fort, and seeing mrs. helm and mrs. heald playing at battledore, one of them, named nan-non-gee, turned to the interpreter with the remark, 'the white chiefs' wives are amusing themselves very much; it will not be long before they will be living in our cornfields.'" "oh!" cried grace, "i should think that ought to have been enough to warn the officers of the fort to make every preparation to repel an assault by the indians." "yes," said grandma elsie, "but heald seems to have been strangely blind and deaf to every kind of warning. "on the evening of the th of april, , mr. kinzie sat by his fireside playing his violin, his children dancing to the music, when their mother, who had been attending a sick neighbor, a mrs. burns, living half a mile above the fort, came rushing wildly in crying out: 'the indians! the indians!' 'what? where?' exclaimed her husband. 'up at lee's, killing and scalping!' she gasped in reply, and went on to tell that the alarm had been given by a boy, the son of mr. lee, and a discharged soldier who had been working for them. they had shouted the dreadful tidings across the river to the burns family, as they ran down the farther side, mr. lee's place being between two and three miles farther up the stream. "not a moment was to be lost. mr. kinzie hurried his family into two pirogues moored in front of his house, and hastened with them across the river and into the fort. the alarm had reached there also, and a scow with ensign ronan and six men started at once up the river to rescue the burns family. also a cannon was fired to give notice of danger to a party of soldiers who were out fishing. mrs. burns and her family, including an infant not yet a day old, were taken safely to the fort." "i hope those soldiers got back safely too," said grace. "yes; they were two miles above lee's; it was already dark when they returned, and in passing his house they came upon the bodies of murdered and scalped persons, which were the next day recovered and buried near the fort. it was afterward learned that the scalping party were winnebagoes from rock river, who had come with the intention of killing every white person outside of the fort, but were frightened away by the sound of the cannon before they had finished their fiendish work; so fled back to their homes. "in those days an agency house stood upon the esplanade, about twenty rods west from the fort, and in it all the whites not belonging to the garrison now took refuge. it was an old-fashioned log-house, with a passage through the centre, and piazzas in front and rear extending the whole length of the building. these were planked up, port-holes cut in the barricades and sentinels were posted there every night. "hostile indians hovered around the post for some time, helping themselves to whatever they could lay their hands upon, but at length disappeared, and for a while there was no further alarm. "on the th of august, toward evening, a friendly pottawatomie chief, named win-ne-meg, or the catfish, came to chicago from fort wayne as the bearer of a despatch from general hull to captain heald. in that despatch hull told of the declaration of war with england, the invasion of canada, and the loss of mackinack. it also ordered captain heald to evacuate fort dearborn, if practicable; and if he did so to distribute all the united states property there among the indians in the neighborhood." "including guns, powder, and balls with which to kill the whites!" said lucilla. "i think i should have concluded from such an order that hull must be either a traitor or an idiot." "his idea," said grandma elsie, "seems to have been to make a peace-offering to the savages to induce them to refrain from joining the british, then menacing detroit. "win-ne-meg, who had some knowledge of the contents of the missive he brought, begged mr. kinzie, with whom he was intimate, to advise captain heald not to evacuate the fort, assuring him it would prove a difficult and dangerous movement; for the indians had already received information from tecumseh of the disasters to the american arms and the withdrawal of hull's army from canada, and were growing insolent and restless. the fort was well supplied with ammunition and provisions sufficient to last for six months; by the end of that time relief might be sent, and why not hold out till then? but if heald was resolved to evacuate, it had better be done at once, before the indians should be informed of the order, and so be prepared to make an attack. "win-ne-meg's advice in that case was to leave the stores as they were, allowing them to make distribution for themselves; for while they were engaged in that business the white people might make their way in safety to fort wayne. "mr. kinzie perceived that this was wise advice, as did the officers of the fort, with the exception of heald, who would not listen to it, but expressed himself as resolved to yield strict obedience to hull's orders as to evacuation and the distribution of the public property. "the next morning hull's order was read to the troops, and heald took the whole responsibility of carrying it out. his officers expected to be summoned to a council, but they were not. toward evening they called upon the commander and remonstrated with him. they said that the march must necessarily be slow on account of the women, children, and infirm persons, therefore, under the circumstances, exceedingly perilous. they reminded him that hull's order left it to his discretion to go or to stay; adding that they thought it much wiser to strengthen the fort, defy the savages, and endure a siege until help could reach them. "but heald replied that he should expect the censure of the government if he remained, for special orders had been issued by the war department that no post should be surrendered without battle having been given by the assailed; and his force was entirely too small to hazard an engagement with the indians. he added that he had full confidence in the professions of friendship of many chiefs about him, and he would call them together, make the required distribution, then take up his march for fort wayne." "and did the other officers submit to him then, grandma elsie?" asked grace. "yes; my dear, he was in authority, and i presume they were too loyal to oppose him. but being determined to abandon the fort, he should have done so at once; for delay was certainly increasing the danger, the indians becoming more unruly every hour; yet he procrastinated and did not call them together for the final arrangements for two or three days. "at last that was done and they met near the fort on the afternoon of the th, when heald held a farewell council with them. he invited his officers to join him in that, but they refused. in some way they had been informed that treachery was intended on the part of the indians, that they had planned to murder them and then destroy those who were in the fort. therefore they remained inside the pickets and opened a port-hole of one of the block-houses so that the indians could see a cannon pointing directly toward their group, thus protecting captain heald. it had the desired effect; no effort was made by the savages to carry out their treacherous design, they professed friendship, and accepted heald's offers to distribute among them the goods in the public store--blankets, calicoes, broadcloths, paints, and other things such as indians fancy." "beads among them, i presume," remarked rosie. "very likely," said her mother, "as they have always been a favorite ornament with the indians. the distribution of those goods, the arms and ammunition and such of the provisions as would not be needed by the garrison, was to take place next day; then the whites were to leave the fort and set out upon their journey through the wilderness, the pottawatomies engaging to furnish them with an escort, on condition of being liberally rewarded on their arrival at fort wayne." "oh, but i should have been afraid to trust them!" exclaimed grace, shuddering at the very thought of the risk. "mr. kinzie, who knew the indians so well, was of your opinion," said grandma elsie, "and earnestly remonstrated with captain heald; telling him they were not to be trusted in the face of such temptations. especially he urged him not to put arms and ammunition in their hands, as that would fearfully increase their ability to carry on the murderous raids which had become so frequent and caused so great terror in the frontier settlements. "he succeeded in convincing heald that he had been very foolish in making that promise, and he resolved to violate his treaty so far as the arms and ammunition were concerned. that very evening something occurred that certainly ought to have opened heald's eyes and led him to shut the gates of the fort and defend it to the last extremity. black partridge, a chief who had thus far always been friendly to the whites, and who was a man of great influence too, came to heald in a quiet way and said, 'father, i come to deliver to you the medal i wear. it was given me by the americans, and i have long worn it in token of our mutual friendship. but our young men are resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the white people. i cannot restrain them, and i will not wear a token of peace while i am compelled to act as an enemy.'" "and did heald actually disregard such a warning as that?" exclaimed evelyn leland. "i really do not see how it could have been made plainer that the purpose was to attack and murder all in the fort as soon as they were fairly in their power." "nor do i," said grandma elsie; "yet heald seems to have paid no more attention to it than to the previous warnings. "the next morning, august , was bright and cool. the indians came in great numbers to receive their promised presents. only the goods in the store were distributed that day, and in the evening black partridge said to mr. griffith, the interpreter, 'linden birds have been singing in my ears to-day; be careful on the march you are going to take.' this was repeated to captain heald, but solemn warning as it evidently was, he paid no more attention to it than he had to previous ones. he seems to have been perfectly infatuated, and how he could ever forgive himself in after years i cannot see. he went steadily on in the execution of his plans, of which, as i have told you, all the other officers, mr. kinzie, and friendly indian chiefs disapproved. that night he had all the guns but such as his party could make use of in their journey--gunscrews, flint, shot, and everything belonging to the use of firearms--thrown into the well. this was done at midnight, when the sentinels were posted and the indians in their camp; at least, they were supposed to be, but the night was dark, indians can move noiselessly, and some whose suspicions had been aroused crept to the spot and made themselves acquainted with what was going on. liquor and powder, too, were poured into the well, and a good deal of alcohol, belonging to mr. kinzie, into the river; also a portion of the powder and liquor of the fort was thrown into a canal that came up from the river far under the covered way. but the water of the river was sluggish, and so great a quantity of liquor had been thrown into it that in the morning it was like strong grog; and powder could be seen floating on the surface." "and of course the indians, who loved liquor, were angry when they saw how it had been wasted, instead of given to them," remarked grace. "yes; their complaints and threats were loud, and now the little garrison had no choice but to brave the danger of exposing themselves to their vengeance, for it was no longer possible to hold the fort, and they must set out upon their perilous journey. ah! if heald had but been less obstinately bent upon having his own way--more willing to listen to the advice and remonstrances of his officers, kinzie, who understood the indians so well, and the warning of the friendly chiefs, much suffering might have been averted and valuable lives saved. "mrs. heald had an uncle, the brave captain william wells, who had passed most of his life among the miami indians and been made one of their chiefs. he had heard at fort wayne of hull's order to evacuate fort dearborn, and knowing of the hostility of the pottawatomies, had made a rapid march across the country with a party of his miamis to reinforce heald and help him to hold and defend the fort. but he arrived just too late; the means of defence had already been destroyed, and there was no choice but to attempt the perilous march through the wilderness. "nine o'clock of the th was the hour set for the evacuation, and it was already evident that the indians intended to massacre the whites--men, women, and children. nor could they entertain any hope of being able to defend themselves, so overwhelming was the number of their savage foes, warriors against soldiers, civilians, and or women." "but there were the miamis with wells, mamma," remarked rosie. "who proved of no assistance," returned grandma elsie. "lossing tells us that when, at nine o'clock, the gates were thrown open, and the march began, it was like a funeral procession. the band struck up the dead march in 'saul.' captain wells, with his friendly miamis, took the lead, his face blackened with gunpowder in token of his impending fate. his niece, mrs. heald, with her husband, came next, while the others, i presume, followed in the order of their rank." "were the kinzies with them?" asked grace. "mr. kinzie was, hoping by his personal influence to be able to soften, if not avert their impending fate. his family had left in a boat, in charge of a friendly indian who was to take them to his other trading station, where niles, mich., now stands. poor mrs. kinzie! having a daughter among the seemingly doomed ones, how terribly anxious and distressed she must have been!" added grandma elsie in tones tremulous with feeling. a moment of silence followed, then she went on with her narrative. chapter iii. "the procession, escorted by the five hundred pottawatomies, moved slowly along the lake shore in a southerly direction till they had reached the sand hills between the prairie and the beach. there the indians filed to the right, so that the hills were between them and the white people. "wells and his mounted miamis, who were in the advance, came suddenly dashing back, their leader shouting, 'they are about to attack us: form instantly!' "the words had scarcely left his lips when a storm of bullets came from the sand hills. the pottawatomies, both treacherous and cowardly, had made of those hills a covert from which to attack the little band of whites. "the troops were hastily brought into line, charged up the hill, and one of their number, a white-haired man of seventy, fell dead from his horse, the first victim of the perfidy of the indians hounded on by the inhuman proctor, a worse savage than they. "the miamis proved cowardly and fled at the first onset. their chief rode up to the pottawatomies, charged them with perfidy, and brandishing his tomahawk told them he would be the first to lead americans to punish them; then, wheeling his horse, he dashed away over the prairie, following his fleeing companions. "both men and women among the whites fought bravely for their lives; they could not hope to save them, but they would sell them to the savage foe as dearly as possible. it was a short, desperate, bloody conflict. lossing tells us that captain wells displayed the greatest coolness and gallantry. at the beginning of the fight he was close beside his niece, mrs. heald. "'we have not the slightest chance for life,' he said to her. 'we must part to meet no more in this world; god bless you!' and with that he dashed forward into the midst of the fight. seeing a young warrior, painted like a demon, climb into a wagon in which were twelve children, and scalp them all, he forgot his own danger, and burning to avenge the dreadful deed, cried out, 'if butchering women and children is their game, i'll kill too!' at the same time dashing toward the indian camp where they had left their squaws and papooses. "instantly swift-footed young warriors were in hot pursuit, firing upon him as they ran, while he, lying close to his horse's neck, occasionally turned and fired upon them. he had got almost beyond the range of their rifles when a shot killed his horse and wounded him severely in the leg. "yelling like fiends the young savages rushed forward to make him prisoner, intending, as he well knew, not to kill him at once, but to reserve him for a lingering and painful death by slow torture. two indian friends of his--win-ne-meg and wau-ban-see--tried to save him, but in vain; and he, knowing well for what fate he would be reserved if taken alive, taunted his pursuers with the most insulting epithets, to provoke them to kill him instantly. "he succeeded at last by calling one of them, per-so-tum by name, a squaw, which so enraged him that he despatched wells at once with a tomahawk, jumped upon his body, tore out his heart, and ate a portion of it with savage delight." "oh, how awful!" cried grace, shuddering with horror. "how his niece must have felt when she saw it!" "very possibly she did not see it," said grandma elsie, "so busy as she must have been in defending herself. she was an expert with the rifle and as an equestrienne, defended herself bravely, and received severe wounds; but, though faint and bleeding, managed to keep the saddle. an indian raised his tomahawk over her and she looked him full in the face, saying, with a melancholy smile, 'surely you would not kill a squaw!' at that his arm fell, but he took the horse by the bridle and led it toward the camp with her still in the saddle. it was a fine animal, and the indians had been firing at her in order to get possession of it, till she had received seven bullets in her person. her captor had spared her for the moment, but as he drew near the camp, his covetousness so overcame his better impulses that he took her bonnet from her head and was about to scalp her when mrs. kinzie, sitting in her boat, whence she had heard the sounds of the conflict but could not see the combatants, caught sight of them and cried out to one of her husband's clerks who was standing on the beach, 'run, run, chandonnai! that is mrs. heald. he is going to kill her. take that mule and offer it as a ransom.' "chandonnai made haste to obey the order, offered the mule and two bottles of whisky in addition, and as the three amounted to more value than proctor's offered bounty for a scalp, he succeeded, and mrs. heald was placed in the boat and there hidden from the eyes of other scalp-hunters." "i think you were right, grandma elsie, in calling that proctor a worse savage than those indians! bribing them as he did to murder men, women, and children!" exclaimed lucilla, her eyes flashing with indignation. "is it quite certain that he did?" asked grace. "quite," replied grandma elsie. "lossing tells us that proctor had offered a liberal sum for scalps, and that in consequence nearly all the wounded men were killed, their scalps carried to him at malden, and such a bounty paid for them as is given for the destruction of so many wolves. in a footnote lossing gives an extract from niles' _weekly register_ of april , , in which it is stated that mrs. helm had arrived in buffalo, and in the narrative she gave of her sufferings at and after the massacre at chicago said, 'colonel proctor, the british commander at malden, bought the scalps of our murdered garrison at chicago,' and thanks to her noble spirit, she boldly charged him with the infamy in his own house." "did he deny it?" asked evelyn. "we are not told that he did; but no doubt he was angered, for he afterward treated both her and her husband with great cruelty, causing them to be arrested and sent across the wilderness from detroit to niagara frontier, in the dead of a canadian winter. the writer also stated that mrs. heald had learned from the tribe with whom she was a prisoner, and who were the perpetrators of those murders, that they intended to remain true, but received orders from the british to cut off our garrison whom they were to escort. "in our wars with england many british officers have shown themselves extremely cruel,--not a whit behind the savages in that respect,--but it would be very wrong to judge of the whole nation by their conduct; for there were in the mother country many who felt kindly toward america and the americans. and i think," she added, with her own sweet smile, "that there are many more now." "it seems mrs. helm too escaped with her life," said walter; "but she was wounded, i presume, mother, since you just spoke of her sufferings both at and after the massacre." "yes, a stalwart young indian attempted to scalp her; she sprang to one side, and the blow from his tomahawk fell on her shoulder instead of her head; at the same instant she seized him around the neck and attempted to take his scalping-knife, which hung in a sheath on his breast. before the struggle was ended another indian seized her, dragged her to the margin of the lake, plunged her in, and to her astonishment held her there in a way to enable her to breathe; so that she did not drown. presently she discovered that he was the friendly black partridge, and that he was engaged in saving instead of trying to destroy her life. "the wife of a soldier named corbord fought desperately, suffering herself to be cut to pieces rather than surrender; believing that, if taken prisoner, she would be reserved for torture. the wife of sergeant holt was another brave woman. at the beginning of the engagement her husband was badly wounded in the neck, and taking his sword she fought like an amazon. she rode a fine, spirited horse, which the indians coveted, and several of them attacked her with the butts of their guns, trying to dismount her, but she used her sword with such skill that she foiled them; then suddenly wheeling her horse, she dashed over the prairie, a number of them in hot pursuit and shouting, 'the brave woman! the brave woman! don't hurt her!'" "did they overtake her?" asked grace. "yes, at length; when a powerful savage seized her by the neck and dragged her backward to the ground while several others engaged her in front." "oh, i hope they didn't kill her!" exclaimed grace. "no," replied mrs. travilla; "she was afterward ransomed. but to go on with my story. presently the firing ceased; the little band of whites who had escaped death succeeded in breaking through the ranks of the assassins--who gave way in front--and rallied on the flank, and gained a slight eminence on the prairie near a grove called the oak woods. the indians gathered upon the sand hills and gave signs of a willingness to parley. two-thirds of the whites had been killed or wounded; only strong men remained to cope with the fury of nearly savages--they had lost but in the conflict. to prolong the contest would be little better than madness. captain heald, accompanied only by a half-breed boy in mr. kinzie's service, went forward and met black-bird on the open prairie to arrange terms of surrender. "it was agreed that all the whites who had survived the conflict should become prisoners of war, to be exchanged as soon as practicable. with this understanding captors and captives all started for the indian camp near the fort. on arriving there another terrible scene ensued. the indians did not consider the wounded to be included in the terms of surrender, and immediately proceeded to kill and scalp nearly all of them." "to gain the bounty offered by that--human, or inhuman fiend proctor!" exclaimed walter. "i wonder how he viewed that transaction when he came to die." "i am sure that in the sight of god he was a wholesale murderer," said rosie; "a murderer not of men only, but of innocent women and children also." "yes," said her mother, "there were twelve children killed, besides captain wells, surgeon van voorhees, ensign ronan, and twenty-six private soldiers. "toward evening the family of mr. kinzie were permitted to return to their own home, where they found the friendly black partridge waiting for them. mrs. helm, the daughter of mrs. kinzie, you will remember was his prisoner. he placed her in the house of a frenchman named ouilmette. but the kinzies and all the prisoners were in great danger from a freshly arrived band of pottawatomies from the wabash, who were thirsting for blood and plunder. they thoroughly searched mr. kinzie's house for victims; but some friendly indians arrived just in time to prevent the carrying out of their bloodthirsty intentions. these were led by a half-breed chief called billy caldwell. black partridge told him of the evident purpose of the wabash indians, who had blackened their faces and were sitting sullenly in mr. kinzie's parlor, no doubt intending presently to start out and engage in the savage work they had planned. billy went in and said in a careless way, as he took off his accoutrements: 'how now, my friends! a good-day to you! i was told there were enemies here, but i am glad to find only friends. why have you blackened your faces? is it that you are mourning for your friends lost in battle? or is it that you are fasting? if so, ask our friend here (indicating mr. kinzie) and he will give you to eat. he is the indians' friend, and never yet refused them what they had need of.' "hearing all this the wabash indians were ashamed to own what their intention had been, and so the threatened massacre did not take place. the prisoners were divided among the captors and finally reunited or restored to their friends and families." "but they must have had a great deal to endure before that happy consummation," sighed evelyn. "oh, i think we can never be thankful enough that we live in these better times!" "so do i," said grace. "how very dreadful it must be to fall into the hands of savages and meet with a death so awful and sudden! i wish i knew that they were all christians and ready for heaven." "i can echo that wish," said grandma elsie, in tones full of sadness; "but i very much fear that they were not. some we may hope were, but it is said, on what seems good authority, that mrs. helm, in telling of that terrible scene near the sand hills, spoke of the terror of dr. van voorhees. he had been wounded badly, and his horse shot under him, when he asked her, 'do you think they will take our lives?' and then spoke of offering a large ransom for his. she advised him not to think of that, but of inevitable death. 'oh, i cannot die! i am not fit to die!' he exclaimed. 'if i had only a short time to prepare for it--death is awful!'" "'look at that man! at least he dies like a soldier,' she said, pointing to ensign ronan. 'yes,' gasped the doctor, 'but he has no terror of the future--he is an unbeliever.' "just then mrs. helm's struggle with the young indian who attempted to tomahawk her began, and directly afterward she saw the dead body of van voorhees." "oh, poor, poor fellow!" exclaimed grace, tears starting to her eyes. "one would think that, in such circumstances as theirs had been for months, every man and woman would have been careful to make sure work for eternity." "yes, but satan is ever tempting men to delay, and perhaps more souls are, in christian lands, lost through procrastination than from any other cause," sighed grandma elsie. "'now is the accepted time; now is the day of salvation.'" there was a moment of silence, broken by evelyn. "i remember when i was a very little girl, papa used to talk to me about being a christian, and that once i answered him, 'i would, papa, if i only knew how,' and he said, 'it is very simple, daughter; just to believe in the lord jesus, take him for your saviour, and give yourself to him--soul and body, time, talents, influence--all that you have or ever shall have, to be his forever, trusting in him with all your heart, sure that he meant all that he said in speaking to nicodemus--'god so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life.' and that other, 'him that cometh to me i will in no wise cast out.' those two texts seem to me to make the way very simple and plain." "they do indeed," said grandma elsie, "and anyone who has the bible and will study it faithfully, with earnest prayer to god for help to understand and obey its teachings, can hardly fail to find the way." chapter iv. the greater part of the next day was spent by our friends in a farewell visit to the fair; but the sun had not yet set when again they all gathered upon the _dolphin's_ deck, and she weighed anchor and proceeded on her course up the lake. "what a wonderful city it is to be so young!" remarked mr. dinsmore when they reached chicago. "yes, sir," said rosie. "mamma was giving us a little sketch of its early history, last evening; and we found it very interesting; but i can't say that the events here, or anywhere else, for that matter, of the war of - have increased my love for the british. think of them hiring the indians to kill men, women, and children, paying just the bounty for them that they would for so many wolf-scalps!" "yes, it was barbarous indeed; but do not forget that even in the days of the revolution there were britons who viewed such doings with horror. in there was a debate in the english parliament concerning the employment of indians against the american colonists, when a member of the house of lords spoke in approval of it, saying it was right to use the means given them by god and nature. 'god and nature!' repeated the earl of chatham in scornful tones. 'those abominable principles and this most abominable avowal of them demand most decisive indignation. i call upon that right reverend bench (pointing to the bishops), those holy ministers of the gospel and pious pastors of the church--i conjure them to join in the holy work, and to vindicate the religion of their god.' that showed that he (chatham) was strongly opposed to such barbarity, but his appeal to the bishops was vain. every man of them voted for the employment of the savages in a war against their brethren, who were fighting for their freedom after years of patient endurance of oppression--years of patient but unsuccessful effort to gain it by peaceful means." "yes, i have always admired william pitt!" said rosie. "but did any of the british people disapprove of the employment of the indians in the war of , grandpa?" "i presume a great many did, though i do not just now remember any historical mention of the fact," replied mr. dinsmore, "except among those whose business interests were sure or likely to suffer," he added musingly. "those sand hills from behind which the pottawatomies fired upon the whites are quite gone now, are they not, papa?" asked grace. "yes," replied captain raymond, "the city now covers the entire theatre of the events of that dreadful day. it has been a rapid and wonderful transformation." "don't you think, papa, it might have been saved--i mean fort dearborn--if captain heald had not been so obstinately determined to do as he thought best, regardless of the opinions of his officers and mr. kinzie, and the warnings of friendly indians?" asked grace. "i do, indeed," was the emphatic reply. "and that mackinack, which fell into the hands of the british about a month earlier, might have been saved to our country but for the criminal neglect of the then secretary of war. hancks, who was in command, did not know, had not heard of the declaration of war, though he might have been informed of it nearly a week earlier than the news reached the british commander of fort st. joseph, who led the attack, and by reason of the ignorance of the garrison and its commander of the true state of affairs came upon them so unexpectedly that they had no opportunity to defend the fortress." "oh, tell us the story of it, papa, please!" pleaded little elsie, and drawing her to a seat upon his knee, he complied at once. "the fort was built in the first place by the french," he said, "and taken from them by the english when they conquered canada. the indians were not pleased with the change and said to the english, 'you have conquered the french, but you have not conquered us.' perhaps you may remember what i told you some weeks ago about the attack of the indians upon the people in the fort. the indians were playing ball outside the walls of the fortress, and, pretending to be very friendly, invited the garrison to view the game. it was a gay and exciting scene, and the unsuspicious members of the garrison were looking on with interest, forgetting to be on their guard against treachery, when a ball went up in a lofty curve and fell near the pickets of the fort. "it was a preconcerted signal; the warriors instantly rushed toward the fort, armed with hatchets which their squaws had concealed under their blankets, and the whites being taken by surprise, a dreadful massacre followed. "the following year the fort was again garrisoned by the english, the indians fleeing at their approach. after the revolutionary war--in --the island with its fort came into possession of the united states, the western military posts being surrendered to the americans by the british, and in the fortress, then called fort holmes, was garrisoned by fifty-seven men under the command of lieutenant hancks of the united states artillery. as a defence of the fur-traders and the scattered settlements of the northwest, it was a very important post. you doubtless remember that it stands on a bluff overlooking the harbor." "it is a beautiful place in the summer," remarked grace, "but must be dreary enough through the long winters." "it is," said her father, "yet by no means so dreary now as it was in those days, surrounded by hordes of savages ever ready to raise the hatchet in the pay of those who seemed to be the stronger party. "lieutenant hancks and his garrison knew that in the event of war they must be prepared to defend themselves, but as you have just been told, they were left in uncertainty for nearly a week after the news should have reached them. there had been rumors of expected hostilities brought by traders, but the first intimation that there had been an actual declaration of war was given by the arrival of the english captain roberts, on the morning of the th of july, with his garrison of british regulars-- , including officers-- canadian militia, and indians--ottawas, chippewas, sioux, winnebagoes. "they came in boats, bateaux, canoes, convoyed by the brig _caledonia_, which belonged to the northwest fur company and was laden with provisions and stores. "on the morning of the day before, the indian interpreter had told hancks he had reliable information that the indians were assembling in large numbers at st. joseph and were about to attack fort holmes. "hancks had no sooner heard that than he summoned the american gentlemen on the island to a conference on the matter, at which it was decided to send a messenger to st. joseph to learn, if possible, the temper of the commandant, and to watch the movements of the indians. "captain darman was the man chosen, and he set off upon his errand about sunset that same evening." "all by himself, papa, when it was just getting dark, too?" asked elsie. "how could he see to row his boat?" "a full moon shone in the sky, daughter, and lighted him on his way," replied the captain. "but he had gone only fifteen miles when he met the boats carrying the british and indians, and was taken prisoner by them." "and did they kill him and scalp him, papa?" "no; they let him go on condition that he would return to the island in advance of them, call the people together to the west side of it to receive the protection of a british guard for themselves and their property, and not give lieutenant hancks any information of the approach of the enemy. also he was to warn the people that if any of them carried the news to the fort there would be a general massacre. darman was landed at dawn, and did exactly as he had promised." "oh, papa! and didn't anybody warn the poor fellows in the fort?" "yes; a dr. day, braver than any of the rest, hurried to the fort and gave the alarm while the others were fleeing from the village to escape from the bloodthirsty savages. but it was too late; the enemy had already landed and taken one of their two heavy guns to the top of the hill at the back of the fort, placing it so as to command the american works at their weakest point. by nine o'clock roberts had possession of the heights, and hideously painted savages were swarming everywhere. "at half-past eleven the americans were summoned to surrender the fortress to the forces of his 'britannic majesty.' hancks then held a consultation with his officers and the american gentlemen in the fort, and all agreeing in the opinion that it would be impossible to defend it against such overwhelming numbers--over a thousand, while the garrison could boast but fifty-seven men rank and file--he decided that it was expedient to surrender. "honorable terms were granted and at noon the american colors were taken down and those of great britain substituted in their stead. the prisoners were all paroled, and those who desired to leave the island were sent in a british vessel to detroit." "i should hardly have supposed any american would want to stay here under british rule," remarked grace. "an order was presently issued that all upon the island who would not take the oath of allegiance to the british government must leave there within a month," said captain raymond. "and they didn't let the indians kill anybody, papa?" asked elsie. "no," replied her father, "but it is altogether likely that if there had been any resistance many, if not all, would have fallen victims to the bloodthirsty savages, for one of the british, who had command of of the indians, said in a letter to colonel claus at fort george, 'it was a fortunate circumstance that the fort surrendered without firing a single gun, for had they done so, i firmly believe not a soul would have been saved.'" "the capture of mackinaw was a great loss to our country, was it not, father?" asked lucilla. "yes, it was indeed," responded the captain, "a loss to the fur-trade of the west and a terrible calamity to the people of detroit and other western pioneers. it gave the enemy command of the upper lakes with all the advantages connected with it, and exposed detroit to fearful raids by the hostile indians." "and all that dreadful state of affairs was the result of the unpardonable negligence of the secretary of war!" she exclaimed. "really, i don't see how he could ever forgive himself." "no, nor do i," said rosie, "especially when afterward detroit too fell into the hands of the british; for its fall was a great assistance to the british cause." "yes," said walter, "in more ways than one; for they got arms, ammunition, and stores; also it was months before another invading army of americans could be raised and furnished with arms and other necessaries; and in the meantime the british made their preparations for further attacks upon us. they got valuable stores at mackinaw, too; among them seven hundred packages of costly furs. by the way, brother levis, was there not an attempt made by our troops, later on in the war, to repossess mackinaw?" "yes; mackinaw was the key to the traffic in furs of the northwest; therefore the americans were determined to recapture it, and the british fully as determined to keep possession of it; for which purpose they sent there a considerable body of troops consisting of regulars, canadian militia, and seamen. they took with them twenty-four bateaux loaded with ordnance, and found on the island a large body of indians waiting to join them as allies. that was in april, , and about the same time commander arthur st. clair with a little squadron consisting of the _caledonia_, _st. lawrence_, _niagara_, _tigress_, and _scorpion_, started on a land and naval expedition to the upper lakes. the land force, under the command of lieutenant-colonel croghan, the gallant defender of fort stephenson, was attacked by the british and indians august , ." "oh, yes, i remember!" exclaimed walter. "what splendid work he did there, though he was but twenty-one years old!" "the expedition left detroit early in july," continued the captain. "i will not go into the whole story of its action at present; sufficient to say they arrived at mackinaw on the th of july. they soon learned that the enemy was very strong in position and numbers, and it was a question between st. clair and croghan whether it would be wise to make an immediate attack. the guns of the vessels could not damage the works because they were so elevated, and they could not carry the place by storm. "finally it was decided that croghan should land on the western side of the island, under cover of the guns of the vessels, and try to attack the works in the rear. he did so on the th of august, landing without much molestation, but was presently met by the garrison, who were strongly supported by the indians in the thickets; also a storm of shot and shell was poured upon them from a battery of guns. there was a sharp fight and croghan was compelled to fall back and return to the ship; officer and privates had been killed, wounded, and others were missing. "the attempt to recover mackinaw at that time had to be given up, and most of the little squadron sailed for detroit. the _scorpion_ and the _tigress_ were left behind to blockade the only route by which provisions and other supplies could reach mackinaw. the two vessels cruised about for some time till the garrison was threatened with starvation or surrender in order to avert it; but early in september they were both captured by british and indians sent out from the fort. they came in five boats and surprised the _tigress_ first, when the _scorpion_ was said to be fifteen miles away. she was at anchor near the shore, it was about nine o'clock in the evening, intensely dark, and the enemy was within fifty yards of the vessel when discovered. "the americans made a gallant defence, but were overpowered by numbers, there being but thirty of them beside the officers, and about one hundred of the assailants. lieutenant bulger, the british commander of the expedition, said in his report of the affair that the defence of the vessel did credit to her officers, who were all severely wounded. they and the crew were all sent prisoners of war to mackinaw, while bulger and his men remained on board the _tigress_. they kept her position unchanged and her pennant flying, and when, on the th, the _scorpion_ was seen approaching, bulger ordered his men to hide. "all this deceived the men on the _scorpion_; they thought the _tigress_ was still in the hands of their comrades, and when within two miles anchored for the night. at dawn the next morning the british ran the _tigress_ down alongside of her, the concealed soldiers ran out from their hiding-places, rushed on board the _scorpion_, and in a few minutes the british flag was floating over her." "and the british were very jubilant over the capture, as i remember reading," remarked violet. "and not very truthful in their report of it," added walter. "lossing says adjutant-general baynes actually reported in a general order that the vessels had crews of each; only exaggerating in stating the aggregate of the crews of the two schooners." but just here the talk was interrupted by the not unwelcome summons to their evening meal. chapter v. as they left the table and gathered upon deck on the evening of the next day, the captain announced that they were nearing mackinaw. "i am glad of that, papa," said grace; "for we shall have a lovely view of it by moonlight." "are we going to stop there, sir?" asked walter. "not unless someone particularly desires it," returned the captain; "but we will pass slowly and quite near, so that we may all have a good view of it. ah! it can be seen in the distance now," he added, pointing it out. "and though the sun has set the moon will, as gracie says, give us a lovely view of it," remarked violet. "yes, she is nearly full," said the captain, glancing skyward, "which will help us to a more vivid conception of how things looked to darman when he set out for fort st. joseph, on the th of july, ." "i'm glad of that," said lucilla. "i want to be able to imagine just how things looked at that time." "yes," said grace, "but it is far more delightful to know that no war is going on now, and we are in no danger from either civilized or savage foes." "it is indeed!" responded her father. "peace is a great blessing; war a dreadful scourge." "it is an indian name the island bears, is it not, captain?" asked evelyn. "yes; and the meaning is the great turtle, alluding to its shape. notice that as we approach, and see if you do not think the name appropriate." "to the tongue of which of the indian tribes does the name belong, sir?" asked walter. "the algonquin." "the harbor is considered a fine one, is it not?" "yes; it is semicircular, mile long; the strait is miles long and miles wide; the island miles in circumference. now we are near enough for a good view." "what makes it look so white, papa?" queried little elsie. "it is limestone rock, my child," replied her father. "see the village down near the water and the fort on higher ground--the white cliffs half covered with green foliage--beyond it the ruins of old fort holmes." "the one the british took in that war you told about, papa?" "the very same," he said. "i believe you were not by when i pointed it out to the others on our former visit to the island." "no, sir; i think neddie and i were asleep in our berths." "yes, so you were," said her mother. "ah, my dear," to her husband, "what a lovely sight it is by this witching light!" "yes," he said. "i think we will visit it again one of these days, when we can spend more time in viewing the various interesting places--such as the arch rock, a natural bridge almost as picturesque as the famous one in virginia, the rabbit's peak, giant's causeway, and the lover's leap. we are passing that last now; and i want you all to notice a projecting crag at the other end of the island, called robinson's folly. these are all famous places, and each has its legendary story." they steamed slowly past, greatly enjoying the moonlight view of the island; then, as it faded from sight, the speed of the vessel was increased, and before the older ones had retired they had entered lake huron. the pleasant weather continued, and most of them spent the greater part of the following day upon the deck. "we will reach detroit early this evening, i suppose, brother levis?" said rosie, in a tone of enquiry. "should nothing happen to prevent," was the pleasant-toned reply. "and now i wonder if my pupils can tell us most of the history of that city?" "beginning with the war of , i suppose, as we have already gone over the story of the doings of pontiac?" "yes; but first i shall give you a few facts concerning its settlement, growth, and so forth: "it is by far the oldest city in the western part of our country, and older than either philadelphia or baltimore on the seaboard. it was founded by the french in , as an outpost for the prosecution of the fur-trade; and as late as it still had less than , inhabitants. it is on the west side of detroit river, about miles from lake st. clair and from lake erie. can you tell me the meaning of the name detroit, elsie, daughter?" "no, papa, you never taught me that," replied the little girl. "it is the french for strait," he said. "the strait or river connecting lakes st. clair and erie gave the name to the city." "at the time we are talking of--when general hull was marching toward the place--detroit had only houses and a population of about , most of them of french descent. it was a very small place considering its age, for it was a trading-post as early as , and established as a settlement as early as , when a jesuit missionary came there with one hundred men. so it was a very old town though so small; but seven years before there had been a fire that destroyed all the houses but one." "but there was a fort, was there not, papa?" asked grace. "yes," replied the captain; "on a hill back of the town, about yards from the river; built by the english after their conquest of canada more than years ago. it covered about acres of ground, was quadrangular in shape, with bastions and barracks. it had embankments nearly feet high, a deep, dry ditch, and was surrounded by a double row of pickets. "the town too was surrounded by strong pickets feet high, with loopholes to shoot through. those pickets had been erected as defences against the indians, and were still in good condition. there were in them four strong gates on different streets." "then the british couldn't get in to harm the folks, could they, papa?" asked elsie. "they would be able to, when they had finished the fortifications they had begun to build on the opposite side of the river," replied the captain; "so general hull decided that it would be best to cross at once and drive them away. "it was not easy to find boats enough to take his twenty-two hundred men across, but by great exertion he succeeded in getting enough to carry four hundred at a time, but should the british see them crossing they would in all probability attack that small number before the others could cross to take part in the fight. so hull resorted to strategy. toward the evening of the th all the boats were sent down the river in full view of the british, while at the same time colonel m'arthur with his regiment marched away in the same direction. the british were deceived and made ready to dispute their passage. but after dark troops and boats returned up the river past detroit to bloody bridge, a mile and a half above the town, and made arrangements to cross the river there, which they did." "why was it called by that dreadful name--bloody bridge, papa?" asked elsie. "because the indians in pontiac's time attacked and killed so many--fifty-nine--of the english there. do you not remember my telling you about it?" "oh, yes, sir, when we went to mackinaw before!" exclaimed the little girl. "at dawn the regular troops and the ohio volunteers crossed over to the canadian side, and there hoisted the american flag," continued the captain. "but i shall not now go into all the details of the marching and fighting that followed--how hull changed his orders and restrained his brave, patriotic officers and men from attacks upon the enemy which they were eager to make, until they were almost convinced that he was either a traitor or a coward. "he was doubtless too old for the command which had been given him. he had done good service in the revolutionary war, and no doubt was really a patriot still, but he lacked energy, vigilance, and decision, and was too slow to take advantage of the necessities and mistakes of the foe; though he might have done much better but for the remissness of the secretary of war and general dearborn. his mistakes and dilatoriness bore very hard upon the brave fellows under him, who were burning with patriotic zeal for the discomfiture of the foe, and he perceived that, though they obeyed orders, there was a mutinous spirit among them that could scarcely be restrained. therefore he called a council of field-officers, and by their advice it was agreed to march immediately upon malden. "orders were at once issued for all the needful preparations and received with universal joy by the little army of men longing to defend their country. "but before these were completed, or the long summer day was quite over, there came another order from the commanding general; an order for the army to recross the river to detroit--abandoning canada and its people to the vengeance of the british; leaving unprotected its inhabitants, who, trusting hull's promised protection, had refused to take up arms for defence against the americans. that order was in consequence of news which had reached hull that a considerable force of british regulars, militia, and indians were coming to attack the little army in the rear." "did our soldiers like to go back without fighting the british first, papa?" asked elsie. "no, my child, not at all; but they were obedient soldiers, and did as they were ordered by their commander, though sullenly, feeling themselves humiliated by being compelled to act like cowards. during that night and the next morning they crossed the deep, dark river and encamped on the rolling plain back of fort detroit. "not quite all of them, however. major denny, with convalescents, and a corps of artillerists, under lieutenant anderson, were left behind in a strong house that had been stockaded and called fort gowris. denny was ordered to defend the post to the last extremity, so long as attacked with only musketry, but to leave it if powerful artillery should be brought against it. "hull and his army were in need of supplies, which he knew were being sent him under the command of captain brush, who had come as far as the river raisin, but was detained there by the knowledge that a party of indians under tecumseh, with perhaps some british regulars, had crossed the detroit from malden and were lying near the mouth of the huron river, twenty-five miles below detroit, for the purpose of seizing the men, cattle, provisions, and mail that captain brush had in charge. "brush had asked hull to send him an escort. hull at first flatly refused; but, after much persuasion on the part of his officers, despatched major van horn with a detachment of two hundred men to join brush and help convoy the cattle, provisions, and mail. the major obeyed promptly, but was not successful; being surprised by the indians, who lay in ambush and attacked him by the way. the americans fought gallantly, but lost seventeen killed and several wounded. "when the news reached the fort hull was greatly disconcerted. his officers urged him to send a larger force to the aid of brush--as many as five hundred; but he refused. 'i can spare only one hundred,' he said. "that, as the officers knew, would not be enough; so, though indignant and alarmed for the safety of brush and the needed stores he was bringing, they had to give up the hope of helping him for the present. "but hull perceived that his troops were angry and felt mutinous, and it was then he called his officers together, and after consulting them gave the orders for preparations to march upon malden; but, as we have seen, before they could be carried out he changed his mind and ordered the army to cross the river to detroit. he now felt the need of securing the supplies under brush and ordered colonel miller to take six hundred men, go to that officer's assistance, and escort him to detroit. before starting upon their perilous expedition the troops paraded on the north side of jefferson avenue, and there colonel miller addressed them as they stood in marching order. 'soldiers,' he said, 'we are going to meet the enemy, and to beat them. the reverse of the th (that was van horn's) must be repaired. the blood of our brethren, spilled by the savages, must be avenged. i will lead you. you shall not disgrace yourselves or me. every man who shall leave the ranks or fall back without orders will be instantly put to death. i charge the officers to execute this order.' "then turning to the veteran fourth regiment of regulars, he said, 'my brave soldiers, you will add another victory to that of tippecanoe--another laurel to that gained upon the wabash last fall. if there is now any man in the ranks of the detachment who fears to meet the enemy, let him fall out and stay behind.' "he paused, and a loud huzza went up from the entire corps, and 'i'll not stay! i'll not stay!' came from every lip. "miller led them to the river rouge that night, and they bivouacked on its southern shore, having crossed it in two scows. early the next morning they took up their march again, major thompson maxwell, with his spies, leading the way; next a vanguard of forty men under captain snelling of the fourth regulars, while the infantry marched in two columns, about two hundred yards apart, the cavalry keeping the road in the centre in double file. the artillery followed, with flank guards of riflemen at suitable distances. marching in that order a line of battle could be formed almost instantly, but it was slow and toilsome work to move the cannon over the marshy ground along which their road lay. "it was sunday morning, the weather sultry, the sky overcast with clouds, not a leaf stirring on the trees; in the distance they could see a few fleet indians hurrying along; but nothing of much consequence occurred until some time in the afternoon, when they were nearing the indian village of maguaga, fourteen miles below detroit. but there a man named white, who had joined them as a new recruit, hurrying on ahead of the rest, was shot from his horse near the cabin of an indian chief called walk-in-the-water, by some indians concealed behind it, and before the vanguard could reach the spot he was scalped. "there were oak woods near maguaga, which captain snelling and his regulars reached between three and four o'clock in the afternoon. in the meantime the flying savages the americans had seen that morning, and who were the scouts of major muir, the commander of the forty-first british regiment, had carried to him, in his camp at brownstown, the news that the americans, strong in numbers, were advancing upon them. there were in that camp regulars, a good many canadian militiamen, and between and indians. lossing mentions chiefs of note among those--tecumseh, walk-in-the-water, split-log, and lame-hand. "these troops had been sent over from fort maiden by proctor to repeat their doings of the th--when van horn was defeated--cut off communication between detroit and captain brush at the raisin, and get possession of the stores he was bringing. "as soon as muir and tecumseh heard the news brought by the spies they broke up their camp, hurried on to maguaga, and formed an ambush in the oak woods, where the trees and bushes were thick enough to conceal them. there they watched for the coming of the americans and were joined by a fresh detachment of troops sent by general brock. "snelling and his soldiers had just entered the clearing when there came first a single shot, then the terrific yells of the scores of savages, followed by a terrible volley from the whole british line." "oh, papa! then did our soldiers turn round and run back to the others?" asked little elsie. "no, my child, they stood their ground and returned the fire like the brave men and patriots they were. colonel miller heard the sounds and he and his men started on the double quick, came up, and formed in battle order, and as they did so he waved his sword high over his head, crying in his clear, loud voice, 'charge, boys! charge!' his order was instantly, gallantly, and effectually obeyed, lossing tells us, while at the same time a six-pounder poured in a storm of grapeshot that harmed the foe not a little. "at the same time the michigan and ohio volunteers charged a body of indians at the left of the british and near the river, driving them back, and causing them to flee; and the whites in the ranks of the enemy, mistaking them for helpers of the americans, fired upon them also, and the indians returned it. so that our foes were helping us by fighting among themselves, and the mistake created such confusion in the british ranks that they wavered, broke, and fled, leaving tecumseh and his indians to bear the brunt of the fight. "muir rallied his men, in a good position, but the sound of firing in the woods on their left alarmed them again, so that they ran away, got in their boats, and fled across the river to malden with all possible expedition. "after a little more fighting the indians too broke, and miller ordered sloan to pursue them. but he seemed to hesitate, and snelling rushing up to him gave him a peremptory order to dismount, sprang into the saddle himself, and dashed away at the head of his troops, his red hair streaming in the wind, for he had lost his hat in the course of the fight. he pursued the flying foe for more than two miles; then lieutenant-colonel miller, realizing the danger of an ambuscade, and that night was approaching, and the wounded needed attention, ordered a suspension of the chase." "ah, that was a victory!" exclaimed walter; "one that ought to have encouraged hull to defend detroit; it seems it didn't, though." "were there many killed in that battle, papa?" asked grace. "of the americans were killed and wounded," replied the captain. "the british, according to their account, lost of their regulars, only of whom was killed. they failed to mention how many of the militia and indians, but our troops found of the indians dead on the field; how many of the militia, if any, i do not know. "miller was anxious to follow up his advantage, to press on to the assistance of captain brush and the getting of his stores to detroit; so sent a messenger to hull to carry the news of his successful fight with the enemy and ask for a supply of provisions. "in response hull sent colonel m'arthur with men and rations, ordering him to go down the river in boats to the relief of miller and his men. m'arthur, who seems to have been always ready and prompt, set out a little past two in the morning, in nine boats, and in the darkness and rain passed the british vessels _queen charlotte_ and _hunter_, and reached his destination in safety. "then the wounded were at once carried to the boats to be taken to detroit. but it was now daylight, and it was found impossible to pass the british vessels. fortunately m'arthur had foreseen that difficulty, and ordered wagons sent down, and now leaving the boats he had the wounded carried through the woods to the road, placed in the wagons, and so taken the rest of the way to their destination." "but what did he do with the boats, papa?" asked elsie. "the british took them," replied her father. "colonel cass had gone down and tried to secure them, but the enemy had already got possession. "miller had been thrown from his horse during the fight, and was too much injured to press on immediately to the river raisin. he sent a messenger to hull, and cass met him on his way. he knew that time was precious, that proctor would be likely to send a larger force to prevent our men from reaching brush, and attack him himself. therefore cass wanted to take miller's place and hurry on with the detachment to brush's assistance, so he sent a laconic despatch to general hull: 'sir, colonel miller is sick; may i relieve him?--l. cass.' no reply came, and he returned to detroit, meeting on the way an express taking positive orders to miller for him and his troops to return to headquarters. "miller and his men were only twenty-two miles from the raisin, and were sorely disappointed by this order, but obeyed it, leaving their camp at noon on the day after the battle, and going slowly back to detroit." "oh, i do think that was too bad!" exclaimed lucilla. "i don't think i could have obeyed such a man as hull." "it would have been even worse than rendering obedience to captain raymond has sometimes proved, eh?" her father said, with a humorous look and smile. "oh, ten thousand times, papa, dear!" she answered earnestly. "haven't you found out that for years it has been--almost always just a pleasure to me to obey you?" "it is long since i have felt at all doubtful of that, daughter," he returned, in tender tones. chapter vi. for a moment captain raymond seemed lost in thought. it was a question from his daughter elsie that caused him to resume the thread of his narrative. "papa," she asked, "had the british got their guns all ready to fire at the americans when colonel miller and his men got back to detroit? and did they begin at once?" "no; the british were still busy with their preparations, with which general hull did not seem disposed to interfere; and it was hard indeed for his brave, patriotic officers to obey his orders to refrain from doing so. they began to think he was either a traitor or an imbecile, and by no means fit to have the command. they consulted together, and concluded that salvation for the little army could be secured only by depriving him of the command and giving it to another. miller was asked to take it, but declined and proposed m'arthur, who was the senior officer of the volunteers and one of the most vigilant, active, and energetic men in the service. "but when it came to carrying out their plans they hesitated to take so bold a step. relief might come soon from ohio, governor meigs accompany it in person, and then the honor could be properly tendered him. colonel cass acted promptly upon that suggestion, writing to the governor a very strong and urgent appeal for help to be forwarded with all haste; telling him that the army was in a very critical situation 'from causes not fit to be put on paper'; that maiden might easily have been reduced, but the golden opportunity had been allowed to pass unimproved. he asked for, at least, two thousand men, and that the governor would accompany them. "but before this letter had been shown to the other officers the british were collecting in force at sandwich, and cass added a postscript. 'since the other side of this letter was written, new circumstances have arisen. the british force is opposite, and our situation had nearly reached its crisis. believe all the bearer will tell you. believe it, however it may astonish you, as much as if told by one of us. even a c---- is talked of by e----. the bearer will supply the vacancy. on you we depend.' the first blank meant a capitulation, the second commanding general." "but why didn't he say what he meant, papa?" asked elsie. "because there was danger of the letter falling into the hands of the wrong person. it was signed by cass, finley, m'arthur, taylor, and colonel elijah brush, of the michigan militia." "was major denny still on the canadian side, captain?" asked evelyn. "no; he had evacuated fort gowris and crossed the river to detroit. on his doing so the british under captain dixon of the royal engineers immediately took possession and planted a battery so as to command detroit. the american artillery begged leave from hull to open upon them from the fort with twenty-four pounders, but were forbidden, and the enemy was allowed to go on unmolested with his preparations to fire upon detroit." "well!" exclaimed lucilla, "i'm sure that looked as if he was in league with his country's foes; unless he had lost his reason." "yes," said her father, "yet i do not doubt his patriotism or his intention to do what he deemed best under the circumstances; but he was timid, and as i have said before, did not receive the help and encouragement he had a right to expect from the secretary of war or general dearborn, who failed to inform him of the armistice, which would have enabled him to wait for the arrival of needed provisions and reinforcements. and he was too honest himself to suspect the deceptions the british practised upon him--dressing raw militiamen in uniform and mixing them in with their regulars, sending a letter to be intercepted by him, threatening a descent of five thousand indians from mackinaw. but i think he owed it to the officers under him to consult with them; which he did not do." "had the british got captain brush with the soldiers and provisions, papa?" asked elsie. "no, he was still in the same place, waiting for reinforcements to enable him to reach detroit; and on the th hull sent him word that he could not spare a large enough detachment to escort him, and that he might either stay where he was till further orders, or take a roundabout course to avoid the enemy. but after the men had gone with the letter hull again changed his mind and sent m'arthur and cass with men to escort brush, who was supposed to be not more than miles away. "they took a circuitous route, got entangled in a swamp, and could not go on. they were without provisions, tired and hungry, and were just preparing to bivouac for the night--for the evening twilight was fading away--when a courier came with an order from hull for them to return immediately to detroit. they obeyed and arrived there about ten o'clock the next morning. "at a little past noon of that day general brock sent two of his officers with a flag to bear a summons to general hull for the unconditional surrender of the post. 'the force at my disposal,' he said, 'authorizes me to require of you the surrender of detroit. it is far from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, but you must be aware that the numerous body of indians who have attached themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment the contest commences.'" "and hull meekly surrendered without any more ado?" said lucilla, in a tone between assertion and enquiry. "no, not yet," replied her father. "poor man! really patriotic and proud, he no doubt felt sorely tried and humiliated at the very thought of surrender to his country's foes; at the same time, being ignorant of the armistice and not knowing when succor would arrive, having only a thousand men in fighting condition, his force wasting with disease, disappointment, and death, it seemed to him very uncertain whether he could keep the foe at bay till help would come; but his troops were eager to measure strength with the enemy, and confident in their ability to do so successfully. "so difficult did hull find it to decide what was the best and wisest course of conduct that he kept the flag waiting two hours; but at last he said to brock's messengers that he had no other reply to make than that he was ready to meet any force at his disposal, and any consequence that might result. "his own troops were greatly pleased when they learned what his answer to brock had been. they watched the return of the flag, and when it reached the canadian shore the bearers were startled by a loud huzza from the american fort and camp. our brave soldiers believed and rejoiced in the thought that the time for action had come, or was near at hand; they were confident of victory, and at once set about the most active preparations for the fight. "jesup, serving as adjutant-general to hull, rode down to spring wells to reconnoitre the enemy at sandwich. he saw that the british vessel, _queen charlotte_, had taken such a position that she could cover the landing of the enemy there with her guns. he thought a battery might be used to drive her away, so selecting a suitable spot for it, he hastened back to detroit, told hull what he proposed to do, and asked him to send down a twenty-pounder. "hull refused and jesup rode back to the spot he wished to defend, to find snelling there with a few men and a six-pounder, occupying the very place he had selected. by the way, it is said that snelling was to have been married that evening to a daughter of colonel thomas hunt, and that when about to leave the fort for spring wells, he asked of hull, 'if i drive the redcoats back, may i return and be married?' and that general hull consented, and the marriage took place that same evening. "when detroit was surrendered snelling refused to raise the white flag, and when marched as a prisoner through the streets of montreal, being ordered by a british officer to take off his cap to nelson's monument, he refused and kept it on in spite of the efforts of the soldiers to enforce the order, and finally general brock ordered them to respect the scruples of a brave man." "i respect and like brock for that," said walter. "he was a far better, braver, nobler man than proctor." "he was indeed!" assented the captain. "cruelty and cowardice usually go hand in hand, and they were both prominent traits in proctor's character. but to return. both snelling and jesup, perceiving that the greater part of the british force was at sandwich, hastened back to hull, and, reporting that fact to him, jesup asked for men to go over and spike the enemy's guns opposite detroit. hull said he could not spare so many. 'give me one hundred, then,' entreated jesup. 'only one hundred,' added snelling imploringly. hull only replied that he would consider it, and then took refuge in the fort; for at four o'clock the british battery, whose guns snelling and jesup had proposed to spike, began firing shot and shell upon the fort, the town, and the camp. then all the troops except finley's regiment, which was stationed three hundred yards northwest of the fort, were ordered within the walls, crowding it far too much for comfort." the captain paused, and grandma elsie remarked that she remembered reading of some interesting occurrences given by lossing in notes to his history of the attack upon detroit and its fort. "one was that during the evening a large shell fell upon the roof of a private dwelling, two stories high, and coming down through the roof and upper floor, fell upon the table around which the family were sitting, then through to the cellar, and they had just time to fly from the house when the shell exploded, tearing it to pieces." "that was a very narrow escape for them," remarked violet. "please tell us some more, grandma," begged neddie, and grandma elsie kindly continued. "there was a battery commanded by a brave soldier--lieutenant daliba," she said. "he stood on the ramparts during the cannonade, and when he saw the smoke or flash of the enemy's cannon he would call out to his men, 'down!' and they would drop behind the parapet until the ball had struck. "near the battery was a large pear-tree which was somewhat in the way, and colonel mack, of the michigan militia, ordered a young volunteer named john miller to cut it down. he made haste to obey, seizing an axe and falling vigorously to work; but when he had cut about halfway through the trunk one of the enemy's balls struck it and nearly finished the work. the young man turned coolly toward the british and called out, 'send us another, john bull; you can cut faster than i can.'" "was the british soldier that fired it named john bull?" queried neddie. "why, that's what we call englishmen, don't you know?" said his sister elsie. "and we are all brother jonathans. aren't we, papa?" "that's what they call us," returned her father, with a smile, "and though not a very euphonious name, i, for one, prefer it to john bull." "so do i," she said. "but jonathan's a boy's name," objected ned sturdily. "men and boys can be jonathans, but women and girls can't." "well, i don't want to be," said elsie. "it isn't a pretty name; but john bull's worse. grandma, haven't you another little story to tell us?" "one more, which i found in lossing's book," replied grandma elsie pleasantly. "he says it is related that while cannonading was going on, the shot striking thick and fast around the fort, a negro was seen on its roof. he stood near a chimney, watching the firing of the british on the other side of the river, and whenever he saw the smoke of a cannon would spring behind the chimney till the shot had struck, then peep out again. "at length one struck the top of the chimney just over his head, tore it to pieces, and covered him with brick and mortar. he jumped aside, shaking himself free, as well as he might, from the dust and rubbish, and exclaiming: 'what de debble you doin' up dar?' then hastened away to find a safer spot." "wasn't that a bad, swearing word, grandma?" queried ned. "it was not a nice word," she answered. "i should be sorry indeed to hear it used by my sons or grandsons." "my papa never says such words, nor maxie, nor any of my relations, and i don't mean ever, ever to say them," said the little fellow, looking up into his father's face. "no, my son, i trust you never shall," returned the captain gravely, laying a hand affectionately on the child's head. "please tell the rest, papa," pleaded little elsie, and her father resumed the thread of his narrative. "the british kept up their bombardment until near midnight, our men returning it with great spirit and disabling two of the enemy's guns. about twilight someone proposed that as the fort did not command the river, a strong battery should be placed near the margin of the river and used in destroying the foe when they attempted to land. a suitable place for the purpose was chosen, but hull utterly refused to allow the plan to be carried out; and in the early twilight of the next morning--a beautiful sunday morning--they were allowed to cross without the least attempt being made to hinder them. "six hundred indians, commanded by two british colonels and tecumseh, had crossed the night before and taken position in the woods to attack the americans in flank and rear should they attempt to hinder the landing of the british regulars and militia, strong with pieces of light artillery. "they all breakfasted, then moved upon the fort--the whites in a single column, their left flank covered by the indians, a mile and a half distant in the woods; their right resting on the detroit river, defended by the _queen charlotte_. "colonel miller, with the fourth regiment, was now in the fort; the ohio volunteers with part of the michigan militia were posted behind the town palisades, to annoy the enemy's whole left flank. the rest of the militia were stationed in the upper part of the town to keep back the indians, who had joined the british in order to be permitted to plunder and kill the american whites. "our men were waiting, watching the cautiously approaching foe, eager to fire upon them the moment they were in the best position to receive the most destructive onslaught--for wives, children, and feeble aged ones were in danger of becoming victims to their inhuman thirst for blood and plunder, and that foe had reached a point within five hundred yards of their line when there came a peremptory command from general hull for them to retreat within the fort. "the soldiers were very angry but obeyed, while the enemy drew nearer and prepared to storm the fort. the shot were coming thick and fast now from the canadian shore. a ball came bounding over the wall of the fort and struck a group standing before one of the officer's quarters, killing two officers and a surgeon and badly wounding another. the next moment two other soldiers on the inside of the fort and two on the outside were killed. "there were women and children in the house where the officers were killed, among them general hull's daughter and her children. some of the women were bespattered with the blood of the slain, and almost paralyzed with fear; some were carried senseless to the bomb-proof vault for safety. "the general saw the effect of the ball from a distance, and did not know whether his own child was killed or not. "just then an officer of the michigan militia in the town came to ask if they alone were to defend it, as he had seen the approach of the enemy without a gun being fired from the fort or the twenty-four pounders outside; also to inform hull that the indians were at the tan-yard, close upon the town. hull did not answer his queries, but stepped into a room in the barracks, hastily wrote a note, and handing it to his son, captain hull, directed him to display a white flag immediately from the walls of the fort, where it might be seen by the british captain dixon, over the river. "the order was promptly obeyed. the flag was a tablecloth. by order of general hull it was waved from one of the bastions by captain burton, of the fourth regiment. "the firing soon ceased, and in a few minutes captain hull was seen leaving the fort with a flag of truce. at the same time a boat was despatched across the river to captain dixon, commander of the battery on the canada shore. "general hull was acting without consultation with any of his officers, and no one knew what were his intentions, but the sight of the white flag upon the walls awakened painful suspicions, and presently the arrival of two british officers, colonel m'donell and major glegg, made it evident that the garrison was betrayed. "hull had acted entirely on his own responsibility, consulting no one, and this quick surrender, without a single shot having been fired upon the enemy, or an effort made to stay his course, was almost as unexpected and unwelcome to the brave, patriotic men under him as a thunderbolt out of a clear sky. so angry and indignant were they that for a moment nothing but reverence for gray hairs and veneration for a soldier of the revolution, who had served his country well in that war, saved him from personal violence at their hands; it is said that many of them shed tears of mortification and disappointment. "the terms of capitulation were soon settled, and hull issued a general order to his troops, stating that with pain and anxiety he announced to the northwest army that a sense of duty had compelled him to agree to articles of capitulation which he then enumerated. "you will remember that he had sent colonels m'arthur and cass toward the river raisin, then ordered them back; they were coming, but had not yet arrived; he sent a messenger to meet them, with a note to m'arthur informing him of the surrender, and that he and his command were included in it, as prisoners of war. they had drawn near enough to detroit to see the white flags that had silenced the british cannon, reaching there thoroughly exhausted with marching and hunger--for hull had sent them off without provisions and failed to keep his promise to send some after them; so that for forty-eight hours they had nothing to eat but some green pumpkins and potatoes they had found in the fields. as they went and came they had been observing the enemy, taking note of his numbers and movements, and concluded that they might easily capture him by falling upon his rear while the army at detroit attacked him in front. but what did the silence mean? the armies were within half cannon shot of each other, but there was no firing; both seemed silent as the grave, from where these listeners stood. had there been any evidence of fighting, m'arthur would have fallen upon the rear of the foe, without waiting for orders. "but hull's courier was seen approaching, and in a few moments more these patriots heard the almost unbearable tidings that hull had given them up to the foe without an effort at self-defence. "m'arthur tried to communicate with hull, but failed. he sent hull's note to captain brush, with a message from himself, 'by the within letter you will see that the army under general hull has been surrendered. by the articles you will see that provision has been made for your command; you will, therefore, i hope, return to ohio with us.' "lossing tells us in a note that captain elliott, the son of colonel elliott, with a frenchman and wyandot indian, arrived at brush's camp on the raisin, bearing a flag of truce, a copy of the capitulation at detroit, and authority to receive the surrender of brush and his men. "a lieutenant, the officer of the day, blindfolded elliott and led him to the block-house. brush, when informed of elliott's arrival and on what errand, doubting his authority, had him arrested and placed in confinement. on reading m'arthur's letter, however, he learned his mistake; but instead of releasing elliott at once and complying with hull's order, he hastily packed up the public property at the raisin, and with his whole command and his cattle, started for ohio, leaving orders that elliott should be kept in confinement until the next day. elliott was very angry, and sent for tecumseh to pursue brush; but it was too late." "did m'arthur do that way too, papa?" asked little elsie. "no; when on the evening of the th colonel elliott came with authority from brock to receive tokens of the submission of m'arthur's detachment, the dark eyes of that officer flashed with indignation, then filled with tears of mortification; he thrust his sword into the ground and broke it to pieces, then tore his epaulets from his shoulders. but having in that way relieved his feelings, he became calm and dignified, while in the dim twilight, cass and their whole detachment were marched into the fort and stacked their arms." "oh, how hard it must have been for m'arthur, and all of them, indeed!" exclaimed lucilla. "were they shut up in jail, papa?" asked elsie. "the volunteers and militia with some of the regular officers, not of high rank, were paroled and allowed to go home," replied her father. "those belonging to michigan were discharged right there, the ohioans sent in a vessel to cleveland, and there relieved from british control. general hull and the regulars were held as prisoners of war and sent to montreal." "but that wasn't the worst for poor general hull, was it, papa?" said grace. "the blame he got from the whole country, and being tried for cowardice, condemned to be shot, and all the rest of it, i should think, must have been far worse. do you think he was really a coward and so very much to blame, papa?" "no," replied her father; "he was perhaps weak, but neither wicked nor cowardly; he was very cautious, prudent, and anxious to save the women, children, and aged men in the fort from falling into the hands of the bloodthirsty, tomahawking, scalping savages. had he known of the armistice and that provisions and ammunition were coming, and had dearborn and the secretary of war done their duty, the result might have been very different. as it was, he was made the scapegoat for all." "poor man! i feel sorry for him," sighed grace. "as i do," said her father. "i have no doubt he did what he believed to be his duty as a humane and christian man. in parting at detroit with one of his aids he said to him, 'god bless you, my young friend! you return to your family without a stain; as for myself, i have sacrificed a reputation dearer to me than life, but i have saved the inhabitants of detroit, and my heart approves the act.' in his despatch to the secretary of war he generously said, 'i well know the responsibility of the measure, and take the whole of it on myself.' and after alluding to m'arthur, finley, miller, and cass in commendatory terms, he adds, 'if aught has taken place during the campaign which is honorable to the army, these officers are entitled to a large share of it. if the last act should be disapproved, no part of the censure belongs to them.'" "that was noble and generous!" exclaimed evelyn, with warmth, "and it was shameful, shameful that all the blame was put upon him when dearborn and the government were really so very much more deserving of it." "yes," said grandma elsie, in her own sweet, gentle tones, "and he bore it in such a patient, christian spirit; confident that his countrymen would some day understand and do him justice. i have read that on his deathbed he was asked whether he still believed he had done right in surrendering detroit, and he answered that he did and was thankful he had been enabled to do it." "i suppose," said evelyn, "it was a great mistake, but he acted as he deemed best for others and that at a great sacrifice of himself; so i think he was a noble, generous man, worthy of all honor, and i am very glad he was not made to suffer death, though i am not sure that what he had to bear was not worse." "yes," exclaimed walter, "and how i despise those mean fellows who put all the blame on him when they themselves deserved a great deal more of it than he!" "how long did the british keep possession of detroit, papa?" asked grace. "until perry's victory on lake erie restored it to the americans." "oh, that was a grand victory!" exclaimed lucilla, with enthusiasm. "yes; the navy did well in that war," the captain said, with a smile and a sparkle in his eye. "i have always felt a patriotic pride in the achievements of perry, mcdonough, and isaac hull. the first two were earnest christian men and gave all the glory to god. i do not know, but hope the gallant hull was a christian also." chapter vii. the _dolphin_ reached detroit that evening, did not stop, but slowly passed the city, which extends six or seven miles along the river, then on down the stream, the captain pointing out historical scenes, now on this side now on that. they were already on lake erie before the older ones retired for the night, passed put-in-bay and discussed with interest perry's victory of september , , though, as all were familiar with the details of the famous contest and triumph for the little american navy, the story was not repeated. "how many islands are there in the group, papa?" grace asked, as they neared them; "and to which state do they belong?" "there are ten," he said, "and they are a part of ottawa township, ohio. the group takes its name from the largest one, which contains about two thousand acres. you can see there is a beautiful bay on this north side: that is put-in-bay--it is what gives the name to the island and is celebrated as the place where captain perry with his little united states fleet on lake erie, in the last war with great britain, of which we have been talking so much in the last few days, waited for the coming of her fleet, and whence he sailed out to meet and conquer it. "it required great address and vigilance to make his little squadron ready and get it into the lake, but spite of illness, head winds, and being narrowly watched by the foe, he got safely out upon the lake just as the british squadron hove in sight." "perry had difficulty in getting his vessels over the bar, had he not, sir?" asked walter. "yes; it was done by the use of camels; a very difficult operation." "camels, papa?" exclaimed grace, with a puzzled look. "yes, daughter; not the camels of the desert, however," returned the captain, giving her a slightly amused smile. "nautical camels are hollow cases of wood, made in two halves, so as to embrace the keel and lay hold of the hull of a ship on both sides. those cases are first filled with water and sunk, in order to be fixed on. the water is then pumped out, and while that is being done the vessel gradually rises; and that process is continued till at length it passes over the shoal." "perry must certainly have been a very persevering and energetic man," remarked mrs. travilla. "he certainly was all that and more," returned the captain; "a brave, patriotic, christian man. it has been truly said that the courage with which the _lawrence_ was defended has been hardly, if ever, surpassed; and that his real claim to fame rests less on his actual victory than on the pluck, energy, and readiness to adapt himself to circumstances, which he showed in the preparation of the two brigs and getting them and the other vessels out in the lake, collecting sailors, etc. but it is singular that the american public have always made so much more of his victory over an inferior force, than of mcdonough's on lake champlain, which was won against decided odds in vessels, men, and metal." "oh, papa!" cried lucilla, in a slightly reproachful tone, "you are really the last person i should have expected to try to belittle perry's hard-won victory." "my child, i am not doing that," returned her father in gentle, reproving accents. "i would not have perry's fame lessened, but mcdonough's increased." "excuse me, papa dear, i might have known that," she responded penitently. "what is the name of that little island lying at the mouth of the bay, captain?" queried evelyn. "gibraltar," he replied; "it is picturesque and rocky, and on it stands the monument commemorating the victory and its heroes." "i should like to visit the island one of these days," said grace. "i hope to give you that pleasure at some future time," her father said; "but now it is growing so late in the season that we must hasten on our way if we would make even a flying visit to other and more interesting and important points. the islands are worth visiting; the scenery is lovely, and there is excellent boating, also fishing, in the clear, shallow waters of the bay and lake." "all that sounds quite appetizing," said violet. "i think we might be able to pass some days or weeks there very delightfully when not hurried for time." "there are a great many fine grapes raised here, are there not?" asked evelyn. "yes; grape growing and wine making are the principal industries; the climate and soil being better suited to them than is any other in the union; or rather, i should say, on the atlantic slope. another item of interest is a cave of considerable dimensions." "papa," asked grace, "how long did that battle of lake erie last?" "three hours and a quarter. it was a sanguinary fight, ending in a splendid victory for perry, who was about twenty-seven years old, and had never before borne part in a naval engagement." "yes, it was sanguinary; the carnage was terrible," said mr. dinsmore. "what harrowing scenes there must have been!" "some comical ones, too," remarked walter, with a chuckle. "i have read somewhere that perry's first lieutenant, yarnall, came to him during the fight and told him that all the officers of the first division were either killed or wounded. i don't know that he mentioned himself among them, but it was very evident that he had been hurt, for his face was covered with blood from a wound in his forehead, his nose dreadfully swollen by a blow from a splinter, and there was another wound in his neck." "he must have been a brave and persevering fellow to go on fighting with all those hurts," said grace. "but what was it he wanted of perry?" "more men to help with his part of the fight; and perry let him have them. but soon he came back on the same errand, and that time perry had to refuse. 'you must make out by yourself; i have no more to furnish you,' he said. and now he could not help smiling at yarnall's appearance, for in addition to his swelled nose and the blood on his face he was covered with cattails from the hammock mattresses that had been struck and torn by the enemy's balls; they were sticking all over his face and gave him much the aspect of a great owl. when he went below after the fight was over, even the wounded men had to laugh at his comical and hideous appearance." "i remember reading of the narrow escape that fell to the lot of the second lieutenant," said rosie, when walter had finished his little anecdote, "he was standing close beside perry, fighting his division, when a grape-shot struck him in the breast, and he fell. perry lifted him up, and as there was no wound to be seen, told him to rally, for he could not be hurt. he was only stunned into momentary unconsciousness, and when able to speak, said, pulling out the shot, which had lodged in his waistcoat, 'no, sir! i'm not hurt, but this is my shot.'" "yes," said captain raymond, "more than one man was shot and killed while speaking to perry. one was the captain of the gun whose tackle had been shot away. perry stepped nearer to him to see what was the matter. 'i can fire, sir,' the sailor said, and was in the very act of doing so when a twenty-four-pound shot struck him, passed through his body, and he fell dead at perry's feet." "but perry escaped unwounded, though freely exposing himself to danger when necessary for the performance of duty," remarked grandma elsie. "i have read that he said that he believed his wife's prayers had saved him; i have no doubt that his mother's helped him, for i have read that she was a christian woman, and had brought him up in the fear of the lord. his young brother too--only twelve years old--escaped wonderfully, shots passing through his clothes and hat, a hammock torn from its fastenings by a ball knocking him down, and yet no wound being made." "lieutenant john brooks, a handsome young fellow, was another officer shot while speaking to perry," said captain raymond, "struck in the thigh by a cannon ball that drove him some distance. it was a terribly painful wound, so that he shrieked with agony, and besought perry to shoot him dead. perry ordered him carried below, and while that was being done a mulatto boy, his servant, rolled on the deck, crying out that his master was killed. he had been acting as powder boy, and being ordered to return to his duty did so with the tears rolling down his cheeks all the time at the thought of his master's suffering!" there was a moment of silence, broken by grace. "oh, what a dreadful thing war is!" she sighed. "i hope we will never have another. i think nothing could be worse." "how about submission to despotism, gracie?" asked walter. "what sort of condition would this country be in now had not our ancestors waged those two wars with great britain?" "oh, yes! they were right on the side of america, dreadful as they were," she acknowledged, "the choice being between fighting for freedom or enduring unbearable oppression." "that is true," he said; "better death than slavery; and had we tamely submitted, instead of resisting as we did, we could never have become the strong, free people that we are." "and we may well, even yet, thank god for perry's victory," said the captain; "it led to the immediate evacuation of detroit and the release of the whole of michigan territory from british sway, with all the horrors of indian atrocities, murder, scalping, and fire. also it wiped away the disgrace of hull's ignominious surrender of detroit, strengthened the hands of the government, and gave great encouragement to general harrison and his brave and patriotic soldiers; indeed, to all who were fighting for our country on both land and sea. harrison had completed his arrangements for invading canada, and perry's vessels were used in carrying his army there. that is, the _niagara_ and the lighter vessels of both squadrons. "one of the measures harrison had taken for raising the needed complement of troops had been a call upon governor shelby of kentucky, for fifteen hundred men, accompanied by the generous offer to yield the chief command to him, shelby to be the guiding head and harrison himself the hand. "shelby was one of those who had battled for his country in the days of the revolution; one of the leaders of the militia who defeated the banded tories under major ferguson on king's mountain, south carolina, on the th of october, . his valor was conspicuous on that occasion, and he had since been familiarly styled old king's mountain." "a very old man in , i suppose," said grace. "sixty-three," replied her father. "in these days we would hardly consider a man of that age extremely old, though certainly not young. young enough, however, for harrison's invitation to rouse his martial spirit to such an extent that he resolved to lead, instead of sending his men against the enemies of his country. he called for mounted volunteers to assemble at newport, opposite cincinnati, at the close of july, promising to meet them there in person, lead them to the field of battle, and share with them the dangers and honors of the campaign. "that call seemed to electrify the people of kentucky. young men and veterans vied with each other in enthusiasm, exchanging urgent calls to rally to the defence of their country, for old king's mountain would certainly lead them to victory. twice the required number of men flocked to his standard, and, including colonel r. m. johnson's troop, he led in the direction of lake erie. "on the th of september he reached upper sandusky, from there he pushed forward with his staff, and on the way heard the glad tidings of perry's victory. he despatched a courier with the news to major-general henry, whom he had left in command of his troops, bidding him hasten forward with them. "they, and the whole country as well, were greatly inspirited, filled with joy and exultation by the glad tidings; for that victory relieved the whole region of the most gloomy forebodings of evil, leading, as it did, to the destruction of the indian confederacy, which, in conjunction with the british military power, had been the cause of so much awful suffering and loss to men, women, and children suffering by fire, sword, tomahawk, and scalping knife, and removing the stigma of the surrender of detroit. "that victory was one of the most important events of the war, opening the way for harrison's army to penetrate into canada and to our repossession of the territory of michigan. also removing all doubts of the ability of the americans to maintain the mastery of the great lakes. "a poet of the time concluded an epic with these lines: "'and though britons may brag of their ruling the ocean, and that sort of thing, by the lord i've a notion-- i'll bet all i'm worth, who takes it?--who takes? though they're lords of the sea, we'll be lords of the lakes.' "well, to go on with my story, by the th the whole army of the northwest, except the troops garrisoning fort meigs and minor posts, were on the borders of lake erie. shelby arrived there on the th, only a few minutes before a part of perry's squadron came in, bringing three hundred british prisoners. a few days later they were marched to chillicothe and franklinton, escorted by a guard of kentucky militia. "and now harrison made preparations to embark his army. colonel johnson was directed to remain at fort meigs with his mounted regiment till the expedition should sail, then march toward detroit, keeping as nearly as possible abreast of the army on the transports, and general m'arthur, at that time in command of fort meigs, was directed to embark artillery, provisions, and stores from that post, and march the regulars there, with clay's kentuckians, to the portage. "it was on a delightful day, the th of september, that the army embarked. on the th they rendezvoused on put-in-bay island, and the next day were on the middle sisters, five thousand men encamping on its six or seven acres." "a good many horses besides, i presume," remarked walter. "no," said the captain, "the kentuckians left their horses on the peninsula and were acting as infantry. "on that day general harrison and perry sailed in the _ariel_ to reconnoitre the enemy at malden. they were entirely successful, and returned at sunset. an order was issued that evening, giving directions for the embarking of the troop, stating the place and manner of landing, the order of march, the attack upon the enemy, and other particulars. "the order, signed by general e. p. gaines, exhorted his brave troops to remember that they were the sons of sires whose fame was immortal; that they were to fight for the rights of their insulted country, while their opponents would combat for the unjust pretensions of a master. 'kentuckians,' he said, 'remember the river raisin, but remember it only while victory is suspended. the revenge of a soldier cannot be satisfied upon a fallen enemy.' "it was on a lovely autumnal day, september , that the expedition finally set sail, in sixteen armed vessels and almost one hundred boats. they were all in motion at nine o'clock, going northward toward the hostile shore, and then harrison's stirring address was read to the men on each vessel. at its conclusion there went up a hearty shout for 'harrison and victory'; then all moved on silently into the detroit river. lossing tells us the spectacle was beautiful and sublime. "the landing place selected by harrison and perry was hartley's point, opposite the lower end of bois blanc island, and three or four miles below maiden. a low, sandy beach stretched out in front of high sand drifts, behind which the enemy were supposed to be lying in wait, and our troops landed in battle order--kentucky volunteers on the right, regulars on the left, ball's legion and the friendly indians in the centre. "but no enemy was there. the cowardly proctor, in spite of the indignant remonstrances of tecumseh, had fled northward with his army and all he could take with him; leaving fort maiden, the storehouses, and navy buildings smoking ruins. beside that, he had seized all the horses of the people of the neighborhood to help him in his flight." "the poor people! poor, abused creatures!" exclaimed grace, adding, "and probably they were much frightened lest the americans should treat them still worse." "if so, their fears were soon relieved," replied her father; "for as our troops drew near the town, governor shelby in advance, they were met by a troop of modest, well-dressed women, who came to implore mercy and protection. the kind-hearted general soon calmed their fears. "the army moved on and entered malden with the band playing 'yankee doodle.' they learned that the enemy's rear guard had not been gone an hour, and colonel ball at once sent an officer and twenty men of his cavalry after them to prevent the destruction of a bridge over the tarontee. they were just in time to save it, driving the incendiaries off with a single volley. "the next morning harrison crossed it with all his army, excepting a regiment of riflemen left at amherstburg. at two o'clock on the th they entered sandwich, and the american flotilla reached detroit, which, you will remember, is opposite, on the western side of the river of the same name. the next day colonel johnson and his mounted regiment arrived there." "were not the british still in possession of detroit, papa?" asked lucilla. "no; m'arthur, with seven hundred effective men, had crossed over shortly before and retaken the town, driving off a body of indians who were hovering about it. also general harrison had, to the great joy of the inhabitants, declared proctor's proclamation of martial law null and void, and the civil government of michigan restored. "on johnson's arrival he received an order from harrison to cross the river at once with his troops, as he (harrison) was resolved to push on after the enemy as rapidly as possible. there were two roads, either of which might be taken in the pursuit--by land in the rear of the british, or by lake erie to long point, and thence across the country. harrison called a council of his general officers to consider the question, and it was decided to take the land route. "it was said that proctor was encamped near chatham on the thames; so that was the place for which the whole army of the americans, except m'arthur's brigade, left at detroit, and ball's and cass', left at sandwich, marched on the morning of october . "two days before that perry had learned that some small vessels carrying the artillery and baggage of the british had gone up lake st. clair toward the thames. he sent some of his vessels in pursuit, followed them in the _ariel_, accompanied by the _caledonia_, and on the day that harrison left sandwich the whole of the little squadron appeared off the mouth of the thames with the provisions, baggage, and ammunition wagons of the american army." "had he taken the enemy's vessels?" asked evelyn. "no," replied the captain; "they had too much the start of his, and escaped up the thames. it is said that when the army reached the mouth of that river an eagle was seen hovering above it; and that harrison remarked to those about him that it was a presage of success, and perry, who had landed and was with the general, added the information that an eagle was seen hovering over his little squadron on the morning of the th of september." "the day when he fought his naval battle," remarked grace. "don't you suppose, papa, this eagle may have been the very same?" "i think it quite likely," was the reply. "and it reminds me of the young gamecock that flew upon a gun-slide on the _saratoga_, mcdonough's flagship, early in the naval battle of plattsburg, clapped his wings and crowed so lustily and defiantly," said walter. "and me of 'old abe,' the eagle present in so many battles of the civil war," said his sister rose. "but please go on with your story of the battle of the thames." "to go back to the morning of october , when harrison and his troops left sandwich," continued the captain. "we are told that they pushed on rapidly for miles along the border of the lake, there came upon british deserters who told the general that proctor, with white men and indians was encamped at dolsen's farm, about miles from the mouth of the thames, on its northern bank, and miles from detroit by water. this news roused the americans to still greater exertions, and when they halted for a night's rest they had marched miles from sandwich, their starting point. "the pursuit was renewed the next morning at dawn, and near the mouth of the thames johnson captured a lieutenant and eleven privates, who had just begun to destroy a bridge over a small stream emptying into that river. that made it evident to the americans that proctor had heard they were in pursuit of him and they hastened on, hoping to overtake, fight, and defeat him. that night they encamped on drake's farm, four miles below dolsen's. "as the troops moved on, perry's vessels had passed up the river to cover their movements when they should cross the thames or its tributaries; but here there was a change in the character of the banks; below the river flowed on between prairies, its channel broad, its current sluggish, but here the country became hilly, the stream narrow and rapid, the banks high and wooded, affording convenient places for indian ambuscades, from whence shots could be fired down upon the passing vessels below. so it was thought better not to take them any higher up the stream than dolsen's, and perry landed and offered his services to harrison as volunteer aid; so joining the army in the exciting pursuit of the foe. "the cowardly proctor--much to the disgust of tecumseh--fled up the thames ½ miles from dolsen's to chatham, where an impassable stream called m'gregor's creek empties into that river. on reaching the spot he said to tecumseh, 'here we will defeat harrison or lay our bones.' "tecumseh was pleased with both the speech and the spot, and remarked that when he looked at these streams he would be reminded of the tippecanoe and the wabash. "two bridges--one at the mouth of the creek and the other at a mill a mile above, had been partially destroyed, and at each was a party of indians ready to dispute the passage of the americans should they attempt to cross or to make repairs; but major wood, with two six-pounder cannon, and colonel johnson with his horsemen, soon sent them flying after proctor." "was anybody hurt in either fight, papa?" asked grace. "yes; men of johnson's party were killed, and or wounded. the indians had a large number wounded and killed. it was here that the chief walk-in-the-water with warriors came to harrison and offered to join his army conditionally. but harrison had no time to attend to him, so told him if he left tecumseh, he must keep out of the way of the american army." "did he do it, papa?" asked elsie. "yes, he went back to the detroit river." "and did the americans go on chasing the british, papa?" "yes, and the british retreating, destroying all they could on the way, firing houses and vessels containing military and naval stores as they went, the americans following, putting out the fires and saving houses, vessels, stores as far as possible. "but they did not catch up to the british that night; they encamped and harrison set a double guard; which was well, for at midnight proctor and tecumseh reconnoitred the camp, but did not venture to attack it. "at dawn the americans were again in motion, the mounted regiments in front, led by general harrison and his staff, the kentucky volunteers under general shelby following. it was not long before they had captured two of the enemy's gunboats and several bateaux with army supplies and ammunition, and some prisoners. "it was only nine o'clock when they reached a place where the river was fordable by horses. harrison decided to cross there and each of the mounted men took an infantryman on his horse behind him; others crossed in the bateaux, and by noon the whole american army was on the north side of the river." "i should think they must have been tired," said little elsie. "didn't they stop to rest a while, papa?" "no, indeed," replied her father, stroking her hair and smiling down into the interested little face upturned to his, "they were much too eager to catch and defeat their country's foes. they hastened on as rapidly as possible, passing on their way many evidences of the rapidity of proctor's retreat. "it was two o'clock and they were eight miles from the crossing place when they came upon smouldering embers that showed where the enemy's rear guard had been but a short time before. by that they knew they were not far behind the foe, and colonel johnson dashed forward to learn their exact whereabouts. "it was not long before he had captured a british wagoner who told him that proctor had halted only three hundred yards farther on. johnson, with major james suggett and his spies, moved cautiously on, and found the british drawn up in battle order, waiting for the coming of the americans. "he, johnson, learned enough about their position to enable general harrison and a council of officers, held on horseback, to decide upon the best order for the attack. the american army now consisted of a little more than men-- regulars of the th regiment, brigades of kentucky volunteers under governor shelby, and colonel johnson's regiment of mounted infantry. "the foe had made choice of a good place to make a stand. on one side was the thames river, with high and precipitous bank, on the other a marsh running almost parallel with the river. between the two, about three hundred yards from the river, was a narrow swamp with a strip of solid ground between it and the large marsh. almost the whole space between the river and the marsh was covered with forest trees--oaks, beeches, and sugar maples, with very little undergrowth. "the british regulars were formed in two lines between the river and the small swamp; their artillery planted in the road near the bank of the stream. the indians were posted between the two swamps, those commanded by tecumseh in person on the isthmus or narrowest point. "at first harrison arranged for the horsemen to fall back and let the infantry make the first attack, which would begin the battle; next the cavalry were to charge the british. but when all the preparations were completed major wood, who had been reconnoitring the enemy's position, informed harrison that the british were drawn up in open order, and, though contrary to all precedent, the general immediately decided to change his plan of attack. instead of having the infantry fall upon the british front he ordered johnson to charge their line with his mounted troops. "in explaining his motive for the change, in a report rendered afterward to the secretary of war, he said: 'the american backwoods men ride better in the woods than any other people. a musket or rifle is no impediment, they being accustomed to carrying them on horseback from their earliest youth. i was persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and that they could not resist it.' "the event speedily proved the wisdom of the decision. the general's orders were promptly obeyed, then a bugle sounded, and the americans moved coolly forward, neither hesitating nor with undue haste, among huge trees, over fallen timber, and through the undergrowth, those impediments in their path compelling them to move slowly. "while they were still at some distance from the front line of the british regulars the latter opened upon them with a severe fire, which caused some confusion at the head of the column, the horses of some of them taking fright; and before order was restored there came second volley. then with a tremendous shout the american cavalry boldly dashed upon the british line and broke it, scattering it in all directions. then the second line, thirty paces in the rear, was treated in the same way, and the horsemen wheeled right and left, pouring a destructive fire upon the rear of the confused and broken columns, so increasing their panic that they threw down their arms and surrendered as fast as they could. "lossing tells us that in less than five minutes after the first shot was fired the whole british force, more than eight hundred strong, were totally vanquished, and most of them made prisoners; only about fifty men and a single officer escaping." "ah, that was a victory to be proud of!" cried lulu. "and what became of the brave proctor, papa?" "he fled from the field as fast as his horses would carry him, taking with him his personal staff, a few dragoons, and some mounted indians. in the words of the old song "'when proctor saw lost was the day, he fled la tranche's plain: a carriage bore the chief away, who ne'er returned again.' "he was hotly pursued by a part of johnson's corps under major payne." "i think i remember, though, that they did not succeed in catching him," remarked rosie. "no," said the captain; "ten of them continued the pursuit until dark, but could not overtake him." "ah, it seems he was better at running away than at fighting," said walter; "but if i remember right, he had to abandon his fine carriage." "he did so; left the road and escaped by some bypath," replied captain raymond. "so rapid and masterly was his retreat that within twenty-four hours he was sixty-five miles distant from his starting point--the battle ground." "and the american officers and men got nothing for their long chase, papa?" grace said enquiringly. "a trifle more," returned the captain, with a slightly amused look: "major wood captured proctor's carriage, sword, and valuable papers. there were some beautifully written letters from proctor's wife, in which she addresses him as 'dear henry.'" "'dear henry,' indeed!" cried lucilla scornfully. "i could never love such a coward. nor--nor such a cruel wretch--delighting in seeing men, women, and children tortured by the savages, if he didn't take part in it with his own hands. but you haven't finished the story of the battle, papa." "no, not quite. general henry, with his advancing columns, was hardly in sight of the combatants before that part of the battle was over; but at the same time that one bugle sounded for that attack another was heard on the left. colonel johnson and his troops moved against the indians almost at the same instant that the first battalion--under his brother james and major payne--attacked the british regulars. he had divided his force and led them--the second battalion--across the little swamp to attack the indian left. they were in front of shelby, with a company of infantry. harrison had taken a position on the extreme right, near the bank of the river, where he could observe and direct all the movements, and with him were adjutant-general butler, commodore perry, and general cass. "tecumseh's savages reserved their fire till the americans were within a few paces of them, then hurled upon them a deadly shower of bullets, wounding general johnson very severely, and prostrating more than half his vanguard of forlorn hope. on this part of the field the undergrowth and the branches of the trees were too thick to allow mounted men to do much service with their rifles, therefore johnson ordered them to dismount and fight on foot at close quarters. they obeyed, and there were many hand to hand fights, the kentuckians as they fought raising now and again the fearful cry, 'remember the river raisin.'" "what did they mean by that, papa?" asked elsie. "i will explain that at another time," he replied. "you may ask for the story to-morrow. and now, to go on with this--for a while it seemed doubtful which side would win; but general shelby, perceiving it, ordered the regiment of lieutenant-colonel donaldson to the support of johnson, and general king to press forward to the front with his brigade. "the indians had already recoiled from the shock of the kentucky riflemen, and now they fled; they were pursued and a scattering running fight ended the battle. proctor was running away as fast as he could, like some hunted wild animal, and his savage allies scattered themselves through the forest behind the larger swamp." "tecumseh with the rest, papa?" asked elsie. "no, my child, tecumseh was lying dead on the field of battle. but for his loss it is likely the indians would have continued the struggle for some time longer." "who killed him, papa?" she asked. "no one can say certainly," replied her father, "though probably it was johnson. tradition and history tell us that tecumseh had wounded colonel johnson with a rifle bullet, and was springing forward to tomahawk him, when johnson drew a pistol from his belt and shot him through the heart. it is said that johnson himself never either affirmed or denied that his was the hand which slew tecumseh. probably he did not really know whether the indian he had killed was the great chieftain or some other. however, it is certain that he, tecumseh, was slain in that battle,--as it seems he had predicted that he would be,--and it is a question of little importance whose hand sped the bullet or struck the blow that ended his career." there was a moment of silence, broken by grandma elsie's soft voice: "'the moment was fearful: a mightier foe had ne'er swung his battle axe o'er him; but hope nerved his arm for a desperate blow and tecumseh fell prostrate before him. he fought in defence of his kindred and king with spirit most loving and loyal, and long shall the indian warrior sing the deeds of tecumseh the royal.' "i presume you are right, captain, in thinking," she added, "that even johnson himself did not know whether the indian he had shot was tecumseh, but as you have just said, the question is of no historical importance. we do know, however, that johnson behaved most gallantly in the battle of the thames and was sorely wounded in the hip, thigh, and hand; the last from the indian whom he shot. he was disabled and said to his friend, dr. theobald, one of his staff, fighting near him, 'i am severely wounded: where shall i go?' theobald, saying, 'follow me,' led him across the smaller swamp to the road and the stand of governor shelby's surgeon-general. johnson was faint from the loss of blood, and his horse, it would seem, was still more sorely wounded, for as his master was lifted from his back he fell dead." "oh, did the man die too, grandma?" asked little elsie, with a look of eager interest and concern. "no, dear; they gave him water, dressed his wounds, and carried him on board a vessel they had taken from the british. captain champlin, the commander of the _scorpion_, was there on it; he took the colonel down the river in that vessel to his own, lying at dolsen's, and from there, in her, to detroit." "papa, did he get well and go back and fight some more?" asked ned. "no, my son; he went into congress and served his country well there. but now it is high time for you and elsie to go to your berths. bid us all good-night; to-morrow you may ask as many questions as you please, and papa will answer them to the best of his ability." chapter viii. the wind had risen while captain raymond was talking, and now began to blow briskly, bringing with it an occasional dash of rain; a state of affairs that presently sent the whole party into the cabin, and a little later they had all retired to their staterooms but the captain and his two older daughters, who lingered a few moments for the bit of chat with their dearly loved father of which they were so fond. "do you think we are going to have a hard storm, papa?" grace asked a little anxiously, as she came to him to say good-night. "i hope not," he said, "do not be anxious; remember, 'the lord hath his way in the whirlwind and in the storm, and the clouds are the dust of his feet. he rebuketh the sea and maketh it dry.' remember, too, that 'the lord is good, a stronghold in the day of trouble; and he knoweth them that trust in him.'" "oh, yes! thank you for reminding me of those sweet words, father, dear," she returned with a sigh of relief, and laying her cheek affectionately against his as he put an arm about her and held her close for a moment. "i will trust and not be afraid." "that is right, daughter," he said; "no real evil can befall us while trusting in him." "but, papa, christians do have great and real distresses sometimes," she returned, with an enquiring and slightly troubled look up into his face. "yes, daughter, 'whom the lord loveth he chasteneth and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth.' but 'like as a father pitieth his children so the lord pitieth them that fear him;' and he will sustain them under all the troubles that he sends. remember that his promise is, 'as thy days, so shall thy strength be.'" "such a sweet, precious promise, papa!" she said. "i will just put my dear ones and myself in his care, trust in him, and not lie awake, dreading shipwreck." "that is what i would have you do, my darling," he returned. "do not forget those sweet words of holy writ: 'the lord knoweth them that trust in him,' nor the promise that he will never leave or forsake them. put yourself into his care and go to sleep untroubled by doubts and fears. good-night," he concluded, as he kissed her tenderly and let her go. "and how is it with my dear eldest daughter?" he asked, turning to lucilla, who stood near awaiting her turn. "i am not naturally so timid as gracie, you know, papa," she answered, smiling up into his face as he passed an arm about her and drew her close to his side, while with the other hand he smoothed her hair caressingly, "and i do believe that god will take care of us all through the instrumentality of my own dear father, who knows so well how to manage a vessel in calm or storm. but you do not think there is much if any danger, do you, papa?" she asked, gazing searchingly into his face, "for you are not looking at all anxious." "there is a pretty stiff breeze," he said, "and erie is a stormy lake, owing to the shallowness of its waters, and the consequent liability to a heavy ground swell which renders its navigation particularly difficult and dangerous; but i have passed over it a number of times and do not feel any great amount of anxiety in regard to our safety--if i attend properly to my duty as commander of the _dolphin_," he concluded, with his pleasant smile. "i must return to the deck, now; so good-night, daughter dear. may you sleep sweetly and peacefully, trusting in the care of your earthly father, and still more in that of your heavenly one." "oh, just one minute more, papa," she said entreatingly, as he released her. "i--i want to say that i am afraid that i was--almost, if not quite, a little disrespectful to you once or twice to-day." "ah! well, darling, if you have been, it is entirely forgiven; so go to your bed in peace. i must hurry on deck and cannot wait to talk with you further now." with the concluding words he hastened away, while she looked after him with eyes full of filial love, then as he disappeared she made her way as quickly as the rolling of the vessel would allow, across the saloon and joined her sister in their stateroom. there were tears in grace's sweet blue eyes as she lifted them to her sister's face. "what, crying, gracie darling?" lulu asked, with concern. "yes; to think of poor papa out on deck in the wind and rain, while we are so comfortable in here," answered grace with a sob, pulling out her handkerchief to wipe her eyes. "oh, i almost wish i were a big, strong sailor, and knew all about managing a vessel, so that i could take his place and have him to his berth to rest and sleep." "i'm sure i wish i could," sighed lulu. "he should never have an ache or pain of any kind if i might bear them for him; never be anything but the happiest man in the world if----" but she paused suddenly, while a vivid blush suffused her face. "i have no right to talk so," she added in a remorseful tone, "i, who so often fail to be the perfectly respectful and cheerfully obedient daughter that i ought." "i really think you judge yourself very hardly, lu," remarked grace, with a surprised glance into her sister's face. "you are always perfectly obedient and very affectionate toward our dear father, seeming to take great delight in doing everything you can to please him and add to his comfort; i really do not think he has a child who loves him better or does more for his comfort; no, not even i, who esteem him the very best and dearest father in the world," she concluded, with a look and smile that said more than her words. "oh, thank you, gracie! i do love him dearly, dearly; but as you know i am shamefully quick-tempered and wilful and sometimes look vexed at a reproof or prohibition, then the next minute could beat myself well for it." "lu, you never, never are in a passion nowadays!" exclaimed grace. "i own you do look vexed sometimes for a minute or two, but then it's all over and you are just as sweet and pleasant as anyone could wish. oh, you are just the dearest, dearest girl! ah, you needn't shake your head and look so dolorous," she added, in a playful tone, putting her arms about lucilla and kissing her with ardent affection. "ah, yes, you are all so dear and loving, so ready to excuse my faults," lulu said, returning the embrace with interest. "no one more so than our dear father, though i well know i have given him more pain and trouble than any other of his children, if not than all put together. gracie, let us kneel down together and ask god to take care of papa and all of us, and that if it is his will the storm may soon so abate that our dear father can go to his berth and get a good night's rest." grace was more than willing, and they spent some minutes in earnest supplication. in that act of prayer grace cast all her care upon the lord, and scarcely had she more than laid her head upon her pillow before she fell asleep; but lucilla lay for hours listening to the howling of the wind, the sound of the waves dashing against the sides of the vessel, her father's voice occasionally giving an order through the speaking trumpet, and the hurried and heavy tread of the sailors as they hastened to obey. it seemed a worse storm than any she had ever been in upon the water, and almost her every breath was a prayer for the safety of the yacht with all its living freight--especially her dearly loved father, now exposed to the fury of the wind, waves, and rain--that they might pass through it in safety. but at last she fell into a deep sleep, and for some hours heard and felt nothing of the storm. yet it was not over when she awoke; she could still hear the howling of the wind, the rush of the waters, and feel the rolling and pitching of the vessel. but it was daylight, and slipping from her berth with care not to rouse her still sleeping sister, she knelt for a moment of heart-felt thanks to her heavenly father, that thus far they had weathered the storm, and fervent supplication that the vessel might outride it in safety to the end. rising from her knees she made a hasty toilet, then, anxious to learn of her father's welfare, stole from the room, and holding on by the furniture, crossed the saloon, then with some difficulty climbed the cabin stairway and reached the windswept deck. one glance showed her her father standing at a little distance, giving some direction to a sailor. he did not see her. there was a momentary lull in the wind, and taking advantage of it she started on a run toward him. but just at that moment came another and fierce gust that took her off her feet and swept her toward the side of the vessel. in another instant she would have been in the water, had her father not turned suddenly and caught her in his arms barely in time to save her from that fate. he held her fast with one arm while he grasped the railing with the other hand, and held on till the gale again moderated for a moment. then he carried her back to the cabin. they were alone there, for the others were still in their staterooms. he strained her to his breast in silence, and she felt a tear fall on her head. "thank god, my darling, precious child is safe in my arms!" he said at last, speaking scarcely above a whisper, pressing his lips again and again to her forehead, her cheek, her mouth. "and my own dear father saved me," she said in quivering tones, her arms about his neck, her face half hidden on his breast. "it was a narrow escape, my child," he sighed, repeating his caresses, "a very narrow escape; and what would i have done had i lost my dear eldest daughter? you must not try it again; don't venture on deck again until i give you permission." "i will not, papa," she returned. "but oh, haven't you been up all night? can't you take some rest now?" "not yet; perhaps after a little. there, there, do not look so distressed," smoothing her hair caressingly as he spoke. "you must remember i am an old sailor and used to such vigils. i had a cup of coffee and a biscuit a while ago which quite refreshed me." "but can't you go to your berth now and take some hours of rest and sleep, papa, dear?" she asked entreatingly, her eyes gazing lovingly into his. "surely someone among your men must be fit to take charge of the yacht for a while." "not just yet, daughter; perhaps before long i can do so. i must leave you now and go back to my duties; and do you go to your stateroom and thank your heavenly father for your escape from a watery grave." with that he released her and hurried away up the cabin stairs, she following him with looks of yearning affection till he disappeared from view, then hastening to obey his parting injunction. her heart was full of love and gratitude to god for her spared life, and that thus far they had escaped shipwreck, and even as she gave thanks it seemed to her that there was a lull in the storm--the wind almost ceasing to blow and the vessel rocking much less. "oh, gracie," she said, as she rose from her knees and perceived that her sister's eyes were open, "i do think--i do hope that the worst of the storm is over." "do you?" cried grace joyously, hastily throwing back the covering and stepping out upon the floor. "oh, how glad i am! how good god has been to us all! but where is papa? has he been up all night?" "yes," replied lulu, "and oh, gracie, if it hadn't been for him i would be at the bottom of the lake now," she added, with tears of gratitude filling her eyes. "why, lu!" exclaimed grace in astonishment, "you surely did not venture up on the deck in this storm?" "i did, and was nearly blown into the lake, but papa caught me, held me fast for a minute, then carried me down into the cabin." "oh, lu! lu! i hope you will never venture so again! i'd be broken-hearted, and so would papa, and indeed, all the rest, if we lost you in that way. what could i ever do without my dear, big sister?" she concluded, putting her arms about lucilla and holding her fast in a most loving embrace. "oh, but it is nice that you love me so, gracie, dear," lulu returned. "it was very foolish in me to venture on deck in such a gale, but papa did not scold me at all; just held me fast, petting and caressing me as if i were one of his greatest treasures." "of course," said grace. "but didn't he forbid you to try going on deck again before the wind dies down?" "yes," acknowledged lulu. "oh, i wish he could stay below too. i want him to go to his berth and sleep off his fatigue. he must be very tired after his long night's vigil. but it is nearly breakfast time, and we should be making ourselves neat to appear at the table, looking as papa would have us." an hour later all had gathered about the table, the captain at the head of it as usual, and looking cheerful and pleasant-tempered as was his wont, though somewhat weary and worn. he reported the storm nearly over, no serious damage done the vessel, nor much time lost. he hoped to be in the welland canal before night, and that they would find themselves on lake ontario when they woke in the morning. "and can you not go to your berth for some hours' rest and sleep when you have finished your breakfast, my dear?" queried violet, with a loving, anxious look into his face. "probably; after a short visit to the deck to see that all is going right there. excuse me, my dear," he added, pushing away his plate and rising to his feet as he spoke. "i must return to my duties at once, but would have everyone else finish the meal at leisure," and with the last word he hurried away. "my dear papa looks so tired, mamma," remarked little elsie in regretful tones, "what has he been doing?" "staying up all night to take care of us," replied violet, the tears shining in her eyes. "don't you think we ought to love dear papa and do all we can to make him happy?" "yes, indeed, mamma!" answered the little girl earnestly. "oh, i hope he can get a good sleep soon so that he will feel rested and well. i was going to ask him to tell me about what happened at the river raisin. you know our soldiers, in that fight with the british and indians that he told us about yesterday, called out over and over again, 'remember the river raisin,' and papa said he would tell me what it meant if i would ask him to-day. but i can wait till to-morrow," she added, with a sigh of resignation. "how would it do for grandma to take your papa's place and tell you the story?" asked grandma elsie, in cheerful tones, and with a loving, smiling look at the little girl. "oh, nicely, grandma! i don't know but you could do it as well as papa could," answered the child eagerly. "ah, dearie, it is a very sad story, and i think i shall have to make it short," sighed mrs. travilla; "the details would but harrow up your feelings unnecessarily." "bad doings of the british and indians, grandma?" queried the little girl. "yes; it was that, indeed!" said mr. dinsmore; "the latter part of the tragedy a terrible slaughter of defenceless prisoners--tortured, scalped, tomahawked, slain in various ways with the utmost cruelty; many of them burned alive in the houses where they lay wounded, unable to move. it was a fearful slaughter which proctor, far from trying to prevent, rewarded with praise and the purchase of the scalps." "oh, wasn't he a very, very bad man, grandpa?" exclaimed little elsie. "more of a devil than a man, i should say," exclaimed walter. "i remember reading an extract from a letter written a few days later, from fort maiden, by a kentuckian to his mother, in which he says, 'never, dear mother, should i live a thousand years can i forget the frightful sight of this morning, when hideously painted indians came into the fort, some of them carrying half a dozen scalps of my countrymen fastened upon sticks and yet covered with blood, and were congratulated by colonel proctor for their bravery." "but all the british officers were not so cruel, walter, my dear," said his mother. "i remember the story of the letter to which you refer, and that the writer went on to say that he heard two british officers talking of that scene together; that one of them, whose name, he had been told, was lieutenant-colonel st. george, remarked to the other that proctor was a disgrace to the british army, that such encouragement to devils was a blot upon the british character." "oh, please, grandma," cried little elsie in distress, "i don't want to hear any more of that story." "no, dear, it is far from being a pleasant one, nor is it worth while to harrow up your feelings with it," returned mrs. travilla. "i will try to find some pleasanter one for you and neddie boy to help you pass the time agreeably while the storm prevents us from enjoying ourselves upon the deck." with that all rose and left the table to gather in the saloon for morning worship, which, in the captain's absence, was conducted by mr. dinsmore. but the storm was abating so that in another half hour captain raymond felt it safe to leave the deck and retire to his stateroom for much needed rest and sleep, and the others could sit comfortably in the saloon, the ladies with their fancy work, while grandma elsie entertained the little folks with stories suited to their tender years. walter, too, was one of the listeners for a time, then with his grandfather ventured upon deck to take an observation of the weather and their surroundings. when they returned it was with the cheering report that the storm had evidently spent its fury, the wind had nearly died down, the rain ceased to fall, and the sun was struggling through the clouds. "oh, then we can go up on deck, can't we, grandpa?" cried neddie, in eager tones. "after a little, sonny," returned his grandpa, sitting down and drawing the young pleader to his knee. "when my papa wakes up?" queried neddie, in a slightly disappointed tone. "yes, indeed, ned," said lucilla, "for though i am so much older than you, papa forbade me to go up there without his permission." "why did he, lu?" asked elsie in a tone of surprise; "and haven't you been up there at all this morning?" "yes, i was, before papa had forbidden me--and would have been blown into the lake if he hadn't caught me in his arms and held me fast." "oh, lu, tell us all about it!" cried ned, while the others who had not heard the story expressed their surprise in various ways and asked question upon question. "there's hardly anything more to tell," replied lucilla. "i know papa is always on deck early in the morning, and as i wake early too, i have a habit of running up there to exchange morning greetings with him. that was what i went for this time, not at all realizing how hard the wind was blowing, but i had scarcely set foot on the deck when it took my skirts and sent me across toward the spot where papa stood holding on to the railing with one hand, his speaking trumpet in the other. he dropped that in an instant and threw his arm round me." as she spoke she shuddered at the thought of her narrow escape from a watery grave, and her voice trembled with emotion. controlling it with an effort, "you see," she concluded, "that i owe my life to my dear father, and--and i love him even better than ever, though i thought before that i loved him as much as was possible." at that violet dropped her work, went quickly to lucilla's side, and bending down over her, kissed her with warmth of affection. "oh, i am so glad--so thankful that he was able to do it," she said in trembling tones and with tears in her eyes. "dear lu, it would have broken our hearts to lose you in that sudden, dreadful way." "as it would mine to lose you, dear mamma vi," returned lucilla with emotion, putting her arms about violet's neck and returning her caresses with interest, "for you are so very good, kind, and loving that i have grown very fond of you. and i know it would break papa's heart to lose you, even more than to lose me or all of his children." "oh, i hope he may never be so tried! for i know he loves us all very dearly, as we do him," said violet. "i don't know what any of us could do without him." chapter ix. the sun was just peeping above the horizon, the yacht moving swiftly and steadily onward as lucilla stepped from the companion-way upon the deck, the next morning, having obtained permission the night before to do so in case the quiet movements of the vessel made it certain she would run no such risk as she had the previous day. her father was pacing the deck, and so near that he took her hand the moment she appeared. "my early bird, as usual! good-morning, daughter mine," he said in tender tones as he bent down and bestowed upon her the caress she never failed to receive from him when first they met at the beginning of a new day. "good-morning, dear, dear papa, yesterday's saver of my life," she returned, in moved tones, putting her arms about his neck and pressing her lips to his again and again. "oh, father, surely i belong to you more than ever now!" "you are my very own, one of my chief treasures," he said, in response to that. "god bless my darling and have her ever in his kind care and keeping!" he clasped her hand tenderly in his as he spoke, and for a while they paced the deck together. "oh, where are we, papa?" she asked, gazing from side to side in eager curiosity. "this wide expanse of water cannot be the welland canal?" "no, we passed through that in the night, and are now in lake ontario." "oh, i am glad we are so far on our journey," she said, "and the water is so quiet that it seems a very suitable place in which to spend this sweet sabbath day." "i think so, if only we try to spend it aright." "i do intend to," she responded. "and we shall have our usual service in the morning; we younger ones a bible lesson with papa in the afternoon, won't we?" "i think so," he said. "i certainly expect to give my own children a bible lesson, and we will not shut out any who may choose to take a part in it. that would be very selfish, would it not?" "yes, sir! yes, indeed! i think so, for you always make a bible lesson very interesting as well as instructive." "i am glad my daughter finds it so," he said, smiling down upon her. they moved silently back and forth for a few minutes, lucilla apparently in deep thought, her father watching with keen and loving interest the changeful expression of her features. "what is it, daughter? of what are you thinking?" he asked at length. "about the narrow escape of yesterday, papa," she answered, lifting to his a face full of solemn awe. "i was asking myself, as i have many times since my narrow escape of yesterday morning, was i ready for heaven? would i have gone there if i had been drowned without time to think and prepare to meet my judge? oh, father, can anyone be saved without time to think and repent of every wrong thought and feeling, and asking god's forgiveness for it? and how would it be possible to do all that while struggling for your life?" "daughter," he said in tender tones, "are you not forgetting these sweet words of holy writ: 'he that believeth on the son hath everlasting life?' take notice, it is not shall have, but _hath_. it is not only the sins already committed which god forgives for jesus' sake when he adopts us for his own, but those also which in his omniscience he sees that we will be guilty of before the work of sanctification is finished. if we are truly his, they are all forgiven in advance. he says: 'i give unto them eternal life; and they shall never perish, neither shall any man pluck them out of my hand. my father which gave them me is greater than all; and no man is able to pluck them out of my father's hand. i and my father are one.' in another place he says, 'verily, verily, i say unto you, he that heareth my word and believeth on him that sent me _hath_ everlasting life and shall not come into condemnation; but _is passed from death unto life_.' the one important question is, are we really his? have we accepted his offered salvation and given ourselves entirely to him? if that be so we have no cause for anxiety or fear; for the lord knoweth them that are his, and will never suffer any real evil to befall them. death will be but going home to him, and that with all the sin taken away and we made perfect in holiness, no want of conformity to his holy will left in us." "yes, papa, but----" "but what, daughter?" "oh, if i should be mistaken in thinking that i really belong to him! papa, how can i know it?" "have you any doubt that you are mine?" "no, indeed, papa, not the slightest." "but how do you know it?" "because you have told me so again and again; and besides, i have only to look in the glass to see that i have your features, that i resemble you about as much in looks as a young girl can resemble a----" "middle-aged man," he added, finishing the sentence for her as she paused with an earnest, loving look up into his face. "and the bible tells us," he continued, "that 'whom he did foreknow he also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of his son.' if we are really his, we will, in a greater or less degree, resemble him and will be changed into the same image from glory to glory." "do you see anything of his image in me, papa?" she asked anxiously, humbly. "i am glad, very glad to be able to say that i think i do, daughter," he replied joyously, tenderly. "for years past i have watched you very closely, constantly praying god to bless my efforts to train you up in the way you should go, and bring you to him, and i am very happy to say that for a long while now i have seen that you were striving earnestly to overcome your faults and live as a true disciple of christ. and had you been snatched from me in that sudden way, while the loss of my dear child would have been terrible to me, i should not have mourned as those without hope; but should now be looking forward to a happy meeting with you in that blessed land where sin and sorrow and death are unknown." "thank you, dear papa, oh, thank you very much!" she said, with emotion. "if i am a christian it is because you have taken almost infinite pains to make me such, to point me to christ and lead the way; the way that you made plainer to me than anyone else ever did." "give all the glory and praise to god, my darling," he responded, in moved tones. "it has been my daily, earnest prayer, that he would give me wisdom for the work of bringing my children to him and bless my efforts, and i think my petition has been granted. when you see a work laid to your hands for which you feel incompetent, ask help from on high, remembering and pleading his gracious promise--'if any of you lack wisdom let him ask of god, that giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not; and it shall be given him. but let him ask in faith, nothing wavering.' never forget that last clause. god knows the heart, and it will be useless for us to plead with him a promise which we do not really believe." "yes, papa; surely that would be insulting to even a human creature. oh, pray for me, that i may have strong faith and never, never doubt one word of god's promises, or threats either, and that i may be always ready for whatever he sends. oh, i can never thank him enough for giving me such a good, kind, praying, christian father!" "and i have great reason for gratitude for the dear children he has bestowed upon me," her father responded, pressing the hand he held, "and for the hope that we will spend a blessed eternity together in that land where sin and sorrow are unknown." "yes, papa, what a delightful thought that is! and yet i cannot help feeling glad to stay a little longer here in this world. oh, this is such a lovely morning and the view is as new to me as it is enchanting, for, as you know, in going to chicago we passed over this part of the route in the night, so that i saw nothing of the scenery." "well, i think you may enjoy it to the full to-day," he returned, "and that some time in the afternoon you will get a sight of the thousand islands; though, by the way, counting all, big and little, there are fifteen hundred or more." "then we won't stop at all of them?" "hardly," he answered with a smile. "they fill the river for twenty-seven miles along its course. most of them are mere rocky islets, covered generally with stunted hemlocks and cedar trees down to the water's edge. some are square miles in extent and others only a few yards." "and how wide is the river where they are, papa?" "it varies from two to nine miles in width. canoes and small boats may pass safely among all the islands, and there is a deep channel for steamboats and large vessels which, having a rocky bottom, never varies in depth or position." "do they belong to our country or to canada, papa? i ought to know, but, if i ever did, i have forgotten." "the boundary line, which was determined in , passes among them. grindstone, carleton, and wells are the names of the largest of those belonging to the united states, and grand and howe of those belonging to canada." "and there are a good many stories connected with them, are there not, papa?" "yes; perhaps one of these days we will hunt them up; for i know that my children--to say nothing of older people--are fond of stories." "especially when told by our father, who is sure to make them interesting," she said, with an upward glance into his face that spoke volumes of love and admiration. "ah, such, it seems, is the opinion of my partial eldest daughter, who can see nothing in her father but what is good and admirable." "a weakness equally shared by his wife," remarked a clear, sweet voice in their rear. they turned quickly at the sound, the captain exclaiming, as he let go his daughter's hand, put an arm about violet, bent down and kissed her tenderly, "this is a most agreeable surprise, my dearest, for i left you, at least, so i thought, fast asleep. i moved as quietly as i could, not wishing to disturb your slumbers." "as you always do move on such occasions, my best and dearest of husbands," she responded, returning his caresses. "you made no noise, but somehow i happened to wake just as you closed the door, and thinking i would secure for myself the rare treat of an early walk with my--better half, i left my berth promptly and began my toilet. so here i am, to spoil lu's private morning interview with the almost idolized father she considers her peculiar property at this hour of the day." "ah!" he returned laughingly, "i put it the other way. she is my property, yet hardly more so than my lovely young wife." "yes; you and i belong to each other, and lu can say the same to you," laughed violet. "can't you, lu?" "so i think, mamma vi," returned lucilla, "and though probably you are nearer and dearer to him than i, you cannot say as i can, that you have his blood in your veins and have belonged to him ever since you were born." "no," acknowledged violet, "but i can say i belong to him of choice, you only of necessity." "oh, that doesn't matter!" laughed lucilla; "since if i had the privilege of choosing, i should be all the same his very, very own. that is, if he would have me," she added, with a look of ardent affection up into her father's face, and laying her hand upon his shoulder. "there is no question about that, dear child," he said, putting his arm round her waist again. "since the day i first heard of your birth there has not been one in which i have not thanked god for this good gift of his to me," he concluded, with a fond caress. "so you see you have no need to be jealous even of me, lu," violet said, with pleased look and smile. "no, i am not, mamma vi, not in the least; for i would far rather be papa's daughter than his wife. but, i suppose, you would rather have him to yourself for a while now, so i will go down----" "no, no, lu dear, stay here with us," interrupted violet, while the captain drew his daughter a little closer, saying, "stay where you are. cannot i have and enjoy you both at once?" "oh, i'm glad enough to be allowed to stay, if you both want me," exclaimed lucilla, with a pleased little laugh. "but i thought i had had my turn and was afraid i'd be in the way now." "when i find you in the way i shall not hesitate to give you an order to go below," her father said, with a look of amusement. then, taking her hand in his and giving the other arm to violet, he resumed the interrupted promenade of the deck till they were joined by the children and older members of the family party. then came the summons to the breakfast table. all were in excellent spirits, greatly enjoying the pleasant change from yesterday's storm to the lovely weather of to-day. most of the day was spent upon the deck holding the sabbath services usual with them there, then in reading and conversation suited to the sacred time, or in gazing out over the waters, watching the passing vessels, and as they steamed from the lake into the st. lawrence river and pursued their way among the islands there, gazing upon them with interest and curiosity. "are we going to stop at any of them, papa?" asked grace. "i think not," he replied. "we are in some haste to reach montreal, as we hope to find letters there from the home folks." "yes," said grandma elsie, "i am hoping to hear from my boys--harold and herbert--that they have arrived safely at home; also for some news from all the other dear ones in that vicinity." "and we hope it will be all good news," added captain raymond cheerily. "and we will send despatches and letters to some of them, that all may be apprised of our safety thus far," added his wife. "yes, indeed," said violet. "by the way, i wonder where our bride and groom are by this time? i wish we might come across them and persuade them to travel in the _dolphin_ again. we would only have to crowd a little as before, to make room for them." "and none of us would object to that, i think," remarked rose. "i, for one, am decidedly of the opinion that it would pay," said lucilla. "don't you think so, father?" "yes; i have always found their society enjoyable," captain raymond replied to that. "and i hope they have found ours agreeable enough to need but little urging to accept our invitation." "perhaps we may come upon them in montreal," remarked grace. "papa, is it not the largest city of lower canada?" "yes; the largest in british america." "where is it, papa?" asked little elsie. "on the left bank of this--the st. lawrence river, miles below lake ontario; above quebec, which will be our next stopping place." "will we get there to-day, papa?" asked elsie. "no," he replied. "to-day is nearly gone, daughter. see, the sun is setting, and you and neddie will be going presently to your beds, to have a good night's sleep, i hope, and be ready to enjoy to-morrow's visit to montreal." chapter x. the drip, drip of rain was the first sound that greeted lucilla's ears on awaking the next morning. she started up in her berth and listened. the _dolphin_ was not moving. "oh, we must be anchored at montreal, and it's raining," she said to herself. "there will not be much sight-seeing for us to-day, i'm afraid. dear, dear! i hope we won't have to hurry away without seeing anything. though in that case, perhaps papa will bring us here again next year." she did not linger long over her toilet, and was soon with her father on the deck. "oh, papa!" she exclaimed, after the usual morning greetings had been exchanged, "aren't you sorry it has turned out a rainy day?" "a bright one would seem pleasanter to us, as we had planned to do some sight-seeing," he replied, "but let us remember who sends the changes of the weather, that he knows what is best for us, and that we may safely trust in his knowledge, power, and love for us?" "yes, papa, that is how i ought to feel about it, and i will try to," she said, a sweet smile replacing the slight frown that had marred the beauty of her face for the moment. "i think," he went on presently, "that it is not going to be a lasting rain. probably showery for some hours, which we can spend with advantage in a short review of the history of montreal, and considering what parts of it are most worthy of our attention; for we cannot take time to visit every locality." "oh, what a nice idea, papa! it quite comforts me!" she cried, looking up into his face with a bright, glad smile, "i do think i have just the very best, kindest, wisest father----" "there, there! that will do!" he said, stopping her flow of words with a kiss full upon her lips. "i am afraid my eldest daughter is a decided flatterer." "oh, papa, the truth isn't flattery, is it?" she asked with a roguish look up into his eyes. "ah! but silly young things, like my daughter lucilla, oftentimes have vivid imaginations. but to change the subject, montreal, you know, is historic ground." "yes, sir; i remember that the first white man who visited it was jacques quartier or cartier, a french navigator. and didn't he discover the gulf and river st. lawrence? and give them those names?" "yes; and named the place here mount royal--in honor of his king, francis i. the city is built upon an island thirty miles long and twelve wide, and upon the site of a noted indian village called hochelaga. cartier's visit was paid in . in a white settlement was gathered there. the indians, friendly at first, afterward became jealous, then hostile. the whites at first defended their town with a stockade and slight bastions, but later with a strong wall of masonry fifteen feet high, with battlements and six gates." "what an old, old town it is!" exclaimed lucilla. "did it become a large city very quickly, papa?" "no; its growth was gradual, but when in the middle of the last century hostilities were begun between the french and english colonies, montreal was an important frontier town. it was threatened by the english under amherst in , and in the autumn of the next year passed out of the possession of the french into that of the english." "and they have kept it ever since?" "yes; though our people invaded it in , after the capture of forts st. john and chambly." "oh, yes, sir! under montgomery and arnold, wasn't it?" "the first attack was under ethan allen, and was made a month earlier than the taking of those forts," replied the captain. "montgomery had sent him to arouse the people in favor of the rebellion, as our cause was then styled by our foes. allen was active and brave, and soon had gathered canadians to his standard. he wrote, lossing tells us, to montgomery, that within three days he would join him, with at least armed canadians, in laying siege to st. john's. "he was marching up the east side of the st. lawrence when he fell in with major brown, at the head of an advanced party of americans and canadians, and brown proposed that they should make a joint attack upon montreal; telling allen it was weak and defenceless. allen agreed and they made their arrangements. allen was to get canoes and cross the river below the city with his troops, while brown was to cross above with men, and they were to attack the city simultaneously. "but for some unexplained reason brown failed to keep his part of the agreement, and allen's party made the attack alone. "it was at night, a rough, windy night, that they, canadians and americans, crossed the river, and they had so few canoes that three crossings were necessary to carry the whole party over. that was safely accomplished by daylight, at which time allen expected to hear brown's signal, telling him that he too had crossed with his men. but the signal was waited for in vain. he did not come at all. "allen would have retreated if the boats could have carried all over at once; as it was, he placed guards on the roads to prevent people from carrying the news of his presence into the city. but in spite of that precaution the inhabitants somehow became aware of it, and soon troops were seen issuing from the gates. they consisted of a force of british regulars, canadians, and a few indians. "two to one of the americans, if not more!" exclaimed lucilla. "yes," said her father, "but so brave were our men that they fought for an hour and three-quarters before they would surrender. at last, however, they all deserted but , of whom were wounded, and allen agreed to surrender upon being promised honorable terms." "the prisoners were marched to montreal and well treated until general prescott got them in his custody, when he behaved toward them in the most brutal manner. learning that allen was the man who captured ticonderoga, he flew into a rage, threatened him with a halter, and ordered him to be bound hand and foot in irons and placed on board the war schooner _gaspee_. a bar of iron eight feet long was attached to his fetters, his fellow-prisoners were fastened together in pairs with handcuffs, and all were thrust into the lowest part of the ship, where they were allowed neither bed nor seat." "oh, papa! what a monster of cruelty that prescott must have been!" exclaimed lucilla. "was he not the same prescott who had command of the british troops in rhode island some two years later?" "the very same; a most unfit man for such a position as he held then and there. a cowardly wretch, a petty tyrant, with a callous heart, a narrow mind, and utterly destitute of benevolence or charity." "but what became of allen finally, papa? if i ever knew, i have forgotten." "he was kept for five weeks in that deplorable condition, at montreal, on board the _gaspee_; then the vessel was sent down to quebec, and he was put on board of another vessel, where he was treated humanely. he was sent to england to be tried for treason, and landed at falmouth, where his grotesque garb attracted a great deal of attention. he was afterward sent to halifax, nova scotia, and thence to new york, where, in may , he was exchanged for colonel campbell." "there is not nearly so much to be seen here as in quebec, is there, papa?" she asked. "no," he replied, "and we will not stay very long here, but will spend more of our time there." "oh, papa, didn't general montgomery come to montreal some time after the events you have been telling of?" "yes; after the fall of st. john's. carleton knew the place was weak, and at once retreated on board of one of a number of small vessels lying in the river, as did general prescott, several officers, and private soldiers. but montgomery, as soon as he was aware that they were trying to flee, sent colonel baston with continental troops, cannon, and armed gondolas to the mouth of the sorel, where they were posted so advantageously that the british fleet could not pass, so were compelled to surrender. but carleton escaped, in a boat with muffled oars, past the american post to three rivers, from which place he soon reached quebec in safety." "what a pity! i wish the americans had been more watchful!" exclaimed lucilla. "they were watchful in their guard boats," replied her father, "but a dark night and secret way were in carleton's favor. they secured prescott, who certainly richly deserved to be made prisoner and treated far worse than he was, but that was by no means the loss to the british that the taking of carleton would have been, for prescott's conduct on many occasions made him a disgrace to their army. but we have had a long talk, and there is the call to breakfast." in spite of the drip and splash of the rain outside the faces that surrounded the breakfast table were bright and cheery. "there will be no going ashore to-day, i presume," remarked grandma elsie, when the blessing had been asked, and the filling of plates and coffee cups had begun. "i do not despair of it, mother," returned the captain, in cheerful tones. "it does not seem to me like a settled rain. i think it will clear by noon, and that then we can go about the city and its environs in carriages." "yes," said mr. dinsmore, "though our own are beyond reach at present, it is altogether likely the city, in the persons of some of its inhabitants, supplies vehicles for those willing to pay for their use." "no doubt of it," said the captain. "where is walter, mamma?" queried violet, noticing that the boy's seat was unoccupied. "i do not know. i fear he has overslept himself," replied her mother. "no, mother," said the captain; "he was early on deck and begged permission of me to go into the city in quest of our mail. ah, here he comes," as a blithe boyish voice was heard at the head of the companion-way. in another moment the lad entered, looking rosy and exultant. "mail for us all, not to speak of telegrams," he said, in lively tones, emptying his pockets as he spoke, and handing letters and papers to one and another. "mamma, your share is a large one, as it ought to be; the telegram, from my brothers, i presume, to announce their safe arrival at home; it is the one at the top of the pile, as you may see," handing her a number of missives. "yes; and most satisfactory," she said, with a smile and a sigh of relief, as she opened and read it at a glance. "'just arrived safely. hear that all the relatives are well.' ah, what cause for gratitude to the giver of all good!" she exclaimed low and feelingly. "there have been so many accidents, yet we and our dear ones have escaped them all." "it is indeed a cause for gratitude," responded her father. "we will trust in him and not be afraid; for wherever we go we are under his kind care and protection." "a most comforting and cheering thought," said the captain. grandma elsie was opening a letter post-marked newport, r. i. "ah, this is from our dear molly!" she said. "she dates 'paradise valley.' where is that?" "it is on the island of rhode island, a few miles out from the city of newport," replied the captain. "ah, yes; so she tells me," responded mrs. travilla, her eyes still upon the letter. "they have taken a furnished house for some months, there is another within a few yards of it, now empty, and they want us all to come there, help fill the two, and have a pleasant time for a few days, or weeks, enjoying the lovely scenery, the sea breeze, and each other's society. what do you all say to the proposition?" "i think we might spend a short time as pleasantly there as anywhere else," said mr. dinsmore. "as i do," said his wife. "i only wish i could be of the party," sighed walter, assuming a very depressed expression of countenance; "but my college duties will claim my attention before that." "for which you may be very thankful, laddie," said his sister rose. "remember it is not every boy--or young man--who attains to the blessing of a college education, without having to earn it by hard work." "i expect and intend to do hard work," returned walter, stirring his coffee, for he had seated himself and was beginning a hearty breakfast. "on which side is your vote to be cast, violet, my dear?" asked the captain in his pleasant tones, turning inquiringly to his young wife. "i think a brief visit there, on our homeward route, might be very enjoyable," she replied; "but if my husband prefers to go directly home i shall be entirely content." "thank you, my dear. i do not see any need of excessive haste in returning home, and it shall be just as you say, whether we accept cousin molly's invitation or decline it." "then suppose we leave it to lu and gracie to say what shall be done, so far as our immediate family is concerned." "very well," he said. "speak freely, daughters, in regard to your preferences for accepting this invitation or going directly home after visiting quebec." "i shall be perfectly satisfied with my father's decision," said lucilla, with a smiling look up into his face. "i have no doubt the little visit to paradise valley would prove very enjoyable, yet home is to me the sweetest place on earth, and we have been away from it a good many weeks already." captain raymond looked not ill pleased with her reply, but turned inquiringly to grace. "i can echo my sister's sentiments, father dear," she said, with her own sweet smile; "keep me with you and i shall be content and happy wherever that may be." the captain's answering smile seemed to say he thought no other man had daughters quite equal to his, but turning to evelyn he asked what were her wishes in regard to the matter. "i have no doubt a visit to paradise valley would be very enjoyable, captain," she replied, with a smile, "that is, if the place is at all suggestive of the name, but like your daughters, i shall be perfectly contented whether we stop there for a time or go on directly home." "there!" exclaimed rosie, "were ever such accommodating girls seen before? now, brother levis, when i am asked that question i shall give a different reply, if only to furnish a trifle of the spice of variety." "consider it asked then, my dear young sister," he returned, with assumed gravity, but a twinkle of fun in his eye. "i do, and my answer is, that i am decidedly in favor of accepting cousin molly's invitation. i have a great desire to see paradise, since the thing may be so easily accomplished, and nobody seems to have any objection to going there." "then we will consider the question decided in the affirmative," said the captain, "and make our arrangements accordingly." "not allowing among them an avoidance of quebec, i trust," said walter; "for i own that i very much want to see that old city." "set your mind at rest on that point, my boy," said the captain pleasantly; "i hardly think there is one of us who would willingly miss that visit." "i am glad to hear you say that, captain," said evelyn, "for i, for one, am looking forward to our visit there with a great deal of interest." the little ones now asked to be excused, and went away to their plays, but the others sat about the table reading their letters--now and then a few sentences aloud, for the benefit of the company--until walter had finished his meal, when they all gathered in the saloon for their regular morning service of prayer, bible reading, and sacred song. when that duty had been duly attended to, the gentlemen and some of the ladies went upon deck for a time. rain was still falling, but less heavily than in the earlier hours, and captain raymond and mr. dinsmore decided to pay a visit to the city, promising to return in an hour or two, bringing vehicles for a drive, in case the weather should so improve that a little excursion might be taken with safety and pleasure. mrs. travilla, violet, and the young girls and walter stood upon the deck, watching their departure. "i hope they may enjoy themselves, but i shouldn't like to walk out in this drizzle," sighed grace. then in a lower, livelier tone, "mamma, are you not proud of your husband? i think he is very handsome, even in that unbecoming waterproof coat." "and i am decidedly of the opinion that everything becomes him," returned violet, with a low, pleased laugh. "well, mamma and you girls, how shall we pass the morning? it really seems to me that the saloon is more inviting and comfortable at present than the deck." the others agreed with her, and all went below, where they found the two little ones begging grandma rose for a story to while away the time. "ah," she said, "here comes your grandma elsie, who is far better than i am at that business. "oh, yes!" cried little elsie. "grandma, won't you please tell us now about things that have happened at montreal and quebec?" "yes, dear; i promised you, and there will be no better time than this for the telling of the story," mrs. travilla answered pleasantly, as she seated herself and took up her fancy work, while the children drew their chairs to her side, each young face full of eager expectancy. chapter xi. grandma elsie took a moment to collect her thoughts, then gave the little ones very much the same story of the settlement and after-history of montreal that lucilla had heard from their father earlier in the day. from that she went on to give a similar account of quebec. "the city," she said, "is built upon a steep promontory, where two rivers, the st. lawrence, on which we now are, and the st. charles meet. there was formerly an indian village there called stadacona. jacques cartier, the same person i have been telling you about as the first white man who visited this spot where montreal now stands, discovered that indian village in the same year. but the city of quebec was not founded until ; and not by cartier, but by another man named champlain, who on the third day of july of that year raised over it a white flag. soon afterward rude cottages were built, a few acres of ground cleared, and one or two gardens were planted." "is that all of it there is now, grandma?" asked elsie. "oh, no, my child! there is a city with a very strong fortress; there are colleges and churches; there is a building yard for vessels, where thirty or forty are built every year. quebec has a very fine harbor, where many vessels can ride at anchor at the same time, and i have read that from fourteen hundred to two thousand come in every year from the ocean." "just to ride there, grandma?" asked neddie, with grave earnestness. then he wondered why grandma smiled at his query and everybody else laughed. "no, sonnie," mrs. travilla replied, "but to trade. they bring goods to the people--silk, cotton, woolen; salt too, coal, and hardware. and they carry away what the folks in canada have to sell, which is mostly timber." "did you say french folks live there, grandma?" asked elsie. "yes; it was built by the french in the first place, but taken from them by the english in ." "that was before our revolution, wasn't it, grandma?" "yes; about sixteen years earlier." "please tell about it, grandma." grandma kindly complied. "there was war at that time between england and france," she said, "and, for that reason, war between the english and french colonies of america. the french built a strong fortress on the island of cape breton, which is at the mouth of this, the st. lawrence river; they began also to build forts along the lakes and the ohio and mississippi rivers. fleets and armies came over from europe, and the english and french colonists, on this side of the ocean, formed armies and engaged indians to help them fight each other. the english attacked the french fortress of louisburgh on cape breton island, and took it. then wolfe, who was in command, put his troops on board of vessels, and went on up the river as far as the island of orleans, a few miles below quebec. there they built batteries for guns, intending to fire upon quebec, where was the french general, montcalm, with an army of , men; some of them regulars, the rest canadians and indians. "but i will not go into all the particulars, as you two little ones could hardly understand them well enough to be much interested." "oh, yes, grandma, please go on," exclaimed elsie. "the english were unsuccessful at first, if i remember right, mamma?" remarked rosie inquiringly. "yes," replied her mother. "it was nearly night when their divisions joined, and the grenadiers were so impatient that they charged madly upon the works of the french before the other troops had time to form and be ready to sustain them. as a natural consequence they were driven back to the beach with severe loss, where they sought shelter behind a redoubt abandoned by the french. "a storm was brewing, and the french kept up a galling fire, until it burst upon their foes with great fury. the tide from the ocean came roaring up against the current of the river with unusual strength, and the british were obliged to retreat to their camp across the montmorency, to avoid being caught in the raging waters and drowned. they had lost killed and wounded. "wolfe, who was not a strong, healthy man, was so distressed over the calamity that he became really ill. of course he was much fatigued, and that, joined to distress of mind, brought on a fever and other illness that nearly cost him his life. it was almost a month before he was able to resume command. "when sufficiently recovered to write a letter, he sent an almost despairing one to pitt, but at its close said he would do his best. then he and admiral saunders contrived their plan for scaling the heights of abraham, and so getting possession of the elevated plateau at the back of the city, where the fortifications were weakest, the french engineers having trusted for their defence to the precipices and the river below. "montcalm and his men saw that the english camp was broken up, and that the troops were conveyed across to point levi, then some distance up the river, by a part of their fleet, while the rest of it remained behind to feign an attack upon the intrenchment at beauport. montcalm, though he saw these movements, was at a loss to understand them; so he remained in his camp, while another officer was stationed a little above the plains of abraham, to watch that part of the english fleet that had sailed up the river. "at night the troops were all embarked in flat boats and proceeded up the river with the tide. the french saw them, and marched up the shore to prevent them from landing. toward daylight the boats moved cautiously down the river, with muffled oars, passing the french without being perceived, and the troops landed safely in a cove below. they were all on shore by daylight. "then the light infantry scrambled up the precipice and dispersed a french guard stationed there, while the rest of the army climbed up a winding and steep ravine. then another division landed, and before sunrise five thousand british troops were drawn up in battle array on the plains of abraham, three hundred feet above the st. lawrence." "how surprised the french must have been!" exclaimed lucilla. "yes," said mrs. travilla, "the first intimation montcalm had of their intentions was the sight of the english army drawn up there, on what he had doubtless deemed those inaccessible heights. he at once perceived that this exposed his garrison and the city to imminent danger, and immediately marched his whole army across the st. charles to attack the enemy. "it was about ten o'clock when he got his troops there and into battle line. he had two field-pieces, while the english had but one; only a light six-pounder which some sailors had dragged up the ravine about eight o'clock that morning. "at that time the plains had no fences or inclosures, and extended to the walls of the city on the st. louis side, their surface being dotted over with bushes which furnished places of concealment for the french and indian marksmen. i will not attempt to describe the relative positions of the two armies, which you little ones would hardly understand. i will only say that wolfe placed himself on the right, at the head of a regiment of grenadiers who were burning to avenge their defeat at the montmorency, and montcalm was on the left of the french, at the head of his regiments. "wolfe ordered his men to load their pieces with two bullets each and reserve their fire until the french should be within forty yards of them, an order which every man was careful to obey. "the english fired several rounds, then charged furiously with their bayonets. wolfe was urging them on, when some canadians singled him out and fired, slightly wounding him in the wrist. he wound his handkerchief about it and still went on, cheering his men, but quickly received another wound in the groin; then another struck him in the breast, and he fell to the ground mortally wounded. but he seemed hardly to think of himself, only of his troops and gaining the victory. 'support me; let not my brave soldiers see me drop,' he said to an officer near him. 'the day is ours--keep it.' then they carried him to the rear while his troops were still charging. the officer on whose shoulder he was leaning cried out, 'they run, they run!' at that the light came back into the dim eyes of the dying hero and he asked, 'who run?' 'the enemy, sir; they give way everywhere,' replied the officer. 'what! do they run already?' asked the feeble, dying voice. 'go to colonel preston and tell him to march webb's regiment immediately to the bridge over the st. charles, and cut off the fugitives' retreat. now, god be praised, i die happy!' he spoke no more, but died, with his sorrowing companions about him, just in the moment of victory. montcalm too was mortally wounded in that battle, and died the next morning about five o'clock." "what a pity!" exclaimed little ned. "what makes men fight so, grandma?" "if there were no sin there would be no fighting," grandma elsie replied. "there is none in heaven; there all is peace and joy and love." "is it bad men that fight, grandma?" "not quite always; sometimes a good man has to fight to protect his wife and children, or other helpless ones, from being injured by a bad man. if a bad man were trying to hurt your mamma, or one of your sisters, it would be right for your papa to prevent him, even if he had to hurt him a great deal in doing so." "oh, yes; and when i grow big i won't let anybody hurt my dear mamma or sisters. i'll help papa drive 'em away if they try to." "please, grandma, tell some more," entreated elsie. "yes, dear," said grandma. "the british have kept quebec ever since they took it that time, and there was no more fighting there till our revolutionary war began some sixteen years later: the th of april, . in the fall of that year troops were sent to canada; some under ethan allen, as you have already learned, some under montgomery, and others commanded by arnold. "they, poor fellows, had dreadful times pushing their way through the wilderness, often suffering for lack of sufficient food and raiment, braving storms and bitter cold. i cannot tell you the whole sad story now, but you can read it when you are older. arnold and his men reached quebec first, but were not strong enough to attack it, and the garrison would not come out and fight them on the plains. then arnold, inspecting his arms, found that most of his cartridges were spoiled, therefore he retreated to a place twenty miles distant. there, on the st of december, he was joined by montgomery and his troops; but very few of them were fit for fighting, many being sick; also a good many had deserted, so that the force was small indeed--only about nine hundred men." "what's desert, grandma, to run away without leave?" asked neddie. "yes," she replied; "and they generally shoot a soldier for it." "i think i won't be a soldier when i get big," said the little fellow reflectively; "'cause i might get scared and run away and the other fellows might catch me and shoot me; and then papa and mamma would feel very sorry; wouldn't they, grandma?" "yes, indeed! and so would a good many other folks, grandma for one," she replied, dropping her work to put an arm about him, stroking his hair with the other hand, patting his rosy cheek, and kissing him again and again. "but we hope our little boy will make a good and brave man, like his father, and never play the coward by running away from dangerous duty." "maxie, my big brother, wouldn't, grandma." "no, i feel very sure max would fight for the right and his dear native land." "so do i," said lucilla. "max is very much like our father in both looks and character; though papa says max has a better temper than his. i never saw papa show a bad temper, but he says he has one and that that's where i get mine." "now, lu, don't talk in that way about yourself," said grace. "i've hardly seen you show any temper at all for years past. if you got it from papa, you got the power of controlling it too, from him, i think." at that moment walter came hurrying down from the deck, whither he had gone shortly before, his face full of joyous excitement. "folks," he cried, "do you know that it is clearing off? the sun is out and the clouds are retreating rapidly before it. surely the change will bring grandpa and the captain back in haste, after the rest of us. so i think we should better be making our preparations as fast as possible." "why, my dear young brother," laughed rosie, "one would imagine our lives or fortunes, one or both, depended on our seeing the sights of montreal to-day." "very well, my wise sister, you can stay behind, if you wish," laughed the lad; "but i'm bound to make one of the exploring party. and there! they have come, for i hear brother levis' voice on deck." the words had scarcely left his lips when captain raymond's quick, manly step was heard coming down the companion-way; then his pleasant voice, saying, "everybody who wants to see montreal to-day must make haste to don hat and coat or shawl, for the air will be quite cool in driving." "oh, have you brought a carriage for us, papa?" asked little elsie. "yes," he replied; "we have three of what they call _calèches_ out here on the wharf. they are pleasant vehicles to ride in, and the three will hold us all very comfortably. we will not want to stop anywhere for dinner," he continued turning to violet, "so i have ordered a lunch put up for each _calèche_." "my dear, you think of everything," she said, with an admiring affectionate look up into his face. "we will be ready in ten minutes; we need no preparations but what you have advised." chapter xii. the sun had already set when our friends returned to the _dolphin_. they had greatly enjoyed their drive and the views of the places of interest visited, but were weary enough to be glad to find themselves again seated upon the deck of their floating home. the little ones were given a simple meal and sent to their berths, then the elder people sat down to a more substantial one, over which they chatted and laughed, discussing with much enjoyment the sights of the day and the historical events with which they were connected. then they talked of quebec and upon what parts of it they should bestow most attention, as they could tarry there for but a short time. "of course we must visit the heights of abraham, whatever else we neglect," remarked rosie. "yes," said walter, "and palace gate, cape diamond, and the citadel that crowns it. i should like to see it, not only for the historical associations, but also because it is said to be the most impregnable fortress on the continent of america." "and i, for the beautiful view it commands of what is called the most magnificent scenery on this continent, if not in the world," added violet. "it must be very large," remarked lucilla, "for i remember reading that, with its ravelins, it covers about forty acres. we will go to see it, papa, will we not?" "i think so; it would hardly do to visit quebec and neglect so important a place." "it was under cape diamond that montgomery fell, if i remember right," remarked evelyn leland. "yes," replied the captain; "on the st of december, . at two o'clock on that morning his troops paraded in three divisions; a part at holland house under the direct command of montgomery. that division, with montgomery at the head, passed down from the plains of abraham to wolf's cove, then along the margin of the river under cape diamond. it was a dark, stormy morning, the snow falling fast and a fierce wind piling it in heaps--frightful drifts. through that darkness and storm montgomery led his men to the narrowest point under the cape, where, on the top of the precipice, the enemy had planted a battery of three-pounders. the post was in charge of a canadian with thirty-eight militiamen, besides nine british seamen under the master of a transport, to work the guns. these men were awake and on the watch, perfectly silent; each artilleryman with a lighted match in his hand. probably from their silence montgomery thought they were asleep. but they were waiting and listening. "barnsfare could see faintly through the dim light and drifting snow, the movements of the americans, and when they drew near, and montgomery called out to his troops, 'men of new york, you will not fear to follow where your general leads: march on!' rushing, as he spoke, over heaps of snow and ice to charge the battery. barnsfare heard, gave his men the word, and they sent a discharge of grape-shot, sweeping down the american ranks with terrible effect. "montgomery, his aid, major m'phunn, captain cheesman, and several privates were killed, and the rest, appalled at the disaster and the death of their brave commander, fled back to wolf's cove." "how dreadful!" sighed grace. "montgomery's death alone was a great loss to our country, was it not, papa?" "it was indeed! throughout the whole country his death was felt to be a great calamity, and even in england, upon the floor of parliament, his praises were sounded by burke, chatham, and barre." "was he buried there--in canada?" she asked. "yes; within the wall that surrounded a powder magazine, near the ramparts on st. louis street. there his body remained for forty-two years, when it was removed to new york and reinterred near the monument erected to his memory by the united states. "while all this was going on at cape diamond, arnold and his division were passing along the st. charles. the snow was worse drifted there than on the st. lawrence; but he and his men pressed on till they reached a narrow street, where, under a high jutting rock, the enemy had a two-gun picketed battery well manned. like montgomery he headed his men, leading lamb's artillery to the attack, and while doing so received a very bad wound in the knee. he had to be carried to the general hospital, and there heard the sad news of montgomery's death. "morgan now took command of arnold's division, and for more than an hour the americans withstood the storm of musket balls and grape-shot at the first barrier, and finally carried it, the deadly aim of the riflemen causing great consternation among the ranks of the british and canadians. then they rushed on to the second, where they fought fiercely for three hours, many being killed on both sides. "our men finally captured the barrier, and were preparing to rush into the town, when carleton sent a large detachment from his garrison, through palace gate, to attack them in the rear. he and his men had heard of the death of montgomery and the retreat of his detachment, which inspired them with renewed courage. the palace gate was thrown open suddenly and the troops rushed out, surprising captain dearborn and some provincials stationed there, and they were taken prisoners. "morgan heard of that disaster and of the death of montgomery while he and his men were pressing on vigorously into the town; also that the enemy was advancing on his rear. he saw that further efforts were useless, as he was surrounded by the foe on all sides, and he and his men surrendered themselves prisoners of war." "the whole american army was not taken, if i remember right, papa?" said grace interrogatively. "no," replied her father, "the rest of the division retreated to their camp, leaving behind a field-piece and some mortars. colonel arnold took command of what was left of the patriot army and was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. he did not feel safe so near the city, so retired about three miles from it and intrenched himself as well as circumstances would permit. he remained there until the st of april, but accomplished nothing of any consequence. general thomas, who was appointed to succeed montgomery, arrived early in may; but the british received large reinforcements and our men were driven out of canada." "perhaps it was just as well," remarked lucilla, in a tone of indifference, "our country is large enough, and i, for one, don't covet canada." "i think there are very few americans, if any, who do," returned her father with a slightly amused smile. "our country is large enough, and while we like the canadians as friends and neighbors, we have no wish to change their political relations, or to rob england of her colonies." "i think you are quite correct about that matter, captain," said mr. dinsmore. "i have yet to hear from any one of our people an expression of a desire to see canada, or any part of british america, incorporated into our union. we have a great country and are fully satisfied with its size." "'eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,'" quoted walter, "and we need to be careful to exercise that, don't we, grandpa?" "certainly we do," was the reply, "toward foes within and foes without; and that especially by diffusing knowledge and teaching gospel truth." with that they withdrew from the table and gathered upon the deck. the yacht was moving down the river, but through the gathering gloom little could be seen of it or its shores, and wearied with the day's jaunt, all presently retired to their staterooms. chapter xiii. when the _dolphin's_ passengers awoke the next morning they found she had reached quebec and was lying quietly at the wharf there. anxious to view all places of historic interest in and about the city and to be again on their eastward way, they set out as promptly as they conveniently could after leaving the breakfast table. there were so many points of interest, and at some they tarried so long, that the sun had set and shadows were already creeping over land and water as they regained the _dolphin's_ deck. ned was fast asleep in his father's arms, little elsie hardly able to keep her eyes open, and they were taken at once to their stateroom by their parents, the others hurrying to theirs to make due preparation for a suitable appearance at the supper table. the saloon through which they passed was but dimly lighted as yet, and no one noticed a lady and gentleman sitting side by side in a far corner where the shadows were deepest. as the last stateroom door closed upon its occupants, the gentleman leaned down over the lady, saying in a tone scarcely above a whisper, "ah ha, ah ha, um h'm! they are all safe in their rooms for the present, and now let us go upon deck while we may unperceived. raymond will be sure to be up there presently, if none o' the rest." the lady returned a silent assent, both rose, crossed the room noiselessly, ascended the cabin stairway, and in another minute were seated side by side in the shadow of the pilot house, the man at the wheel greeting them with a quiet smile of amusement. "they didn't see you, sir?" he asked in an undertone. "no. and you kept our counsel?" "an easy thing to do under the circumstances, as the captain asked no question, but passed quickly on down into the cabin. but i think, sir, you'd best let him know you're here pretty soon, or the yacht may be starting with you and the lady on it, and you haven't any baggage aboard." "that's true; but the captain shall know of our presence and give us time to land before he weighs anchor." "and here he comes now, sir," as at that moment captain raymond's step and voice were heard near the companion-way. "there, do you hear, sir? he's giving the order to weigh anchor and proceed down the river." "hallo, there, cap'in! jest you wait a bit, sir. there's a couple o' stowaways aboard and i'd advise ye to get rid o' them afore ye start," called a voice that seemed to come from some part of the vessel in the captain's rear. he turned quickly, asking, "and you are one of them?" "well, sir, that's neither here nor there," returned the voice; "but if i was in your place, i'd put 'em off afore starting." "but perhaps the poor fellows need some help," returned the captain. "tell them to show themselves and i'll not be hard upon them." "well, now," exclaimed the invisible speaker, "i must say you're a good, kind-hearted sort o' man, spite o' owning this grand yacht and a lot o' money, so i'll call 'em. halloo, here, mates, don't be afeard to show yerselves and i reckon ye'll git some grub if nuthin' else." "wait a little till this matter is settled," captain raymond said, reversing his order about the anchor, then asked, "have any strangers been allowed to board the yacht during my absence?" addressing his query to the man at the helm. "well, no, sir; not to say strangers," answered the man, hesitatingly and with a slight laugh. "ah! some old friends, though; just as i suspected," and with the words captain raymond glanced searchingly about, then with a quick step drew near the hiding place of the stowaways. "ah, cousins, i see my guess was not wide of the mark," he said, with his good-humored laugh and giving a hand to each. "you are as welcome as sunlight in the morning and shall have all the 'grub' you can stow away. but why not send for your baggage and go on home with us? you have seen all the sights of quebec, have you not?" "about all, captain," replied mr. lilburn, "and we thank you heartily for your very kind invitation. but though travel on the _dolphin_, especially in such good company, is most delightful, we would crowd you too much, i fear." "yes," said annis, "and it would be very selfish to give ourselves so much pleasure at the cost of such inconvenience to our kind friends--our dear relatives. but seeing the _dolphin_ lying here, we felt that we could not deny ourselves the great pleasure of a peep at you all." "the voyage is not likely to be a long one, or the crowding worth mentioning," returned captain raymond in his most cordial tone; "and the slight inconvenience will be paid for over and over again by the pleasure of your company." "it is most kind in you to say so, captain," said annis, with a pleased look, "but are you quite sure the others would be equally willing to endure the inconvenience?" "i haven't a doubt of it," he replied emphatically, "and i know of nothing that could happen just now that would afford our dear mother more pleasure; for i have often heard her speak of you as her very dear friend and cousin, and i know she has missed you sadly since you left us for your bridal trip. if you have seen all you care to of the city, do let me send at once for your baggage and give her and the rest the pleasant surprise of finding you presently at the supper table." "thank you very much," she said, smiling up into his pleasant face; "you don't know how tempting your kind offer is. we have seen all we care to of this interesting old city and were intending to leave it to-night; but----" "ah, my dear cousin, just omit the objections," interrupted captain raymond laughingly, "give me the address and let me send at once for your trunks. excuse my rudeness in not waiting to hear all you could say against my plan, but it is growing late and i can hear it all afterward if you care to have me do so. ah, here comes mother and my wife now," he added, as the two stepped upon the deck at that moment. then moving quickly toward them, "i have something to show you, mother and vi," he said; "a couple of uncommonly interesting stowaways, about the disposal of whom i should like to have your advice." "stowaways?" repeated violet, in accents of surprise. "do they think we are about to cross the ocean?" "suppose you come and have a little talk with them," said her husband, leading the way toward the intruders, the ladies following close in his rear. "oh, cousins annis and ronald! how delightful!" both exclaimed at sight of the intruders, vi adding in gleeful tones, "we'll stow you away safely and keep you as long as possible." then, as annis began repeating her objection on the score of the inevitable crowding, "oh, that will only be fun," she said. "i am not urging you out of politeness, but because i really want your and cousin ronald's pleasant company, and know that all the rest will be delighted to have it." "certainly they will," added grandma elsie. "and you surely cannot be so unkind, annis dear, as to refuse us that pleasure." "ah, annis, my bonny bride, with such assurances we need not hesitate," laughed mr. lilburn. "let us accept the kind invitation and do our best to add to the pleasure of our generous-hearted entertainers." "you can hardly refuse to follow such good advice coming from such a source, annis," said violet, while captain raymond again inquired of mr. lilburn where he should send for the trunks. the requested information was given, a messenger at once despatched for the luggage, and, as the summons to the supper table came at the same moment, all the company upon the deck at once descended the companion-way and met the remainder of the family party at the table. the bride and groom had no reason to complain of their reception, for everyone seemed delighted to see them. fatigue was forgotten in the enjoyment of each other's society, the toothsome viands and the interest of comparing notes as to their experiences--all they had seen, heard, and done--since the parting of a few days before, when the bride and groom left the _dolphin_ for the railroad train at michigan city. the luggage had arrived and the vessel was in motion down the river some time before they left the table. "you will hardly make another stop in this part of her majesty's dominions, captain, but go directly home, i presume?" remarked mr. lilburn inquiringly, at a pause in the conversation. "yes and no," returned captain raymond in playful tones, "i hardly expect to stop again until we reach narragansett bay; but there we expect to visit newport, and paradise valley, a few miles out of it, on the same island. we have some cousins summering there now, who are most urgent with us to come and take temporary possession of a vacant cottage very near the one occupied by them; and we have decided to do so, should nothing interfere. and now, i hope you and cousin annis will decide to go there with us, and afterward return home with us in the _dolphin_." as soon as the captain had ceased speaking, mrs. travilla and violet, the young people also, joined their urgent solicitations to his, and as annis seemed much pleased with the idea, and mr. lilburn himself had really no objection, it was presently decided that they would accept the invitation. they now left the table and gathered upon the deck for a time; but as there was no moon that night little could be seen of the country through which they were passing, and all being somewhat weary with the exertions of the day, they presently held their regular evening service of prayer, praise, and reading of the scriptures, then bade an affectionate good-night and retired to rest. chapter xiv. our friends had a delightful voyage through the gulf of st. lawrence, down the coasts of new brunswick, maine, massachusetts, and rhode island as far as newport on narragansett bay. they left the yacht lying in the harbor there for the present, and taking hired carriages drove out to the cottages of which their cousin, mrs. embury, had written, where they found her and mr. embury, with their children, also mr. and mrs. cyril keith, forming a large and interesting family party, and filling one of the cottages; but the other was still vacant, and large enough to accommodate very conveniently the entire party from the _dolphin_. their welcome was of the warmest. they found their new temporary abode comfortably, though not elegantly, furnished, open and well aired; for, though their friends had been uncertain of the exact time of their arrival, they had expected them daily and made ready, as far as possible, for their comfort and enjoyment. "ah, if we had only known just when you would get here, your supper should have been ready," said isadore, when greetings had been exchanged and the excitement of the arrival had calmed down somewhat. "but i will have it on the table as soon as possible. i am housekeeper this week. molly and i take the position week about, each trying to outdo the other in catering for the united family." "oh, thank you! but we had supper on the yacht just before leaving her," said violet. "besides, we consider ourselves at home and do not expect or wish to be treated as company." "and we have brought a supply of provisions of various kinds, which we hope you may be willing to share with us," said the captain. "that was very kind and thoughtful in you, cousin captain," returned isadore with a pleased look, "and i hardly think any of us will feel inclined to reject your dainties; though we have fared very well indeed since coming here." "please accept my thanks also, and those of our husbands and children," said molly. "aunt rose and cousin elsie, please sit down here with the gentlemen and let us younger ones attend to the unpacking and arranging of the contents of your trunks. if you will trust us, i can assure you we shall enjoy doing it. at least i am sure i shall." "that is a kind offer, molly," said mrs. travilla, "but we have done nothing to-day to tire us and i, for one, am not in the least fatigued; so ought not to indulge my love of ease at your expense." "your love of ease, cousin elsie!" laughed molly. "i never discovered that you had any." "no; but she has a daughter who is both able and willing to attend to the duty in question," said rosie travilla. "so sit you down, mother dear, and enjoy this pleasant company, while we younger folks unpack and find places for your goods and chattels." "yes, do, mother," said captain raymond, bringing forward an easy chair for her. "can't you trust me to oversee and assist these younger folks? if not we will seat you in state in some spot convenient for you to do that part in person." "thanks, captain," she returned with a smile of amusement "as commanding and giving directions has been your business for so many years, i think you may be trusted to attend to the matter even without my added supervision." "yes, come along, sir," said rosie, leading the way, "but please to remember that you and we girls are not in the schoolroom." "i shall endeavor to keep that fact in mind, my sage young sister," he said in return. "but it won't make any difference in your authority over your own daughters, i am happy to know, papa," lucilla said, with a loving, smiling look up into his face. "no; they are mine and under my orders always and under all circumstances," he returned; "and i think would not have it other wise if they might." "indeed we would not," said grace, who, as usual, was near her father and sister. "may i help, papa?" "well, gracie, i think you are not really needed, and would enjoy yourself better out yonder on the porches or on the grass with your little brother and sister and the others, telling them stories, singing them little songs or playing games with them." "yes; do try that, gracie, and i shall be much obliged," violet said, joining them at the moment. "i have just left them with the promise to ask it of you." grace acquiesced, went back at once, and for the next half hour devoted herself to the amusement of the children, to their great satisfaction and enjoyment. "and you, madam raymond, would do well to go back to the society of your older friends and exercise your many gifts for their entertainment," remarked the captain, speaking in playful tones to his young wife, as grace disappeared. "no, my dear, i prefer to exercise them for yours, if you will permit it," she returned. "ah, you fear to trust me to do the work without the supervision of my capable young wife?" he returned laughingly. "possibly it may be done a trifle better, or, at least, more to my mind, with that," she retorted, with becoming gravity. "at all events, i shall know better where to look for what i want, so that, in the end, i shall save myself trouble." "ah, then, i will make no further objection, but freely acknowledge that the work will be twice as enjoyable if done under my young wife's supervision." "thank you, sir," laughed violet; "how glad i am now that i insisted on coming to share it. as our stay is likely to be so short, i think, do not you, it will be best to unpack only such things as we are pretty sure to want while here?" "very well, my dear; as concerns that matter, you have only to give your orders and see them carried out; while i do likewise in regard to another; namely, that all the manual labor is to be left to other hands than yours." "oh, captain raymond, how you do spoil me!" laughed violet. "who shall say that you won't be sorry for it one of these days, and wish you had encouraged me to be industrious and energetic." "i am willing to take the risk," he said, placing a chair for her. "no, i am not ready to sit down yet," she said. "we must first settle who are to be the occupants of each room; and cousin annis and ronald should have the first choice." "decidedly they must have of the best; yet, i think it may be the better plan for us to choose for them, or they will not take the best. there are three comfortable rooms on this first floor. shall we not assign their use to your mother, grandparents, and the lilburn cousins?" "by all means," returned violet. "then rosie will share with mamma, evelyn and our two girls take one of the third story rooms, you and i and our little ones another, and walter the remaining one. he, you know, must leave us in a few days for college. oh, the house will accommodate us all very nicely!" "so i think," he returned, leading the way to the third story; "and now i insist on your having the first choice of the rooms on this floor." violet hesitated, glancing inquiringly at evelyn and lucilla, who had followed them up the stairway. "yes, cousin vi, that is only right, and what we would prefer to have you do," said evelyn. "i see hardly any choice; they all look pleasant," added lucilla, "and if there is a difference, of course, we would all prefer that you and papa should have the best." violet still seemed to hesitate, and walter, who had come up in the rear of the others, said, "i see i'll have to decide this knotty question. my big brother, the captain, being the largest, oldest, best, and most distinguished of this party, besides having a better half and two children to share with him, should be assigned the largest room; the three young ladies should take the next in size, and i--'lone and lorn' bachelor of sixteen--will occupy the smallest, which is quite large enough and good enough for me. so there the knotty question is solved." "many thanks for your wise decision, my dear young bachelor brother," laughed violet. "and now, if you and your big brother will see to the bringing up of the trunks, i think we will soon make an end of unpacking and arranging their contents, and be ready to join the pleasant company on the porches." "yes, i think we need not do much of that work to-night," said her husband; "it is now almost time to get our little ones to bed, and to-morrow will give us another and better opportunity." with that he and walter hastened down the stairway, and not many minutes later all were ready to rejoin the friends and relatives sitting at ease on the porches below. most of the evening was passed in conversation, for they found a great deal to hear and to tell of the scenes they had visited, and occurrences in the family connection since last they had been together. they had been talking of viamede, mrs. travilla asking some questions of mr. cyril keith about the condition of things there, of which he was able to render a very favorable report, in which mr. lilburn, among others, seemed to be much interested. "you visited viamede some time ago, i remember, sir?" remarked cyril, turning to him. "yes; some few years ago, and found it a lovely place--a sort of earthly paradise," returned the old gentleman, adding, with a look of amusement, "i am pleased to perceive that you have not forgotten me entirely, though we were not, at that time, related by marriage as we are now. i have no objection in the world to being called uncle, even by a man of your age, seeing you are own nephew to my bonny young wife." annis laughed, saying with a mirthful look, "hardly young to anyone but yourself, my dear; only a trifle younger than my dear friend and cousin elsie, who is grandmother to quite a number of fine children." "but still almost youthful in appearance, auntie, dear," said cyril, giving mrs. travilla a look of heart-felt affection. then turning to mr. lilburn, "i shall avail myself in the future of the privilege you have accorded me, uncle ronald," he said. "it is a pleasant name to speak, and a dear old gentleman who gives me the privilege of so addressing him." "couldn't you give us all the same privilege, sir?" asked mr. embury. "my wife is own cousin to your new niece, mrs. isadore keith--i think, too, that she is the bright, attractive sort of woman anybody might be proud to claim kin with--and we would all feel just so about claiming it with you. besides that, uncle ronald is a good, agreeable, handy name to use and to hear." "ah ha! ah ha! um h'm! so i think myself; also that this is a handy company to own as nieces and nephews. but what say you, annis, my bonny bride?" turning to her, with a look that spoke proud ownership. "that i am entirely willing you should be uncle and i aunt to the whole crowd of good people here, if they desire it," annis answered, with a look of amusement. "it will not make us really any older in feeling or appearance. and i am quite accustomed to having nieces and nephews not very many years younger than myself." "and have not found it a nearly unendurable trial, i hope, aunt annis?" cyril said inquiringly. "no; quite the contrary," she answered. "but, to change the subject; there is a good deal that is interesting to be seen about here, is there not?" "yes, indeed! this is middletown; it was formerly a part of newport, and known in those times as 'ye woods.' it has an area of twelve and a half square miles. there are five schoolhouses, three churches, and a town hall." "why, i thought it was country!" exclaimed rosie. "as we drove along i noticed little groups of houses here and there, but there seemed to be farms, orchards, and fields; also a good many rocky-looking hills; some that didn't seem to be cultivated at all." "yet, there is so much beauty that it seems to me worthy of its name--paradise valley," remarked her mother. "i think so," said cyril, "and i expect to enjoy taking you all to its various places of interest--purgatory rocks, sachuest and easton's beaches, hanging rocks, and the site of the former residence of bishop berkeley." "who was he?" asked grace. "a clergyman, born in ireland, educated in england; a learned man and author of a number of books; a good christian man too; one of whose projects was the founding of a college in the bermudas for the training of ministers to supply churches and teach christianity to the savages of america. the english government was to supply the means, but failed to do so, and berkeley came on here to newport in january, , bought a farm, built a small house upon it, and there lived and studied, preaching occasionally, while waiting for the performance of the promise of the english government. he waited about three years; then, convinced that the promise would never be kept, went back to england." "and he left the income of his property here to be used in educating students of yale college, did he not?" asked violet. "yes; gave books too--a valuable collection donated by himself and friends--and most of the volumes are still there. he had a share in the formation of redwood library here in newport, also. he was both a very good and very distinguished man." "did he name this paradise valley?" asked grace. "no, i have been told it was named by mr. isaac barker, who owned a large part, if not all of it, in revolutionary days. by the way, his descendants still live here, one of them in the very house owned and occupied by him at that time." "oh, yes," said molly; "we must take you to see that house, so interesting because a relic of the revolution, and the dear old lady who is now its mistress. i know you will be much interested in her, cousin elsie, and all she can tell of events here in this valley during that war." "i shall be glad to call to see her, if you are quite sure she will not deem it an intrusion," replied mrs. travilla. "no, i am sure she will not; she is very kind and hospitable, and seems to really enjoy telling the story of those times to one who shows a deep interest in it." "as we all would do," said mr. dinsmore, glancing at his watch as he spoke. "but it is growing late now. shall we not have our evening worship together and then retire to rest? cousin cyril, as you are a minister, the rest only laymen, suppose you lead our devotions." chapter xv. as they expected to make their stay upon the island but short, and wished to see every interesting spot, all were up and about early the next morning. naturally the history of the state, and particularly of the island upon which they were, was the principal topic of conversation at the breakfast table. walter began it. "if my memory serves me right, it was somewhere about here that general nathaniel greene had his quarters in ." "yes," replied captain raymond, "on a farm owned by colonel richard k. randolph." "why, i thought greene's fighting was done in other parts of the country!" said rosie. "most of it was," replied the captain, "but being a rhode island man he desired to take a part in the attack on the british, who had possession of newport at that time. but i think you all know the story--the failure of the french troops to take the part expected of them, and to do the damage to the british vessels coming in from new york which they essayed to do; then the great storm which damaged the vessels, both of the french and english; and, soon after, the sailing of the french for boston, leaving the americans to meet the british alone. "then the battle was fought on quaker hill, after which, though not defeated, the americans, hearing of the approach of howe with large reinforcements for the british, retreated from the island to the mainland, in good order and without the loss of a man." "did the british go away too, papa?" asked elsie. "not till the fall of the next year," he replied. "they had done a vast amount of mischief, and desolated the island; they had cut down the groves of forest trees and many of the orchards, for fuel and military purposes; they had torn up the meadows, destroyed gardens and ruined farms. so hard had they made life upon the island that many, it is said more than half the people, had left the island; wharves were deserted, commerce was destroyed, and trade abandoned. in december of , the last winter that they were there, there was a fearful storm--a heavy fall of snow and cold so intense that many of the hessians perished, frozen to death. accounts say that more than fifty people, mostly soldiers, lost their lives on that fearful night, and it was long known as the hessian storm. the poor fellows suffered very much that winter, for, after a little, rations were cut down to one-half of bread, made of rice and oatmeal mixed, the other half of rice. and fuel was so scarce that they must have suffered much from the cold; to supply it old houses were destroyed, old wharves torn to pieces. old empty houses were used as barracks, and troops were quartered upon the people still living in others. the state-house was used as a hospital and some of the churches were turned into riding-schools. "general prescott had his quarters in the bannister house, and it is said that his spacious sidewalk in front was made of stepstones taken from private houses, and the whole of the south flight of steps from those belonging to the state-house." "i don't see in what respect he was any better than a thief and a robber!" cried lucilla indignantly. "no, nor do i," said her father; "but we must remember that some of the british officers were a very different kind of men and would not have at all approved of his doings. prescott, as we all know, was a great coward, and cowardice and cruelty are apt to go together." "our washington was very, very brave and never at all cruel," remarked little elsie. "papa, was he ever here?" "he was in newport more than once. his last visit was paid while he was president of these united states in august, . he was escorted to the brenton house, the principal hotel of the place; a dinner was given him in the representative chamber of the state-house, at which thirteen regular toasts were drunk, washington giving one--'the town of newport.' he left before the rest of the company, and then judge marchant gave the toast, 'the man we love.'" "oh, i like that!" said the little girl, her eyes sparkling. "i think everybody must love washington--everybody but the british." "and even some of the british have admired him very much," said her father, smiling at her enthusiasm. "and given him high praise," added walter. "i for one am proud of being his countryman." all had now finished their breakfast, and leaving the table they repaired to the adjoining cottage, exchanged greetings with its occupants, then together they held their morning service, after which they arranged their plans for the day. "as this is saturday and i leave for princeton on tuesday next, i have only to-day and monday for looking about and seeing places of interest in this neighborhood," remarked walter. "how and where do you want to go?" asked mr. embury. "down to the beaches, to all the places connected with the doings of bishop berkeley and the revolution, all about paradise valley, and--to look at purgatory; but not to get into it," replied the lad, concluding with a slight laugh. "do you want company or prefer to go alone?" was the next query, to which walter replied, "i can go alone, i suppose, but i should prefer good company if it is to be had." "would mine answer that description?" "yes, indeed, sir! but, i daresay, you have seen all the places already and perhaps might be only bored by being asked to repeat your visit." "quite a mistake, my young friend; they are worth looking at time and again." "i should think so," remarked the captain. "suppose we make up a party of such of our members as would enjoy a pretty long stroll, go down through this valley to the beach yonder, visit purgatory rocks and as many other of the places of interest as we may feel inclined to see to-day and have time and strength to visit." "i approve of your plan," said molly. "i was thinking it would be best to defer our intended visit to that dear old lady in the revolutionary house till monday, as saturday is apt to be a busy one with housekeepers." "yes," said mrs. dinsmore, "i think it will be quite enough to venture an intrusion upon her at the most convenient time for her that we can select." "a real favor for her to permit it at any time," added grandma elsie. they were gathered on the porch. captain raymond now rose and looking down toward the water said, "ah, yonder is the _dolphin_; according to my order of yesterday she has been brought here to afford a sail along the coast of the island to any who may desire it." "oh, how good and kind in you, captain!" exclaimed mrs. keith. "i for one should be delighted to go." "all can sail who wish," said the captain. "the _dolphin_ has day accommodations for even a larger company than this, and of course we shall return long before night." as he concluded, he looked at mrs. dinsmore as if expecting her to speak first, and as she was the eldest lady in the company she did so, saying: "i for one have been so long on the water that i feel a strong inclination to stroll down to the beach; though i have no doubt that the sail will be very enjoyable." "how would it do to take the stroll to the nearest point to where the yacht is lying, and then continue your walk, or go aboard the vessel, as you feel inclined?" asked the captain. "oh, nicely! i think," she returned; "especially if some of the others would like to join me in so doing." "i should," "and i," "and i," cried several voices, one of them being grandma elsie's, and another violet's; while at the same time nearly every one of the children was asking permission to go along. "yes, yes! let them all go," said the captain. "a walk to the beach down yonder will not be too long for any one of them, i think, and when we get there each one of our party can decide whether to continue the stroll or board the yacht." chapter xvi. "i think we will have to divide our forces," said mr. embury, when, after preliminary preparations and arrangements, all were ready to set out for the beach and the yacht, "for there are so many of us that we will astonish the natives and they will probably be asking the meaning and object of the procession." "well, my dear, what of what?" queried his wife gayly. "it will give them an interesting subject of inquiry and conversation." "very well, my molly; if you like to be talked about, i have no further objection to make," was his cheerful response. "there are a good many of us," remarked the captain, glancing about, "actually two dozen, counting all--big and little, old and young." "and a very respectable-looking crowd it is," remarked violet. "i'm not in the least ashamed of anyone in it. yet it might be well to break up into several smaller parties, by the way of guarding against alarming our good neighbors, or making all the grown up ones keep to the slow pace of the very little folks. ah, i see evelyn, rosie and walter, lu and grace, are already on the wing." "yes," said the captain; "they have just started in response to a motion from me to move on. they will reach the beach probably some minutes ahead of us, but can be trusted not to get into any danger or mischief." "surely," laughed violet. "mamma, shall you and i walk together?" "while i follow with the children," added the captain. "i see your grandpa and his wife are moving on ahead of us." "cousin ronald should go next with his bonny bride, while we of this cottage bring up the rear with our children," said molly. "putting a small space between to avoid being mistaken for a procession," added mrs. keith. "bound for purgatory; but none of us to get inside, i trust," said mr. embury. "i hope the young folks won't attempt to climb up those rocks till we older ones get there to look after them." "no, i think we'll find them on the beach," said the captain. "i bade mine wait there for me, and i can say--for mine, at least, that they love their father well enough to follow his directions carefully." "that is very true," said grandma elsie; "and equally true with regard to the care with which my rosie and walter conform to mine." "and no wonder, mamma and levis," said violet, "for you are both so reasonable in your commands and prohibitions, so kind and affectionate, that it would take a very hard-hearted and stubborn nature to rebel against your authority." "ah ha! ah ha! um h'm! that's exactly my opinion," said mr. lilburn, looking round upon them with a smile. "i have noticed many times, with sincere admiration, the admirable manner in which the children of these families are trained. i only wish i'd been favored with such examples before i went at the business myself." "i see no reason why you should, cousin ronald," returned the captain, "for the only one of your offspring with whom i am acquainted, seems to me to be all a father could ask or wish." "ah ha! um h'm! i'll no deny that my hugh is as fine a lad as could be found in a day's travel; and malcolm not a whit behind him; but neither will i deny that the credit belongs more to the native goodness o' the lads than to their father's training." it was a fine breezy morning, with a delicious coolness in the air, and all keenly enjoyed the walk to the beach. they spent a few moments there, then climbed the rocks and passed along the summit till they reached the deep fissure called purgatory. there the children, carefully guarded by their parents, lest a false step should precipitate them into the deep chasm, were allowed to gaze into its depths for a moment, then led away and seated on a rock to rest. most of the older ones lingered a little longer, watching the movement of the water at the bottom, and speculating about the depth and width of the chasm, and what would be the dire consequence of a fall into it. "i wouldn't advise you to try it, my young friends," said mr. embury. "it must be fully fifty feet down to the water, and if you reached the bottom alive you wouldn't remain so many minutes." "no, i suppose not," said walter, reflectively; "but the fissure is not very wide and i think i could jump across." "oh, walter, don't think of such a thing!" exclaimed rosie, stepping back suddenly, at the same time catching him by the arm and pulling him away. "why, rosie, do you think i could be such a goose as to attempt anything so foolhardy as that, when nothing was to be gained by it?" he exclaimed, in a tone between vexation and amusement. "no, i don't," she said, drawing a long breath, "but the very thought of it frightens me." "to run such a risk without any good object in view--such, for instance, as the saving of the life of someone else--would be a very wicked thing, i think," said mr. keith. "i entirely agree with you," said captain raymond, "no one has a right to rush uncalled into the presence of his maker. "oh, i shouldn't think anybody would ever want to try jumping across here!" exclaimed grace. "i wonder if anyone ever did." "it is said that the thing was done once under peculiar circumstances," replied mr. embury. "the story is that a young and pretty girl, who had many admirers, suitors for her hand, came here with one of them and dared him to jump across the chasm, saying that if he did so successfully, she would marry him; otherwise she would not; whereupon he attempted the dangerous feat and was successful. but his love for his cruel charmer was gone; he turned toward her, lifted his hat, bade her farewell, walked away and left her never to return." "which served her just right," exclaimed lucilla emphatically. "she couldn't have loved him. why, i wouldn't let an entire stranger do so dangerous a thing, if i could hinder him. unless it might be somebody who was here to fight against my country," she added as an afterthought, and with a little laugh. "you would have let prescott do it, i suppose--prescott, the revolutionary tyrant--had you been with him here and he had shown an inclination to try his skill in that line," said walter. "i think i shouldn't have made any very strong objection; for certainly many of my countrymen would have been far better off with him down there at the bottom of the fissure, than where he was--and had no business to be. do you remember the story of the tory lady at a ball in philadelphia, while the british were in possession there, who, when the british general, sir henry clinton, ordered the band to play, 'britons, strike home,' said, 'you should say, "britons, go home"'?" "yes, that was pretty good," laughed walter. "the ladies had at least one advantage over the men in those days, they could give the invaders many a home thrust with their tongues without much danger of personal violence or imprisonment, in return for it." "that reminds me of a little anecdote of something that occurred in charleston, south carolina, when they were in possession there," said grandma elsie. "one of the british officers had taken a great fancy to a beautiful american girl, but she would have nothing to do with him; which, of course, made him very angry. one day they met in the street. a big negro was near at hand and the british officer said to him, so that the lady could hear, 'go and kiss that lady, and i'll give you a guinea.' "'yes,' said she, 'come and kiss me. i'd a thousand times rather be kissed by you than by him.'" "so he didn't make much by that," laughed mr. embury. "i wonder if the darkey did kiss her," said grace. "i'm glad i wasn't in her place, if she had to let either him or the british officer do it." "and you would rather be living now, wouldn't you, daughter?" said her father, giving her a loving look. "and belong to you, papa? yes, indeed!" she replied. "how very straight these openings in the rocks are!" remarked walter. "they look as if they had been cut with a knife." "yes, it is very strange," said rosie. then perceiving that the others had turned away and were going toward the spot where the little ones were, they followed. "there is a fine prospect here on both land and water," remarked mr. embury. "do you see that hanging rock over yonder--not close to the water. that, they say, is where bishop berkeley used to preach. i visited it the other day, and found it so hard a place to climb to that i should think his congregations must have been small; unless they stood in the valley below; which would make his pulpit very high above them." "where is the house he lived in?" asked rosie. "at some distance, i believe. i have not seen it yet." "now," said captain raymond, "will any or all of you take a sail in the _dolphin_? you can all see her lying out yonder and the row-boat will soon carry us to her. there is plenty of room for everyone here, a warm welcome if they choose to go aboard, and a more delightful day for a sail around the island could hardly be found." all accepted the invitation with alacrity, descending the rocks to the beach at once, and were soon aboard. they found it a very delightful trip. the captain, having been frequently in those waters, was able to point out every interesting object, name all the islands, and call attention to the still visible ruins of fortifications on gold, goat, rose, contour, and canonicut islands. that last, he told them, was the dumplings fort, or fort canonicut; and directly opposite was the castle hill of the revolution, now fort adams, three and a quarter miles below newport. in calling attention to it, captain raymond remarked, "that is, as regards strength, the third fortress in the united states. it is newport's defence against foreign foes." "i am glad she has such a defence," said mr. embury. "but may she never suffer again from a foreign foe as she did in revolutionary days. perhaps you all remember that her population in , the year before that war began, was eleven thousand, and in it was reduced to only about six thousand, and private property to the value of $ , in silver money had been destroyed." "yes," said the captain, "there had been great and wanton destruction by the ruthless invaders, in both town and country. the island of rhode island had been so celebrated for its beauty and salubrity, before that war, that it was the chosen resort of the rich and philosophical from nearly every part of the civilized world; but war had sadly changed it before the british left, after three years of occupancy, in which they had pillaged and destroyed more like savages than civilized men; though after prescott was superseded by sir robert pigot as commander of the british forces on the island, the people were much relieved. they were treated with respect, and plunder ceased. general pigot was a gentleman and no marauder." chapter xvii. the sun was setting as the _dolphin_ discharged her complement of passengers, and they walked up the valley to their temporary abodes. they had had their evening meal upon the yacht, and the little ones were ready and glad to be taken at once to their beds, the older to sit in restful quiet upon the porches, enjoying the evening breeze, a cheerful chat over all they had seen and learned in their delightful little excursion around the island, and in laying plans for others of the same kind, and for walks and drives here and there, till every interesting spot in the neighborhood should have received from them due attention. also in making arrangements for attending the public service of the sanctuary on the approaching lord's day; the captain having already planned for the _dolphin's_ crew to do the same, taking turns so that the vessel would not be left at any time entirely unguarded. when all these questions had been discussed and settled, though it was still early, they held their accustomed evening family service, and retired to rest, that they might hope to awake in good season refreshed and ready to engage with enjoyment in the sacred duties of the holy day. it dawned a lovely autumn day, a cool refreshing breeze coming in from the bay, making the walk through the lovely valley to the open churches a pleasure as well as duty. the services over, they returned home, and after partaking of a simple dinner, gathered upon the largest of the porches, and each one old enough to read, with bible in hand, they spent an hour in the study of its sacred pages. the subject engaging their attention was the way of salvation; mr. keith, who was the leader, called for texts showing the one true way, and they were given by one and another as they found them in god's word. "'if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that god hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt be saved. for with the heart, man believeth unto righteousness; and with the mouth, confession is made unto salvation,'" repeated the captain, adding the comment, "let us notice that the belief which is unto salvation is evidenced by holy living; belief that is not unto righteousness is not a true and living faith. the devils believe and tremble, but theirs is not a saving faith, for they do not love and trust in jesus. it is the faith which worketh by love that saves." "yes," said mr. dinsmore; "it is not enough to have no doubt of the truth of the gospel--the good news of salvation through jesus christ--but we must give ourselves to him, love him and rejoice in his love to us." "and oh, what a blessing that all may have that faith who will come to jesus for it," remarked mr. embury; "every one, old and young. 'look unto me and be ye saved all ye ends of the earth.'" "yes," added mr. keith, "there are many good and desirable things to which some of us can never attain, but salvation by faith is within the reach of all who will come to jesus for it. he says,'him that cometh to me, i will in no wise cast out.'" it was mrs. dinsmore's turn and she repeated: "'without faith it is impossible to please him; for he that cometh to god must believe that he is, and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him.'" "'fight the good fight of faith, lay hold on eternal life,'" repeated mrs. keith. then mrs. embury: "'now the just shall live by faith: but if any man draw back, my soul shall have no pleasure in him. but we are not of them that draw back unto perdition; but of them that believe to the saving of the soul.'" "and those who believe in jesus are not to hide their faith, as that of which they are ashamed," said grandma elsie; "we are to confess with the mouth, letting it be known that we believe in christ and take him for our saviour. his own word is, 'whosoever shall confess me before men, him shall the son of man also confess before the angels of god.'" it was evelyn's turn. "in habakkuk ii. ," she said, "i read, 'the just shall live by faith.' again in romans i. , 'the just shall live by faith.' galatians iii. : 'but that no man is justified by the law in the sight of god, it is evident: for, the just shall live by faith.' and here,"--again turning over the leaves of her bible,--"hebrews x. , 'now the just shall live by faith: but if any man draw back, my soul shall have no pleasure in him.'" she paused, and lucilla repeated the next verse, "'but we are not of them who draw back unto perdition; but of them that believe to the saving of the soul.'" now it was rosie's turn. "i will read a few verses from the third chapter of romans," she said, and proceeded to do so. "'even the righteousness of god which is by faith of jesus christ unto all, and upon all them that believe; for there is no difference: for all have sinned, and come short of the glory of god; being justified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in christ jesus.'" she ceased and grace, who had turned to the same passage, went on with the reading, "'whom god hath set forth to be a propitiation, through faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past, through the forbearance of god: to declare, i say, at this time his righteousness: that he might be just, and the justifier of him which believeth in jesus.'" she ceased, and walter went on: "'where is boasting then? it is excluded. by what law? of works? nay; but by the law of faith. therefore we conclude, that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law.'" "'therefore being justified by faith, we have peace with god through our lord jesus christ,'" repeated annis, in low, feeling tones. then her husband took it up: "'what shall we say then? that the gentiles, which followed not after righteousness, have attained to righteousness, even the righteousness which is of faith. but israel, which followed after righteousness, hath not attained to the law of righteousness. wherefore? because they sought it not by faith, but as it were by the works of the law. for they stumbled at that stumbling stone; as it is written, behold i lay in sion a stumbling stone and rock of offence: and whosoever believeth on him shall not be ashamed.'" walter then spoke again and his was the closing text. "'watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong.'" "let us not forget," said mr. keith, "that we are to confess christ, owning ourselves as his disciples, under his authority, and ready to submit to it in all things. let us not forget that his own word is, 'if any man will be my disciple, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow me.' his cross, let us remember; not one of our own devising, or one laid upon us by some earthly power without the master's word. he alone is lord of the conscience and the bible is his word, revealing to us his will. also his own command to each one of us is, 'search the scriptures; for in them ye have eternal life: and they are they which testify of me.' we must never be afraid or ashamed to let it be known at any time, or in any company or place, that we are disciples of christ, to whom the love of our hearts and the obedience of our lives are due." a moment of silence followed the closing of mr. keith's remarks; a silence presently broken by mrs. travilla's sweet voice beginning the hymn: "jesus! and shall it ever be a mortal man ashamed of thee?" the others joined in, filling the air with sweet melody. prayers and other hymns followed till the hour set apart for the service had more than passed away. chapter xviii. the next morning proved bright and fair, as lovely a day as one could desire; no cloud in the sky save the light fleecy ones that are not the presage of a storm. our friends in the cottages gathered about their breakfast tables in rare good spirits, in spite of the fact that walter was to leave them that day, by the evening boat, for his first experience of life away from home and mother. the lad appeared in high spirits, partly real but partly only assumed, to hide the sinking of heart that at times oppressed him at the thought of so long a separation from her who had been almost all the world to him from babyhood till now, when he began to consider himself on the very verge of manhood. she saw it if no one else did, and her tender mother heart ached for her "baby boy." for herself too, that she must do without him and his loving caresses, for months, and know that he was exposed to many a trial and temptation from which mother love could not shield him. but oh, there was comfort in the thought that her best friend was his also, and would still be as near as ever to both mother and son; still to them, as to all his children, the hearer and answerer of prayer. "well, what is to be done to-day?" asked rosie, when the meal had fairly begun. "i propose a visit to 'tonomy hill' for one thing," said captain raymond, addressing his remark to the company in general. "where is that, and what particular claim has it upon our attention?" queried mr. dinsmore in return. "it is about a mile and a half north of newport," replied the captain. "tonomy is an abbreviation of miantonomoh, the name of a narragansett sachem whose seat it was in early times. it is a rocky eminence and the commanding site of a small fort or redoubt during the revolutionary war. it is said to be the highest land upon the island except quaker hill, which you will remember we saw toward the northern end as we sailed round on saturday." "ah, yes! where the battle was fought between the british and our forces under greene and sullivan." "is there anything to be seen there--on tonomy hill--but the ruin of the little fortification?" asked rosie. "yes," replied the captain. "the hill is feet above the bay, and from it we may obtain a fine view on all sides. on the south and west the city and harbor of newport, and many islands in the harbor with the remains of fortifications--canonicut, with its ruined fort, for one. ah, i am forgetting that you saw all from the _dolphin_ the other day! still we could not from there take in the whole view at once as we may from the hill top. "looking oceanward beyond the city, we can see fort adams; and, with a spy-glass, the dim outline of block island; beyond it in the atlantic, perhaps, if your eyes are good, a faint view, a little more to the eastward, of the nearest shore of martha's vineyard; also of some of the islands in buzzard's bay. "on the east can be seen warren and bristol, and the top of mount hope, the throne of king philip. to the north there will be a good view of narragansett bay and the towns along its shores." "indeed, captain, you make it seem very well worth while to go there," observed mrs. dinsmore. "i think that when we get there and look about and around, upon all that is to be seen, you will be still better convinced of it," returned the captain. "in addition to what i have already mentioned we can look upon a large part of the cultivated fields of this island, and find them rich in natural productions as well as in historical associations." "oh, let us go by all means!" exclaimed violet. "perhaps our little folks might not care for it, or might find the climb up the hill too fatiguing, but they can be left in the yacht or carriage, whichever the trip is made in." "oh, mamma!" exclaimed little elsie, "i should very much rather go up that hill with the rest of you, if you will only let me!" "well, dear, i should like to let you do as you prefer, but, of course, it must be just as your papa says," replied violet, smiling down affectionately into the eager, pleading little face. "and papa says you may go if you wish to," said the captain, in his kind, pleasant tones. "me too, papa?" asked ned eagerly. "yes, you too, if you wish to, son," replied his father. "i think even my baby boy will enjoy the drive, the climb up the hill, and the lovely view from its top." "we are going to drive, are we, papa?" queried lucilla. "yes; i have ordered carriages from newport to be here by nine o'clock; so that all who wish can drive. but should anyone prefer the yacht it is at their service. also, it will be welcome to any who desire a sail afterward." after a little more talk, first among themselves, then along with the occupants of the other cottage, it was decided that all would take the drive to tonomy hill and see the view; then some would drive elsewhere, others would board the yacht and have a sail. the engaged vehicles were already at hand, and in a few minutes the entire company of adults and children were on the way to tonomy hill. all, old and young, greatly enjoyed the drive, and the captain was plied with questions about this object and that. the windmills particularly interested little elsie and ned. their father explained what they were, and why there were so many of them, that they were made necessary by the absence of streams sufficiently strong to turn water-wheels, and, of one standing at the junction of the main road and the lane leading to the hill, he remarked: "that is an old, old one, built years before the revolutionary war. at the time of the war it and the dwelling-house near by were owned by a man named hubbard. he was one of the many americans whom prescott turned out of their houses, to take shelter in barns and other miserable abiding places, while his soldiers took possession of their comfortable homes." "what a shame!" exclaimed ned. "papa, i'm glad we don't have those bad fellows here now." "so am i," replied his father. "we ought to thank god every day for making us so free, and giving us this dear land of our own. i hope my boy will always remember to do so." reaching the top of the hill, they found the view from it all that the captain had said. calling attention to it, now on this side, now on that, he named the different towns and other objects worthy of particular attention. mount hope was one, and again he spoke of it as the former home of king philip. "papa," said elsie, "who was he? i thought we never had any king in our country." "the indians used to have them, and he was king of one of their tribes," was the reply. "is there a story about him, papa?" she asked. "yes. would you like to hear it?" "oh, yes, sir! yes, indeed! you know i always like stories." "yes; even if they are rather sad; as this one is. but if you wish, i will tell you a little about it now; perhaps more at another time." "oh, tell it all, if you please, brother levis," said rosie. "i don't believe any one of us would object to hearing it." several of the others joined in the request, and the captain, ever ready to oblige, began at once. "his original name was metacomet, but he is frequently spoken of as king philip and also as pometacom. his father was massasoit, whose dominions extended from this narragansett bay to massachusetts. massasoit took two of his sons, metacomet and wamsutta, to plymouth and asked that english names might be given them. his request was granted, one being called philip and the other alexander. "upon the death of the father, alexander became chief in his stead, but soon died suddenly, of poison, it was supposed, and philip became chief or king in his stead. he was a bright, enterprising man; sagacious, brave, and generous. he soon perceived that his people were being robbed by the whites, who took possession of the best lands, and killed off the game and the fish upon which the indians had been used to subsist. "philip's tribe was known as the wampanoags, or pokanokets, and their principal village was there upon mount hope. they, and other tribes as well, felt that they had been greatly injured by the whites, and planned an offensive alliance against them. "philip began his war preparations by sending the women and children of the tribe away from mount hope to the narragansetts for protection. then he warned some of the whites with whom he was friendly of the coming storm, that they might seek places of safety, and, when they were gone, bade his followers swear eternal hostility to the whites. "a dreadful war followed, beginning on the th of june, , and lasting for more than a year. the whites suffered a great deal, but the indians still more. particularly the narragansetts, who were treated with great cruelty because they had given shelter to the wampanoags and their families. "they had a fort on an elevation of three or four acres surrounded by a swamp, studded with brambles and thick underbrush. there were three thousand indians in it--mostly women and children. the whites surprised them, burned their palisades and straw-covered wigwams, and the poor creatures were burned, suffocated, butchered, frozen, or drowned. six hundred warriors and a thousand women and children were killed, and all the winter provision of the tribe destroyed. their chief, canonchet, escaped then, but was captured and killed the next summer. "it was on the th of the next august that a renegade indian guided a large party of white men to the camp of the wampanoags. the indians were asleep, king philip among them. after the first shot or two he woke, sprang to his feet, gun in hand, and tried to escape, but, as he stumbled and fell in the mire, was shot dead by a treacherous indian. his death ended the war." "poor fellow!" sighed grace. "he was certainly treated with great injustice and cruelty. i don't see how the whites could be so blind to the fact that the indians had the best right to this country, and that it was wicked to rob them of their lands." "self-interest is apt to have a very blinding influence," said her father. "and i am afraid we must acknowledge that the whites were the first aggressors, in their grasping seizure of so much of the land of which the indians were the original and rightful possessors." all having now looked their fill, they returned to their carriages and drove to other points of interest, one of them whitehall, the old residence of bishop berkeley. it was a place that all cared to see, especially a room in it formerly occupied by the dean, where was a fireplace, ornamented with dutch tiles, placed there by the dean himself. "oh, how old they must be!" exclaimed grace. "yes, not much, if at all, under two hundred years old," said walter. "it sometimes seems odd how much longer things may last than people." "in this world, you mean," said his grandfather; "but do not forget that man is immortal, and must live somewhere to all eternity." "and bishop berkeley is no doubt spending his eternity in a far lovelier paradise than that with which he was familiar in this world," remarked mrs. travilla. "yes, indeed! 'blessed are the dead who die in the lord,'" quoted evelyn softly, thinking of the dear father who had left her for the better land years ago. chapter xix. dinner was ready to be put upon the table when the party reached again their temporary home, and their long drive had given each one an appetite that made the meal most enjoyable. they rested upon the porches for a short time after leaving the table, then set out for a walk to the beach, walter at his mother's side, violet, the captain, and their two little ones near at hand. these were at some distance in the rear of the young girls, who had started for the beach a few minutes earlier. "mother," said walter, "i should like very much to see that dear old lady cousin molly talks about; also the old revolutionary house she lives in. do you think we might call there without seeming to intrude?" "really i do not know," replied mrs. travilla. "if molly were only here she could judge better than i." "perhaps she is there," suggested walter. "i noticed that she started a little ahead of the girls." "so she did," said violet, overhearing their talk, "and i think she is probably there now, for she was telling me last evening that she felt anxious that you, walter, should see her dear old lady before leaving to-night. ah! and yonder they both are at the gate of the house now." "then i would suggest that you three hasten on, leaving me to follow more slowly with the children. it would hardly do to overwhelm the old lady with so large a company at once," said the captain, and they promptly carried out his suggestion. mrs. barker and molly were standing by the front gate chatting as they came up. "ah, here they are, mrs. barker!" said molly; "my cousins, mrs. travilla, her daughter, mrs. raymond, and her son walter. he is the lad i was telling you of, who starts for college to-night, and was very desirous to see you and your revolutionary house before going." "and to hear all you can tell me about its experiences in those days, mrs. barker, if you will be so kind," added walter, with a polite bow and his most insinuating smile. "i shall be happy to tell and show all i can to you and your mother and sister," replied the old lady, leading the way toward the house, her guests following. she took them over the greater part of it, telling them what rooms had been occupied by the hessians, and what by the family while the unwelcome intruders were there. they were much interested in all she told them, and admired her housekeeping, everything being in beautiful order. she told them the mr. barker of those days was a true patriot, in fact, a spy working for the american cause, and when their call was finished and they were taking their departure, she went with them to the gate, and pointing out a ledge of rock on the farther side of the valley, beyond the cottages they were occupying, told them that in revolutionary times that was a part of the large tract of land owned by isaac barker; that, in those days, instead of the stone wall now running along its edge overlooking the water, there was a rail fence; and that isaac barker was in the habit of signalling the patriot troops encamped on an island opposite, whenever there was an important item of news for them, and that he did so by alterations in the fence, made under his supervision by the unsuspecting hessians. "oh, that was good!" cried walter; "but did the british never catch him at it?" "no, never," she replied. "if they had, his life would not have been worth much." "you must think a great deal of this old house," said walter, turning and looking it over with admiring eyes. "if it were mine i wouldn't give it for any of the grand palaces built in these later days." "nor would i," she said. "come and see it again; it and me; if you care to do so." "thank you; i should enjoy doing so, but i leave to-night for college." "ah? i am glad for you; for a good education is worth more than money or almost any other earthly thing." "so i think, because it will enable me, or anyone who has it, to be more useful in the world." "that is a right feeling," she said; then turning to the ladies gave them a warm invitation to call again any day, as they passed on their way to the beach. "thank you, mrs. barker," said grandma elsie. "it is quite likely we may do so, for we have greatly enjoyed our chat with you." "and will be glad to have you return our call, if you can conveniently do so, while we linger in your neighborhood," added violet. arrived at the beach, violet joined her husband and the young folks there, but her mother and walter passed on up the cliff, the lad saying laughingly that he wanted another peep into purgatory before leaving the neighborhood; but, as his mother well understood, a bit of private chat with her was the chief object he had in view. they took a peep into the chasm, then wandered away a little and sat down side by side upon a ledge of rock. looking at him with her own loving smile, she laid her hand in his. he clasped it tightly, while unbidden tears sprang to his eyes. "mother," he said low and tremulously, "my own dear mother! you are almost all the world to me. i think no other fellow had so dear and sweet a mother as mine. i don't know how i shall ever stand it to pass weeks and months without a sight of your dear face." "ah, you will soon learn to do without me," she said, between a sigh and a smile. "but i do not believe my dear baby boy will ever cease to love his mother, or to try to make her happy by a faithful attendance to all his duties. but oh, above all, try to please and honor the god of your fathers whose servant you profess to be. begin every day with an earnest supplication for strength to perform every duty and resist every temptation." "it is my fixed purpose to do so, mother dear, and i know you will be ever helping me with your prayers," he answered earnestly. "oh, what a blessing it is to have a praying, christian mother! and i know that you will write to me often, and that your dear letters will be a great help to me in my efforts to resist temptation and keep in the strait and narrow path." "i hope so," she said; "also that my dear youngest son will never learn to conceal things from his mother, but will write me freely of all that concerns him, never doubting my love or my interest in it all, for his dear sake." "doubt your dear love, mother? no, never for one moment! oh, it will be hard to part from you to-day, even though i hope to see you again before you go home!" "yes, i expect to give you a call at the college, to see that my dear son is made as comfortable as possible, and to take a view of his room and all his surroundings, that i may be able to picture him in my mind's eye at his studies, recitations, and sports." "just as i can see my loved mother in every room of the dear home at ion, or the other one at viamede, should you go there at any time without me," he returned, making a determined effort to speak lightly. "it seems a little hard to start off without you, mother; but as cousin cyril has kindly promised to go with me, i shall do very well, especially with the knowledge that i am to see you again in a few days." "yes," she said, "and you will like those new jersey relatives of his, who are more distantly related to us, when you become acquainted with them, as i hope you will at some not very distant day." "the uncle he is expecting to visit there is a brother of cousin annis, is he not?" asked walter. "yes." "then i should think she and her husband, cousin ronald, would go with cousin cyril." "i think they will follow a few days hence, when we start for home," she answered. just at that moment they were startled by a wild shriek, as of one in great peril or affright, instantly followed by a sound as of a heavy body plunging into the water. both started to their feet, walter exclaiming, "oh, mother! someone must have fallen into that dreadful deep chasm they call purgatory! oh, what can we do?" "nothing," she answered, with a laugh that sounded slightly hysterical. "see! cousin ronald and several of the others have come up the hill unnoticed by us." "oh! i think it was rather too bad for him to startle you so, mamma dear!" exclaimed walter. "yes, i must acknowledge that it was," returned mr. lilburn, who had now drawn near enough to overhear the remark. "pardon me, cousin elsie; i really did not intend to give you such a fright; for i deemed it likely you would know at once that it was i and none other." "as i probably should, had i been aware of your vicinity," she returned, in a pleasant tone; "but my boy and i were so engrossed with our talk that we did not perceive your approach. i think walter and i must now go back to the cottage and see to the packing of his trunk." "cannot i do that, mamma?" queried violet. "thank you, daughter, i have no doubt you could, but i have a fancy for the job myself," was the pleasant-toned reply. "besides, your place is with your husband and little ones, who, i think, would find it agreeable and beneficial to remain here on the beach for another hour or so." "i haven't unpacked much since we came here, mother," remarked walter, as they walked away together, "so that it will not be a long job to get my things in my trunk, but i am glad you came away so early with me, as it gives us time and opportunity for another private chat." "yes, my dear boy, that was my principal object in proposing this early return, but i hope for many another pleasant chat with my dear youngest son in the years to come," his mother responded cheerfully. "i haven't seen quite all the places in and about newport or middletown that i should take an interest in examining," remarked walter. "but i presume i may hope to come again some day?" "oh, yes; possibly a good many times in the course of a few years; though there are many other places in our great, beautiful country that are quite as well worth visiting, and far better worth seeing than some noted resorts in europe. i want my sons and daughters to appreciate their own country," she went on, her sweet face lighting with enthusiasm, "with all that is beautiful and valuable in it, as well as its free institutions--religious, civil, and political." "i think i do, mamma," he said, with a smile. "you have brought up all your children to admire and love their own land, believing it the best and greatest country in all the wide world." "yes, and yet, alas! there is a vast deal of wickedness in it," she sighed; "wickedness, error, superstition, and vice, which we should make it our life work to try to root out." "as i truly intend to, mamma. but are not most of the ignorant and vicious those who have come in from foreign lands?" "a very great many--a very large majority no doubt are," she answered; "and yet there are many ignorant and vicious ones who are native born; not a few of them being the children of natives. some of the tories of revolutionary times were even worse than savages. 'the heart is deceitful above all things and desperately wicked,' applies to the whole of adam's fallen race, and each one of us needs to pray, 'create in me a clean heart, o god; and renew a right spirit within me.'" "i feel that i do, mother, but you have always seemed to me so perfect that it is difficult to realize that it can be so with you," said the lad, turning upon her eyes filled with ardent love and admiration. "that is doubtless because your eyes are blinded by filial love, my dear boy," she returned, with her sweet and loving smile. they presently reached the house, and walter set about his packing, under his mother's supervision, which made the work seem but a pleasant pastime. it did not take long and, seated together in one of the porches, they had time before the return of the others for a confidential chat, such as walter dearly loved to have with his mother. then came the call to supper, and the meal was scarcely over when the hack was announced as at the door; there were hasty leave-takings, his mother's the last for walter. she strained him to her heart with some whispered words of love, while he embraced her with ardent affection, and in a moment more he was in the hack, with mr. keith by his side, and they were driving rapidly away toward the city to take the night train for new york. chapter xx. the shades of evening had begun to fall. a cool breeze made the brightly lighted parlor more attractive than the porches, and there the older ones gathered, while the mothers saw their weary little ones to bed. the gentlemen had their newspapers, mrs. dinsmore and mrs. travilla their fancy work, while the four young girls, in a group by themselves, chatted and laughed together, discussing the sights and scenes through which they had passed that day, and the bits of history connected with them. the captain presently threw aside his paper, and taking a vacant seat on the sofa beside his daughter grace, asked in tender tones, as he passed an arm about her and drew her close, if she felt very weary from the day's exertions. "not so very, papa dear," she answered, laying her head on his shoulder and smiling up into the eyes bent so lovingly upon her. "i think i never had a better time. have we been to all the places of interest now?" "not quite all," he replied; "there are a few others to which we may take pleasant little jaunts in the week or so we expect to tarry here." "vaucluse for one, i should say," remarked mr. embury, laying aside his paper and joining in the talk. "where is that?" asked mrs. dinsmore. "over on the shore of the eastern bay, and about six miles out from newport. it is a noted country seat, at present unoccupied except in small part by a caretaker and his wife. it has a very neglected look, but is still well worth seeing, i have been told. but here comes my molly with a manuscript in her hand. something to read to us, i suppose. is it, my dear?" "yes," she said, with a smile; "provided you all wish to hear it. a story of the ship _palatine_ from holland, which struck on sandy point of this island early in the last century. i have used the facts as far as they could be obtained, and drawn upon my imagination for the rest. if all would like to hear it, i shall be glad to have your opinions and criticisms before offering it for publication." "suppose you put it to vote, my dear," suggested her husband. "we are all here now except the little folks, who have gone to their beds," he added, glancing at isadore and violet, who had come into the room just in time to hear molly's last sentence. "i shall be glad to hear it, molly. i always have enjoyed such of your productions as have come under my notice," said violet, in a lively tone, as she took the seat her husband had hastened to offer. "and i can echo those sentiments," added isadore lightly, taking possession of an easy chair gallantly drawn forward for her by her uncle dinsmore. thus encouraged, mrs. embury began at once. "story of the ship _palatine_," she read. "some time in the early years of the last century, a ship named the _palatine_ left holland for america, bearing a large number of emigrants, whose destination was the then colony of pennsylvania, where they intended to buy land and settle; and for that reason they were carrying with them all their earthly possessions--clothing, furniture, and money; of which some had a good deal, others only a little. "among the wealthier ones was herr adolphus follen, with his wife margaret, his daughters katrina and gretchen, and his son karl. also they had with them an elderly woman, lisa kuntz, who had lived with the follens ever since their marriage, and acted as nurse to each of their children in turn. she had no near kin, and being much attached to the family in which she had made her home for so many years, had decided to accompany them to the new world in spite of her fears of indians and wild animals. "as the good ship _palatine_ sailed slowly out of port, all these, with many of their fellow-passengers, stood upon her deck gazing sadly, and not a few with flowing tears, upon the fast-receding shores of their native land. ah, how much bitterer would have been their grief, could they have foreseen the sufferings that fateful voyage held in store for them! though they little suspected it at the time, they had fallen into the hands of men so full of the love of money, so ready to do the most dastardly deeds in order to secure it, that they were no better than the worst of cut-throats and murderers. "the emigrants had not brought a store of provisions for the voyage, because, according to the agreement, these were to be purchased of the captain and his officers. but scarcely had they cleared the coast and stood well out to sea when they were struck with astonishment and dismay at the enormous sums asked for the merest necessaries of life: guilders for a cup of water, rix dollars for a ship's biscuit." "astounding rascality!" exclaimed mr. embury, as his wife paused for an instant in her reading. "why, how much are those coins worth in our money?" she asked. "i really do not know exactly." "a guilder," he replied, "equals cents of our money; so that guilders would be $ . think of that as the price of a cup of water! probably not the coolest or cleanest either. then the rix dollars for a ship biscuit would equal $ . . think of such a conspiracy as that on the part of a ship's officers to rob defenceless passengers!" "why, it was just dreadful!" she exclaimed. "those officers were no better than pirates." "not a whit! in fact, they were pirates. but go on, my dear; let us have the rest of your story." mrs. embury resumed her reading. "'what shall we, what can we do,' asked frau follen of her husband. 'i fear there will be no money left for buying land when we reach america.' "'alas! i fear not, indeed!' he returned; 'and should anything happen to delay the vessel we may be reduced to great extremity even before reaching the shores of america. ah, would we had been satisfied to remain in the fatherland!' he groaned in anguish of spirit. "'ah, father,' said gretchen, the eldest daughter, 'let not your heart fail you yet. help may yet come from some unexpected quarter, and if not--if we die for lack of food--we may hope to awake from the sleep of death in the better land, to suffer and die no more. let us trust in god and not be afraid.' "'you are right, my daughter,' he returned with emotion. 'but oh, god grant i may not be called to see my wife and children suffer and die for lack of food!' "a young man standing near, one with whom they were slightly acquainted, here joined in the conversation. "'it is dreadful, dreadful!' he exclaimed, but speaking in a subdued tone for fear of being overheard by their inhuman oppressors, 'the way these mercenary wretches are robbing the helpless poor whom they have entrapped into their net. every fellow of them deserves the headsman's axe, and i hope will reach it at last. think of the exorbitant sums they are asking for the barest necessaries of life! nor do i believe they will ever carry us to our destination, lest complaint be made of them and they be brought to condign punishment by the authorities of the land.' "'but, what then do you think they will do, herr ernesti?' asked frau follen, gasping with fear and horror, as she spoke. "'i cannot tell,' he answered. 'mayhap land us on some desert island, and leave us there to struggle as we can for life. but, thank god, they cannot take us to any spot where he does not rule and reign, or where his ear will be deaf to the cries of his perishing ones. so, my friends, let us not give up to utter despair. "the lord is my light and my salvation; whom shall i fear? the lord is the strength of my life; of whom shall i be afraid?"' "'yes, yes; what consolation in knowing that!' cried gretchen, tears of mingled joy and sorrow streaming down her face. 'father, mother, sister, and brother, we are all his and he will care for us in his own time and way.' "but who shall describe the scenes that followed through weeks of deepest distress and agony, as fathers and mothers, husbands and wives, brothers and sisters saw their dear ones perishing with famine, while they themselves were goaded almost to madness by the pangs of hunger added to their bitter grief? "but they were entirely in the power of their inhuman torturers, who never relaxed in their demands until they had wrenched from their wretched victims every stiver in their possession. "that accomplished, and no food remaining--unless a very, very scanty store--they, officers and sailors, deserted the vessel, going off in the boats, leaving their helpless victims to their fate, for not one of them had either the needed knowledge or strength for the management of the ship; and so she drifted aimlessly hither and thither at the mercy of the winds and waves, carrying her fearful cargo of dead and dying whither they knew not. "to the survivors that voyage seemed like one long, dreadful dream, full of horrors and keenest anguish of body and mind. of the many emigrants who, filled with the hope of reaching a land of freedom and plenty, had crowded the vessel at the beginning of the voyage, but seventeen feeble, emaciated, almost dying creatures were left when, one cold winter morning, about christmas time, the now dismasted hulk of the good ship _palatine_ drifted into narragansett bay and struck on sandy point, rhode island. "it was sunday morning, but the good people of the island seeing the wreck, and knowing there might be in her some living soul in distress, hastened on board, where they found the poor, perishing creatures, and at once carried them all ashore save one woman--lisa kuntz, the nurse of the follens, who obstinately refused to leave the vessel. she was seated upon the deck with her belongings about her, and there she was determined to stay. but she was not safe there, as the islanders well knew; for the dismasted hulk could not be secured against drifting away, and as the tide arose around it they, as a last resort, set it on fire, thinking the lone woman would certainly be frightened, and prefer coming ashore to remaining upon the burning ship. but she would not, and as the tide rose the blazing hulk drifted away, carrying her with it." "oh, how dreadful!" sighed several of molly's hearers. "wasn't it?" she responded. "i suppose the sufferings of the poor creature must have made her insane." "but the sixteen who were brought ashore, did they live?" asked lucilla; and in reply mrs. embury resumed her reading. "the sixteen who had been carried ashore were treated with the greatest kindness by the islanders, all their wants carefully attended to; but for nearly all of them help had come too late, and all but three soon died. of the follen family gretchen alone remained, a lonely, almost heart-broken creature, having seen father, mother, brother, and sister laid in the grave soon after landing upon the island. but herr hubert ernesti remained. he had been beside her all these dreadful weeks and months, had sympathized in all her griefs, all her sufferings of mind and body, and each had learned to look upon the other as the nearest and dearest of all earthly beings; so that when, beside the newly filled grave that held the last of her family, he asked her to give herself to him that they might meet all coming trials and share all joys together, she did not say him nay, or withdraw the hand he had taken in his and held in a clasp so loving and tender. "it was from them the islanders learned the sad story of the terrible scenes and sufferings on board the _palatine_; an experience poor gretchen could never recall without tears. "hubert and she remained upon that hospitable island for some years, then left it for their original destination, where, we will hope, they lived out the remainder of their lives in peace and happiness." "and that is the end of your sad little story, is it?" asked rosie, as her cousin paused in the reading. "of the story of those two," said molly; "but i have something more to read, if no one is tired of listening." no one seemed to be, and she resumed: "ever since the burning _palatine_ drifted away that night a strange light has been seen at intervals along this coast whence she departed on that last voyage. many have seen it, and the superstitious and ignorant have looked upon it as the phantom of the burning ship _palatine_, ever drifting upon the open sea, always burning but never consumed; seen only at long intervals, as she drifts off the western coast. "a well-known physician of block island, having had two opportunities of seeing it, says, 'this curious irradiation rises from the ocean near the northern point of the island; looks like a blaze of fire; either touches the water or hovers over it. it bears no more resemblance to the _ignis fatuus_ than to the aurora borealis. sometimes it is small, resembling the light through a distant window; at others expanding to the height of a ship with all her canvas spread; the streams, somewhat blended together at the bottom, separate and distinct at the top, the middle one rising higher than the others. it is very variable--sometimes almost disappearing, then shining out anew. it changes about every three minutes; does not always return to the same place, but is sometimes seen shining at a considerable distance from the place of disappearance. it seems to have no certain line of direction. the flame, when most expanded, waves like a torch; is sometimes stationary, at others progressive. it is seen at all seasons of the year and, for the most part, in calm weather which precedes an easterly or southerly storm. it has, however, been noticed in a severe northwesterly gale and when no storm followed immediately. its stay is sometimes short, at others all night, and it has been known to appear several nights in succession.' "'this light,' says another person, 'is often seen blazing at six or seven miles distance, and strangers suppose it to be a vessel on fire. the blaze emits luminous rays. a gentleman whose house is situated near the sea tells me that he has known it to illuminate considerably the walls of his room through the window; but that happens only when the light is within a half mile of the shore.'" "but where did you learn all this, molly?" asked her husband, as she paused to turn a leaf in her manuscript. "from mr. baylor's 'history of newport county,' lent me by my kind friend, mrs. barker, of the old revolutionary house," mrs. embury answered, then continued her reading. "says mr. joseph p. hazard of narragansett pier: 'i first saw it three miles off the coast. i suspected nothing but ordinary sails until i noticed the light, upon reappearing, was apparently stationary for a few moments, when it suddenly started toward the coast, and, immediately expanding, became much less bright, assuming somewhat the form of a long, narrow jib, sometimes two of them, as if each on a different mast. i saw neither spar nor hull, but noticed that the speed was very great, certainly not less than fifteen knots, and they surged and pitched as though madly rushing upon raging billows.'" "superstition, every bit of it!" remarked mr. dinsmore, as mrs. embury folded her manuscript and laid it aside. "why this any more than the _ignis fatuus_?" queried mr. embury, in a tone that seemed a mixture of jest and earnestness. "neither has as yet been altogether satisfactorily accounted for. the latter having puzzled philosophers from the time of aristotle." "true," said mr. dinsmore, "there are various theories advanced in regard to that. all we know certainly is that it is a luminous appearance frequently seen in marshy places, churchyards, and over stagnant pools." "has it ever been seen in this country, grandpa?" asked grace. "i think not," he replied, "but it is not unfrequent in the lowlands of scotland, the south and northwest of england, or the northern parts of germany. the time of year for its appearance is from the middle of autumn till the beginning of november." "i think i have read that the people of the districts where it was frequently seen used to be superstitious about it in olden times; and that they called it will-o'-the-wisp, and jack-a-lantern." "yes; and believed it to be due to the agency of evil spirits who were trying to lure travellers to their destruction. and unfortunately it was sometimes mistaken by unwary travellers for a light, and in trying to reach it, thinking it shone from some human habitation where they might find shelter and a night's lodging, they would follow it and so get into, and sink in, the marsh, thus losing their lives." "is it not about time we were seeking our night's lodgings?" asked mrs. dinsmore pleasantly, as her husband concluded his sentence. "see, the clock is on the stroke of nine, which is a late enough hour for most of us now, when we are moving about so much during the day. surely it is for gracie, whose eyes, i notice, begin to droop." "i think you are right, my dear," replied her husband. then he requested mr. lilburn to lead their family worship. chapter xxi. a few days longer our friends lingered in their pleasant cottages on the beautiful island, loath to leave it, with any one of its many interesting localities unexplored. they walked, rode, drove, and sailed about the bay, visiting now one island, and now another. captain raymond's acquaintance with naval and military officers, and his high reputation among them making it easy for them to gain access to vessels, forts, and fortifications. goat island interested them as the place where the english ship _liberty_ was destroyed before the revolution. they saw the noble stone pier, hundreds of feet long, visited the torpedo station, and the captain pointed out to the others the curving point on which, more than a century ago, very many pirates had been hanged. they visited the city too, and looked with interest upon the old houses that had stood here in and before revolutionary times; among them redwood library, and old trinity church, in which bishop berkeley had often preached. the young people were much interested too, in the old stone mill--that singular relic of the past about which there has been so much speculation--and, when visiting the island cemetery, in the plain obelisk marking the last resting place of commodore perry, the hero of the battle of lake erie. many of these things the captain and his family had seen on former visits to newport, yet they enjoyed seeing them again in company with those of the party to whom they were entirely new. but holidays must come to an end, and at length all felt so great a drawing toward their distant homes that a proposal to return to them was made by mrs. dinsmore, and hailed with delight by all the others. the needed preparations were speedily made, and early one morning they set sail in the yacht, which before night had landed all but the captain's immediate family and evelyn leland in new york, where they took a train for philadelphia. mr. cyril keith was to meet his wife and family there, and they, with the emburys, were to hasten on to their homes in louisiana, pausing on the route for only a short visit to the neighborhood of the old home of isadore and molly, and the relatives there. mr. and mrs. dinsmore had planned a short visit to their relatives in and near philadelphia; and his daughter elsie, with her daughter rosie, one to her son walter at princeton; while mr. and mrs. lilburn were to do likewise by her brother, donald keith and his family, annis feeling very happy in the thought of seeing them all, and showing them the dear, kindly old gentleman to whom she had given her heart and hand. having landed these passengers, the yacht changed her course, and sailed on down the atlantic coast. the little ones were in their berths, the others all on deck. "now, if i were not here, you would be just a family party," remarked evelyn, breaking a momentary silence. "i think we are as it is," said the captain. "as you are a pupil of mine, will you not let me count you as one of my family?" "indeed, sir; i should be only too glad to have you do so," she answered, in a sprightly tone; "but i doubt if lu would be willing to share her choicest treasure--her father's love--with me." "why, yes, i should, eva! because he wouldn't love me any the less for loving you also," said lulu. "oh, then you may adopt me just as soon as you like, captain," laughed evelyn. "now, i think i have a right to some say in this matter," said violet, in a light, jesting tone. "i object to becoming mother to a girl of your age and attainments, but am perfectly willing to have you for a sister." "very well, my dear, that settles it," said the captain. "you and i, eva, will consider ourselves brother and sister." "ah, i like that," said grace; "though i am not sure that i shall consider eva my aunt. papa, are we going directly home now?" "do you not see that we are hurrying onward in that direction?" he asked in reply. a sudden thought seemed to strike grace. "oh, is max in annapolis now?" she asked. "yes," her father answered, with a joyous smile, "and i want to see my boy so badly that i have decided to call there for a few hours before going home; unless some of you strongly object," he added, in a jesting tone. "of course we do, papa," laughed lucilla. "how can you suppose that any of us would be willing to see max?" "very well, anyone who is averse to seeing him will have the privilege of shutting herself into her stateroom while he is on board, and indeed, during the whole visit to annapolis," replied the captain. "and i well know lu will not be one of them," laughed violet. they had a speedy and pleasant voyage, a delightful little visit with max, after that a joyful return home, followed a few weeks later by the coming of the dinsmores, travillas, and lilburns, for whom some pleasant family parties were held, after which all settled down for the winter's duties and pleasures. the captain continued to act as tutor to evelyn and his daughters, but rosie had forsaken the schoolroom, walter was no longer there, and for a time it seemed a trifle lonely to the remaining ones. they soon, however, became accustomed to the state of affairs, and so deeply interested in their studies that the hours devoted to them passed very swiftly and pleasantly. they also resumed their labors for the poor and ignorant of the neighborhood, making clothing for them, and teaching the women and girls to sew for themselves and their families, at the same time cultivating their minds and hearts to some extent, by taking turns in reading aloud to them simple and instructive tales of value for this life and the next. it was grandma elsie who selected the reading matter and took the care and oversight of all the charitable work of her young friends--directing, encouraging, and urging them on, by both precept and example. how dearly they loved her! it might be truly said of her, as of the virtuous woman described in the last chapter of proverbs: "she openeth her mouth with wisdom; and in her tongue is the law of kindness." the end a list of the elsie books and other popular books by martha finley elsie dinsmore. elsie's holidays at roselands. elsie's girlhood. elsie's womanhood. elsie's motherhood. elsie's children. elsie's widowhood. grandmother elsie. elsie's new relations. elsie at nantucket. the two elsies. elsie's kith and kin. elsie's friends at woodburn. christmas with grandma elsie. elsie and the raymonds. elsie yachting with the raymonds. elsie's vacation. elsie at viamede. elsie at ion. elsie at the world's fair. elsie's journey on inland waters. elsie at home. elsie on the hudson. elsie in the south. elsie's young folks. elsie's winter trip. elsie and her loved ones. mildred keith. mildred at roselands. mildred's married life. mildred and elsie. mildred at home. mildred's boys and girls. mildred's new daughter. casella. signing the contract and what it cost. the tragedy of wild river valley. our fred. an old-fashioned boy. wanted, a pedigree. the thorn in the nest. * * * * * transcriber's notes minor punctuation errors repaired. italic text is denoted by _underscores_ the list of martha finley's books has been moved from the front of the book to the end. p cass added a postcript. replaced with cass added a postscript. p "all that sounds quite appetizing," said voilet. replaced with "all that sounds quite appetizing," said violet. p the provisions, baggage, and amumnition wagons replaced with the provisions, baggage, and ammunition wagons p perry landed and offered his serivces to harrison replaced with perry landed and offered his services to harrison p from dolson's to chatham replaced with from dolsen's to chatham p replacing the sight frown replaced with replacing the slight frown p i shall be glad to heard it, molly. replaced with i shall be glad to hear it, molly. note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the original illustrations. see -h.htm or -h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h.zip) transcriber's note: inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. obvious typographical and errors have been corrected. discovery of the sources of the mississippi river. summary narrative of an exploratory expedition to the sources of the mississippi river, in : resumed and completed, by the discovery of its origin in itasca lake, in . by authority of the united states. with appendixes, comprising the original report on the copper mines of lake superior, and observations on the geology of the lake basins, and the summit of the mississippi; together with all the official reports and scientific papers of both expeditions. by henry r. schoolcraft. philadelphia: lippincott, grambo, and co. . entered according to the act of congress in the year , by lippincott, grambo, and co., in the office of the clerk of the district court of the united states, in and for the eastern district of pennsylvania. [original dedication.] to the hon. john c. calhoun, secretary of war. sir: allow me to inscribe to you the following journals, as an illustration of my several reports on the mineral geography of the regions visited by the recent expedition under governor cass. i beg you will consider it, not only as a proof of my anxiety to be serviceable in the station occupied, but also as a tribute of individual respect for those exertions which have been made, during your administration of the war department, to develop the physical character and resources of all parts of our western country; for the patronage it has extended to the cause of geographical science; for the protection it has afforded to a very extensive line of frontier settlements by stretching a cordon of military posts around them; and for the notice it has bestowed on one of the humblest cultivators of natural science. henry r. schoolcraft. albany, . preface. the following pages embrace the substance of the narratives of two distinct expeditions for the discovery of the sources of the mississippi river, under the authority of the united states. by connecting the incidents of discovery, and of the facts brought to light during a period of twelve years, unity is preserved in the prosecution of an object of considerable importance in the progress of our geography and natural history, at least, from the new impulse which they received after the treaty of ghent. geographers deem that branch of a river as its true source which originates at the remotest distance from its mouth, and, agreeably to this definition, the combined narratives, to which attention is now called, show this celebrated stream to arise in itasca lake, the source of the itasca river. owing to the time which has intervened since these expeditions were undertaken, a mere revision of the prior narrations, in the _journal form_, was deemed inexpedient. a concise summary has, therefore, been made, preserving whatever information it was thought important to be known or remembered, and omitting all matters not partaking of permanent interest. to this summary, something has been added from the original manuscript journals in his possession. the domestic organization and social habits of the parties may thus be more perfectly understood. the sympathies which bind men together in isolated or trying scenes are sources of interest long after the link is severed, and the progress of science or discovery has passed beyond the particular points at which they then stood. events pass with so much rapidity at present, in the diffusion of our population over regions where, but lately, the indian was the only tenant, that we are in danger of having but a confused record of them, if not of losing it altogether. it is some abatement of this fear to know that there is always a portion of the community who take a pleasure in remembering individuals; who have either ventured their lives, or exerted their energies, to promote knowledge or advance discovery. it is in this manner that, however intent an age may be in the plans which engross it, the sober progress and attainments of the period are counted up. an important fact discovered in the physical geography or natural history of the country, if it be placed on record, remains a fact added to the permanent stores of information. a new plant, a crystal, an insect, or the humblest invertebrate object of the zoological chain, is as incontestable an addition to scientific knowledge, as the finding of remains to establish a new species of mastodon. they only differ in interest and importance. it is not the province of every age to produce a linnæus, a buffon, or a cuvier; but, such are the almost endless forms of vegetable and animal life and organization--from the infusoria upward--that not a year elapses which may not enlarge the boundaries of science. the record of discovery is perpetually accumulating, and filling the list of discoverers with humbler, yet worthy names. whoever reads with care the scientific desiderata here offered will find matter of description or comment which has employed the pens of a torrey, a mitchell, a cooper, a lea, a barnes, a houghton, and a nicollet. it is from considerations of this nature, that the author has appended to this narrative the original observations, reports, and descriptions made by his companions or himself, while engaged in these exploratory journeys, together with the determinations made on such scientific objects as were referred to other competent hands. these investigations of the physical geography of the west, and the phenomena or resources of the country, constitute, indeed, by far the most important permanent acquisitions of the scrutiny devoted to them. they form the elements of classes of facts which will retain their value, to men of research, when the incidents of the explorations are forgotten, and its actors themselves have passed to their final account. it would have been desirable that what has here been done should have been done at an earlier period; but it may be sufficient to say that other objects engrossed the attention of the author for no small part of the intervening period, and that he could not earlier control the circumstances which the publication demanded. after his permanent return from the west--where so many years of his life passed--it was his first wish to accomplish a long-cherished desire of visiting england and the continent, in which america, and its manners and institutions, might be contemplated at a distance, and compared by ocular proofs. and, when he determined on the task of preparing this volume, and began to look around for the companions of his travels, to avail himself of their notes, he found most of them had descended to the tomb. for the narrative parts, indeed, the manuscript journals, kept with great fulness, were still preserved; but the materials for the other division of the work were widely scattered. some of them remained in the archives of the public offices to which they were originally communicated. other papers had been given to the pages of scientific journals, and their reprint was inexpedient. the rich body of topographical data, and the elaborately drawn map of this portion of the united states, prepared by captain douglass, u. s. a., which would have been received with avidity at the time, had been in a great measure superseded by subsequent discoveries.[ ] the only part of this officer's observations employed in this work, are his determinations of the geographical positions. the latter have been extended and perfected by the subsequent observations of mr. nicollet. at every point, there have been difficulties to overcome. he has been strenuous to award justice to his deceased companions, to whose memory he is attached by the ties of sympathy and former association. if more time has elapsed in preparing the work than was anticipated, it is owing to the nature of it; and he can only say that still more time and attention would be required to do justice to it. [ ] this remark is limited to the country south of about °. north of that point, there are no explorations known to me, except those of lieutenant james allen, who accompanied me above cass lake, in , and those of j. n. nicollet, in , which were reported by him to the topographical bureau, and by the latter transmitted to congress.--vide _senate doc._ no. , . these observations relate to the line of the mississippi. maj. long's journey, in , was _west_ and _north_ of that river. a word may be added respecting the period of these explorations. the year marked a time of much activity in geographical discovery in the united states. the treaty of ghent, a few years before, had relieved the frontiers from a most sanguinary indian war. this event enlarged the region for settlement, and created an intense desire for information respecting the new countries. government had, indeed, at an earlier period, shown a disposition to aid and encourage discoveries. the feeling on this subject cannot be well understood, without allusion to the name of john ledyard. this intrepid traveller had accompanied captain cook on his last voyage round the world. in , he presented himself to mr. jefferson, the american minister at paris, with a plan of extensive explorations. he proposed to set out from st. petersburg, and, passing through russia and tartary to behring's straits, to traverse the north pacific to oregon, and thence cross the rocky mountains to the missouri valley.[ ] mr. jefferson communicated the matter to the russian plenipotentiary at paris--and to the baron grimm, the confidential agent of the empress catherine--through whose influence he received the required passports. he proceeded on this adventure, and had reached within two hundred miles of kamschatka, where he was arrested, and taken back, in a close carriage, to moscow, and thence conducted to the frontiers of poland. on reaching london, the african association selected him to make explorations in the direction of the niger. reaching egypt, he proceeded up the nile to cairo, where, having completed his preparations for entering the interior of africa, he sickened and died, in the month of november, .--_life of ledyard_, sparks's _amer. biog._ vol. xvi. the suggestion of ledyard to explore oregon became the germ of the voyages of lewis and clark. it appears that, in , mr. jefferson proposed the subject to the american philosophical society at philadelphia.[ ] it is not known that its action resulted in anything practical. after mr. jefferson himself, however, came to the presidency, in , he called the attention of congress to the matter. louisiana had been acquired, under his auspices, in , which furnished a strong public reason for its exploration. to conduct it, he selected his private secretary and relative, merriweather lewis, of virginia; captain william clark was named as his assistant. both these gentlemen were commissioned in the army, and the expense thus placed on a public basis. captain lewis left the city of washington, on this enterprise, on the th of july, , and was joined by captain clark west of the alleghanies. having organized the expedition at st. louis, they began the ascent of the missouri river on the th of may, . they wintered the first year at fort mandan, about , miles up the missouri, in the country of the mandans. crossing the rocky mountains the next year, and descending the columbia to the open shore of the pacific, they retraced their general course to the waters of the missouri, in , and returned to st. louis on the d of september of that year. (_lewis and clark_, vol. ii. p. .) [ ] lewis and clark. to explore the missouri to its source, and leave the remote summits of the mississippi untouched, would seem to have ill-accorded with mr. jefferson's conceptions. it does not appear, however, from published data, that he selected the person to perform the latter service, leaving it to the military commandant of the district. (_life of pike_, sparks's _amer. biog._ vol. xv. pp. , .) general wilkinson, who had been directed to occupy louisiana, appears to have made the selection. he designated lieutenant zebulon montgomery pike. this officer left bellefontaine, missouri, on the th of august, , with a total force of twenty men, at least four months too late in the season to reach even the central part of his destination, without an aid in the command, without a scientific observer of any description, and without even an interpreter to communicate with the indians. that he should have accomplished what he did, is altogether owing to his activity, vigilance, and enterprise, his knowledge of hunting and forest life, and his well-established habits of mental and military discipline. winter overtook him, on the th of october, in his ascent, when he was about one hundred and twenty miles (as now ascertained) above the falls of st. anthony.[ ] severe cold, snow, and ice, rendered it impossible to push his boats further. devoting twelve days in erecting a blockhouse, and leaving his heavy stores and disabled men in charge of a non commissioned officer, he proceeded onwards, on snow shoes, with small hand-sledges, and, by great energy and perseverance, reached, at successive periods, sandy lake, leach lake, and upper red cedar lake, on the third great plateau at the sources of the mississippi. on the opening of the river, he began his descent, and returned to his starting-point, at bellefontaine, on the th of april, , having been absent a little less than nine months. on his visiting the country above the point where the climate arrested his advance, the whole region was found to be clothed in a mantle of snow. on his journey, the deer, elk, buffalo, and wolf, were found on the prairies--the waters were inhabited by wild fowl; as he acted the part of hunter, and, to some extent, guide, these furnished abundant employ for his efficient sportsman-like propensities. of its distinctive zoology, minerals, plants, and other physical desiderata, it was not in his power, had he been ever so well prepared, to make observations. even for the topography, above the latitude of about °, he was dependent, essentially, on the information furnished by the factors of the northwest british fur company, who, at that period, occupied the country.[ ] this information was readily given, and enabled him, with general accuracy, to present the maps and descriptions which accompany his account of the region. he was, however, misled in placing the source of the river in turtle lake, and in the topography of the region south and west of that point. [ ] estimated by him at miles. [ ] the surrender of the lake country by great britain, in , at the close of what is known as general wayne's war, extended to michilimackinac, the remotest british garrison. the region northwest of this post was occupied by numerous tribes of indians, who continued to be supplied with goods by british traders till after the close of the war of . in , congress passed an act confining the trade to american citizens. under this state of affairs, the northwest company of montreal sold out their trading-posts and fixtures, northwest of michilimackinac, to mr. john jacob astor, of new york, who, from an account of one of his active factors, invested about $ , per annum in merchandise adapted to the indian habits. pike's account of his expedition did not issue from the press till . the narrative of the expedition of lewis and clark was still longer delayed--owing to the melancholy death of lewis--and was not given till ; a period of political commotion by no means favorable to literary matters. it was, however, at once hailed as a valuable and standard accession to geographical science. public opinion had for years been called to this daring enterprise. such was the state of geographical discovery in the united states in . the war with great britain had had an exhausting effect upon the resources and fiscal condition of the country. but, owing to the information gained by the operation of armies in the ample area west of the alleghanies, it opened a new world for enterprise in that quarter. the treaty of with great britain, which affirmed the original boundaries of , by terminating, at the same time, the war and the fallacious hopes of sovereignty set up for the indian tribes, truly opened the mississippi valley to settlement. all eyes were turned to the general climate of the west, and its capacities of growth and expansion. the universal ardor which then arose and was spread, of its fertility, extent, and resources, has, from that era, filled the public mind, and fixed the liveliest hopes of the extension of the union. the accession of mr. monroe to the presidency, th march, , formed the opening of this new epoch of industrial empire and progress in the west. this period brought into the administration a man of great grasp of intellect and energy of character in mr. calhoun. by placing the army in a series of self-sustaining posts on the frontiers, in advance of the settlements, he gave them efficient protection against the still feverish tribes, who hovered--feeble and dejected from the results of the war, but in broken, discordant, and hostile masses--around the long and still dangerous line of the frontiers, from florida to detroit and the falls of st. anthony. he encouraged every means of acquiring true information of its geography and resources. in , the military line was extended to council bluffs, on the missouri, and to the falls of st. anthony, on the mississippi. major s. h. long, of the topographical engineers, was directed to ascend the missouri, for the purpose of exploring the region west to the rocky mountains. during the same year, he approved a plan for exploring the sources of the mississippi, submitted by general cass, who occupied the northwestern frontiers. the author having then returned from the exploration of the ozark highlands, and the mine country of missouri and arkansas,[ ] received from mr. calhoun the appointment of geologist and mineralogist on this expedition; and having, at a subsequent period, been selected, as the leader of the expedition of , to resume and complete the discoveries under the same authority, commenced in , it is to the journals and notes kept on these separate occasions, that he is indebted for the data of the narratives and for the body of information now submitted. [ ] _vide_ scenes and adventures in the semi-alpine region of the ozark mountains of missouri and arkansas, with a view of the lead-mines of missouri. new york, . philadelphia: lippincott, grambo, and co. vol. vo. pp. . . washington, d. c., october , . contents. expedition of . introduction preliminary documents narrative of the expedition chapter i. departure--considerations on visiting the northern summits early in the season--cross the highlands of the hudson--incidents of the journey from albany to buffalo--visit niagara falls--their grandeur the effect of magnitude--embark on board the steamer walk-in-the-water--passage up lake erie--reach detroit chapter ii. preparations for the expedition--constitution of the party--mode of travel in canoes--embarkation, and incidents of the journey across the lake, and up the river st. clair--head winds encountered on lake huron--point aux barques--cross saganaw bay--delays in ascending the huron coast--its geology and natural history--reach michilimackinac chapter iii. description of michilimackinac--prominent scenery--geology--arched rock--sugarloaf rock--history--statistics--mineralogy--skull cave--manners--its fish, agriculture, moral wants--ingenious manufactures of the indians--fur trade--etymology of the word--antique bones disclosed in the interior of the island chapter iv. proceed down the north shore of lake huron to the entrance of the straits of st. mary's--character of the shores, and incidents--ascend the river to sault ste. marie--hostilities encountered there--intrepidity of general cass chapter v. embark at the head of the portage at st. mary's--entrance into lake superior--journey and incidents along its coasts--great sand dunes--pictured rocks--grand island--keweena peninsula and portage--incidents thence to ontonagon river chapter vi. chippewa village at the mouth of the ontonagon--organize an expedition to explore its mineralogy--incidents of the trip--rough nature of the country--reach the copper rock--misadventure--kill a bear--discoveries of copper--general remarks on the mineral affluence of the basin of lake superior chapter vii. proceed along the southern coast of lake superior from the ontonagon, to fond du lac--porcupine range of mountains--streams that run from it, at parallel distances, into the lake--la pointe--group of the federation islands--river st. louis--physical geography of lake superior chapter viii. proceed up the st. louis river, and around its falls and rapids to sandy lake in the valley of the upper mississippi--grand portage--portage aux coteaux--a main exploring party--cross the great morass of akeek scepi to sandy lake--indian mode of pictographic writing--site of an indian jonglery--post of sandy lake chapter ix. reunion of the expedition on the savanna portage--elevation of this summit--descent to sandy lake--council with the chippewa tribe--who are they?--traits of their history, language, and customs--enter the mississippi, with the main exploring party, and proceed in search of its source--physical characteristics of the stream at this place--character of the canadian voyageur chapter x. proceed up the mississippi river--its velocity and character--swan river--trout river, and mushcoda or prairie river--rapids ascended--reach, and make a portage around pakagama falls--enter a vast lacustrine region--its character and productions, vegetable and animal--tortuous channel--vermilion and deer rivers--leech lake branch--lake winnipek--ascent of the river to upper red cedar, or cass lake--physical character of the mississippi river chapter xi. physical traits of the mississippi--the elevation of its sources--its velocity and mean descent--etymology of the name mississippi--descent of the river to sandy lake, and thence to the falls of st. anthony--recross the great bitobi savanna--pakagama formation--description of the voyage from sandy lake to pine river--brief notices of the natural history chapter xii. description of the descent from pine river--pine tracts--confluence of the crow-wing river--enter a sylvan region--prairies and groves, occupied by deer, elk, and buffalo--sport of buffalo hunting--reach elevations of sienitic and metamorphic rocks--discover a pictographic inscription of the sioux, by which they denote a desire for peace--pass the osaukes, st. francis's, corneille, and rum rivers--st. anthony's falls--etymology of the name--geographical considerations chapter xiii. position of the military post established at the mouth of the st. peter's--beauty, salubrity, and fertility of the country--pictographic letter--indian treaty--the appearance of the offer of frankincense in the burning of tobacco--opwagonite--native pigments--salt; native copper--the pouched or prairie rat--minnesota squirrel--etymology of the indian name of st. peter's river--antiquities--sketch of the dacota--descent of the mississippi to little crow's village--feast of green corn chapter xiv. descent of the river from the site of little crow's village to prairie du chien--incidents of the voyage, and notices of the scenery and natural history chapter xv. mr. schoolcraft makes a visit to the lead mines of dubuque--incidents of the trip--description of the mines--the title of occupancy, and the mode of the mines being worked by the fox tribe of indians--who are the foxes? chapter xvi. the expedition proceeds from prairie du chien up the wisconsin valley--incidents of the ascent--etymology of the name--the low state of its waters favorable to the observation of its fresh-water conchology--cross the wisconsin summit, and descend the fox river to winnebago lake chapter xvii. descent of the fox river from winnebago lake to green bay--incidents--etymology, conchology, mineralogy--falls of the konomic and kakala--population and antiquity of the settlement of green bay--appearances of a tide, not sustained chapter xviii. the expedition traces the west shores of lake michigan southerly to chicago--outline of the journey along this coast--sites of manitoowoc, sheboigan, milwaukie, racine, and chicago, being the present chief towns and cities of wisconsin and illinois on the west shores of that lake--final reorganization of the party and departure from chicago chapter xix. south and eastern borders of lake michigan--their flora and fauna--incidents of the journey--topography--geology, botany, and mineralogy--indian tribes--burial-place of marquette--ruins of the post of old mackinac--reach michilimackinac after a canoe journey north of four hundred miles chapter xx. topographical survey of the northern shores of green bay and of the entire basin of lake michigan--geological and mineralogical indicia of the coast line--era of sailing vessels and of the steamboat on the lakes--route along the huron coast, and return of the expedition to detroit expedition of . discovery of the source of the mississippi river in itasca lake chapter xxi. the search for the veritable source of the mississippi is resumed.--ascent to cass lake, the prior point of discovery--pursue the river westerly, through the andrúsian lakes and up the metoswa rapids, forty-five miles--queen anne's lake chapter xxii. ascent of the mississippi above queen anne's lake--reach the primary forks of the river--ascend the left-hand, or minor branch--lake irving--lake marquette--lake la salle--lake plantagenet--encamp at the naiwa rapids at the base of the height of land, or itasca summit chapter xxiii. the expedition having reached the source of the east fork in assawa lake, crosses the highlands of the hauteurs de terre to the source of the main or west fork in itasca lake chapter xxiv. descent of the west, or itascan branch--kakabikoñs falls--junction of the chemaun, peniddiwin, or de soto, and allenoga rivers--return to cass lake chapter xxv. the expedition proceeds to strike the source of the great crow-wing river, by the indian trail and line of interior portages, by way of leech lake, the seat of the warlike tribe of the pillagers, or mukundwa chapter xxvi. geographical account of leech lake--history of its indians, the mukundwas--the expedition proceeds to the source of the crow-wing river, and descends that stream, in its whole length, to the mississippi chapter xxvii. complete the exploration of the crow-wing river of minnesota--indian council--reach st. anthony's falls--council with the sioux--ascent and exploration of the river st. croix and misakoda, or broulé, of lake superior--return of the party to st. mary's falls, michigan appendix no. . departmental reports general cass's official report " " memoir suggesting further explorations " " personal testimonial " " communication on indian hieroglyphics, &c. " " queries respecting indian history, &c. indian history and languages topography and astronomy mineralogy and geology mr. schoolcraft's report on copper mines " " on geology and mineralogy " " on the value of the mineral lands on lake superior " memoir on the geology of western new york " on the elementary sounds of the chippewa language botany zoology meteorology appendix no. . indian language mr. schoolcraft's essay on the indian substantive " " on the noun-adjective " " on the principles of the pronoun natural history conchology botany mineralogy and geology mr. schoolcraft's remarks on the occurrence of silver " general list of mineral localities " geological outline of taquimenon valley " suggestions respecting the epoch of the st. mary's sandstone introduction. charlevoix informs us that the discovery of the mississippi river is due to father marquette, a jesuit missionary, who manifested the most unwearied enterprise in exploring the north-western regions of new france; and after laying the foundation of michilimackinac, proceeded, in company with sieur joliet, up the fox river of green bay, and, crossing the portage into the wisconsin, first entered the mississippi in . robert de la salle, to whom the merit of this discovery is generally attributed, embarked at rochelle, on his first voyage of discovery, july , ; reached quebec in september following, and, proceeding up the st. lawrence, laid the foundation of fort niagara, in the country of the iroquois, late in the fall of that year. in the following year, he passes up the niagara river; estimates the height of the falls at six hundred feet; and proceeding through lakes erie, st. clair, and huron, reaches michilimackinac in august. he then visits the sault de st. marie, and returning to michilimackinac, continues his voyage to the south, with a view of striking the mississippi river; passes into the lake of the illinois; touches at green bay; and enters the river st. joseph's, of lake michigan, where he builds a fort, in the country of the miamies. in december of the same year, he crosses the portage between the st. joseph's and the illinois; descends the latter to the lake, and builds a fort in the midst of the tribes of the illinois, which he calls crevecoeur. here he makes a stand; sends persons out to explore the mississippi, traffics with the indians, among all of whom he finds abundance of indian corn; and returns to fort frontenac, on lake ontario, in . he revisits fort crevecoeur late in the autumn of the following year, and finally descends the illinois, to its junction with the mississippi, and thence to the embouchure of the latter in the gulf of mexico, where he arrives on the th of april, , and calculates the latitude between ° and ° north. the spaniards had previously sought in vain for the mouth of this stream, and bestowed upon it, in anticipation, the name of del rio ascondido. la salle now returns to quebec, by way of the lakes, and from thence to france, where he is well received by the king, who grants him an outfit of four ships, and two hundred men, to enable him to continue his discoveries, and found a colony in the newly discovered territories. he leaves rochelle in july, , reaches the bay of st. louis, which is fifty leagues south of the mississippi, in the gulf of mexico, in february following, where he builds a fort, founds a settlement, and is finally assassinated by one of his own party. the exertions of this enterprising individual, and the account which was published of his discoveries by the chevalier tonti, who had accompanied him in all his perilous expeditions, had a greater effect, in the french capital, in producing a correct estimate of the extent, productions, and importance of the canadas, than all that had been done by preceding tourists; and this may be considered as the true era, when the eyes of politicians and divines, merchants and speculators, were first strongly turned towards the boundless forests, the sublime rivers and lakes, the populous indian tribes, and the profitable commerce of new france. father louis hennepin was a missionary of the franciscan order of catholics, who accompanied la salle on his first voyage from france; and after the building of fort crevecoeur, on the illinois, was dispatched in company with three french voyageurs to explore the mississippi river. they departed from fort crevecoeur on the th of february, , and dropping down the illinois to its junction with the mississippi, followed the latter an indeterminate distance towards the gulf, not believed to be great, where they left some memorial of their visit, and immediately commenced their return. when they had proceeded up the mississippi a hundred and fifty leagues above the confluence of the illinois, they were taken prisoners by some indian tribes, and carried towards its sources nineteen days' journey into the territories of the naudowessies and issati, where they were detained in captivity three or four months, and then suffered to return. the account which hennepin published of his travels and discoveries, served to throw some new light upon the topography, and the indian tribes of the canadas; and modern geography is indebted to him for the names which he bestowed upon the falls of st. anthony and the river st. francis. in , the baron la hontan, an unfrocked monk, published, in london, his voyages to north america, the result of a residence of six years in the canadas. la hontan served as an officer in the french army, and first went out to quebec in . during the succeeding four years he was chiefly stationed at chambly, fort frontenac, niagara, st. joseph, at the foot of lake huron, and the sault de st. marie. he arrives at michilimackinac in , and there first hears of the assassination of la salle. in he visits green bay, and passes through the fox and wisconsin rivers into the mississippi. so far, his work appears to be the result of actual observation, and is entitled to respect; but what he relates of long river appears wholly incredible, and can only be regarded as some flight of the imagination, intended to gratify the public taste for travels, during an age when it had been highly excited by the extravagant accounts which had been published respecting the wealth, population, and advantages of peru, mexico, the english and dutch colonies, new france, the illinois, and various other parts of the new world. to convey some idea of this part of the baron's work, it will be sufficient to observe that after travelling ten days above the mouth of the wisconsin, he arrives at the mouth of a large stream, which he calls long river, and which he ascends eighty-four days successively, during which he meets with numerous tribes of savages, as the eskoros, essenapes, pinnokas, mozemleeks, &c. he is attended a part of the way by five or six hundred, as an escort; sees at one time two thousand savages upon the shore; and states the population of the essenapes at , souls; but this tribe is still inferior to the mozemleeks in numbers, in arts, and in every other prerequisite for a great people. "the mozemleek nation," he observes, "is numerous and puissant. the four slaves of that country informed me that, at the distance of leagues from the place where i then was, their principal river empties itself into a salt lake of three hundred leagues in circumference, the mouth of which is about two leagues broad; that the lower part of that river is adorned with six noble cities, surrounded with stone, cemented with fat earth; that the houses of these cities have no roofs, but are open above like a platform; that, besides the above-mentioned cities, there are an hundred towns, great and small, round that sort of sea; that the people of that country make stuffs, copper axes, and several other manufactures, &c." in , p. de charlevoix, the historian of new france, was commissioned by the french government to make a tour of observation through the canadas, and in addition to his topographical and historical account of new france, published a journal of his voyage through the lakes. he was one of the most learned divines of his age, and although strongly tinctured with the doctrines of fatality, and disposed to view everything relative to the indian tribes with the over-zealous eye of a catholic missionary, yet his works bear the impress of a strong and well-cultivated mind, and abound in philosophical reflections, enlarged views, and accurate deductions; and, notwithstanding the lapse of a century, he must still be regarded as the most polished and illustrious traveller of the region. he first landed at quebec in the spring of , and immediately proceeded up the st. lawrence to fort frontenac and niagara, where he corrects the error into which those who preceded him had fallen, with respect to the height of the cataract. he proceeds through lakes erie, huron, and michigan, descends the illinois and mississippi to new orleans, then recently settled, and embarks for france. the period of his visit was that, when the mississippi scheme was in the height of experiment, and excited the liveliest interest in the french metropolis; people were then engaged, in louisiana, in exploring every part of the country, under the delusive hope of finding rich mines of gold and silver; and the remarks he makes upon the probability of a failure, were shortly justified by the event. in , alexander henry, esq. visited the upper lakes, in the character of a trader, and devoted sixteen years to travelling over different parts of the north-western region of the canadas and the united states. the result of his observations upon the topography, indian tribes, and natural history of the country, was first published in , and, as a volume of travels and adventures, is a valuable acquisition to our means of information. this work abounds in just and sensible reflections upon scenes, situations, and objects of the most interesting kind, and is written in a style of the most charming perspicuity and simplicity. he was the first english traveller of the region. the date of carver's travels over those regions is . carver, whose travels have been treated with too indiscriminate censure, was descended from an ancient and respectable english family in connecticut, and had served as a captain in the provincial army, which was disbanded after the treaty of peace of versailles, of , and united to great personal courage a persevering and observing mind. by his bravery and admirable conduct among the powerful tribes of sioux and chippewas, he obtained a high standing among them; and, after being constituted a chief by the former, received from them a large grant of land, which was not, however, ratified by the british government. the fate of this enterprising traveller cannot but excite regret. after having escaped the massacre of fort william henry, on the banks of lake george, in , and the perils of a long journey through the american wilderness, he was spared to endure miseries in the heart of the british metropolis, which he had never encountered in the huts of the american savages, and perished of want in the city of london, the seat of literature and opulence! between the years and , samuel hearne performed a journey from prince of wales's fort, in hudson's bay, to the coppermine river of the arctic ocean. mckenkie's voyages to the frozen and pacific oceans were performed in and . pike ascended the mississippi in and . such is a brief outline of the progress of discovery in the north-western regions of the united states, by which our sources of information have been from time to time augmented, and additional light cast upon the interesting history of our indian tribes--their numbers and condition, and other particulars connected with the regions they inhabit. still, it cannot be denied that, amidst much sound and useful information, there has been mingled no inconsiderable proportion that is deceptive, hypothetical, or false; and, upon the whole, that the progress of information has not kept pace with the increased importance which that section of the union has latterly assumed--with the great improvements of society--and with the spirit and the enterprise of the times. a new era has dawned in the moral history of our country, and, no longer satisfied with mere geographical outlines and boundaries, its physical productions, its antiquities, and the numerous other traits which it presents for scientific research, already attract the attention of a great proportion of the reading community; and it is eagerly inquired of various sections of it--whose trade, whose agriculture, and whose population have been long known--what are its indigenous plants, its zoology, its geology, its mineralogy, &c. of no part of it, however, has the paucity of information upon these, and upon other and more familiar subjects, been so great, as of the extreme north-western regions of the union, of the great chain of lakes, and of the sources of the mississippi river, which have continued to be the subject of dispute between geographical writers. impressed with the importance of these facts, governor cass, of michigan, projected, in the fall of , an expedition for exploring the regions in question, and presented a memorial to the secretary of war upon the subject, in which he proposed leaving detroit the ensuing spring, in indian canoes, as being best adapted to the navigation of the shallow waters of the upper country, and to the numerous portages which it is necessary to make from stream to stream. the specific objects of this journey were to obtain a more correct knowledge of the names, numbers, customs, history, condition, mode of subsistence, and dispositions of the indian tribes; to survey the topography of the country, and collect the materials for an accurate map; to locate the site and purchase the ground for a garrison at the foot of lake superior; to investigate the subject of the north-western copper mines, lead mines, and gypsum quarries, and to purchase from the indian tribes such tracts as might be necessary to secure to the united states the ultimate advantages to be derived from them. to accomplish these objects, it was proposed to attach to the expedition a topographical engineer, an astronomer, a physician, and a mineralogist and geologist, and some other scientific observers. mr. calhoun not only approved of the proposed plan, but determined to enable the governor to carry it into complete effect, by ordering an escort of soldiers, and enjoining it upon the commandants of the frontier garrisons, to furnish every aid that the exigencies of the party might require, either in men, boats, or supplies. it is only necessary to add, that i was honored with the appointment of mineralogist and geologist to the expedition, in which capacity i kept the following journal. in presenting it to the public, it will not be deemed improper if i acknowledge the obligations which i have incurred in transcribing it, by availing myself of a free access to the valuable library of his excellency de witt clinton, and of the taste and skill of mr. henry inman, in drawing a number of the views which embellish the work. henry b. schoolcraft. albany, may , . preliminary documents. i. original memoir suggestive of the expedition. ii. mr. calhoun's letter of sanction of it. iii. employment of a mineralogist and geologist. iv. policy of granting permits to take away minerals from the indian country. v. a topographical engineer and astronomer ordered from the military academy at west point. vi. vii. military orders of generals brown and macomb. preliminary documents. i. detroit, november , . sir: the country upon the southern shore of lake superior, and upon the water communication between that lake and the mississippi, has been but little explored, and its natural features are imperfectly known. we have no correct topographical delineation of it, and the little information we possess relating to it has been derived from the reports of the indian traders. it has occurred to me that a tour through that country, with a view to examine the productions of its animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, to explore its facilities for water communication, to delineate its natural objects, and to ascertain its present and future probable value, would not be uninteresting in itself, nor useless to the government. such an expedition would not be wholly unimportant in the public opinion, and would well accord with that zeal for inquiries of this nature which has recently marked the administration of the war department. but, however interesting such a tour might be in itself, or however important in its result, either in a political or geographical point of view, i should not have ventured to suggest the subject, nor to solicit your permission to carry it into effect, were it not, in other respects, intimately connected with the discharge of my official duties. mr. woodbridge, the delegate from this territory, at my request, takes charge of this letter, and he is so intimately acquainted with the subject, and every way so competent to enter into any explanations you may require, that i shall not be compelled to go as much into detail as, under other circumstances, might be necessary. the route which i propose to take, is from here to michilimackinac, and from thence, by the straits of st. mary's, to the river which contains the body of copper ore (specimens of which have been transmitted to the government), and to the extremity of lake superior. from that point, up the river which forms the water communication between that lake and the mississippi, to the latter river, and, by the way of prairie du chien and green bay, to lake michigan. the political objects which require attention upon this route are:-- . a personal examination of the different indian tribes who occupy the country; of their moral and social condition; of their feelings towards the united states; of their numerical strength; and of the various objects connected with them, of which humanity and sound policy require that the government should possess an intimate knowledge. we are very little acquainted with these indians, and i indulge the expectation that such a visit would be productive of beneficial effects. the extract from the letter of colonel leavenworth, herewith inclosed, and the speech of the winnebago indians, transmitted to the war department by mr. graham, from rock island, february , , will show how much we have yet to learn respecting these tribes, which are comparatively near to us. . another important object is, to procure the extinction of indian titles to the land in the vicinity of the straits of st. mary's, prairie du chien, green bay, and upon the communication between the two latter places. i will not trouble you with any observations respecting the necessity of procuring these cessions. they are the prominent points of the country--the avenues of communication by which alone it can be approached. two of them--prairie du chien and green bay--are occupied by a considerable population, and the straits of st. mary's by a few families. the undefined nature of their rights and duties, and the uncertain tenure by which they hold their lands, render it important that some step should be taken by the government to relieve them. i think, too, that a cession of territory, with a view to immediate sale and settlement, would be highly important in the event of any difficulties with the indians. my experience at indian treaties convinces me that reasonable cessions, upon proper terms, may at any time be procured. at the treaty recently concluded at saginaw, the indians were willing to cede the country in the vicinity of michilimackinac, but i did not feel authorized to treat with them for it. upon this subject, i transmit extracts from the letters of mr. boyd and colonel bowyer, by which it will be seen that these gentlemen anticipate no difficulty in procuring these cessions. . another important object is the examination of the body of copper in the vicinity of lake superior. as early as the year , mr. tracy, then a senator from connecticut, was dispatched to make a similar examination. he, however, proceeded no farther than michilimackinac. since then, several attempts have been made, which have proved abortive. the specimens of virgin copper which have been sent to the seat of government have been procured by the indians, or by the half-breeds, from a large mass, represented to weigh many tons, which has fallen from the brow of a hill. i anticipate no difficulty in reaching the spot, and it may be highly important to the government to divide this mass, and to transport it to the seaboard for naval purposes. it is also important to examine the neighboring country, which is said to be rich in its mineral productions. i should propose that the land in the vicinity of this river be purchased of the indians. it could doubtless be done upon reasonable terms, and the united states could then cause a complete examination of it to be made. such a cession is not unimportant in another point of view. some persons have already begun to indulge in speculations upon this subject. the place is remote, and the means of communicating with it are few. by timely presents to the indians, illegal possessions might be gained, and much injury might be done, much time might elapse, and much difficulty be experienced, before such trespassers could be removed. . to ascertain the views of the indians in the vicinity of chicago, respecting the removal of the six nations to that district of country, an extract from the letter of mr. kenzie, sub-agent at chicago, upon this subject, will show the situation in which this business stands. . to explain to the indians the views of the government respecting their intercourse with the british authorities at malden, and distinctly to announce to them that their visits must be discontinued. it is probable that the annunciation of the new system which you have directed to be pursued upon this subject, and the explanations connected with it, can be made with more effect by me than by ordinary messengers. . to ascertain the state of the british fur trade within that part of our jurisdiction. our information upon this subject is very limited, while its importance requires that it should be fully known. in addition to these objects, i think it very important to carry the flag of the united states into those remote regions, where it has never been borne by any person in a public station. the means by which i propose to accomplish this tour are simple and economical. all that will be required is an ordinary birch canoe, and permission to employ a competent number of canadian boatmen. the whole expense will be confined within narrow limits, and no appropriation will be necessary to defray it. i only request permission to assign to this object a small part of the sum apportioned for indian expenditures at this place, say from , to , dollars. if, however, the government should think that a small display of force might be proper, an additional canoe, to be manned with active soldiers, and commanded by an intelligent officer, would not increase the expense, and would give greater effect to any representations which might be made to the indians. an intelligent officer of engineers, to make a correct chart for the information of the government, would add to the value of the expedition. i am not competent to speculate upon the natural history of the country through which we may pass. should this object be deemed important, i request that some person acquainted with zoology, botany, and mineralogy may be sent to join me. it is almost useless to add that i do not expect any compensation for my own services, except the ordinary allowance for negotiating indian treaties, should you think proper to direct any to be held, and intrust the charge of them to me. i request that you will communicate to me, as early as convenient, your determination upon this subject, as it will be necessary to prepare a canoe during the winter, to be ready to enter upon the tour as soon as the navigation of the lakes is open, should you think proper to approve the plan. very respectfully, &c. lewis cass. hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. ii. department of war, january , . sir: i have received your letters of the th and st november last. the exploring tour you propose has the sanction of the government, provided the expenditure can be made out of the sum allotted your superintendency for indian affairs, adding thereto one thousand dollars for that special purpose. the objects of this expedition are comprised under the five heads stated in your letter of the th of november, and which you will consider--with the exception of that part which relates to holding indian treaties, upon which you will be fully instructed hereafter--as forming part of the instructions which may be given you by this department. should your reconnoissance extend to the western extremity of lake superior, you will ascertain the practicability of a communication between the bad, or burntwood river, which empties into the lake, and the copper, or st. croix, which empties into the mississippi, and the facility they present for a communication with our posts on the st. peter's. the montreal rivers will also claim your attention, with a view of establishing, through them, a communication between green bay and the west end of lake superior. to aid you in the accomplishment of these important objects, some officers of topographical engineers will be ordered to join you. perhaps major long, now here, will be directed to take that route to join the expedition which he commands up the missouri. in that event, a person acquainted with zoology and botany will be selected to accompany him. feeling, as i do, great interest in obtaining a correct topographical, geographical, and military survey of our country, every encouragement, consistent with the means in my power, will be given by the department. to this end, general macomb will be ordered to afford you every facility you may require. i have, &c., j. c. calhoun. his excellency, lewis cass, detroit, m. t. iii. department of war, february , . sir: mr. schoolcraft, a gentleman of science and observation, and particularly skilled in mineralogy, has applied to me to be permitted to accompany you on your exploring tour upon lake superior. i have directed him to report to you, for that duty, under the belief that he will be highly useful to you, as well as serviceable to the government and the promotion of science. you will furnish him with the necessary supplies and accommodation while employed, and every facility necessary to enable him to obtain a knowledge of the mineralogy of the country as far as practicable. i have, &c., j. c. calhoun. his excellency, lewis cass, detroit. iv. detroit, march , . sir: i have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the th ult., inclosing a copy of a letter from giles sanford & co. their statement with respect to the discovery of plaster of paris upon one or more of the islands in the vicinity of michilimackinac, to which the indian title has not been extinguished, is correct. specimens of this plaster have been brought here, and it is reported, by competent judges, to be of the best and purest kind. the quantity is stated to be inexhaustible, and, as vessels generally return empty, or nearly so, from the upper lakes, it could be transported to any part of lake erie at a trifling expense. i have great doubts, however, whether it would be proper for the government to grant any permission to remove this plaster until the indian title to the land is extinguished. the power of granting permission for that purpose is not given in the "act to regulate trade and intercourse with the indian tribes, and to preserve peace on the frontiers," and appears, in fact, to be inconsistent with its general spirit and objects. to authorize these gentlemen to negotiate with the indians for such a permission, is contrary to the settled policy which has always been pursued by the united states. i know of no case in which individuals have been or should be permitted to hold any councils with the indians, except to procure the extinction of their title to lands, claimed under grants from one of the states. the application here must be to the tribe, because in all their land there is a community of interest, which cannot be severed or conveyed by the acts of individuals. but, independent of precedent, there are strong objections to this course in principle. if private persons are authorized to open such negotiations for any object, the government will find it very difficult to procure from the indians any cession of land upon reasonable terms. were these islands the property of the united states, i think it would be very proper to permit the plaster upon them to be removed by every person making application for that purpose. the supply being inexhaustible, the agricultural interest would be greatly promoted by such a measure, and the dependence upon a foreign country for this important article would be removed. i therefore take the liberty of recommending that a cession of these islands be procured by the united states from the indians. i presume that this may be done without the payment of any annuity to them, and without any expense, except, perhaps, a few trifling presents. the plaster would then be at the disposal of government, and its free distribution, under such regulations as might be adopted to prevent disputes between the adventurers, or a monopoly by any of them, would be equally proper and beneficial. very respectfully, sir, i have the honor to be your most obedient servant, lewis cass. hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. v. extract of a letter from the secretary of war to governor lewis cass, dated april , . sir: i have received your letters of the th, th, and th ultimo. in relation to procuring cessions of land from the indians, the government has decided that it would be inexpedient to obtain any farther extinguishment of indian title, except at the sault de st. marie, where it is the wish of the department, that an inconsiderable cession, not exceeding ten miles square (unless strong reasons for a greater cession should present themselves from an actual inspection of the country), should be acquired upon the most reasonable terms, so as to comprehend the proposed military position there. herewith you will receive a plate of the country about the sault de st. marie, on which is indicated the military site intended to be occupied for defence. you will also procure the cession of the islands containing plaster, provided these islands are clearly within the boundary of the united states, and can be obtained without any considerable expense. a commission, authorizing you to hold these treaties, will be forwarded to you in a few days. as it is desirable to know by what title the people at green bay and prairie du chien hold their lands, and whether or not the indian titles to those lands were extinguished by the french, at any period subsequent to their possession of the country (which is the impression of this department), you will communicate such information as you possess, or may obtain, during your tour, on this subject. in addition to mr. schoolcraft, captain douglass, of the engineer corps, has been ordered to join you, and mr. whitney (in whose behalf application has been made for that purpose) may accompany you, if you can accommodate him. should he accompany you, he will be allowed the same compensation made to mr. schoolcraft, who will be allowed one dollar and fifty cents a day for the time actually employed. vi. northern division. adjutant-general's office, th february, . (division order.) major-general macomb, commandant of the th military department, will, without delay, concentrate at detroit the th regiment of infantry, excepting the recruits otherwise directed by the general order herewith transmitted. as soon as the navigation of the lakes will admit, he will cause the regiment to be transported to fort howard; from thence, by the way of the fox and wisconsin rivers, to prairie du chien, and, after detaching a sufficient number of companies to garrison forts crawford and armstrong, the remainder will proceed to the mouth of the river st. peter's, where they will establish a post, at which the head-quarters of the regiment will be located. the regiment, previous to its departure, will receive the necessary supplies of clothing, provisions, arms, and ammunition. immediate application will be made to brigadier-general jesup, quartermaster-general, for funds necessary to execute the movements required by this order. by order of major-general brown. (signed) john e. wool, _inspector-general_. vii. assistant adjutant-general's office. detroit, april , . (department order.) the season having now arrived when the lakes may be navigated with safety, a detachment of the th regiment, to consist of major marston's and captain fowle's companies, under the command of major muhlenburg, will proceed to green bay. surgeon's mate r. m. byrne, of the th regiment, will accompany the detachment. the assistant deputy quartermaster-general will furnish the necessary transport, and will send by the same opportunity two hundred barrels of provisions, which he will draw from the contractor at this post. the provisions must be examined and inspected, and properly put up for transportation. colonel leavenworth will, without delay, prepare his regiment to move to the posts on the mississippi, agreeably to the division order of the th of february. the assistant deputy quartermaster-general will furnish the necessary transportation, to be ready by the first of may next. the colonel will make requisition for such stores, ammunition, tools, and implements as may be required, and he be able to take with him on the expedition. particular instructions will be given to the colonel, explaining the objects of his expedition. mr. melvin dorr is appointed inspector of provisions, and he will inspect all provisions intended for the use of the army, before they are received and issued. lieutenant brooks, of the d regiment will forward, by the first detachment, such recruits as he has for the companies of the d regiment at mackinac. by order of major-general macomb. (signed) chester root, _a. d. company, and actg. assist. adjt.-general_. narrative of the expedition. narrative of the expedition. chapter i. departure--considerations on visiting the northern summits early in the season--cross the highlands of the hudson--incidents of the journey from albany to buffalo--visit niagara falls--their grandeur the effect of magnitude--embark on board the steamer walk-in-the-water--passage up lake erie--reach detroit. the determination to penetrate to the source of the mississippi, during the summer months, made an early departure important. i had, while at potosi, in missouri, during the prior month of february, written to hon. j. b. thomas, u. s. s., washington, to endeavor to secure an appointment to explore the mineralogy and natural features of the upper mississippi river; and as soon as i had published my treatise on the mines and minerals of missouri, i proceeded to washington, and submitted to the proper officers of the government, my account of the mineralogical wealth of the western domains, with a plan for the management of the public mines. mr. calhoun decidedly favored these views; but, foreseeing the necessity of congressional action on the subject, and the necessary delays of departmental references, said to me, that he had just received a memoir from governor cass, of michigan, proposing an expedition to the source of the mississippi, to leave detroit early in the spring, and offered me the position of mineralogist and geologist on that service. this agreeing, as it did, with my prior views of exploring the public domains, i gladly accepted, and immediately returned to the city of new york to prepare for the journey. the year had commenced with severe weather, the hudson being frozen hard, as high as west point, on the st of january; and there was a fall of snow between the th and th of february, which laid four feet deep in the streets of new york. march opened with mildness, and every appearance denoted an early spring, which led me to hasten my movement north. i left new york on the th of march, in the citizens' post-coach, on sleighs, for albany, taking the route through westchester, and over the highlands of putnam and dutchess; sleeping at fishkill and kinderhook, the first and second nights, and reaching albany on the morning of the th, a distance of one hundred and sixty miles. this distance we made in forty hours actual travelling, averaging four miles per hour, incidental stops included, which is about the rate of travelling by the trekschuits of holland,[ ] and by sledges over the frozen grounds of russia.[ ] in crossing the highlands, some one, in the change of the stage-sleighs, pilfered a small box of choice minerals which i set store by; the thief thinking, probably, from the weight and looks of the box, which had been a banker's, that it was still filled with coin. we crossed the hudson from greenbush, in a boat drawn through a channel cut in the ice. snow still laid in the streets of albany, and a cold north wind presaged a change of temperature. next day there was a hail-storm from the northwest, with rain and sleet, and on the morning of the th, the hail lay six inches deep in the streets. in the evening, proceeded by stage to the city of schenectady, a distance of sixteen miles, across the arenaceous tract of the pine plains, by a turnpike, which forms the shorter line of a triangle, made by the junction of the mohawk with the hudson river. this tract is bounded southerly by the blue summits of the helderberg, a prominent spur of the catskill mountain. at schenectady, we experienced a night of severe cold, and the next day, at an early hour, i took a seat in the stage-sleigh for utica, which we reached at seven in the evening. the distance is ninety-six miles, which we passed in seventeen hours, going an average rate of five miles per hour. the road lies up the valley of the mohawk, a name which recalls the history of one of the most celebrated members of the iroquois, a confederacy of bold and indomitable tribes, who, at an early day, either pushed their conquests or carried the terror of their arms from the st. lawrence to the mississippi. [ ] professor f. hall. [ ] clarke's travels. the winter was still unbroken, and the weather had assumed so unpropitious an aspect, since leaving new york, that there was no probability of the navigation of the lakes being open so as to embark at buffalo before may. i proceeded seventeen miles west to my father's residence, in the village of vernon, to await the development of milder weather. on the th of april, i resumed my journey, taking the western stage, which had left utica at two o'clock in the morning. we lodged the first night at skeneateles, at the foot of the beautiful and sylvan lake of the same name, and reached geneva the next day, at one o'clock in the afternoon. the roads were now dry and dusty; indeed, the last traces of snow had been seen in sheltered positions, in passing through oneida county, and every appearance in the ontario country indicated a season ten days more advanced than the valley of the mohawk. the field poplar put forth leaves on the th, and apricots were in bloom on the d. at geneva i remained until the th of april, when i again took my seat in the mail-stage, passing, in the course of the day, the lower margin of canandaigua lake, and through the attractive and tastefully laid-out village of the same name, and, after continuing the route through a most fertile country, with a constantly expanding vegetation, reached avon, on the banks of the genesee river. here we slept. the next morning (the th), we crossed this noble stream, and, after a long and fatiguing day's staging, reached buffalo in the evening. i was now at an estimated distance of two hundred and ten miles west of utica, and three hundred and twenty-two from albany. we had found the peach and apple-tree in blossom, and the vegetation generally in an advanced state, until reaching within eight or ten miles of lake erie, where the force of the winds, and the bodies of floating ice, evidently had the effect to retard vegetation. no vessel had yet ventured from the harbor, and although the steamer walk-in-the-water was advertised for the st of may, it was determined to delay her sailing until the th. this gave me time to visit niagara[ ] falls, and some other places of historical interest in the neighborhood. this object i executed immediately, taking a horse and buggy, and keeping down the american shore. the distance is twenty-two miles, in which the tonewanda river is crossed by a bridge. the day was clear and warm, with a light breeze blowing down the river. i stopped several times to listen for the sound of the falls, but at the distance of fifteen, ten, eight, and even five miles, could not distinguish any; the course of the wind being, indeed, adverse to the transmission of sound, in that direction, until reaching within some two or three miles. there is nothing in the character of the country, in the approach from buffalo, to apprise the visitor of the difference in its level and geological stratification, and thus prepare the mind to expect a cataract. it is different, i afterwards learned, in the approach from lewiston, in which quite a mountain must first be ascended, when views are often had of the most striking parts of the gulf, which has been excavated by the passage of the niagara river. it was not easy for me to erect standards of comparison for the eye to estimate heights. the ear is at first stunned by the incessant roar, and the eye bewildered by the general view. i spent two days at the place, and thus became familiarized with individual traits of the landscape. i found the abyss at the foot of the falls to be the best spot for accomplishing that object. by far the greatest disproportion in the falls exists between the height and great width of the falling sheet. the water is most thick and massy at the horseshoe fall, which gives one the most striking and vivid idea of creative power. in fitting positions in the gulf, with good incidences of light, the falls look like a mighty torrent pouring down from the clouds. at the time of my visit, the wind drove immense fields of ice out of lake erie, with floating trees and other driftwood, but i never saw any vestiges of these below the falls. in front of the column of water falling on the american side, there stood an enormous pyramid of snow, or congealed spray. [ ] this is an iroquois word, said to signify the thunder of waters. the word, as pronounced by the senecas, is oniágarah. for additional information on this subject, see _notes on the iroquois_, p. . the etymology of the word has not, however, been fully examined. it is clear the pronunciation of the word in goldsmith's day was niagára. what has been said by goldsmith, and repeated by others, respecting the destructive influence of the rapids above to ducks and water-fowl is imaginary--at least, as to the american sheet. so far from it, i saw the wild ducks swim down the rapid, as if in pursuit of some article of food, and then rise and fly out at the brink, and repeat the descent, as if delighted with the gift of wings, which enabled them to sport over such frightful precipices without danger. i found among the debris in the abyss, pieces of hornstone, and crystals of calcareous spar, radiated quartz, sulphuret of zinc, and sulphate of lime. its geology is best explained by observing that the river, in falling over the precipice of the niagara ridge into the basin of lake ontario, leaps over horizontal strata of limestone, slate, and red sandstone. in this respect, nothing can be more simple and plain. it is magnitude alone that makes the cataract sublime. on returning to buffalo, i found the lake rapidly discharging its ice, which had been recently broken up by a storm of wind; and, while awaiting the motion of the steamer, i was joined by captain d. b. douglass, professor of engineering at west point, who had been appointed topographer and astronomer of the expedition. we embarked on the th of may, at nine o'clock in the morning, in the steamer walk-in-the-water, an elegant and conveniently-planned vessel, with a low-pressure fulton engine. this boat had been put upon the lake two years before, when it made a trip to michilimackinac, and was, indeed, the initial boat in the history of steam navigation on the lakes. we embarked at black rock, and it was necessary to use a tow-line, drawn by oxen on the shore, to enable the boat to ascend the rapids. this captain rodgers, a gentlemanly man, facetiously termed his hornbreeze. the oxen were dismissed a short distance before reaching the mouth of buffalo creek, where we reached the level of lake erie, five hundred and sixty feet above the tide-waters of the hudson river.[ ] we were favored with clear weather, and, a part of the time, with a fair wind. the boat touched at erie, at the mouth of grand river, at cleveland, and at portland, in sandusky bay, on coming out of which we passed cunningham island, and the put-in-bay islands, from a harbor in which perry issued to achieve his memorable naval victory on the th of september, . passing through another group of islands, called the three sisters, we entered the mouth of the detroit river late on the afternoon of the th, just as the light became dim and shadowy. the scale of these waters is magnificent. [ ] report of the new york canal commissioners. we had a glimpse of the town and fort of malden, or amherstburg, and of boisblanc, and gross isle, which were the last objects distinctly seen in our ascent. the boat pushed on her way, under the guidance of good pilots, although the night was dark, and we reached our destination, and came to, at the city of detroit, at twelve o'clock p. m., thus completing the passage in sixty-two hours. the next morning, an official from the executive of the michigan territory came on board with inquiries respecting captain douglass and myself, and we soon found ourselves in a circle where we were received with marked respect and attention. it was pleasing to behold that this respect arose, in a great degree, from the high interest which was manifested, in all classes, for the objects of the expedition, and the influence which its exploratory labors were expected to have on the development of the resources and prosperity of the country at large. general cass, who was to lead the expedition, received us cordially, and let us know that we were in season, as some days would still elapse before the preparations could be completed, and that the canoes in which we were to travel had not yet reached detroit. we were also cordially welcomed by general macomb, commanding the military district, major john biddle, commanding officer of the fort, and by the citizens generally. i was now, by the computations, about seven hundred and fifty miles from my starting-point at new york. we took up our lodgings at the old stone house occupied by major whipple, which, from its prominent position on the banks of the river, had sustained a random cannonade during the late war. we were here introduced to dr. alexander wolcot, who filled the post of physician to the expedition, and to lieutenant eneas mackey, united states artillery, commanding the escort, major robert a. forsyth, private secretary of the executive, and commissary of the expedition, and superintendent of embarkation; and to james d. doty and charles c. trowbridge, esqs., who occupied, respectively, the situations of official secretary and assistant topographer. detroit, the point to which i have now been conducted, is eligibly situated on the south bank of the straits of the same name, and enjoys the advantage of a regular plan and spacious streets, which have been introduced since the burning of the old french town in , not a building of which, within the walls, was saved. its main street, jefferson avenue, is elevated about forty feet above the river. the town consists of about two hundred and fifty houses of all descriptions, public and private, and has a population of fourteen hundred and fifty,[ ] exclusive of the garrison. [ ] the census of detroit in gives it , . to the historian it is a point of great interest. it was the site of an indian village called teuchsagondie in , the date of the landing of the pilgrims at plymouth. quebec was founded in ; albany in . but no regular settlement or occupancy took place here, till the close of the seventeenth century. in june, , the french took formal possession of the straits by erecting the arms of france. on the th of july, , m. cadillac established the first military post. charlevoix, who landed here in , found it the site of fort pontchartrain. in the garrison, being then under british colors, sustained a notable siege from the confederate indians under pontiac. it remained under english rule till the close of the american revolution, and was not finally surrendered to the united states until , the year following wayne's treaty at greenville. surrendered by hull in , it was reoccupied by general harrison in october, . it received a city charter th october, . indeed, the prominent civil and military events of which detroit has been the theatre, confer on it a just celebrity, and it is gratifying to behold that to these events it adds the charm of a beautiful local site and fertile surrounding country. a cursory view of the map of the united states, will indicate its importance as a central military and commercial position. situated on the great chain of lakes, connecting with the waters of the ohio, mississippi, st. lawrence, hudson, and red river of the north, and communicating with the atlantic at so many points, and with a harbor free of entrance at all times, its business capacities and means of expansion are very great. and when the natural channels of communication of the great lake chain shall be improved, it will afford a choice of markets between the most distant points of the atlantic seaboard. it is thus destined to be to the regions of the northwest, what st. louis is rapidly becoming to the southwest, the seat of its commerce, the repository of its wealth, and the grand focus of its moral, political, and physical energies.[ ] [ ] michigan. this territory contained, at this period, a population of , inhabitants, principally frenchmen, who were the descendants of the original settlers of the time of louis xiv. in , the population had so increased, chiefly by emigration from the older states, that the inhabitants applied for admission into the union. the act of congress admitting it was passed in . in , it had , souls. by the seventh national census, in , it is shown to have a population of , , entitling it to four representatives in congress, with a large fraction. its resources, its healthful climate, fertile soil, and very advantageous position on the great chain of navigable waters of the upper lakes, must insure a rapid development of its means and resources, and place the state, in a few years, in a high rank among the circle of american states. chapter ii. preparations for the expedition--constitution of the party--mode of travel in canoes--embarkation, and incidents of the journey across the lake, and up the river st. clair--head winds encountered on lake huron--point aux barques--cross saganaw bay--delays in ascending the huron coast--its geology and natural history--reach michilimackinac. from the moment of our arrival at detroit, we devoted ourselves, with intensity, to the preparation necessary for entering the wilderness. we were to travel, from this point, by a new mode of conveyance, namely, the indian bark canoe, called a chimaun, a vehicle not less novel than curious. constructed of large and thick sheets of the rind of the betula papyracea, or northern birch, which are cut in garment-like folds, and sewed together with the thin fibrous roots of the spruce, on a thin framework of cedar ribs, and having gunwales, with a sheathing of the same material, interposed between the bark and ribs. the seams are carefully gummed with the pitch of the pine. the largest of these canoes are thirty-six feet in length, and seven feet wide in the centre, tapering to a point each way. they carry a mast and sail, and are steered and propelled with light cedar paddles. they are at once light, so as to be readily carried over the portages, and so strong as to bear very considerable burdens. those intended for us, were ordered from the chippewas of lake huron, near saganaw bay. it was necessary to have mosquito-bars, portfolios, knapsacks, and various contrivances, and to make baggage of every sort assume the least possible bulk and space. the public armorer had orders to furnish me suitable hammers and other minerological apparatus for preparing and packing specimens. the expedition was quite an event in a remote town, and everybody seemed to take an interest in the preparation. a fortnight passed away in these preparations, and in awaiting the arrival of the canoes, respecting which there was some delay. it was the th of may before we were ready to embark. besides the gentlemen mentioned as constituting the travelling party, ten canadian _voyageurs_ were taken to manage the canoes, ten united states soldiers to serve as an escort, and ten ottowa, chippewa, and shawnee indians to act as hunters, under the directions of james riley, an anglo-american, and joseph parks, a shawnee captive (at present, head chief of the shawnee nation), as interpreters. this canoe contained a chief called kewaygooshkum, a sedate and respectable man, who, a year afterwards, played an important part at the treaty of chicago. the grand point of departure and leave-taking, was at grose point, at the foot of lake st. clair, a spot nine miles distant. for this point, horses and carriages, with the numerous friends of gov. cass, pushed forward at an early hour; and there was as much enthusiasm manifested, by all classes, as if a new world was about to be discovered. i had a strong wish to witness the mode of canoe travelling, and, declining an opportunity to join the cavalcade by land, took my seat beside major forsyth in the governor's canoe. the canadians immediately struck up one of their animating canoe songs, the military escort at the same moment displayed its flag and left the shore, and the auxiliary indians, fired with the animation of the scene, handled their paddles briskly, and shot their canoe rapidly by us. a boat-race was the consequence. the indians at first kept their advantage, but the firmer and more enduring nerves of the canadians soon began to tell on our speed, and as we finally passed them, the indians gracefully yielded the contest. we were two hours in going to grose point, with the wind slightly ahead. the banks of the river detroit present continuous settlements, in which the appearance of large old orchards and windmills, among farm-houses and smooth cultivated fields, reminds the visitor that the country has been long settled. and he will not be long in observing, by the peculiarity of architecture, dress, manners, and language, that the basis of the population is french. we found our land party had preceded us, and as the winds were adverse, we encamped in linen tents along the open shore. the next day the wind increased, blowing quite a gale down the lake. i busied myself by making some meteorological and geological observations. the shores of lake st. clair are formed of a fertile alluvium, resting on drift. there are some heavy boulders of primitive rock resting on this, which denote a vast field of former drift action around the shores of these lakes. the wind abated about eleven o'clock on the morning of the th, when the men commenced loading the canoes. it was twelve before we embarked. the mode of their embarkation is peculiar. the canoes, when laden, are hauled out in deep water; the men then catch up the sitters on their backs, and deposit them in their respective seats; when this was done, they struck up one of their animated songs, and we glided over the smooth surface of the lake with rapidity, holding our course parallel with its shores, generally, until reaching a prominent point of land near huron river.[ ] [ ] now called clinton river, a change made by act of legislature, the frequent repetition of this name by the french having been found inconvenient in the lake geography. . from point huron we crossed the lake, to reach the central mouth of the st. clair river, thereby saving a tedious circuit; by the time we had half accomplished the transit, we encountered a head wind, which put the strength of the men severely to the test, and retarded our reaching the mouth of the river till dark. the river st. clair has several mouths, which branch off above through a broad delta, creating large islands. these channels discharge a vast amount of argillaceous drift and mud, which has so far filled up the lake itself, that there is anchorage, i believe, in every part of it; and the principal ship channel is scooped, by the force of the current, out of a very compact blue clay--the geological residuum of ancient formations of clay-slates in the upper country. the shores are often but a few inches _above_, and often a few inches _below_ the surface, where they give origin to a growth of reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, which remind the traveller of similar productions at the balize of the mississippi. in this nilotic region, myriads of water-fowls find a favorite resort. to us, however, these jets of alluvial formation, bearing high grass and rushes were as so many friendly arms stretched out to shelter us from the wind; but they were found to be so low and wet, that we were compelled to urge our way through them, in search of a dry encampment, till within two hours of midnight. this brought us to the upper end of lawson's island, where we arrived, wet, weary, and cold. we had advanced about twenty-five miles, having been ten hours, in a cramped posture, in our canoes. this initial day's journey was calculated to take away the poetry of travel from the amateurs of our party, and to let us all know, that there were toils in our way that required to be conquered. we slept little this night, and waited for daylight and sunrise, as if the blessed luminary would have an animating effect upon our actual condition. we again embarked at seven o'clock in the morning. we now stowed away things with more handiness than at the first embarkation, and we began, ourselves, to feel a little more at home in this species of voyaging. we had three canoes in our little squadron provided with masts and sails, and a small united states pennant to each, so that the brigade, when in motion, and led, as it usually was, by the chanting canoemen, had a formidable and animated appearance. the river st. clair is a broad and noble stream, and impressed us as justifying the highest encomiums bestowed on it by charlevoix, la hontan, and other early french travellers. we ascended it thirty miles, which brought us to fort gratiot, at the foot of the rapid which marks the outlet of lake huron. in this distance, we passed, at separate places, nine vessels at anchor, being detained by head winds, and encountered several chippewa and ottowa canoes, each of which were generally occupied by a single family, with their females, blankets, guns, fishing apparatus, and dogs. they evinced the most friendly disposition. in landing at oak point,[ ] i observed a green snake (coluber æstivus) in the act of swallowing a frog, which he had succeeded in taking down, except the extremity of its hind legs. a blow was sufficient to relieve the frog, which still had sufficient animation to hop towards the river. the snake i made to pay the forfeit of his life. [ ] now the site of algonac. at fort gratiot, we were received by major cummins, u. s. a., who occupied the post with sixty men. the expedition was received with a salute, which is due to the governor of a territory. two soldiers who were sickly, were here returned, and five able-bodied men received to supply their places, thus increasing the aggregate of the party to forty persons.[ ] [ ] to cover any arrangements of this kind, general orders had been issued by gen. macomb, to the commandants of the western posts. the banks of the river st. clair are wholly alluvial or diluvial. there is not a particle of rock in place. one idea presses itself prominently to notice, in reflecting on the formation of the country. it is the vast quantum of clay, mixed drift, and boulders, which have evidently been propelled, by ancient forces, down these straits, and afterwards arranged themselves according to affinities, or gravitation. at the precipitous banks between the inlet of black river and fort gratiot, this action has been so clearly within the erratic block period of de la buck, that it has imbedded prostrate forest-trees, and even freshwater shells, beneath the heavy stratum of sand, resting immediately upon the fundamental clay beds, upon which the city of detroit, and indeed the alluvions of the entire straits rest.[ ] we again encountered at this place, blocks of the primitive or crystalline boulders, which were first seen at grosse point. there are some traces of iron sand along the shore of this river, the only mineral body, indeed, which has thus rewarded my examinations. [ ] in the artesian borings for water, undertaken by mr. lucius lyon, at detroit, in , these clay beds were found to be one hundred and fifteen feet deep.--vide _historical and scientific sketches of michigan_, p. . we left our encampment, at fort gratiot, at eight o'clock next morning. a strong and deep rapid is immediately encountered, up which, however, vessels having a good wind find no difficulty in making their way. on surmounting this, we found ourselves on the level of lake huron. the lake here bursts upon the view in one of those magnificent landscapes which are peculiar to this region. nature has everywhere operated on the grandest scale. wide ocean expanses and long lines of shore spread before the eye, which gazes admiringly on the broad and often brilliant horizon, and then turns, for something to rest on, along the shore. long ridges of gravel, sand, and boulders, meet it here. beyond and above this storm-battered beach, are fringes of woods, or banks of clay. the monotony of travelling by unvaried scenes is relieved by an occasional song of the boatmen, or an occasional landing--by changes of forest-trees--of the wind, or flights of the gull, duck, plover, and other birds; but the traveller, is apt, before evening comes, to fancy himself very much in the position of a piece of merchandise which is transported from place to place. glad were we when night approached, and the order to encamp was heard. it was estimated we had advanced thirty-five miles. on passing along the huron coast about fifteen miles, a bank of dark clay is encountered, which has an elevation of thirty or forty feet, and extends six or eight miles. we soon after came to the white rock--an enormous detached mass, or boulder of transition,[ ] or semi-crystalline limestone. it is a noted landmark for _voyageurs_ and travellers, and an equally celebrated place of offerings by the indians. i requested to be landed on it, and detached some specimens. geologically, it is a member of the erratic block group, and we must look for its parent bed at a more westerly point. there is no formation of limestone, in this quarter, to which it can be referred. it bears marks of attrition, which shows that it has been rubbed against other hard bodies; and if transported down the lake on ice, it is necessary to consider these marks as pre-existing at the era of its removal. [ ] this term has disappeared from the geological vocabulary under the researches of sir roderick j. murchison, mr. lyell, and other distinguished generalizers. on embarking in the morning, the wind was slightly ahead, which continued during the forenoon, changing in the after-part of the day, so that we were able to hoist sail. about four o'clock the weather became cloudy and hazy, the wind increasing, at the same time attended with thunder and lightning. a storm was rapidly gathering, and the lake became so much agitated that we immediately effected a landing, which was not done without some difficulty, on a shallow and dangerous shore, thickly strewn with boulders. we pitched our tents on a small peninsula, or narrow neck of land, covered with beautiful forest-trees, which was nearly separated from the main shore. shortly after our arrival a vessel hove in sight, and anchored on the same dangerous lee shore. we were in momently expectation of her being driven from her moorings, but were happily relieved, the next morning, to observe that she had rode out the storm. the lake was still too rough on the following day, and the wind too high, to permit our embarking. we made an excursion inland. the country proved low, undulatory, and swampy. the forest consisted of hemlock, birch, ash, oak, and maple, with several species of mosses, which gave it a cold, bleak character. the margin of the forest was skirted with the bulrush, briza canadensis, and other aquatic plants. the whole day passed, a night, and another day, with nothing but the loud sounding lake roar in our ears. a heavy bed of the erratic block formation commences at this point, and continues to point aux barques, the eastern cape of saganaw bay. in one of these displaced masses--a boulder of mica slate, i discovered well-defined crystals of staurotide. this formed my second mineralogical acquisition.[ ] there were, also, some striking water-worn masses of granitical and hornblende porphyry. [ ] in passing along this coast in , an indian picked up, in shallow water, a small boulder imbedding a mass of native silver. breaking off the most prominent mass, he still observed the metal forming veins in the rock, and brought both specimens to an officer of the british indian department at amherst (lieut. lewis s. johnson), who presented them to me. this discovery is described in the _annals of the new york lyceum of natural history_, vol. i. part , page . it was the st of june before we could leave the spot where we had been confined. we embarked at six o'clock, the lake being sufficiently pacific, though not yet settled. but after proceeding about a league, it again became agitated, and drove us ashore, where we lay without encamping. kewaygushkum was requested to send some of his young men in quest of game. the soldiers and engagees also formed fishing parties, at a contiguous river; but about three o'clock in the afternoon all the parties returned completely unsuccessful. there was neither fish nor game to be had. at the same time the agitation of the lake ceased, the wind springing up from an opposite quarter, which enabled us to hoist sail. this put every one in a pleasant humor, and we proceeded along the coast till evening, and encamped on a small sandy bay, which puts into the land, immediately beyond the promontory of point aux barques--an estimated distance of twenty-five miles from our starting-point in the morning. at the distance of a league before reaching this point, the first stratum of rock, _in situ_, presents itself. it is a gray friable sandstone, elevated from ten to twenty feet above the water, but attaining a greater height in the approach to this noted cape. this stratum of sandstone rock, which is of a perishable character, is exposed to receive the shock of the waves of lake huron for several hundred miles from the north and west. it exhibits the force and fury of the lake action by the numerous cavities which have been worn into it, at the water's edge, and by the sub-bays which have, in some localities, been formed in the line of dark opposing cliffs. it was in one of these sub-bays that we encamped, on a smooth sandy beach, which appears to have been a favorite encamping ground of the natives. but although we had met several canoes of chippewas, on the route between fort gratiot and this point, none were found at the place of our encampment. such of them as we approached, on the lake, were invariably in want of food, and received it with evident marks of gratification. on going inland, back from our encampment, we found a succession of arid ridges of sand, which had been evidently produced by the prostrated sandstone of the coast, which, after comminution by the waves, had been carried to this position by the winds. these ancient dunes and ridges were covered sparsely with pitch pines and aspen, and having their surfaces covered with the uva ursi, pyrola, and smaller shrub-growth common to arenaceous soils. on the day following, we ascended along the eastern shores of saganaw bay, a distance of eighteen miles, which brought us to point aux chenes. at this place the guides pointed to a group of islands about midway of the bay, for which we steered. the calmness of the weather favored the traverse. we reached and landed on the largest of the group, called shawangunk, by the indians, probably from its southernmost position. i found it to consist of a dark, compact limestone, imbedding masses of chalcedony and calcareous spar. i also picked up a detached mass of argillaceous oxide of iron, and some fragments of striped hornstone. anxious to improve the favorable time for effecting the passage, we pushed on for the opposite western shore, which was safely reached. we then steered down the bay, skirting a low sandy shore some twenty miles or more, till entering the open lake, and reaching the river aux sables. on entering this river, and after having pitched our camp, we were visited by a band of chippewa indians, with friendly salutations. it appeared that the arrival of the expedition had been anticipated by them, they having themselves constructed and furnished the canoes for it, and being well acquainted with the official position, at detroit, of the leader of our party. the principal chief, the black eagle, addressed a speech to governor cass, in which he appropriately recognized these relations, welcomed him to his village, and recommended the condition of his people to his notice. the calumet was then smoked in the usual style of indian ceremony, the pipe-bearer beginning with persons of first rank, and handing it in the supposed order of grade, to the lowest member of the official family. the ceremony was ended by shaking of hands. all this was done with the ease and dignity of an oriental sheikh. we had anticipated savages, and savage manners, and armed ourselves to the teeth, pushing a point with an army official at detroit, until we were each provided with a short rifle. but this first formal council with the sons of the forest, began to open our eyes to the true character of the indian manners and diplomacy, in their intercourse with government officials. the chiefs, after their departure, sent to our encampment a present of fresh sturgeon, a species which is caught abundantly in the aux sables at this time, for which returns were made of such articles as were most acceptable to them. being out of the bay, we employed the following day making advances along the huron coast, an estimated distance of forty-eight miles. in this distance, we passed thunder bay. encamped on a low, calcareous shore, bearing cedar and spruce, which the indians call sho-she-ko-naw-be-ko-king, or flat rock point. a few miles after leaving river aux sables, the highlands of sables present themselves at a short distance back from the shore. this ridge, which is a landmark for mariners, runs from southeast to northwest, and is visible as far as thunder bay. the limestone, which is dark and of an earthy fracture, is very much broken up on the shore, and contains various species of organic remains. on crossing the bay, we landed on an island covered with debris, where we observed one of those imitative, water-worn, primitive boulders, resembling altars, which are frequently set up by the indians as the places of depositing some offering, or out of mere respect for some local god. at six o'clock the next morning we were again in our canoes, assiduously moving along the huron coast; but, after proceeding about a league, a storm of wind and rain suddenly arose, driving us from the lake. a few hours served to restore its calmness, but we had not gone over a couple of leagues when we were again compelled by the rising wind to take to the shore, where we were detained the rest of the day, listening to the capricious murmurs of the lake. this position was directly opposite middle island, a noted anchorage about six miles distant. all night the waves of the lake were heard. the morning broke without change. lake huron still evinced an angry aspect, threatening to renew the struggle of yesterday. it was concluded to send the canoes forward, relieved of our weight, and proceed ourselves on foot along the beach. walking on this became difficult on those parts of it where the fossiliferous and shelly limestone had been broken up and heaped in small fragments. among these, we recognized specimens of the cornu-ammonis, and the maderpore, with some other species. the cedars and brushy growth generally stood so thick, and grew so closely to this line of debris, that it was impracticable to take the woods. the toil, however, rewarded us with some specimens of the organic forms imbedded in the rock, while it enabled the topographers to secure the data for a very perfect map of the coast. at ten o'clock in the morning we reached the east cape of presque isle bay, where the canoes came to take us across to the peninsula of that name. after completing this, the men landed the canoes and baggage on the peninsula side, and carried them across the narrow sandy neck of land; but, on reaching the open lake beyond it, the wind was found too strongly adverse to permit embarkation. the canadians have the not inappropriate term of _degrade_ for this species of detention; we were here foiled, indeed, in our high hopes of pushing ahead, and compelled to wait on the naked sands for many weary hours. while thus detained, the indians brought in a brown rabbit,[ ] a species of lake tortoise, and some pigeons, being their only fruits of success in hunting, except a single grouse, or partridge, which had crowned their efforts since leaving detroit. it must be borne in mind, however, that there has been very little opportunity for hunting, that we have had abundant supplies, and that our mode of travelling is such as to alarm all game within sound of our track. they have, indeed, brought reports at several points of seeing the footprints of the deer and black bear, but they have not had the leisure to pursue them. [ ] this is presumed to be a variety of the american hare, and may be distinguished by the following characters: body eighteen inches long; color of the hair grayish-brown on the back, grayish-white beneath. neck and body rusty and cenerous. legs pale rust color. tail short, brown above, white beneath. hind legs longest, and callous a short distance from the paws up. ears tipped with black. covering of the body rusty fur, beneath long coarse hair. probable weight six pounds. at five o'clock, the wind abated so much as to permit embarkation, and our canoemen hastened forward with the intention of travelling all night, but at eleven o'clock it freshened to such a degree, and at the same time became so intensely dark, that we were compelled to land and encamp. neither the topography, mineralogy, or any branch of the physical geography of a country can be ascertained without minute examination; and this constitutes, indeed, the object of the investigations, which have been, thus far, so toilsomely pursued against adverse winds since the commencement of the expedition; but they have disclosed facts which reveal the true structure and physical history of this bleak, ungenial coast; this hope serves, every day, to give new impetus to the voyage. another day along the huron coast. it was now the th of june. the _voyageurs_ began now to manifest great anxiety to reach michilimackinac, and had their canoes in the water at a very early hour. we all participated in this feeling, and saw with pleasure the long lines of sandy shores, strewed with boulders and pebbles, that were swiftly passed. we had traced about forty miles of the coast when we reached the foot of bois blanc island, and pushed over the intervening arm of the lake to get its south or lee shore. this was a labor of hazard, as the wind was directly ahead, and drove the waves into the canoes. when accomplished, we had the shelter of this island for twelve miles, till reaching its southwest part. we then passed, due north, between it and isle ronde, which brought the wind again ahead. but the men had not kept this course long, when michilimackinac, with its picturesque and imposing features, burst upon our view. nothing can present a more refreshing and inspiring landscape. from that moment the _voyageurs_ appeared to disregard the wind. striking into the water with bolder paddles, and opening one of their animating boat-songs, all thought of past toils was forgotten, and, urged forward with a new impetus, we entered the handsome little crescent-shaped harbor at four o'clock. the expedition was received with a salute from the fort, in command of capt. b. k. pierce, u. s. a.,[ ] in compliment to the governor of the territory, and we landed amid the congratulations of the citizens, who pressed forward to welcome us. [ ] of this officer, who was a brother of franklin pierce, president of the united states, gardner's _army dictionary_ gives the following notice: benjamin k. pierce (n. h.), first lieutenant third artillery, march, ; adjutant, ; captain, october, ; retained may , in artillery; in fourth artillery, may ; major ten years fa. service, oct. , ; major first artillery, june , (lieutenant-colonel eighth infantry, july , , declined); brevet lieutenant-colonel "for distinguished service in affair at fort drane," aug. , (oct. ), in which he commanded: colonel regular creek mounted volunteers, in florida war, oct. ; lieutenant-colonel first artillery, march , . died april , , at new york. thus terminated the first part of our journey, after a tedious voyage of fourteen days, in which we had encountered a series of almost continued head-winds and foul weather. the distance by ship is usually estimated at three hundred miles; by following the indentations of the coast, and entering saganaw bay, we found it three hundred and sixty.[ ] we found the huron coast, to the line of which our observations were limited, bearing, in its vegetation, indubitable marks of its exposure to the northern winds. as a section of the lake geology, it is simple and instructive, exhibiting strata of sandstone and non-crystalline and fossiliferous limestone in horizontal positions, without the slightest disturbance in their dip or inclinations. its mineralogy is scanty, being nearly confined, so far as observed, to some common silicious minerals, and traces of argillaceous and magnetic oxides of iron. the erratic block-stratum or drift, is remarkable, and prepares the mind for the still heavier accumulations of this kind which are perceived to be spread over the northern latitudes.[ ] [ ] among the erratic block or drift stratum, i observed on the south huron coast singularly striking, round fragments of white quartz, imbedding red fragments of coarse jasper; a rock, which i afterwards found in places on the south end of sugar island, in st. mary's straits, which lies directly north of the general position, and may serve as a proof of the course of the drift. [ ] _vide_ geo. report, appendix. chapter iii. description of michilimackinac--prominent scenery--geology--arched rock--sugarloaf rock--history--statistics--mineralogy--skull cave--manners--its fish, agriculture, moral wants--ingenious manufactures of the indians--fur trade--etymology of the word--antique bones disclosed in the interior of the island. nothing can exceed the beauty of this island. it is a mass of calcareous rock, rising from the bed of lake huron, and reaching an elevation of more than three hundred feet above the water. the waters around are purity itself. some of its cliffs shoot up perpendicularly, and tower in pinnacles like ruinous gothic steeples. it is cavernous in some places; and in these caverns, the ancient indians, like those of india, have placed their dead. portions of the beach are level, and adapted to landing from boats and canoes. the harbor, at its south end, is a little gem. vessels anchor in it, and find good holding. the little old-fashioned french town nestles around it in a very primitive style. the fort frowns above it, like another alhambra, its white walls gleaming in the sun. the whole area of the island is one labyrinth of curious little glens and valleys. old green fields appear, in some spots, which have been formerly cultivated by the indians. in some of these there are circles of gathered-up stones, as if the druids themselves had dwelt here. the soil, though rough, is fertile, being the comminuted materials of broken-down limestones. the island was formerly covered with a dense growth of rock-maples, oaks, ironwood, and other hard-wood species, and there are still parts of this ancient forest left, but all the southern limits of it exhibit a young growth. there are walks and winding paths among its little hills, and precipices of the most romantic character. and whenever the visitor gets on eminences overlooking the lake, he is transported with sublime views of a most illimitable and magnificent water prospect. if the poetic muses are ever to have a new parnassus in america, they should inevitably fix on michilimackinac. hygeia, too, should place her temple here, for it has one of the purest, driest, clearest, and most healthful atmospheres. we remained encamped upon this lovely island six days, while awaiting the arrival of supplies and provisions for the journey, or their being prepared for transportation by hand over the northern portages. meats, bread, indian corn, and flour, had to be put in kegs, or stout linen bags. the traders and old citizens said so much about the difficulties and toils of these northern portages that we did not know but what we, ourselves, were to be put in bags; but we escaped that process. this delay gave us the opportunity of more closely examining the island. it is about three and a half miles long, two in its greatest width, and nine in circumference. the site of fort holmes, the apex, is three hundred and twelve feet above the lake. the eastern margin consists of precipitous cliffs, which, in many places, overhang the water, and furnish a picturesque rocky-fringe, as it were, to the elevated plain. the whole rock formation is calcareous. it exhibits the effects of a powerful diluvial action at early periods, as well as the continued influence of elemental action, still at work. large portions of the cliffs have been precipitated upon the beach, where the process of degradation has been carried on by the waves. a most striking instance of such precipitations is to be witnessed at the eastern cliff, called robinson's folly, which fell, by its own gravitation, within the period of tradition. the formation, at this point, formerly overhung the beach, commanding a fine view of the lake and islands in all directions, in consequence of which it was occupied with a summer-house, by the officers of the british garrison, after the abandonment of the old peninsular fort, about . the mineralogical features of the island are not without interest. i examined the large fragments of debris, which are still prominent, and which exhibit comparatively fresh fractures. the rock contains a portion of sparry matter, which is arranged in reticulæ, filled with white carbonate of lime, in such a state of loose disintegration that the weather soon converts it to the condition of agaric mineral. these reticulæ are commonly in the slate of calcspar, crystallized in minute crystals. the stratum on which this loose formation rests is compact and firm, and agrees in structure with the encrinal limestone of drummond island and the manitouline chain. but the vesicular stratum, which may be one hundred and ten or twenty feet thick, has been deposited in such a condition that it has not had, in some localities, firmness enough permanently to sustain itself. the consequence is, that the table-land has caved in, and exhibits singular depressions, or grass-covered, cup-shaped cavities, which have no visible outlet for the rain-water that falls in them, unless it percolates through the shelly strata. portions of it, subject to this structure, have been pressed off during changing seasons, by frosts, and carried away by rains, creating that castellated appearance of pinnacles, which gives so much peculiarity to the rocky outlines of the island. the arched rock is an isolated mass of self-sustaining rock, on the eastern facade of cliffs; it offers one of those coincidences of geological degradation in which the firmer texture of the silicious and calcareous portions of it have, thus far, resisted decomposition. its explanation, is, however, simple: the apex of this geological monument is on a level, or nearly so, with the fort holmes summit. while the diluvial action, of which the whole island gives striking proofs, carried away the rest of the reticulated or magnesian limestone, this singular point, having a firmer texture, resisted its power, and remains to tell the visitor who gazes at it, that waters have once held dominion over the highest part of the island. before dismissing the subject of the geological phenomena of this island, it may be observed that it is covered with the erratic block or drift stratum. primitive or crystalline pebbles and boulders are found, but not plentifully, on the surface. they are observed, however, on the highest summit, and upon the lower plain; one of the best localities of these boulders, exists on the depressed ground, leading north, in the approach to dousman's farm, where there is a remarkable accumulation of blocks of granite and hornblende drift boulders. the principal drift of the island consists of smooth, small, calcareous pebbles, and, at deeper positions, angular fragments of limestone. sandstone boulders are not rare. over the plain leading from the fort north by way of the skull rock, are spread extensive beds of finely comminuted calcareous gravel, the particles of which often not exceeding the size of a buck-shot, which makes one of the most solid and compact natural macadamized roads of which it is possible to conceive. carriage wheels on it run as smoothly, but far more solid, than they could over a plank floor. this formation appears to be the diluvial residuum or ultimate wash, which arranged itself agreeably to the laws of its own gravitation, on the recession of the watery element, to which its comminution is clearly due. it would be worth transportation, in boxes, for gravelling ornamental garden-walks. the soil of the island is highly charged with the calcareous element, and, however barren in appearance, is favorable to vegetation. potatoes have been known to be raised in pure beds of small limestone pebbles, where the seed potatoes had been merely covered in a slight way, to shield them from the sun, until they had taken root. the historical reminiscences connected with this island are of an interesting character. it appears from concurrent testimony, that the old town on the peninsula was settled about ,[ ] which was seven years before the building of fort niagara. in that year, father marquette, a french missionary, prevailed on a party of hurons to locate themselves at that spot, and it was therefore the first point of settlement made northwest of fort frontenac, on lake ontario. it was probably first garrisoned by la salle, in , and continued to be the seat of the fur trade, and in many respects, the metropolis of the extreme northwest, during the whole period of french domination in the canadas. after the fall of quebec, in , it passed by treaty to the british government, but much against the wishes of the indian tribes, who retained a strong partiality for their early friends, the french. pontiac arose at this time, to dispute the english authority in the northwest, and with confederates projected a series of bold attacks upon the forts extending from the ohio to this post. most of these were successful, but he was defeated at detroit, where he commanded in person, after a series of extraordinary movements. while he was pressing the siege of the garrison, he enjoined neutrality upon the french inhabitants, who were nevertheless called on to furnish cattle and corn for the subsistence of his warriors. it is remarked on good authority that, for these supplies, he issued evidences of debt. when general bradstreet marched to the relief of the fort, with an army of three thousand men, the spirit and laconic temper of the warrior were at the same time evinced. he sent a deputation of chiefs to meet the herald of the british general, at maumee, with the laconic and symbolic message: "i stand in the path." [ ] neither fort niagara nor fort ponchartrain (at the present site of detroit) were then in existence. the foundation of the former was laid by la salle, in ; the latter had not been erected when la hontan passed through the country, in .--_herriot's travels through canada_, p. . the execution of the plan of attack on old fort mackinac appears to have been intrusted to minnawanna, a chippewa chief, who, in addition to his own people, was aided by the sacs. the ottowas afterwards expressed displeasure in not having been admitted to a participation in the attack. the plan was ingeniously laid. the king's birthday, the th of june ( ), having arrived, the chippewas and sacs turned out to play, for a high wager, at ball. many of the garrison, and the commanding officer himself, came out to witness the sport; and there was such a feeling of security that the gates of the fort were left open. to put the troops more off their guard, the ball had been thrown over the picket, and when once there, it was natural that it should be followed by the opposite parties, heated with the contest and eager for victory. but this artifice was the accomplishment of the plan. the war-whoop was immediately sounded, and an indiscriminate slaughter commenced. a few moments of intense anxiety ensued. they were passed by the officers eagerly listening for the roll of the drum. but they were passed in disappointment. there was no call of this kind to concentrate resistance. panic and slaughter raged in their most fearful forms. none were spared who were deemed friendly to the english interest but such as were effectually secreted. some of the soldiers who escaped the first onset, were incarcerated in a room, where they were sacrificed to glut the vengeance of a chief, who did not arrive till the principal work of slaughter had been accomplished. this event sealed the fate of the old fort and the town on the peninsula. the british afterwards took possession of the island, which had served to give name to the peninsular fort. the town was gradually removed, by pulling down the buildings, and transporting the timber to the island, till there was not a building or fixture left; and the site is now as silent and deserted as if it had never been the scene of an active resident population. the island of michilimackinac appears to have been occupied first as a military position by the british, about , say some seven years after the massacre of the garrison of the old peninsular fort of the same name. wherever michilimackinac is mentioned in the missionary letters or history of this period, it is the ancient fort, on the apex of the michigan peninsula, that is alluded to. the present town is pleasantly situated around a little bay that affords good clay anchorage and a protection from west and north winds. it has a very antique and foreign look, and most of the inhabitants are, indeed, of the canadian type of the french. the french language is chiefly spoken. it consists of about one hundred and fifty houses and some four hundred and fifty permanent inhabitants. it is the seat of justice for the most northerly county of michigan. according to the observation of lieut. evelith, the island lies in north latitude ° ´, which is only twenty-three minutes north of montreal, as stated by prof. silliman.[ ] it is in west longitude ° ´ from washington. [ ] tour from hartford to quebec, p. . col. croghan's attempt to take the island, during the late war, was most unfortunate. he failed from a double spirit of dissension in his own forces, being at odds with the commanding officer of the fleet, and at sword's points with his second in command, major holmes. after entering the st. mary's, and taking and burning the old post of st. joseph's, where nobody resisted, instead of sailing direct to mackinac, a marauding expedition was sent up this river to st. mary's, and when the fleet and troops finally reached mackinac, instead of landing at the town, under the panic of the inhabitants, it sailed about for several days. in the mean time the island filled with indians from the surrounding shores. fort "mackina" is eligibly situated on a cliff overlooking the town and harbor, and is garrisoned by a company of artillery. the ruin of fort holmes, formerly fort george, occupies the apex of the island, and has been dismantled since the british evacuated it in .[ ] [ ] tour from hartford to quebec, p. . it happened that the british authorities on the island of st. joseph, got intelligence of the declaration of war, in , through canada, before the american commander at mackinac heard of it. mustering their forces with such volunteers, militia, and indians as could be hastily got together, they proceeded in boats to the back of the island, where they secretly landed at night with some artillery, and by daylight the next morning got the latter in place on the summit of fort holmes, which completely commanded the lower fort, when they sent a summons of surrender, which captain hanks, the american commanding officer, had no option but to obey. colonel croghan, the hero of sandusky, attempted to regain possession of it, in , with a competent force, and after several demonstrations of his fleet about the island, by which time was lost and panic in the enemy allayed, he landed on the northern part of it, which is depressed, and his army marched through thick woods, most favorable for the operations of the indians, to the open grounds of dousman's farm, where the army was met by colonel mcdouall, who was eligibly posted on an eminence with but few regular troops, but a heavy force of indian auxiliaries and the village militia. major holmes, who gallantly led the attack, swinging his sword, was killed at a critical moment, and the troops retreated before colonel croghan could reach the field with a reinforcement. thus ended this affair. my attention was directed to the plaster stated to exist on the st. martin islands. these islands compose a small group lying about nine or ten miles north-northeast of michilimackinac. captain knapp, of the revenue service, had been requested to take me to the spot with the revenue cutter under his command. i was accompanied by captain douglass, of the expedition, and by lieutenant john pierce, u. s. a., stationed at the fort. the gypsum exists in a moist soil, not greatly elevated, during certain winds above the lake. pits had been dug by persons visiting the locality for commercial purposes. it occurs in granular lumps of a gray color, as also in foliated and fibrous masses, white, gray, chestnut color, or sometimes red. no difficulty was encountered in procuring as many specimens as were required. this group of islands is noticeable, also, for the large boulder masses of hornblende and granite rock, which are found imbedded in, or lying on the surface, along with fragments of breccia, quartz, &c. this drift is more abundant, on all the islands i have seen, as we approach the north shores of lake huron. having completed the examination of these islands, we returned to the harbor after an agreeable excursion. to observe the structure and character of the island of michilimackinac, i determined to walk entirely around it, following the beach at the foot of the cliffs. this, although a difficult task, from brush and debris, became a practicable one, except on the north and northwest borders, where there was, for limited spaces, no margin of debris, at which points it became necessary to wade in the water at the base of low precipitous rocks. in addition to the reticulated masses of limestone covered with calcspar from the fallen cliffs, the search disclosed small tabular pieces of minutely crystallized quartz and angular masses of a kind of striped hornstone, gray and lead colored, which had been liberated from similar positions in the cliffs. on passing the west margin of the island, i observed a bed of a species of light-blue clay, which is stated to part with its coloring matter in baking it, becoming white. while the british possessed the island, they attempted to procure water by digging two wells at the site of fort george (now holmes), but were induced to relinquish the work without success, at the depth of about one hundred feet. among the fragments of rock thrown out, are impressions of bivalve and univalve shells, with an impression resembling the head of a trilobite. these are generally in the condition of chalcedony, covered with very minute crystals of quartz. i also discovered a drift specimen of brown oxide of iron, on the north quarter. this sketch embraces all that is important in its mineralogical character. this island appears to have been occupied by the indians, from an early period. human bones have been discovered at more than one point, in the cavernous structure of the island; but no place has been so much celebrated for disclosures of this kind, as the skull cave. this cave has a prominent entrance, shaded by a few trees, and appears to have been once devoted to the offices of a charnel-house by the indians. it is not mentioned at all, however, by writers, till , in the month of june of which year the fort of old mackinac on the peninsula, was trea-cherously taken by the sac and chippewa indians. an extensive and threatening confederation of the western indians had then been matured, and a large body of armed warriors was then encamped around the walls of detroit, under the leadership of pontiac, who held the garrison in close siege day and night. the surrender of canada to great britain, which had followed the victory of general wolfe at quebec, was distasteful to these indians, and they attempted the mad project of driving back beyond the alleghanies the english race; making a simultaneous assault upon all the military posts west of that great line of demarcation, and preaching and dealing out vengeance to all who had english blood in their veins. alexander henry, a native of albany,[ ] was one of those enterprising men who had pushed his fortunes west, with an adventure of merchandise, on the first exchange of posts, and he was singled out for destruction, as soon as the fort was taken. he had taken refuge in the house of a frenchman named longlade, where he was concealed in a garret by a pawnee slave, and where he hid himself under a heap of birch-bark buckets, such as are employed in the indian country, in the spring season, in carrying the sap of the sugar-maple. but this temporary reprieve from the indian knife seemed only the prelude to a series of hairbreadth escapes, which impressed him as the direct interposition of providence. at length, when the scenes of blood and intoxication began to abate a little, an old indian friend of his, called wawetum, who had once pledged his friendship, but who had been absent during the massacre, sought him out, and having reclaimed him by presents, in a formal council, took him into his canoe and conducted the spared witness of these atrocities three leagues across the waters of lake huron in safety to this island. [ ] _vide_ henry's travels, new york, , vol. vo. to this place they were accompanied by the actors in this tragedy to the number of three hundred and fifty fighting men,[ ] and he would now, under the protection of wawetum, have been safe from immediate peril, but that in a few days a prize of two canoes of merchandise in the hands of english traders was made, amongst which was a large quantity of liquor. hereupon, wawetum, foreseeing another carousal, and always fearful of his friend, requested him to go up with him to the mountain part of the island. having ascended it, he led him to this cave, and recommended him to abide here in concealment until the debauch was over, when he promised to visit him. [ ] henry, p. . breaking some branches at its mouth for a bed, he then sought its recesses, and spreading his blanket around, laid down and slept till morning. daylight revealed to him the fact that he had been reposing on dry human bones, and that the cave had anciently been devoted by the indians as a sepulchre. on announcing this fact to his deliverer, two days afterward, when he came to seek him, wawetum expressed his ignorance of it, and a party of the indians, who came to examine it in consequence of the announcement, also concurred in declaring that they had no tradition on the subject. they conjectured that the bones were either due to the period when the sea covered the earth--which is a common belief with them--or to the period of the huron occupancy of this island, after that tribe were defeated by the iroquois, in the st. lawrence valley. so much for tradition. this island has been long known as a prominent point in the fur trade. but of this i am not prepared to speak. it was selected by mr. j. j. astor, in , as the central point of outfit for his clerks and agents in this region; and the warehouses erected for their accommodation constitute prominent features in its modern architecture. the capital annually invested in this business is understood to be about three hundred thousand dollars. this trade was deemed an object of the highest consequence from the first settlement of canada, but it was not till , agreeably to sir alexander mackenzie, that it commenced from michilimackinac.[ ] the number of furred animals taken in a single year, the same author states to be one hundred and eighty-two thousand two hundred; of which number, the astonishing proportion of one hundred and six thousand were beavers.[ ] estimating each skin at but one pound, and the foreign market price at four dollars per pound, which are both much below the average at this era, this item of beaver alone would exceed by more than one-third the whole capital employed, taking the data before mentioned, and leave the seventy-six thousand smaller furred animals to be put on the profit side. no wonder that acts of perfidy arose between rivals, such as the shooting of mr. waden at his own dinner-table, where he was entertaining an opponent or copartner in the trade; or the foul assassination of owen keveny on the rainy lakes.[ ] indeed, the fur trade has for a long period been more productive, if we are to rely on statements, than the richest silver mines of mexico or peru. [ ] mackenzie's voyages, hist. fur trade, vii. [ ] mackenzie, xxiv. [ ] report of the trials of de reinhard, &c. montreal, . society at michilimackinac consists of so many diverse elements, which impart their hue to it, that it is not easy for a passing traveller to form any just estimate of it. the indian, with his plumes, and gay and easy costume, always imparts an oriental air to it. to this, the canadian, gay, thoughtless, ever bent on the present, and caring nothing for to-morrow, adds another phase. the trader, or interior clerk, who takes his outfit of goods to the indians, and spends eleven months of the year in toil, and want, and petty traffic, appears to dissipate his means with a sailor-like improvidence in a few weeks, and then returns to his forest wanderings; and boiled corn, pork, and wild rice again supply his wants. there is in these periodical resorts to the central quarters of the fur company, much to remind one of the old feudal manners, in which there is proud hospitality and a show of lordliness on the one side, and gay obsequiousness and cringing dependence on the other, at least till the annual bargains for the trade are closed. we were informed that there is neither school, preaching, a physician (other than at the garrison), nor an attorney, in the place. there are, however, courts of law, a post-office, and a jail, and one or more justices of the peace. there is a fish market every morning, where may be had the trout--two species--and the white fish, the former of which are caught with hooks in deep water, and the latter in gill nets. occasionally, other species appear, but the trout and white fish, which is highly esteemed, are staples, and may be relied on in the shore market daily; whole canoe-loads of them are brought in. the name of this island is said to signify a great turtle, to which it has a fancied resemblance, when viewed from a distance. mikenok, and not mackenok, is, however, the name for a tortoise. the term, as pronounced by the indians, is michinemockinokong, signifying place of the great michinamockinocks, or rock-spirits. of this word, _mich_ is from _michau_ (adjective-animate), great. the term _mackinok_, in the algonquin mythology, denotes in the singular, a species of spirits, called turtle spirits, or large fairies, who are thought to frequent its mysterious cliffs and glens. the plural of this word, which is an animate plural, is _ong_, which is the ordinary form of all nouns ending in the vowel _o_. when the french came to write this, they cast away the indian local in _ong_, changed the sound of _n_ to _l_, and gave the force _mack_ and _nack_, to _mök_ and _nök_. the vowel _e_, after the first syllable, is merely a connective in the indian, and which is represented in the french orthography in this word by _i_. the ordinary interpretation of great turtle is, therefore, not widely amiss; but in its true meaning, the term enters more deeply into the indian mythology than is conjectured. the island was deemed, in a peculiar sense, the residence of spirits during all its earlier ages. its cliffs, and dense and dark groves of maples, beech, and ironwood, cast fearful shadows; and it was landed on by them in fearfulness, and regarded far and near as the _sacred island_. its apex is, indeed, the true indian olympus of the tribes, whose superstitions and mythology peopled it by gods, or monitos. since our arrival here, there has been a great number of indians of the chippewa and ottowa tribes encamped near the town. the beach of the lake has been constantly lined with indian wigwams and bark canoes. these tribes are generally well dressed in their own costume, which is light and artistic, and exhibit physiognomies with more regularity of features and mildness of expression than it is common to find among them. this is probably attributable to a greater intermixture of blood in this vicinity. they resort to the island, at this season, for the purpose of exchanging their furs, maple-sugar, mats, and small manufactures. among the latter are various articles of ornament, made by the females, from the fine white deer skin, or yellow birch bark, embroidered with colored porcupine quills. the floor mats, made from rushes, are generally more or less figured. mockasins, miniature sugarboxes, called mo-cocks, shot-pouches, and a kind of pin and needleholders, or housewives, are elaborately beaded. but nothing exceeds in value the largest merchantable mockocks of sugar, which are brought in for sale. they receive for this article six cents per pound, in merchandise, and the amount made in a season, by a single family, is sometimes fifteen hundred pounds. the ottowas of l'arbre croche are estimated at one thousand souls, which, divided by five, would give two hundred families; and by admitting each family to manufacture but two hundred pounds per annum, would give a total of forty thousand pounds; and there are probably as many chippewas within the basins of lakes huron and michigan. this item alone shows the importance of the indian trade, distinct from the question of furs. during the time we remained on this island, the atmosphere denoted a mean temperature of ° fahrenheit. the changes are often sudden and great. the island is subject to be enveloped in fogs, which frequently rise rapidly. these fogs are sometimes so dense, as to obscure completely objects at but a short distance. i visited round island one day with lieut. mackay,[ ] and we were both engaged in taking views of the fort and town of michilimackinac,[ ] when one of these dense fogs came on, and spread itself with such rapidity, that we were compelled to relinquish our designs unfinished, and it was not without difficulty that we could make our way across the narrow channel, and return to the island. this fact enabled me to realize what the old travellers of the region have affirmed on this topic. [ ] lieut. eneas mackay. this officer, after the return from this expedition, went through the regular grades of promotion in the army, and had at the period of his death, which took place in , at st. louis, missouri, reached the brevet rank of colonel. [ ] for the view from this point, see information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the indian tribes of the united states, vol. iv. plate . we were received during our visit here in the most hospitable manner, as well as with official courtesy, by capt. b. k. pierce, the commanding officer, major puthuff, the indian agent, and by the active and intelligent agents of mr. john jacob astor, the great fiscal head of the fur trade in this quarter. chapter iv. proceed down the north shore of lake huron to the entrance of the straits of st. mary's--character of the shores, and incidents--ascend the river to sault de ste. marie--hostilities encountered there--intrepidity of general cass. having spent six days on the island, rambling about it, and making ourselves as well acquainted with its features and inhabitants as possible, we felt quite recruited and cheered up, after the tedious delays along the southern shores of lake huron. and we all felt the better prepared for plunging deeper into the northwestern forest. before venturing into the stronghold of the chippewas, whose territories extend around lake superior, it was deemed prudent to take along an additional military force as far as sault de ste. marie. but five or six years had then passed since this large tribe had been arrayed in hostilities against the united states (in the war of ), and they were yet smarting under the wounds and losses which they had received at brownstown and the river thames, where they had lost some prominent men. generals brown and macomb,[ ] when making a reconnoissance, with their respective staffs, a couple of years before, had been fired on in visiting gros cape, at the foot of lake superior, and although no one was killed on that occasion, the circumstance was sufficient to indicate their feeling. [ ] the following are the official data of this distinguished officer:-- alexander macomb, jr., born april , , detroit, n. y.; cornet cavalry, january , ; second lieutenant, february, ; retained, april, , in second infantry; first lieutenant of engineers, october, ; captain, june, ; major of engineers, february , ; lieutenant-colonel, july , ; acting adjutant-general of the army, april , ; colonel third artillery, july , ; brigadier-general, january , ; brevet major-general, "for distinguished and gallant conduct in defeating the enemy at plattsburg, september , " (october , ); received the "thanks of congress" of november , , "for his gallantry and good conduct in defeating the enemy at plattsburg, on the th of september, repelling with , men, aided by a body of militia and volunteers from new york and vermont, a british veteran army, greatly superior in numbers," with the presentation of a _gold medal_, "emblematical of this triumph;" retained, april , ; retained, may , as colonel and principal engineer, with brevets major-general and general-in-chief of the army, may , ; commanded the army of florida ; died june , , at his head-quarters, washington city.--_gardner's army dictionary._ this additional force was placed under the command of lieutenant john s. pierce, u. s. a., a brother of the commanding officer,[ ] and of franklin pierce, president of the united states. it consisted of twenty-two men, with a twelve-oared barge. the whole expedition, now numbering sixty-four persons, embarked at ten o'clock on the th, with a fair wind, for our first destination, at detour, being the west cape of the straits of st. mary's. the distance is estimated at forty miles, along a very intricate, masked shore of islands, called chenos. the breeze carried us at the rate of five miles per hour. the first traverse is an arm of the lake, three leagues across, over which we passed swimmingly. this traverse is broken near its eastern terminus by goose island, the nekuhmenis (literally brant island) of the chippewas--a noted place of encampment for traders. we did not, however, touch at it. a couple of miles beyond this brought us to outard point, where the men rested a few moments on their oars and paddles. this point forms the commencement of those intricate channels which constitute the chenos group. our steersman gave them, however, a wide berth, and did not approach near the shore till it began to be time to look out for the mouth of the st. mary's. after passing point st. vitel, a distance of about thirty miles, the guides led into a sandy bay, under the impression that we had reached the west cape of the st. mary's; but in this we were deceived. while landing here a few moments, in a deep bay, the animal called kaug by the chippewas (a porcupine), was discovered and killed by one of the men, called baptiste, by a blow from a hatchet. buffon gives two engravings of this animal, as found in canada, under separate names; but it is apprehended that he has been misled by the same animal seen in its summer and winter dress. to the indian, this animal is valuable for its quills, which are dyed of bright colors, to ornament their dresses, moccasons, shot-pouches, and other choice fabrics of deer skin, or birch bark. this animal has four claws on the fore paw, and five on the hinder ones. it has small ears hid in the hair, and a bushy tail, with coarse black and white hair. the specimen killed would weigh eight pounds. [ ] john sullivan pierce (n. h., brother to colonel benjamin k. pierce), third lieutenant third artillery, april , and second lieutenant, may, ; retained, may, , in artillery; first lieutenant, april ; resigned february , .--_gardner's army dictionary._ soon after coming out from this indentation of the lake, we came in sight of point detour, on turning which, from e. to n., we found no longer use for sails. mackenzie places this point in north latitude ° ´. the geology of this coast appears manifest. secondary compact limestone appears in place, in low situations, on the reef of outard island and point, and in the approach to point detour. a ridge of calcareous highlands appears on the mainland east of michilimackinac, stretching off towards sault de ste. marie, in a northeast direction. this ridge appears to belong to a low mountain chain, of which the island of michilimackinac may be deemed as one of the geological links. just before turning, we passed a very heavy angular block of limestone, much covered with moss, which could not have been far removed, in the drift era, from its parent bed. the largest angle of this stone, which i have since examined, must be eight or ten feet. this block is of the ortho-cerite stratum of drummond island. the shores are heavily charged with various members of the boulder drift, with a fringe beyond them of spruce and firs, giving one the idea of a cold, exposed, and most unfavorable coast. turning the point of detour, we ascended the strait a few miles, and encamped on its west shore, off frying-pan island, at a point directly opposite the british post of drummond island, which we could not perceive, but the direction of which was clearly denoted by the sound of the evening bugles. the entrance into this strait forms a magnificent scene of waters and islands, of which a map conveys but a faint conception. the straits here appeared to be illimitable, we seemed to be in a world of waters. it is stated to be thirty miles across to point thessalon. the large group of the manatouline islands, stretching transversely through lake huron, terminates with the isle drummond--a name bestowed in compliment to the bold leader, col. drummond, who led the night storming party, and was blown up on the bastion of fort erie, in . this station was first occupied on the withdrawal of the british troops from mackinac, in . this day's trip gave us a favorable idea of canoe travelling. it also gave us an exalted idea of the gigantic system of these lake waters, and their connecting straits. we had never done gazing at the prospect before us, after turning the detour, and did not retire from our camp fires early. the next morning we embarked at five o'clock, a light dreamy mist hanging over the waters. when this cleared away, we descried the ruined chimneys and buildings of st. joseph, the abandoned british post burned by col. croghan, in .[ ] the day turned out a fine one, and we proceeded up the straits with pleasurable feelings, excited by the noble and novel views of scenery continually before us. keeping the west side of a high limestone island called isle a la crosse, we then entered a sheet of water called lac vaseau, or muddy lake. we had proceeded northwardly perhaps twenty miles, when we encountered another of those large islands for which these straits are remarkable, called nebeesh,[ ] or sailor's encampment island. our guides held up on its western side, which soon brought us to the first rapids, and the commencement of st. mary's river. a formation of sandstone is here observed in the bed of the stream. the waters are swift and shallow, and the men encountered quite a struggle in the ascent, and so much injured one of our canoes that it became necessary to unlade and mend it. in the mean time, the atmosphere put on a threatening aspect, with heavy peals of thunder, but no rain followed till we again re-embarked and proceeded five or six miles, when a shower fell. it did not, however, compel us to land, and by six o'clock in the afternoon, the sky again became clear. we had now ascended the strait and river so far, that it became certain we could reach our destination before night, and the men worked with the greater alacrity. at eight o'clock we had surmounted the second rapid, called the little rapid, nebeetung of the indians, where we encountered a swift current. we were now within two miles of our destination. the whole river is here embodied before the eye, and is a mile or three-fourths of a mile wide, and the two separate villages on the british and american shores began to reveal themselves to view, with the cataract of the sault de ste. marie in the distance; and a beautiful forest of elms, oaks, and maples on either hand. we ascended with our flags flying, our little squadron being spread out in order, and the canadian boatmen raising one of their enlivening songs. long before reaching the place, a large throng of indians had collected on the beach, who, as we put in towards the shore, fired a salute, and stood ready to greet us with their customary _bosho_.[ ] we landed in front of the old nolan house,[ ] the ancient headquarters of the northwest company; and immediately formed our encampment on the wide green, extending along the river. daylight in this latitude is protracted, and although we had ascended a computed distance of forty-five miles, and had had the mishap to break a canoe in the nebeesh, there was abundant light to fix our encampment properly. lieut. pierce encamped his men on our extreme right. leaving an interval, lieut. mackay's escort came next, and our tents formed the northern line of his encampment, nearest to the indians. the latter occupied a high plateau, in plain view, several hundred yards west, with an intervening gulley, and a plain, well-beat footpath. we had, in case of difficulty, thirty-four muskets, pierce's command included, in addition to which, each of the savans, or governor's mess, were armed with a short rifle. our line may have looked offensively demonstrative to the chippewas, who regarded it, from their ancient eminence, with unfriendly feelings. these particulars are given from the perilous position we were brought into next day. [ ] this fort was first erected by the british in , the year before michilimackinac was evacuated under wayne's treaty with the indians. [ ] from nebee, water; hence nebeesh, rapid water, or strong water, the name of the rapids which connect the straits with the river st. mary's. this word is the _derogative_ form of the chippewa noun. [ ] from the french _bon jour_. [ ] the present site of fort brady. meantime, we passed a quiet night in our tents, where the deep sound of the falls fell on the wakeful ear, interspersed with the distant monotonous thump of the indian täwäegon. it required but little observation, in the morning, to explore the village of st. mary's. it consisted of some fifteen or twenty buildings of all sorts, occupied by descendants of the original french settlers, all of whom drew their living from the fur trade. the principal buildings and outhouses were those of mr. john johnston, and the group formerly occupied by the northwest company. most of the french habitations stood in the midst of picketed lots. there were about forty or fifty lodges, or two hundred chippewas, fifty or sixty of whom were warriors. but, although this place was originally occupied as a missionary centre, by the roman catholic missionaries of new france, about the middle of the seventeenth century, no trace of the ancient church could be seen, unless it was in an old consecrated graveyard, which has continued to be used for interments. mr. johnston, the principal inhabitant, is a native of the county of antrim, ireland, where his connections are persons of rank. he is a polite, intelligent, and well-bred man, from a manifestly refined circle; who, soon after the close of the american revolution, settled here, and married the daughter of a distinguished indian chief.[ ] although now absent on a visit to europe, his family received us with marked urbanity and hospitality, and invited the gentlemen composing the travelling family of governor cass to take all our meals with them. everything at this mansion was done with ceremonious attention to the highest rules of english social life; miss jane, the eldest daughter, who had received her education in ireland, presiding. [ ] inter-european amalgamation.--john johnston was a native of the north of ireland, where his family possessed an estate called "craige," near the celebrated giant's causeway. he came to this country during the first presidential term of washington, and settled at st. mary's, about . he was a gentleman of taste, reading, refined feeling, and cultivated manners, which enabled him to direct the education of his children, an object to which he assiduously devoted himself; and his residence was long known as the seat of hospitality and refinement to all who visited the region. in , his premises were visited, during his absence, by a part of the force who entered the st. mary's, under colonel croghan, and his private property subjected to pillage, from a misapprehension, created by some evil-minded persons, that he was an agent of the northwest company. genial, social, kind, and benevolent, his society was much sought, and he was sometimes imposed on by those who had been received into his employments and trusts (as in the reports which carried the americans to his domicil in ). he died at st. mary's, in , leaving behind, among his papers, evidence that his leisure hours were sometimes lightened by literary employments. mr. johnston, by marrying the daughter of the ruling chief of this region, placed himself in the position of another rolfe. espousing, in christian marriage, the daughter of wabjeeg, he became the son-in-law of another powhatan; thus establishing such a connection between the hibernian and chippewa races, as the former had done between the english and powhetanic stocks. the sault (from the latin _saltus_, through the french) or falls of st. mary, is the head of navigation for vessels on the lakes, and has been, from early days, a thoroughfare for the indian trade. it is equally renowned for its white fish, which are taken in the rapids with a scoop-net. the abundance and excellence of these fish has been the praise of all travellers from the earliest date, and it constitutes a ready means of subsistence for the indians who congregate here. the place was chiefly memorable in our tour, however, as the seat of the chippewa power. to adjust the relations of the tribe with the united states, a council was convened with the chiefs on the day following our arrival. this council was assembled at the governor's _marquée_, which was graced by the national ensign, and prepared for the interview with the usual presents. the chiefs, clothed in their best habiliments, and arrayed in feathers and british medals, seated themselves, with their usual dignity, in great order, and the business was opened with the usual ceremony of smoking the peace pipe. when this had been finished, and the interpreter[ ] taken his position, he was directed to explain the views of the government, in visiting the country, to remind them that their ancestors had formerly conceded the occupancy of the place to the french, to whose national rights and prerogatives the americans had succeeded, and, by a few direct and well-timed historical and practical remarks, to secure their assent to its reoccupancy. the utmost attention was bestowed while this address was being made, and it was evident, from the glances of the hearers, that it was received with unfriendly feelings, and several chiefs spoke in reply. they were averse to the proposition, and first endeavored to evade it by pretending to know nothing of such former grants. this point being restated by the american commissioner, and pressed home strongly, was eventually dropped by them. still, they continued to speak in an evasive and desultory manner, which had the effect of a negative. it was evident that there was a want of agreement, and some animated discussion arose among themselves. two classes of persons appeared among the chiefs. some appeared in favor of settling a boundary to the ancient precinct of french occupancy, provided it was not intended to be occupied by a garrison, saying, in the symbolic language of indians, that they were afraid, in that case, their young men might kill the cattle of the garrison. gov. cass, understanding this, replied that, as to the establishment of a garrison, they need not give themselves any uneasiness--it was a settled point, and so sure as the sun that was then rising would set, so sure would there be an american garrison sent to that point, whether they renewed the grant or not. this decisive language had a sensible effect. high words followed between the chiefs. the head chief of the band, shingabawossin, a tall, stately man, of prudent views, evidently sided with the moderates, and was evasive in his speech. a chief called shingwauk, or the little pine, who had conducted the last war party from the village in , was inclined to side with the hostiles. there was a chief present called sassaba, a tall, martial-looking man, of the reigning family of chiefs of the crane totem, who had lost a brother in the battle of the thames. he wore a scarlet uniform, with epaulets, and nourished a deep resentment against the united states. he stuck his war lance furiously in the ground before him, at the beginning of his harangue, and, assuming a savage wildness of air, appeared to produce a corresponding effect upon the other indian speakers, and employed the strongest gesticulation. his address brought the deliberations to a close, after they had continued some hours, by a defiant tone; and, as he left the _marquée_, he kicked away the presents laid before the council. great agitation ensued. the council was then summarily dissolved, the indians went to their hill, and we to our tents. [ ] james riley, a son of the late j. v. s. riley, esq., of schenectady, n. y., by a saganaw woman; a man well versed in the language, customs, and local traditions of the chippewas. it has been stated that the encampment of the indians was situated on an eminence a few hundred yards west from our position on the shore, and separated from us by a small ravine. we had scarcely reached our tents, when it was announced that the indians had raised the british flag in their camp. they felt their superiority in number, and did not disguise their insolence. affairs had reached a crisis. a conflict seemed inevitable. governor cass instantly ordered the expedition under arms. he then called the interpreter, and proceeded with him, naked-handed and alone, to sassaba's lodge at the hostile camp. being armed with short rifles, we requested to be allowed to accompany him as a body-guard, but he decidedly refused this. on reaching the lodge of the hostile chief, before whose door the flag had been raised, he pulled it down with his own hands. he then entered the lodge, and addressing the chief calmly but firmly, told him that it was an indignity which they could not be permitted to offer; that the flag was the distinguishing symbol of nationality; that two flags of diverse kind could not wave in peace upon the same territory; that they were forbid the use of any but our own, and should they again attempt it, the united states would set a strong foot upon their rock and crush them. he then brought the captured flag with him to his tent. in a few moments after his return from the indian camp, that camp was cleared by the indians of their women and children, who fled with precipitation in their canoes across the river. thus prepared for battle, we momently expected to hear the war-whoop. i had myself examined and filled my shot-pouch, and stood ready, rifle in hand, with my companions, awaiting their attack. but we waited in vain. it was an hour of indecision among the indians. they deliberated, doubtingly, and it soon became evident that the crisis had passed. finding no hostile demonstration from the hill, lieuts. pierce and mackay directed their respective commands to retire to their tents. the intrepid act of governor cass had struck the indians with amazement, while it betokened a knowledge of indian character of which we never dreamed. this people possess a singular respect for bravery. the march of our force, on that occasion, would have been responded to, instantly, by eighty or a hundred indian guns; but to behold an unarmed man walk boldly into their camp and seize the symbol of their power, betokened a cast of character which brought them to reflection. on one person in particular the act had a controlling effect. when it was told to the daughter of wäbojeeg (mrs. johnston), she told the chief that their meditated scheme of resistance to the americans was madness; the day for such resistance was passed; and this man, cass, had the air of a great man, and could carry his flag through the country. the party were also under the hospitality of her roof. she counselled peace. to these words shingabowassin responded; he was seconded by shingwäkonce, or the little pine. of this effort we knew nothing at the moment, but the facts were afterwards learned. it was evident, before the day had passed, that a better state of feeling existed among the indians. the chief shingabowassin, under the friendly influences referred to, renewed the negotiations. towards evening a council of the chiefs was convened in one of the buildings of this pocahontean counsellor, and the treaty of the th june, (_vide_ ind. treaties united states) signed. in this treaty every leading man united, except sassaba. the little pine signed it, under one of his synonymous names, lavoine bart. by this treaty the chippewas cede four miles square, reserving the right of a place to fish at the rapids, perpetually. the consideration for this cession, or acknowledgment of title, was promptly paid in merchandise. the way being thus prepared for our entry into lake superior, it was decided to proceed the next day. before leaving this point, it may be observed that the falls are produced by a stratum of red sandstone rock, which crosses the bed of the st. mary's at this place. the last calcareous formation, seen in ascending the straits, is at isle a la crosse. as we proceed north, the erratic block stratum becomes heavier, and abraded masses of the granite, trap, sandstone, and hornblende series are confusedly piled together on the lake shores, and are abundant at the foot of these falls. in the central or middle channel, the waters leap from a moderate height, from stratum to stratum, at two or three points, producing the appearance, when seen from below, of a mass of tumbling waves. the french word _sault_ (pronounced _so_) accurately expresses this kind of pitching rapids or falls. the indians call it bawateeg, or pawateeg, when speaking of the phenomenon, and bawating or pawating, when referring to the place. paugwa is an expression denoting shallow water on rocks. the inflection _eeg_ is an animate plural. _ing_ is the local terminal form of nouns. in the south or american channel, there is no positive leap of the water, but an intensely swift current, which is parted by violent jets, between rocks, still permitting canoes, skilfully guided, to descend, and empty boats to be drawn up. but these falls are a complete check to ship navigation. the descent of water has been stated by colonel gratiot, of the united states engineers, at twenty-two feet ten inches.[ ] they resemble a bank of rolling foam, and with their drapery of trees on either shore, and the mountains of lake superior in the distance, and the moving canoes of fishing indians in the foreground, present a most animated and picturesque view. [ ] st. mary's canal.--thirty-three years have produced an astonishing progress. a ship-canal is now ( ) in the process of being constructed at these falls, by the state of michigan, under a grant of public land for that purpose, from congress. it is to consist of two locks of equal lift, dividing the aggregate fall. this canal will add the basin of lake superior to the line of lake navigation. it will enable ships and steamers to enter the st. louis river of fond du lac, and to reach a point in latitude corresponding to independence, on the missouri. no other point of the lake chain reaches so far by some hundreds of miles towards the rocky mountains; and this canal will eventually be the outlet to the atlantic cities of the copper and other mines of lake superior, and of the agricultural and mineral products of all the higher states of the upper mississippi and of the missouri, and a part of oregon and washington on the pacific. to the chippewas, who regard this spot as their ancient capital, it is doubtless fraught with many associations, and they regard with jealousy the advance of the americans to this quarter. this tribe, in the absence of any older traditions, are regarded as the aboriginal inhabitants of the place. they are, by their language, algonquins, and speak a pure dialect of it. they call themselves ojibwas. _bwa_, in this language, denotes voice, ojibwamong signifies chippewa language, or voice. it is not manifest what the prefixed syllable denotes. they are a numerous people, and spread over many degrees of latitude and longitude. we have had them constantly around us, in some form, since leaving detroit, and they extend to the great winnipeg lake of hudson's bay. they appear, at the french era of discovery, to have been confined almost exclusively to the north bank of the st. lawrence, below the influx of the ottowa river, extending to lake nepising, and the geographical position seems to have been the origin of the name algonquin. whilst encamped here, we witnessed the descent down the rapids of eleven barges and canoes laden with furs from the north. this trade forms the engrossing topic, at this point, with all classes. hazardous as it is, the pursuit does not fail to attract adventurers, who appear to be fascinated with the wild freedom of life in the wilderness. chapter v. embark at the head of the portage at st. mary's--entrance into lake superior--journey and incidents along its coasts--great sand dunes--pictured rocks--grand island--keweena peninsula and portage--incidents thence to ontonagon river. having accomplished the object of our visit, at this place, no time was lost in pushing our way into the basin of lake superior. the distance to it is computed to be fifteen miles above the sault. it was nine o'clock of the morning following the day of the treaty, when the men began to take the canoes up the rapids, and transport the provisions and baggage. this occupied nearly the whole of the day. taking leave of lieutenant pierce, who returned with his command, from this point and our hospitable hostess, we proceeded to the head of the portage, long before the canoes and stores all arrived. to while away the time, while the men were thus employed, we tried our skill at rifle shooting. it was six o'clock in the evening before the work of transportation was finished, and the canoes loaded, when we embarked. the view from the head of the portage is imposing. the river spreads out like an arm of the sea. in the distance appear the mountains of lake superior. we proceeded two leagues, and encamped at point aux pins, on the canadian shore. at six o'clock the next morning we were again in our canoes, and crossed the strait, which is here several leagues wide, to the west, or point iroquois cape. in this traverse we first beheld the entrance into lake superior. the scene is magnificent, and i could fully subscribe to the remark made by carver, "that the entrance into lake superior affords one of the most pleasing prospects in the world." the morning was clear and pleasant, with a favoring breeze, but a tempest of wind and rain arose, with severe thunder, soon after we had accomplished the passage, which compelled us hastily to land on the point iroquois shore. this storm detained us five or six hours before the waters were sufficiently calm to embark. among the boulders, i picked up a fine specimen of graphic granite, most perfectly characterized. about two o'clock, we entered this great inland sea. how feeble and inadequate are all geographical attempts to describe this vast body of water, with its imposing headlands, shores, and islands. the st. mary's river passes out between two prominent capes, called gros cape and point iroquois. the former rises up in elevated barren peaks of sienite and hornblende rock; the latter consists of nearly equally elevated masses of horizontal red sandstone, covered with a dense forest. the line of separation is, perhaps, three leagues, forming a geological gap, through which, at ancient periods, the drift and boulder strata has been forced, with an amazing power. for we find these boulders, of the disrupted sienites, hornblende, trap, and sandstone rocks of these northern latitudes heaped in profusion along the entire shores of the river, and cast out, far and wide, into the basin of lake huron. there is a little island, called isle des iroquois, just off the foot of the american cape, which is a noted stopping-place for boat and canoe voyagers. on passing this spot, the lake spreads out like a sea. towards the north, can be seen on the horizon the blue peaks of distant mountains. southerly, the point iroquois formation of sandstone appears skirting the shore, at several miles distance. at the computed distance of fifteen miles, we passed the mouth of the taquimenon river. it was already evening when we came here, but we were far out from shore, and the guides thought best to keep on their course a league farther, which brought us, at o'clock at night, into the mouth of the onzig, or shelldrake river. at this spot, we found an encampment of chippewa indians, who were friendly, and quite profuse in their salutation of _bosho_. at the moment we were ready to embark, the next morning, a brigade of traders' boats, on the route to michilimackinac, was descried, coming in to the same point. this interview detained us till o'clock. within a league, we met eighteen or twenty chippewa canoes on their journey towards the same point; and at the computed distance of three leagues from the onzig, we reached, and turned the bleak shores of white-fish point, called namikong[ ] by the indians. thus far, we had been imbayed in an arm of the lake which embraces parisian island, another link of the sandstone formation; but here the lake, stretching westwardly, displays itself in all its magnificence. on the left, spreads a long line of sandy coast; on the right, an illimitable expanse of water, which was bounded only by the horizon. beyond these features, there is not a prominent object to catch the eye. the magnificence which first pleases, at last tires. the change of course brought the wind ahead, and we were soon compelled to land on these bleak sandy wastes. while thus detained, an express canoe from st. mary's reached us with letters. a couple of hours were employed in dispatching this canoe on its return; meantime the wind lulled, and we went on ten miles and encamped on the sands. [ ] from _na_, excellent; _amik_, beaver; and _ong_, a place. the next morning, we were again in motion at five o'clock. twelve miles coasting along this unvaried shore, brought us to the mouth of a stream called neezhoda, seepe,[ ] or twin river, which is imprecisely called two-hearted river by the traders. the peculiarity of this stream consists in the union of two separate rivers, near the point of its outlet. seven leagues beyond this spot brought us to the inlet called grande marais. immediately west of this begins an elevated naked coast of sand-dunes, called gitche nägow,[ ] or la grande sables. to comprehend the geology of this coast, it is necessary to state that it consists of several heavy strata of the drift era, reaching a height of two or three hundred feet, with a precipitous front on the lake. the sands driven up by the lake are blown over these heights, forming a heavy deposit. it is this sandy deposit, falling down the face of the precipice, that appears to convert the whole formation into dunes, whereon the sandy coating rests, like a veil, over the pebble and clay-drift. their desert and sahara-like appearance is quite impressive to the travellers who visit these coasts in boats or canoes. the number of rapacious birds which are observed about these heights, adds to the interest of the prospect. dr. wolcott, and some other members of the party who ascended the formation, reported a small lake on this elevation. the sands were observed, in some places, to be deposited over its vegetation so as to arrest its growth. the largest trees were often half buried and destroyed. not less than nine miles of the coast, agreeably to _voyageur_ estimates, are thus characterized by dunes. [ ] from _oda_, a heart; _neezh_, two; and _seebe_, a river. [ ] from _nägow_, sand; and _gitche_, great. i found the sandstone formation of cape iroquois to reappear at the western termination of these heights on the open shores of the lake, where i noticed imbedded nodules of granular gypsum. at this point, known to our men as la pointe des grandes sables, we pitched our tents, at nightfall, under a very threatening state of the atmosphere. the winds soon blew furiously, followed by a heavy rain-storm--and sharp thunder and lightning ensued. our line of tents stood on a gently rising beach, within fifty yards of the margin of the lake, where they were prostrated during the night by the violence of the waves. the rain still continued at early daylight, the waves dashing in long swells upon the shore. at sunrise the tempest abated, and by eight o'clock the atmosphere assumed a calm and delightful aspect. it was eleven o'clock, however, before the waves sufficiently subsided to permit embarkation. indeed, a perfect calm now ensued. this calm proved very favorable--as we discovered on proceeding three leagues--to our passing the elevated coast of precipitous rock, called ishpäbecä,[ ] and pictured rocks. this coast, which extends twelve miles, consists of a gray sandstone, forming a series of perpendicular façades, which have been fretted, by the action of the waves, into the rude architecture of pillared masses, and open, cavernous arches. these caverns present their dark mouths to observation as the voyager passes. at one spot a small stream throws itself from the cliffs into the lake at one leap. in some instances the cliffs assume a castellated appearance. at the spot called the doric rock, near the commencement of these picturesque precipices, a vast entablature rests on two immense rude pillars of the water-worn mass. at a point called le portail, the vast wall of rock had been so completely excavated and undermined by the lake, that a series of heavy strata of rock rested solely on a single pillar standing in the lake. the day was fine as we passed these geological ruins, and we sat silently gazing on the changing panorama. at one or two points there are small streams which break the line of rock into quadrangles. a species of dark red clay overlies this formation, which has been carried by the rains over the face of the cliffs, where, uniting with the atmospheric sand and dust, it gives the whole line a pictorial appearance. we almost held our breath in passing the coast; and when, at night, we compared our observations around the camp-fire, there was no one who could recall such a scene of simple novelty and grandeur in any other part of the world; and all agreed that, if a storm should have arisen while we were passing, inevitable destruction must have been our lot. we came to grand island at a seasonable hour in the evening, and encamped on the margin of its deep and land-locked harbor. our camp was soon filled with chippewas from a neighboring village. they honored us in the evening by a dance. among these dancers, we were impressed with the bearing of a young and graceful warrior, who was the survivor of a self-devoted war-party of thirteen men, who, having marched against their ancient enemies the sioux, found themselves surrounded in the plain by superior numbers, and determined to sell their lives at the dearest rate. to this end, they dug holes in the earth, each of which thus becoming a fortification for its inmate, who dared their adversaries till overpowered by numbers. one person was selected to return with the news of this heroic sacrifice; this person had but recently returned, and it was from his lips that we heard the tragic story. [ ] from _iupa_, high; _aubik_, a rock; and the substantive termination, _a_. my mineralogical searches along the shores this day rewarded me with several water-worn fragments of agate, carnelian, zeolite, and prase, which gave me the first intimation of our approach to the trap and amygdaloidal strata, known to be so abundant in their mineral affluence in this quarter. we left grand island the next morning at six o'clock, and passing through a group of sandstone islands, some of which had had their horizontality disturbed, we came to the mouth of laughing-fish river, where a curious flux and reflux of water is maintained. from this place, a line of sandstone coast was passed, northwardly, till reaching its terminus on the bay of chocolate river. this is a large and deep bay, which it would have required a day's travel to circumnavigate. to avoid this, the men held their way directly across it, steering n. ° w., which, at the end of three leagues, brought us to granite point. here we first struck the old crystalline rocks or primitive formation. this formation stretches from the north shores of the gitche sebeeng,[ ] or chocolate river, to huron bay, and gives the traveller a view of rough conical peaks. these characterize the coast for a couple of days' travel. they are noted for immense bodies of iron ore, which is chiefly in the condition of iron glance.[ ] at presque isle, it assumes the form of a chromate of iron in connection with serpentine rock. we encamped on level ground on a sandstone formation, in the rear of granite point, and had an opportunity of observing the remarkable manner in which the horizontal sandstone rests upon and against the granitical, or, more truly, sienitic eminences. these sandstone strata lap on the shoulders of the primitive or crystalline rocks, preserving their horizontal aspect, and forming distinct cliffs along parts of the coast. this sandstone appears, from its texture and position, to be the "old red sandstone" of geologists. [ ] from _gitche_, great; _sebee_, a river; and the local terminal _ng_, signifying place. [ ] the extensive iron works of carp river, which are now yielding such fine blooms, are seated on the verge of these mountains. the next morning ( d) we quitted our encampment at an early hour, in a haze, and urged our way, with some fluctuations of weather, an estimated distance of eleven leagues. this brought us, at four o'clock in the afternoon, to huron river. sitting in the canoe, in a confined position, makes one glad at every opportunity to stretch his limbs, and we embraced the occasion to bathe in the huron. the shore consists of a sandy plain, where my attention was called to the kinnikenik, a plant much used by the indians for smoking. it is the _uva ursi_. i had seen it once before, on the expedition, at point aux barques. we inspected here, with much attention, an indian grave, as well from the care with which it was made, as the hieroglyphics cut on the head-posts. the grave was neatly covered with bark, bent over poles, and made roof-shaped. a pine stake was placed at the head. between this and the head of the grave, there was placed a smooth tablet of cedar wood, with hieroglyphics. mr. riley, our interpreter, explained these. the figure of a bear denoted the chief or clan. this is the device called a totem. seven red strokes denoted his scalp honors in indian heraldry, or that he had been seven times in battle. other marks were not understood or interpreted. a paling of saplings inclosed the space. on the following morning, our camp was astir at the customary early hour, when we proceeded to point aux beignes, a distance of six miles. attaining this point, we entered keweena bay, coasting up its shores for an estimated distance of three leagues. we were then opposite the mouth of portage river, but separated from it a distance of twelve miles. i was seated in lieutenant mackay's canoe. the whole squadron of five canoes unhesitatingly put out. the wind was adverse; before much progress had been made in crossing, three of our flotilla, after struggling against the billows, put back; but we followed the headmost one, which bore the governor's flag, and, seizing hold of the paddles to relieve the men, we succeeded in gaining the river. the other canoes came up the next morning, at seven o'clock, when we all proceeded to cross the portage lake, and up an inlet, which soon exhibited a rank growth of aquatic plants, and terminated, after following a very narrow channel, in a quagmire. we had, in fact, reached the commencement of the keweena portage. before quitting this spot, it may be well to say, that the geology of the country had again changed. portage lake lies, in fact, in the direction of the great copper-bearing trap dyke. this dyke, estimating from the end of the peninsula, extends nearly southwest and northeast, probably seventy miles, with a breadth of ten miles. it is overlaid by rubblestone and amygdaloid, which latter, by disintegration, yields the agates, carnelians, and other silicious, and some sparry crystalline minerals, for which the central shores of lake superior are remarkable. nearly every part of this broad and extensive dyke which has been examined, yields veins, and masses of native copper, or copper ores. the word was, when we had pushed our canoes into the quagmire, that each of the gentlemen of the party was to carry his own personal baggage across the portage. this was an awkward business for most of us. the distance was but two thousand yards, but little over a mile, across elevated open grounds. i strapped my trunk to my shoulders, and walked myself out of breath in getting clear of the brushy part of the way, till reaching the end of the first _pause_, or resting-place. here i met the governor (cass), who facetiously said: "you see i am carrying _two_ pieces," alluding to his canoe slippers, which he held in his hands. "a _piece_," in the trade, is the back load of the _engagee_. on reaching the termination of the second "pause," or rest, we found ourselves on a very elevated part of the shore of lake superior. the view was limitless, the horizon only bounding the prospect. the waves rolled in long and furious swells from the west. to embark was impossible, if we had had our baggage all brought up, which was not the case. the day was quite spent before the transportation was completed. this delay gave us an opportunity to ramble about, and examine the shore. in a boulder of serpentine rock, i found an imbedded mass of native copper, of two pounds' weight. on breaking the stone, it proved to be bound together by thin filaments of this metal. small water-worn fragments of chalcedony, agate, carnelian, and other species of the quartz family were found strewn along the beach, together with fragments of zeolite. masses of the two former minerals were also found imbedded in amygdaloid and trap-rock, thus denoting the parent beds of rock. in the zeal which these little discoveries excited on the subject of mineralogy, the chippewa, ottowa, and shawnee indians attached to the expedition participated, and as soon as they were made acquainted with the objects sought, they became successful explorers. they had noticed my devotion to the topic, from the time of our passing the islands of shawangunk, michilimackinac, and flat-rock point, in the basin of lake huron, where organic forms were chiselled from the rock; and bestowed on me the name of paguäbëkiegä.[ ] [ ] the equivalent of geologist or mineralogist, from _pagua_, a tabular surface; _aubik_, a rock; and _ëga_, the active voice of the verb to strike. it turned out the next morning, that the whole of the baggage and provisions had not been brought up, nor any of the canoes. this work was early commenced by the men. about half the day was employed in the necessary toil. when it was concluded, the wind on the lake had become too high, blowing in an adverse direction, to permit embarkation. nothing remained but to submit to the increased delay, during which we made ourselves as familiar with the neighboring parts of the lake shore as possible. during the time the expedition remained encamped at the portage, i made a short excursion up the peninsula northeastwardly, accompanied by captain douglass, mr. trowbridge, and some other persons. the results of this trip are sufficiently comprehended in what has already been stated respecting the geology and mineralogy of this prominent peninsula. on the following morning ( th) the wind proved fair, and the day was one of the finest we had yet encountered on this fretful inland sea. we embarked at half-past four a. m., every heart feeling rejoiced to speed on our course. the prominent headlands, west of this point, are capped, as those on its south-eastern border, with red sandstone. the wind proved full and adequate to bear us on, without endangering our safety, which enabled the steersmen to hold out boldly, from point to point. we had not proceeded far beyond the cliffs west of the portage, when the dim blue outlines of the okaug or porcupine mountains[ ] burst on our view.[ ] their prominent outline seemed to stretch on the line of the horizon directly across our track. the atmosphere was quite transparent, and they must have been seen at the distance of sixty miles. captain douglass thought, from the curve of the earth, that they could not be less than eighteen hundred feet in height. we successively passed the entrance of little salmon-trout, graverod, misery, and firesteel rivers, at the latter of which a landing was made; when we again resumed our course, and entered the ontonagon river, at half-past three in the afternoon. a large body of water enters the lake at the spot, but its mouth is filled up very much by sands. one of those curious refluxes is seen here, of which a prior instance has been noticed, in which its waters, having been impeded and dammed up by gales of wind, react, at their cessation, with unusual force. the name of the river ontonagon[ ] is, indeed, due to these refluxes, the prized dish of an indian female having, agreeably to tradition, been carried out of the river into the lake. [ ] from _kaug_, a porcupine. [ ] for the view of this scene, see information on the history, condition, and prospects of the indian tribes, vol. iv. title iv. [ ] from the expression _nontonagon_, my dish; and _neen_, the pronoun _my_. captain douglass made observations for the latitude of the place, and determined it to be in north latitude ° ´ ´´. the stationary distances of the route are given in the subjoined list, in which it may be observed that they are probably exaggerated about one-third by the voyagers and northwest traders, who always pride themselves on going great distances; but they denote very well, in all cases, the _relative_ distances. _stationary distances between michilimackinac and the river ontonagon._ total miles. miles. from michilimackinac to detour thence to sault de st. marie point aux pins point iroquois, at the entrance into lake superior taquamenon river shelldrake river white-fish point two-hearted river grande marrais, and commencement of grande sables la point la grande sables pictured rocks (la portaille) doric rock, and miner's river grande island river aux trains isle aux trains laughing-fish river chocolate river dead river (in presque isle bay) granite point garlic river st. john's river, or yellow dog run salmon-trout, or burnt river pine river huron river (huron islands lie off this river) point aux beignes (east cape of keweena bay) mouth of portage river head of portage river (through keweena lake) lake superior, at the head of the portage little salmon-trout river graverod's river (small, with flat rocks at its mouth) rivière au misère firesteel river ontonagon, or coppermine river chapter vi. chippewa village at the mouth of the ontonagon--organize an expedition to explore its mineralogy--incidents of the trip--rough nature of the country--reach the copper rock--misadventure--kill a bear--discoveries of copper--general remarks on the mineral affluence of the basin of lake superior. a small chippewa village, under the chieftainship of tshwee-tshweesh-ke-wa, or the plover, and kundekund, the net buoy, was found on the west bank of the river, near its mouth, the chiefs and warriors of which received us in the most friendly manner. if not originally a people of a serene and placid temperament, they have been so long in habits of intercourse with the white race that they are quite familiar with their manners and customs, and mode of doing business. they appeared to regard the canadian-frenchmen of our party as if they were of their own mode of thinking, and, indeed, almost identical with themselves. the ontonagon river had, from the outset, formed an object of examination, from the early and continued reports of copper on its borders. it was determined to lose no time in examining it. guides were furnished to conduct a party up the river to the locality of the large mass of this metal, known from early days. this being one of the peculiar duties of my appointment, i felt the deepest interest in its success, and took with me the apparatus i had brought for cutting the rock and securing proper specimens. the party consisted of governor cass, dr. wolcott, captain douglass, lieutenant mackay, j. d. doty, esq., and myself. we embarked in two canoes, with their complement of men and guides. it was six o'clock, when, leaving the balance of the expedition encamped at the mouth of the river, east shore, we took our departure, in high spirits, for the copper regions. a broad river with a deep and gentle current, with a serpentine channel, and heavily wooded banks with their dark-green foliage overhanging the water, rendered the first few miles of the trip delightful. at the distance of four miles, we reached a sturgeon-fishery, formed by extending a weir across the river. this weir consists of upright and horizontal stakes and poles, along the latter of which the indians move and balance themselves, having in their hands an iron hook on a pole, with which the fish are caught. we stopped a few moments to look at the process, received some of the fish drawn up during our stay, which are evidently the _acipenser oxyrinchus_, and went on a couple of miles higher, where we encamped on a sandbar. here we were welcomed, during the sombre hours off the night, with a pertinacity we could have well dispensed with, by the mosquitos. we resumed the ascent at four o'clock in the morning. the river is still characterized for some miles by rich alluvial banks, bearing a dense forest of elm, maple, and walnut, with a luxuriant growth of underbrush. but it was soon perceived that the highlands close in upon it and narrow its channel, which murmurs over dangerous beds of rocks and stones. almost imperceptibly, we found ourselves in an alpine region of a very rugged character. the first rapid water encountered had been at the indian weir, on the th. these rapids, though presenting slight obstacles, became more frequent at higher points. we had been in our canoes about three hours, the river having become narrower and more rapid, when the guides informed the party that we had ascended as far into the mountainous district as was practicable; that there was a series of bad rapids above; and that, by landing at this spot, the party could proceed, with guides, to the locality of the copper rock. accordingly, arrangements were made to divide the party; governor cass placed at my service the number of men necessary to explore the country on foot, and carry the implements. dr. wolcott and captain douglass joined me. i took my departure with eight persons, including two indian guides, in quest of the mineral region, over the highlands on the west bank of the river; while the governor, major forsyth, and the other guides, remained with the canoes, which were lightened of half their burden, in hopes of their being able to ascend the stream quite to the rock. starting with my party with alacrity, this trip was found to be one of no ordinary toil. not only was the country exceedingly rough, carrying us up and down steep depressions, but the heat of the sun, together with the exercise, was oppressive, nor did our guides seem to move with a precision which betokened much familiarity with the region, if they did not feel, indeed, some compunction on leading whites to view their long superstitiously concealed mineral treasures. at one o'clock we came to an indian path, leading directly to the place. the guides here sat down to await the party under governor cass, who were expected to join us at this spot. the thermometer at this hour stood at ° in the shade of the forest. we had not been long seated when the other party made their appearance; but the governor had been so much exhausted by clambering up the river hills, that he determined to return to his point of landing in the river. in this attempt he was guided by one of the ontonagon indians, named wabiskipenais,[ ] who missed his way, and wandered about he knew not whither. we leave him to thread his way back into the valley, with the executive of the territory, wearied and perplexed, at his heels, while the results of my excursion in search of the copper rock are detailed. after the reunion at the path, my mineralogical party proceeded some five or six miles, by estimation, farther, through a more favorable region, towards the object of search. on approaching the river, they passed some antique excavations in the forest, overgrown with saplings, which had the appearance of age, but not of a remote age. coming to the brink of the river, we beheld the stream brawling over a rapid stony bed, at the depth of, perhaps, eighty or a hundred feet below. towards this, its diluvial banks, charged with boulders and pebbles, sloped at a steep angle. at the foot, laid the large mass we were in search of, partly immersed in the water. its position may be inferred from the following sketch:-- [ ] from _wabiska_, white (transitive animate), and _penasee_, a bird. [illustration: fig. .] the rock consists of a mass of native copper in a tabular boulder of serpentine. its face is almost purely metallic, and more splendent than appears to consist with its being purely metallic copper. there is no appearance of oxidation. its size, roughly measured, is three feet four inches, by three feet eight inches, and about twelve or fourteen inches thick in the thickest part. the weight of copper, exclusive of the rock, is not readily estimated; it may be a ton, or a ton and a half. old authors report it at more than double this weight. the quantity has been, however, much diminished by visitors, who have cut freely from it. i obtained adequate specimens, but found my chisels too highly tempered, and my hammer not heavy enough to separate large masses. having made the necessary examinations, we took our way back up the elevated banks of the river, and across the forest about six miles, to the final place of debarkation of gov. cass and his party. but our fears were at once excited on learning that the governor, with his guide, wabishkepenais, had not reached the camp. it was already beginning to be dark, and the gloom of night, which is impressive in these solitudes, was fast closing around us. guns were fired, to denote our position, and a light canoe was immediately manned, placed in charge of one of the gentlemen, and sent up the river in search. this canoe had not proceeded a mile, when the object of search was descried, with his companions, sitting on the banks of the river, with a real jaded air, with his indian guide standing at no great distance. wabishkepenais had been bewildered in his tracks, and finally struck the river by the merest chance. the governor, on reaching camp, looked as if he had been carried over steeps and through gloomy defiles, which had completely exhausted his strength, and he was not long in retiring to his tent, willing to leave such rough explorations for the present, at least, to other persons, or, if he ever resumed them, to do it with better guides. poor wabishkepenais looked chagrined and as woebegone himself as if he had encountered the bad influences of half the spirits of his indian mythology; for the fellow had really been lost in his own woods, and with a charge by whom he had felt honored, and employed his best skill to conduct. the camp-fires already threw their red glare among the trees as night spread her sable pall over us. the tents were pitched; the canoes turned up on the shore to serve as a canopy for the men to sleep under. indians and canadians were soon engaged at their favorite pipes, and mingled their tones and hilarious conversation; and we finally all slept the sounder for our eventful day's toils and misadventures. but deeply printed on our memory, and long to remain there, are the thrilling scenes of that day and that night. at five o'clock the next morning, the entire camp was roused and in motion, when we began to descend the stream. we had descended about ten miles, when the ontonagon indians stopped the canoes to examine a bear-fall, on the east bank. it was a fine open forest, elevated some six or eight feet above the water. it was soon announced that a bear was entrapped. we all ascended the bank, and visited the locality. the structure had been so planned that the animal must needs creep lowly under a crib of logs to get at the bait, which he no sooner disturbed than a weight of logs fell on his prostrated legs. the animal sat up partially on his fore paws, when we advanced, the hinder being pressed heavily to the earth. one of the indians soon fired a ball through his head, but it did not kill him, he still kept his upright position. dr. wolcott then requested permission to fire a shot, which was aimed at the heart, and took effect about that part, but did not kill him. one of the indians then dispatched him with an axe. he was no sooner dead than one of the indians, stepping up, addressed him by the name _muk-wah_, shook him by the paw, with a smiling countenance, saying, in the indian language, that he was sorry they had been under the necessity of killing him, and hoped the offence would be forgiven, as one of the shots fired had been from an american.[ ] [ ] chemoquiman, from _gitchee_, great, and _moquiman_, knife. this act of the indian addressing the bear, will be better understood, when it is stated that their mythology tells them, that the spirit of the animal must be encountered in a future state, when the enchantment to which it is condemned in this life, will be taken off. on passing down the river, an indian had promised to disclose another mass of native copper, near the river, and we stopped at a spot indicated, to enable him to bring it. whether he repented of his too free offer, agreeably to indian superstition, or feared some calamity to follow the disclosure, or really encountered some difficulty in finding it, i know not, but it is certain that, after some time spent in the search, or affected search, he came back to the river without producing it. soon after this incident, we reached the mouth of the river, and found the party left encamped at that point, in charge of mr. trowbridge and mr. doty, well, nothing having occurred in our absence. the wind was, however, adverse to our embarkation, had it been immediately desired. a council of the ontonagon indians was summoned, which met in the after part of the day; speeches were delivered, and replied to, and presents distributed. a silver medal was presented to wabishkepenais. head winds continuing, we were farther detained at this spot the following day. while thus detained, an ontonagon indian brought in a mass of native copper, from the banks of this river, weighing eight or nine pounds. this mass was of a flattened, orbicular shape, and its surface coated with a green oxide. at a subsequent part of my acquaintance with this river, another mass of native copper (still deposited in my cabinet) was brought to me, from the east fork of the river, which weighed from forty to fifty pounds. this mass, of a columnar shape, originally embraced a piece of stone which the indian finding it had detached. it was also coated with a dark green oxide of copper. both of these masses appeared to have been volcanic. neither of them had the slightest traces of gangue, or vein-matter, nor of attrition in being removed from the parent beds. the following sketches depict the shapes of these masses. [illustration: fig. .] [illustration: fig. .] with respect to the general question of the mineral character of this part of the country, and the probable value of its mineral and metallic deposits to the public domain, the entire class of facts, from which a judgment must be formed, are favorable.[ ] salts and oxides of copper are not only seen in various places in its stratification, but these indications of mineral wealth in this article are confirmed, by the subsequent discovery of masses of native copper, along the shore, and imbedded in its traps and amygdaloids. in addition to the opportunities of observation furnished by this expedition, subsequent public duties led me to perform seven separate trips along its shores, and each of these but served to accumulate the evidences of its extraordinary mineral wealth. indications of the sulphurets, arseniates, and other ores of this metal are found in the older class of horizontal rocks; but it is to the trap-rocks alone that we must look for the veins of native metal. some of these masses contain silver, in a state of combination. traces of this metal, chiefly in the boulder form, are found in the metalliferous horizontal strata. nor is there wanting evidence, that there are localities of virgin copper, which do not promise a considerable percentage of the metal. a mass of steatite, imbedding a heavy mass of pure native silver, which had been probably carried from the northwest, with the drift stratum, was found cast out quite into the huron basin; and this rock, in its intimate associations with the serpentine formation of lake superior, should be closely scrutinized. there is also a formation of slate and quartz in the primitive district, which is entitled to particular attention. [ ] _vide_ reports in the appendix: . report on the copper mines of lake superior, november , . . report on the value of the existing evidences of mineral wealth in the basin of lake superior to the public domain, october , . inorganic masses are developed, throughout the globe, without regard to climate. russia yields the precious metals in great profusion, and there are no laws governing the distribution of these metals, which forbid the expectation that they should be abundantly disclosed by the stratification of the basin of lake superior. with respect to the useful metals, particularly copper and iron, it is undeniably the richest and most extensive locality of these metals on the globe.[ ] [ ] geological report, _vide_ appendix. chapter vii. proceed along the southern coast of lake superior from the ontonagon, to fond du lac--porcupine range of mountains--streams that run from it, at parallel distances, into the lake--la pointe--group of the federation islands--river st. louis--physical geography of lake superior. head winds detained the expedition at the mouth of the ontonagon, during the day and the day following that of our arrival from the copper rock. it was the first of july, at half-past four o'clock, a. m., when the state of the lake permitted us to embark. steering west, we now had the prominent object of the porcupine mountains constantly in view. at the distance of fifteen miles, we passed the pewabik seebe, or iron river. this stream, after ascending it a couple of miles, is a mere torrent, pouring from the porcupine mountains, over a very rough bed of grauwakke, which forbids all navigation. at the computed distance of five leagues beyond this stream, we passed the river called pusábika, or dented river, so called from standing rocks, which resemble broken human teeth. the canadians, who, as previously remarked, appear to have had but a limited geographical vocabulary, called this carp river, neglectful of the fact that they had already bestowed the name on a small river which flows into the bay south of granite point.[ ] we were now at the foot of the kaug range, which is one vast upheaval of trap-rock, and has lifted the chocolate-colored sandstone, at its base, into a vertical position. the pusábika river originates in this high trap range, from which it is precipitated, at successive leaps, to the level of the lake, the nearest of which, a cascade of forty feet, is within three miles of the river's mouth. [ ] now the seat of the marquette iron works. six miles further brought us to the presque isle river of the canadians, for which i heard no indian name. it also originates on this lofty trap range, and has worn its bed through frightful chasms in the grauwackke, through which it enters the lake. within half a mile of its entrance, the river, hastening from its elevations, drops into a vast cauldron scooped in the grauwackke rock, whence it glides into the lake. here are some picturesque and sublime views, worthy the pencil. two leagues beyond this river we reached and passed the entrance of black river, another of the streams from the kaug range. it is stated to be rapid, and to have its source south of the mountains, in a district sheltered from the lake winds, and suited to agriculture. its borders bear at the same time indications of mineral wealth. eight miles beyond this river, we encamped on the open shores of the lake, after travelling fifty miles. having been doubled up in the canoe for all this distance, landing on terra firma, and being able to stretch one's legs, seemed quite a relief. "i will break a lance with you," quoth a to b, addressing mr. trowbridge, offering him at the same time a dried stalk, which had been cast up by the waves. we were, in fact, as much pleased to get ashore, after the day's confinement, as so many boys let loose from confinement in school. in strolling along the shore, i recognized the erismatolite, in the dark upheaved sandstone at this locality. we here observed a phenomenon, which is alluded to by charlevoix as peculiar to this lake. although it was calm, and had been so all day, save a light breeze for a couple of hours after leaving the ontonagon, the waters near shore were in a perfect rage, heaving and lashing upon the rocks, in a manner which rendered it difficult to land. at the same time, scarce a breath of air was stirring, and the atmosphere was beautifully serene. on passing thirteen miles, the next morning, we reached the mouth of the montreal river, which is the last of the mountain streams of the kaug range. it throws itself from a high precipice of the vertical sand-rock, within sight of the lake, creating quite a picturesque view.[ ] (vide _information respecting the history, customs, and prospects of indian tribes_, vol. iv. plate .) [ ] this river has subsequently been fixed on as the northwestern boundary of the state of michigan, separating it from wisconsin. on landing here a few moments, at an early hour, the air being hazy, we knocked down some pigeons, which flew very low.[ ] this bird seems to be precisely the common pigeon of the atlantic borders. the indians had constructed a fish-weir between the lake and montreal falls, where the lake sturgeon are caught. [ ] birds of lake superior.--of the species that frequent the vicinity of this lake, the magpie is found to approach as far north as lac du flambeau, on the head of the montreal and chippewa rivers. this bird is called by the chippewas wabish kagagee, a name derived from _wabishkau_, white animate, and _kaw-gaw-gee_, a crow. the three-toed woodpecker visits its forests. the t. polyglottis has been seen as far north as the island of michilimackinac. in the spring of , a species of grosbeak visited st. mary's, of which i transmitted a specimen to the new york lyceum of natural history, where it received the name of evening grosbeak. after passing about a league beyond the montreal, the voyager reaches a curve in the lake shore, at which it bends to the north and northwest. this curve is observed to extend to the de tour of the great bay of fond du lac, a computed distance of the _voyageurs_ of thirty-six miles, which, as before indicated, is about one-third overrated. the immediate shore is a level plain of sand, which continues to point chegoimegon, say eighteen miles. about two-thirds of this distance, the muskeego[ ] river enters through the sandy plain from the west. this is a large stream, consisting of two primary forks, one of which connects it with chippewa river, and the other with the river st. croix of the mississippi. the difficulties attending its ascent, from rapids and portages, have led the french to call it mauvaise, or bad river.[ ] [ ] from _muskeeg_, a swamp or bog, and o, the sign of the genitive. [ ] muskeego, or mauvais river.--in , the united states government placed under my charge an expedition into the indian country which ascended this river, with a view to penetrate through the intervening region to the mississippi. indian canoes were employed, as being best adapted to its rapids and portages, which were managed by _voyageurs_. a detachment of infantry, under lieut. r. clary, was added. the tribes in this secluded region were then meditating the outbreak which eventuated the next year in the black hawk war. this expedition ascended the river through a most embarrassing series of rapids and rafts, which often choked up its channel for miles, into a long lake, on its summit, called kagenogumaug. from the northwest end of this, it passed, from lake to lake, to the namakagun fork of the river st. croix of the mississippi, descended that stream to yellow river, then retraced the namakagun to a portage to ottowa lake, a source of chippewa river, then to a portage into lac chetac, the source of the red cedar, or follavoine river, and pursued the latter to the main channel of the chippewa, and by the latter into the mississippi, which it enters at the foot of lake pepin; thence down the mississippi to prairie du chien, and through the present area of the state of wisconsin, by the wisconsin and fox rivers, to green bay; thence through lakes michigan and huron to sault de ste marie. passing this river, we continued along the sandy formation to its extreme termination, which separates the bay of st. charles by a strait from that remarkable group of islands, called the twelve apostles by carwer. it is this sandy point, which is called la pointe chagoimegon[ ] by the old french authors, a term now shortened to la pointe. instead of "twelve," there are, however, nearer thirty islands, agreeably to the subjoined sketch, by which it is seen that each state in the union may stand sponsor for one of them, and they might be more appropriately called the _federation group_. touching at the inner or largest of the group, we found it occupied by a chippewa village, under a chief called bezhike. there was a tenement occupied by a mr. m. cadotte, who has allied himself to the chippewas. hence we proceeded about eleven miles to the main shore, where we encamped at a rather late hour. i here found a recurrence of the granitic, sienitic, and hornblende rocks, in high orbicular hills, and improved the brief time of daylight to explore the vicinity. the evening proved lowering and dark, and this eventuated in rain, which continued all night, and until six o'clock the next morning. embarking at this hour, we proceeded northwest about eight miles, to raspberry river, and southwest to sandy river. here we were driven ashore by a threatening tempest, and before we had unladen the canoes, there fell one of the most copious and heavy showers of rain. the water seemed fairly to pour from the clouds. we had not pitched a tent, nor could the slightest shelter be found. there seemed but one option at our command, namely, that between sitting and standing. we chose the latter, and looked at each other, it may be, foolishly, while this rain tempest poured. when it was over, we were as completely wetted as if it had been our doom to lay at the bottom of the lake. when the rain ceased, the wind rose directly ahead, which confined us to that spot the rest of the day. the next day was the fourth of july--a day consecrated in our remembrance, but which we could do no more than remember. the wind continued to blow adversely till about two o'clock, when we embarked, not without feeling the lake still laboring under the agitation into which it had been thrown. on travelling three miles, we turned the prominent point, called de tour of fond du lac. at this point our course changed from northwest to south-southwest. [ ] from _shaugwamegun_, low lands, and _ing_, a place. the sandstone formation here showed itself for the last time. the shore soon assumes a diluvial character, bordered with long lines of yellow sand and pebbles. in some places, heavy beds of pure iron sand were observed. the agitation which marked the lake soon subsided, under the change of wind, and our men seemed determined, by the diligence with which they worked, to make amends for our delay at sandy river. at eight o'clock in the evening we came to cranberry river and encamped, having, by their estimation, come twenty-three miles. the evening was perfectly clear and calm, with a striking twilight, which was remarked all night. these lengthened twilights form a very observable feature as we proceed north. mackenzie says that, in lat. ° ´, on the th of july, , he saw the sun above the horizon at twelve o'clock p.m. the calmness and beauty of the night, and our chief's anxiety to press forward, made this a short night. gen. cass aroused the camp at a very early hour, so that at three o'clock we were again upon the lake, urging our way up the fond du lac bay. the sun rose above the horizon at ten minutes before four o'clock. the morning was clear and brilliant. not a cloud obscured the sky, and the waves of the lake spread out with the brightness of a mirror. at the distance of five leagues, we passed the mouth of the wisakoda, or broule river,[ ] a stream which forms the connecting link with the mississippi river, through the st. croix. three miles beyond this point we landed a short time, on the shore, where we observed a stratum of iron sand, pure and black, a foot in thickness. [ ] wisacoda, or broule river.--on returning down the mississippi river, from the exploration of its sources, in , i ascended the river st. croix quite to its source in st. croix lake. a short portage, across a sandy summit, terminated at the head springs of the wisacoda, which, from a very narrow and tortuous channel, is soon increased in volume by tributaries, and becomes a copious stream. thus swelled in volume, it is dashed down an inclined plane, for nearly seventy miles, over which it roars and foams with the impetuosity of a torrent. it is not till within a few miles of lake superior that it becomes still and deep. the entire length of the river may be estimated at one hundred miles. it has two hundred and forty distinct rapids, at some of which the river sinks its level from eight to ten feet. it cannot fall, in this distance, less than . that it should ever have been used in the fur trade, is to be explained by the fact that it has much water. at eleven o'clock, a northeast wind arose, which enabled the expedition to hoist sail. land on the north shore had for some time been in sight, across the bay, and the line of coast soon closed in front, denoting that we had reached the head of the lake. at twelve o'clock, we entered the month of the river st. louis, having been eighteen days in passing this lake, including the trip to the ontonagon. before quitting lake superior, whose entire length we have now traversed, one or two generic remarks may be made; and the first respects its aboriginal name. the algonquins, who, in the chippewa tribe, were found in possession of it, on the arrival of the french, early in the seventeenth century, applied the same radical word to it which they bestow on the sea, namely, gum-ee (collected water), or, as it is sometimes pronounced, gom-ee, or go-ma; with this difference, that the adjective big (gitchè) prefixed to this term for lake superior, is repeated when it is applied to the sea. the superlative is formed when it is meant to be very emphatic, in this language, by the repetition of the adjective; a principle, indeed, quite common to the indian grammars generally. the word did not commend itself to french or english ears, so much as to lead to its adoption. by taking the syllable al from algonquin, as a prefix, instead of gitchè, we have the more poetic combination of algoma. geographers have estimated the depth of this lake at nine hundred feet. by the surveys of the engineers of the new york and erie canal, the surface of lake erie is shown to be five hundred and sixty feet above tide-water, which, agreeably to estimates kept on the present journey, lies fifty-two feet below the level of lake superior. these data would carry the bottom of the lake two hundred and eighty-eight feet below tide water. what is more certain is this, that it has been the theatre of ancient volcanic action, which has thrown its trap-rocks into high precipices around its northern shores and some of its islands, and lifted up vast ranges of sandstone rocks into a vertical position, as is seen at the base of the porcupine mountains. its latest action appears to have been in its western portion, as is proved by the upheaval of the horizontal strata; and it may be inferred that its bed is very rough and unequal. the western termination of the lake, in the great bay of fond du lac, denotes a double or masked shore, which appears to have been formed of pebbles and sands, driven up by the tempests, at the distance of a mile or two, outside of the original shore. the result is shown by an elongated piece of water, resembling a lake, which receives at the north, the river st. louis, and the _agoche_, or lefthand river, at its south extremity. about three miles above the mouth of the river, we landed at a chippewa village. while exchanging the usual salutations with them, we noticed the children of an african, who had intermarried with this tribe. these children were the third in descent from bongo, a freed man of a former british commanding officer at the island of michilimackinac. they possessed as black skins as the father, a fact which may be accounted for by observing, what i afterwards learned, that the marriages were, in the case of the grandfather and father, with the pure indian, and not with africano-algonquin blood; so that there had been no direct advance in the genealogical line. the st. louis river discharges a large volume of water, and is destined hereafter to be a port of entry for the lake shipping, but at present it has shoals of sand at its mouth which would bar the entrance of large vessels. proceeding up the river, we found it very serpentine, and abounding in aquatic plants, portions of it yielding the wild rice. at the computed distance of twenty-four miles, we reached the establishment of the american fur company. it was seven o'clock when we came to the place, where we encamped. lake superior is called by the chippewas a sea. the superficial area of the lake has been computed by mr. darby at a little under nine hundred billions of feet, and its depth at nine hundred feet. by the latest surveys and estimate, the altitude of lake superior above tide water, is about six hundred and forty feet.[ ] allowing mr. darby's computation to be correct, this would sink its bed far below the surface of the atlantic. [ ] _vide_ appendix. this lake has been the theatre of very extensive volcanic action. vast dykes of trap traverse its northern shores. one of the principal of these has apparently extended across its bed, from northeast to southwest, to the long peninsula of keweena, producing at the same time, the elevated range of the okaug mountains. one of the most remarkable features of these dykes is the numerous and extensive veins of native copper which characterize them. subsequent convulsions, and the demolition of these ancient dykes, by storms and tempests, have scattered along its shores abundant evidence of the metal and its ores and veinstones, which have attracted notice from the earliest time. the geology of its southern coasts may be glanced at, and inferred, from the subjoined outlines. [illustration: geological outline of lake superior.] the teachings of topography, applied to commerce, are wonderful. a longitudinal line, dropped south, from this point, would cross the mississippi at the foot of lake pepin, and pass through jefferson city on the missouri. when, therefore, a ship canal shall be made at st. mary's falls, vessels of large tonnage may sail from oswego (by the welland canal) and buffalo, through a line of inter-oceanic seas, nearer to the foot of the rocky mountains, by several hundred miles, than by any other possible route. a railroad line from fond du lac west to the columbia valley, would also form the shortest and most direct transit route from the pacific to new york. such a road would have the advantage of passing through a region favorable to agriculture, which cannot but develop abundant resources. chapter viii. proceed up the st. louis river, and around its falls and rapids to sandy lake in the valley of the upper mississippi--grand portage--portage aux coteaux--a sub-exploring party--cross the great morass of akeek scepi to sandy lake--indian mode of pictographic writing--site of an indian jonglery--post of sandy lake. we had now reached above nine hundred and fifty miles from our starting-point at detroit, and had been more than forty days in traversing the shores of lakes huron and superior. july had already commenced, and no time was to be lost in reaching our extreme point of destination. every exertion was therefore made to push ahead. by ten o'clock of the morning after our arrival at the fond du lac post, we embarked, and after going two miles reached the foot of the first rapids of the st. louis. this spot is called the commencement of the grand portage--over this path all the goods, provisions, and canoes are to be carried by hand nine miles. during this distance, the st. louis river, a stream of prime magnitude, bursts through the high trap range of what bouchette calls the cabotian mountains, being a continuation of the upheavals of the north shore of lake superior, the river leaping and foaming, from crag to crag, in a manner which creates some of the most grand and picturesque views. we sometimes stood gazing at their precipices and falls, with admiration, and often heard their roar on our path, when we were miles away from them. capt. douglass estimated the river to fall one hundred and eight feet during the first nine miles; and from estimates furnished me by dr. wolcott, the aggregate fall from the mouth of the savannè, to that point, is two hundred and twelve feet. we found the first part of the ascent of its banks very precipitous and difficult, particularly for the men who bore burdens, and what rendered the labor almost insupportable was the heat, which stood at °, in the shade, at noon. we made but five _pauses_ the first day; and were three days on the portage. it rained the second day, which added much to the difficulty of our progress. we now found ourselves, at every step, advancing into a wild and rugged region. everything around us wore the aspect of remoteness. dark forests, swampy grounds, rocky precipices, and the distant roaring of the river, as it leapt from rock to rock, would have sufficiently impressed the mind with the presence of the wilderness, without heavy rains, miry paths, and the train of wild and picturesque indians, who constituted a part of our carriers. the rocks, at the foot of the portage, consisted of horizontal red sandstone. on reaching the head of it, we found argillite in a vertical position. i found the latter, in some places, pervaded by thin veins of quartz, and in one instance by grauwackke. at one spot there was a small vein of coarse graphite in the argillite. large blocks of black crystallized hornblende rock lie along the shores, where we again reached the river, and are often seen on its bed, amid the swift-running water, but i did not observe this rock in place. among the loose stones at the foot of the portage, i picked up a specimen of micaceous oxide of iron. such are the gleams of its geology and mineralogy. the growth of the forest is pines, hemlock, spruce, birch, oak, and maple. in favorable situations, i observed the common red raspberry, ripe. on embarking above the portage, the expedition occupied seven canoes, of a size most suitable for this species of navigation. our indian auxiliaries from fond du lac were here rewarded, and dismissed. on ascending six miles, we reached the portage aux coteaux, so called from the carrying path lying over a surface of vertical argillite. this rock, standing up in the bed, or on the banks of the stream, with a scanty overhanging foliage of cedar, gives a peculiarly wild and abrupt aspect to the scene; which is by no means lessened by the loud roaring of the waters. there is a fall and rapid at this portage, where the river, it may be estimated, sinks its level about fourteen feet. we encamped at the head of this portage, where the water again permits the canoes to be put in. thus far, we had found this stream a broad, flowing torrent, but owing to its rapids and rocks, anything but favorable to its navigation by boats, or canoes of heavy burden. his excellency gov. cass, therefore, determined to relieve the river party, by detaching a sub-expedition across the country to sandy lake. it was thought proper that i should accompany this party. it consisted, besides, of lieut. mackay, with eight soldiers, and of mr. doty, mr. trowbridge, and mr. chase. we were provided with an interpreter and two chippewa guides, being sixteen persons in all. thus organized, we left the camp at the head of the portage, the following morning, at six o'clock. each one carried provisions for five days, a knife, a musquito bar, and a blanket or cloak. there were a few guns taken, but generally this was thought to be an incumbrance, as we expected to see little game and to encounter a toilsome tramp. the guides, taking their course by the sun, struck west into a close forest of pine, hemlock, and underbrush, which required energy to push through. on travelling a couple of miles, we fell into an indian path leading in the required direction; but this path, after passing through two ponds, and some marshes, eventually lost itself in swamps. these marshes, after following through them, about four miles, were succeeded by an elevated dry sandy barren, with occasional clumps of pitch pine, and with a surface of shrubbery. walking over this dry tract was quite a relief. we then entered a thick forest of young spruce and hemlock. two miles of this brought us to the banks of a small lake, with clear water, and a pebbly shore. having no canoe to cross it, our guides led us around its southern shores. the fallen timber and brush rendered this a very difficult march. to avoid these obstructions, as they approached the head of the lake, we eventually took its margin, occasionally leading into the water. while passing these shores, i picked up some specimens of the water-worn agates, for which the diluvians in this quarter are remarkable. we now fell into an old indian path, which led to two small lakes, similar in size, to the former one, but with marshy borders, and reddish water. these small lakes were filled with pond lilies, rushes, and wild rice. at the margin of the second lake, the path ceased, and the guides could not afterwards find it. the path terminated abruptly at the second lake. while searching about this, chamees,[ ] one of the indian guides, found a large green tortoise, which he and his companion killed in a very ingenious and effectual way, by a blow from a hatchet on the neck, at the point where the shell or buckler terminates. after leaving this water, they appeared to be in doubt about the way; almost imperceptibly, we found ourselves in a great tamarak swamp. the bogs and moss served to cover up, almost completely, the fallen trees, and formed so elastic a carpet as to sink deep at every tread. occasionally they broke through, letting the foot into the mire. this proved a very fatiguing tramp. to add to its toils, it rained at intervals all day. we were eleven hours in passing this swamp, and estimated, and probably over-estimated ourselves to have past twenty miles. we encamped at five o'clock near the shores of a third small lake, each one picking out for himself the most elevated spot possible, and the person who got a position most completely out of the water was the best man. it is fatigue, however, that makes sleep a welcome guest, and we awoke without any cause of complaint on that score. [ ] the pouncing hawk. the next morning, as we were about to depart, we observed near the camp-fire of our guides a pole leaning in the direction we were to go, with a birch-bark inscription inserted in a slit in the top of the pole. this was too curious an object not to excite marked attention, and we took it down to examine the hieroglyphics, or symbols, which had been inscribed with charcoal on the birch scroll. we found the party minutely depicted by symbols. the figures of eight muskets denoted that there were eight soldiers in the party. the usual figure for a man, namely, a closed cross with a head, thus:-- [illustration] and one hand holding a sword, told the tale that they were commanded by an officer. mr. doty was drawn with a book, they having understood that he was a lawyer. i was depicted with a hammer, to denote a mineralogist. mr. trowbridge and mr. chase, and the interpreter, were also depicted. chamees and his companion were drawn by a camp-fire apart, and the figure of the tortoise and a prairie-hen denoted the day's hunt. there were three hacks on the pole, which leaned to the n. w., denoting our course of travel. having examined this unique memorial, it was carefully replaced in its former position, when we again set forward. it appeared we had rested in a sort of oasis in the swamp, for we soon entered into a section of a decidedly worse character than that we had passed the day before. the windfalls and decaying timber were more frequent--the bogs, if possible, more elastic--the spots dry enough to halt on, more infrequent, and the water more highly colored with infusions of decaying vegetable matter. we urged our way across this tract of morass for nine hours, during which we estimated our progress at fourteen miles, and encamped about four o'clock p. m., in a complete state of exhaustion. even our indian guides demanded a halt; and what had, indeed, added to our discouragements, was the uncertainty of their way, which they had manifested. our second night's repose in this swampy tract, was on ground just elevated above the water; the mosquitos were so pertinacious at this spot as to leave us but little rest. from information given by our guides, this wide tract of morass constitutes the sources of the akeek seebi, or kettle river, which is one of the remotest sources of the mille lac, and, through that body of water, of rum river. it is visited only by the indians, at the proper season for trapping the beaver, marten, and muskrat. during our transit through it, we came to open spaces where the cranberry was abundant. in the same locality, we found the ripe fruit, green berries, and blossoms of this fruit. it was five o'clock a. m. when we resumed our march through this toilsome tract, and we passed out of it, after pressing forward with our best might, during twelve hours. we had been observant of the perplexity of our guides, who had unwittingly, we thought, plunged us into this dreary and seemingly endless morass, and were rejoiced, on a sudden, to hear them raise loud shouts. they had reached a part of the country known to them, and took this mode to express their joy, and we soon found ourselves on the banks of a small clear stream, called by them bezhiki seebi, or buffalo creek, a tributary to sandy lake. we had, at length, reached waters flowing into the mississippi. on this stream we prepared to encamp, in high spirits, feeling, as those are apt to who have long labored at an object, a pleasure in some measure proportioned to the exertions made. any other people but the indians would feel ill at ease in dreary regions like these. but these sons of the forest appear to carry all their socialities with them, even in the most forbidding solitudes. they are so familiarized with the notions of demons and spirits, that the wildest solitude is replete with objects of hope and fear. we had evidence of this, just before we encamped on the banks of the bezhiki, when we came to a cleared spot, which had been occupied by what the canadians, with much force, call a _jonglery_, or place of necromantic ceremonies of their priests or jossakeeds. there were left standing of this structure six or eight smooth posts of equal length, standing perpendicularly. these had been carefully peeled, and painted with a species of ochrey clay. the curtains of bark, extending between them, and isolating the powow, or operator, had been removed; but the precincts had the appearance of having been carefully cleared of brush, and the ground levelled, for the purposes of these sacred orgies, which exercise so much influence on indian society. we were awaked in our encampment, between four and five o'clock, the next morning, by a shower of rain. jumping up, and taking our customary meal of jerked beef and biscuit, we now followed our guides, with alacrity, over a dry and uneven surface, towards sandy lake. we had now been three days in accomplishing the traverse over this broad and elevated, yet sphagnous summit, separating the valley of the st. louis of lake superior from that of the upper mississippi. as we approached the basin of sandy lake, we passed over several sandy ridges, bearing the white and yellow pine; the surface and its depressions bearing the wild cherry, poplar, hazel, ledum latifolia, and other usual growth and shrubs of the latitude. on the dry sandy tracts the uva ursi, or kinnikinnik of the indians, was noticed. in the mineral constitution of the ridges themselves, the geologist recognizes that wide-spreading drift-stratum, with boulders and pebbles of sienitic and hornblende, quartz, and sandstone rock, which is so prevalent in the region. as we approached the lake we ascended one of those sandy ridges which surround it, and dashing our way through the dense underbrush, were gratified on gaining its apex to behold the sylvan shores and islands of the lake, with the trading-post and flag, seen dimly in the distance. the view is preserved in the following outlines, taken on the spot. [illustration: sandy lake, from an eminence north of the mouth of the west creek of the portage of savannah. th july, .] i asked chamees the indian name of this lake. he replied, ka-metong-aug-e-maug. this is one of those compound terms, in their languages, of which the particle _ka_ is affirmative. metongaug, is the plural form of sandy lake. maug is the plural form of water, corresponding, by the usual grammatical duality of meaning, to the plural form of the noun. the word might, perhaps, be adopted in the form of kametonga. having heard, on our passage through lake superior, that a gun fired in the basin of sandy lake, could be heard at the fort, that experiment was tried, while we sat down or sauntered about to await the result. having waited in vain, the shots were repeated. after the lapse of a long time, a boat, with two men, was descried in the distance approaching. it proved to be occupied by two young clerks of the trading establishment, named ashmun and fairbanks. they managed to embark the elite of our party, in their small vessel, and, as we crossed the lake, amused us with an account of the excitement our shots had caused. some indian women affirmed to them that they had heard warwhoops, and to make sure that a sioux war party were not upon them, they drove off their cattle to a place of safety. in the actual position of affairs, the hunt being over for the year, and the avails being sent to michilimackinac (for this was the head-quarters of the factor whom we had met at shelldrake river), the probabilities of its being a hunting party were less. we informed them that we were an advance party of an expedition sent out to explore the sources of the mississippi river, under the personal order of his excellency governor cass, who was urging his way up the st. louis to the savanna portage, through which he intended to descend into sandy lake. it was near sunset before we landed at the establishment. we found the trading fort a stockade of squared pine timber, thirteen feet high, and facing an area a hundred feet square, with bastions pierced for musketry at the southeast and northwest angles. there were three or four acres outside of one of the angles, picketed in, and devoted to the culture of potatoes. the stockade inclosed two ranges of buildings. this is the post visited by lieut. z. pike, u. s. a., on snow-shoes, and with dog-trains, in the winter of , when it was occupied by the british northwest trading company. as a deep mantle of snow covered the country, it did not permit minute observations on the topography or natural history; and there have been no explorations since. pike's chief error was in placing the source of the mississippi in turtle lake--a mistake which is due entirely, it is believed, to the imperfect or false maps furnished him by the chief traders of the time. we were received with all the hospitality possible, in the actual state of things, and with every kindness; and for the first time, since leaving detroit, we slept in a house. we were informed that we were now within two miles of the mississippi river, into which the outlet of sandy lake emptied itself, and that we were five hundred miles above the falls of st. anthony. we had accomplished the transference of position from the head of the basin of lake superior, that is, from the foot of the falls of the st. louis river, in seven days, by a route, too, certainly one of the worst imaginable, and there can be no temerity in supposing that it might be effected in light canoes in half that time. chapter ix. reunion of the expedition on the savanna portage--elevation of this summit--descent to sandy lake--council with the chippewa tribe--who are they?--traits of their history, language, and customs--enter the mississippi, with a sub-exploring party, and proceed in search of its source--physical characteristics of the stream at this place--character of the canadian voyageur! on rising on the next morning ( th july), our minds were firmly set, at the earliest moment, to rejoin the main expedition, which had been toiling its way up the st. louis river to the savanna portage. and as soon as we had dispatched our breakfast at the post, we set out, accompanied by one of the trading clerks, for that noted carrying place between the waters of the st. louis and sandy lake. we reached its northwestern terminus at about twelve o'clock, and were surprised to find gov. cass, with some of his party, and a part of the baggage, already there; and by five o'clock in the afternoon the last of the latter, together with the canoes, arrived. and it was then, in the exhausted state of the men, and at so late an hour, concluded to encamp, and await the morning to commence the descent of the west savannè to the lake. the expedition had, after we left them at the portage aux coteaux on the th, and being thus relieved of our weight, urged its way up the river, with labor, about fifty-six miles, to the inlet of the east savannè, having surmounted, in this distance, rapids of the aggregate estimated height of two hundred and twelve feet, which occupied two days. they then ascended the savannè twenty-four miles, rising eighteen feet. the portage, from water to water, is six miles. it commences in a tamarak swamp, from which the bog, in a dry season, has been burnt off, leaving the path a mass of mire. trees and sticks have, from time to time, been laid in this to walk on, which it requires the skill of a balancing master to keep. for the distance of three _pozes_ [pauses] this is the condition of the path; afterwards, the footing becomes dry, and there are ascending sand ridges, which are easily crossed. dr. wolcott, to whom i had handed my geological note-book, made the following observations. "we left the vertical strata of slate, about two miles above the portage aux coteaux. they were succeeded by rocks of hornblende, which continued the whole distance to the head of the grand rapid. these rocks were only to be observed in the bed of the river, and appeared to be much water-worn, and manifestly out of place. soon after we left the portage aux coteaux, the hills receded from the river, and its banks for the rest of the way were generally low, often alluvial, and always covered with a thick growth of birch, elm, sugar-tree (acer saccharinum), and the whole tribe of pines, with an almost impenetrable thicket of underbrush. "the appearances of this day ( th) have been similar to those of yesterday, except that the country bordering the river became entirely alluvial, and the poplar became the predominating growth, while the evergreen almost entirely disappeared. the rocks were seldom visible, except upon the rapids, and then only in the bed of the river, and were entirely composed of hornblende, all out of place, and exhibiting no signs of stratification, but evidently thrown confusedly together by the force of the current. "the savannè river is about twenty yards broad at its junction with the st. louis, but soon narrows to about half the breadth, which it retains until it forks at the distance of about twelve miles from its mouth. its whole course runs through a low marshy meadow, the timbered land occasionally reaching to the banks of the river, but generally keeping a distance of about twenty rods on either side. the meadow is, for the most part, covered with tufts of willow and other shrubs, common to marshes. the woods, which skirt it, are of the same kinds observed on the preceding days, except that a species of small oak frequently appears among it. the river becomes so narrow towards its head, that it is with great difficulty canoes can make their way through its windings; and the portage commences a mile or two from its source, which is in a tamarak swamp." the height of land between the east and west savannè, dr. wolcott estimates at about thirty feet. adding to this elevation the estimates of capt. douglass, before mentioned, the entire elevation between the foot of the falls of the st. louis and the apex of this summit is three hundred and sixty-eight feet.[ ] [ ] for heights and distances, _vide_ appendix. having exchanged congratulations, and recited to each other the little personal incidents which had marked our respective tracks of entry into the country, we passed the night on the sources of this little stream; and the next morning, at five o'clock, began its descent. it is a mere brook, only deep enough, at this spot, to embark the canoes, and two men to manage them. at the distances of four, and of twelve miles, there are rapids, where half the loads are carried over portages. at the foot of the latter rapid, there is a tributary called ox creek, and from this point to the lake, a distance of six miles, the navigation is practicable with full loads. we entered the lake with pleasurable feelings, at the accomplishment of our transit over this summit, and after a passage of three miles over the calm and sylvan surface of the lake, the expedition reached and landed at the company's fort. it was now four o'clock in the afternoon of a most serene day, and the indians, who were gathered on the shores, received us with a salute _a la mode de savage_, that is, with balls fired over our heads. quarters were provided in the fort for such as did not prefer to lodge in tents. understanding that there was to be a day's rest at this post, to reorganize the party, and hold intercourse with the indians, each one prepared to make such use of his time as best subserved his purposes. finding my baggage had been wetted and damaged on the portages in the ascent of the st. louis, i separated the moulded and ruined from things still worth saving, and drying the latter in the sun, prepared them for further use. on the day after our arrival ( th) a council of the indians--the chippewas--was convened. the principal chiefs were kadewabedas,[ ] or broken teeth, and babisekundeba,[ ] or the curly head. this tribe, it appears, are conquerors in the country, having at an early, or ante-historical age, advanced from lake superior, driving back the sioux. the war between these two tribes is known to have existed since the first entry of the french into the country--then a part of new france--early in the seventeenth century. gov. cass proposed to them to enter into a firm peace with the sioux, and to send a delegation with him to st. peter's, on his return from the sources of the mississippi. to this they assented. speeches were made by the indians, which it is not my purpose to record, as they embraced nothing beyond the ordinary, every-day style of the native speakers. [ ] from _ka_, an affirmative particle; _webeed_, teeth; and _eda_, a transitive objective inflection. [ ] _ba_, a repeating particle; _besaw_, fine, curly; and _kundib_, the human head. it was determined to encamp the heavy part of the expedition at this place, and to organize a sub-expedition of two light canoes, well manned, to explore the sources of the mississippi river. while these arrangements are in progress, it may be proper to state something more respecting the condition and history of the chippewa nation. and first, they are algonquins, having migrated, at ante-cartierian[ ] periods, from the vicinity of lake nippesing, on the outawis summit. anterior to this, their own traditions place them further eastward, and their language bears evidence that the stock from which they are sprung, occupied the atlantic from the chesapeake, extending through new england. the name chippewa is derived from the term ojibwa. the latter has been variously, but not satisfactorily derived. the particle _bwa_, in the language, signifies voice. they are a well-formed, active race of men, and have the reputation of being good hunters and warriors. they possess the ordinary black shining eyes, black straight hair, and general physiological traits of the indian race; and do not differ, essentially, from the northern tribes in their manners and customs. pike, who was the first american officer to visit them, in this region, estimates the whole number seated on the upper mississippi, and northwest of lake superior, in the year , at eleven thousand one hundred and seventy-seven. this estimate includes the entire population, extending south to the st. croix and chippewa valleys, below st. anthony's falls. it is believed to be much too high, for which it can be plead in extenuation, that it was the rough estimate of foreign traders, who were interested in exalting their importance to the united states. certain it is, there are not more than half the numbers, in this region, at present. the number which he assigns to the sandy lake band is three hundred and forty-five. [ ] cartier discovered the st. lawrence in . the chippewas of the upper mississippi are, in fact, the advanced band of the widespread algonquin family, who, after spreading along the atlantic from virginia, as far as the gulf of st. lawrence, have followed up the great chain of lakes, to this region, leaving tribes of more or less variation of language on the way. there may have been a thousand years, or more, expended on this ethnological track, and the names by which they were, at various ages and places, known, are only important as being derivatives from a generic stock of languages whose radicals are readily recognized. furthest removed, in the line of migration, appear the mohicans, lenno lenawpees, susquehannocks, and powatans, and their congeners. the tribes of this continent appear, indeed, to have been impelled in circles, resembling the whirlwinds which have swept over its surface; and, so far as relates to the mental power which set them in motion, the comparison also holds good, for the effects of their migrations appear, everywhere, to have been war and destruction. one age appears to produce no wiser men than another. having no mode of recording knowledge, experience dies with the generation who felt it, all except the doubtful and imprecise data of tradition; and this is little to be trusted, after a century or two. for the matter of exact history, they might as well trace themselves to the moon, as some of their mythological stories do, as to any other planet, or part of a planet. of their language, the only certainly reliable thing in their history, a vocabulary is given in the appendix. to the ear, it appears flowing and agreeable, and not of difficult utterance; and there is abundant reason, on beholding how readily they express themselves, for the plaudits which the early french writers bestowed on the algonquin language. we observed the custom of these indians of placing their dead on scaffolds. the corpse is carefully wrapped in bark, and then elevated on a platform made by placing transverse pieces in forks of trees, or on posts, firmly set in the ground. this custom is said to have been borrowed by the chippewas, of this quarter, from the dacotahs or sioux. when they bury in the ground, which is the general custom, a roof of bark is put over the deceased. this inclosure has an aperture cut in it at the head, through which a dish of food is set for the dead. oblations of liquor are also sometimes made. this ancient custom of offering food and oblations to the dead, reminds the reader of similar customs among some of the barbarous tribes of the oriental world. we noticed also symbolic devices similar to those seen at huron river or lake superior, inscribed on posts set at the head of indian graves. it seems to be the prime object of these inscriptions to reveal the family name, or _totem_, as it is called, of the deceased, together with devices denoting the number of times he has been in battle, and the number of scalps he has taken. as this test of bravery is the prime object of an indian's life, the greatest efforts are made to attain it. a word may be said as to the climate and soil of this region, and their adaptation to the purposes of agriculture. by the tables of temperature annexed (_vide_ appendix), the mean solar heat, in the shade, during the time of our being in the country, is shown to be °. it is evident that it is the idle habits of the indians, and no adverse circumstances of climate or soil, that prevent their raising crops for their subsistence. arrangements for a light party to ascend the mississippi, and seek for its sources, having been made, we left sandy lake, in two canoes, at nine o'clock in the morning on the th. this party, in addition to his excellency gov. cass, consisted of dr. alex. wolcott, capt. douglass, lieut. mackay, maj. forsyth, and myself, with nineteen voyageurs and indians, provisioned for twelve days. a voyage of about a mile across the western prolongation of the lake, brought us to its outlet--a wide winding stream, with a very perceptible current, and rich alluvial banks, bearing a forest. after pursuing it some mile and a half, we descended a small rapid, where the average descent of water in a short distance may be perhaps three feet; it appeared, however, to give the men no concern, for they urged their way down it, with full strength of paddle and song, and we soon found ourselves in the mississippi. the first sight of this stream reminded me of one of its striking characteristics, at far lower points, namely, its rapidity. its waters are slightly turbid, with a reddish tint. its width, at this point, as denoted by admeasurements subsequently made,[ ] is three hundred and thirty-one feet. its banks are alluvial and of a fertile aspect, bearing a forest of oaks, maples, elms, ash, and pines, with a dense undergrowth of shrubbery. i observed a species of polyganum in the water's edge, and wherever we attempted to land it was miry and the borders wet and damp. we were now, from our notes, a hundred and forty-seven miles due west of the head of lake superior, by the curved lines of travelling, and probably one hundred in an air line; and had struck the channel of the mississippi, not less, by the estimates, than two thousand five hundred miles above its mouth on the gulf of mexico. it could not, from the very vague accounts we could obtain from the traders, originate, at the utmost, more than three hundred miles higher, and our canadian voyageurs turned up the stream, with that troubadour air, or _gaite de cour_, keeping time with song and paddle, with which new france had at first been traversed by its champlains, marquettes, and frontenacs. to conquer distance and labor, at the same time, with a song, has occurred to no other people, and if these men are not happy, in these voyages, they, at least, have the semblance of it, and are merry. to keep up this flow of spirits, and bravery of capacity in demolishing distances, they always overrate the per diem travel, which, as i have before observed, is put about one-third too high--that is to say, their league is about two miles. on we went, at this rapid rate, stopping every half hour to rest five minutes. during this brief rest, their big kettle of boiled corn and pork was occasionally brought forward, and dipped in, with great fervency of spoon; but, whether eating or working, they were always gay, and most completely relieved from any care of what might happen to-morrow. for the mess kettle was ever most amply supplied, and not according to the scanty pattern which these couriers de bois often encounter in the indian trade on these summits, when they are sometimes reduced to dine on tripe de roche and sup on buton de rose; but they bore in mind that their employer, namely, uncle sam, was a full-handed man, and they kept up a most commendable mental balance, by at once eating strong and working strong. [ ] expedition to hasca lake in . during the first twenty-seven miles, above the inlet of sandy lake, we passed six small rapids, at distances of three, four, three, one, five, and eleven miles, where the river sinks its level twenty-nine feet, in the estimated aggregate distance of seven hundred yards.[ ] above the latter, extending twenty miles, to the point of our encampment, there is no perceptible rapid. it was eight o'clock when we encamped, having been eleven hours in our canoes, without stretching our legs, and we had ascended forty-six miles. [ ] _vide_ appendix--elevations. chapter x. proceed up the mississippi river--its velocity and character--swan river--trout river, and mushkoda or prairie river--rapids ascended--reach, and make a portage around pakagama falls--enter a vast lacustrine region--its character and productions, vegetable and animal--tortuous channel--vermilion and deer rivers--leech lake branch--lake winnipek--ascent of the river to upper red cedar, or cass lake--physical character of the mississippi river. our encampment was near the mouth of swan river, a considerable stream, originating in swan lake, near the head of the st. louis river of lake superior. we had been pushing our way, daily, up to our arrival at sandy lake; but the word, from leaving that point, was, emphatically, push--and we can hardly be said to have taken proper time to eat or sleep. there was a shower of rain, during the night; it ceased at four o'clock, and we again embarked at five, in a cloudy and misty morning, and it continued cloudy all day. the current of the mississippi continues to be strong; its velocity, during the ascent of this day, was computed by capt. douglass at two and a half miles per hour. we passed a rapid about six miles below trout river, where there is a computed descent of three feet in a hundred and fifty yards. a few miles before reaching trout river, we passed through a forest of dead pines, occupying ridges of sand, through which the river has cut its way. four miles above the entrance of trout river, we passed the mouth of a considerable stream, called by the chippewas mushkoda, or prairie river, and encamped about five hundred yards above its mouth on a high sandy elevation. it was now eight o'clock p.m. we had ascended the river fifty-one miles, having been fifteen hours in our canoes, and we here first took our breakfast. this severity of fasting was, i think, quite unintentional, the mess-basket being in the other canoe, which kept ahead of us the entire day. we had this day observed specimens of the unio and some other species of fresh-water shells along the shore. and of birds, besides the duck, plover, and loon, which frequent the water, we noticed the thrush, robin, blackbird, and crow. the comparative coolness of the day rendered the annoyance from mosquitos less severe than we had found them the preceding day. the night on this sandy and bleak elevation proved cool, with a heavy dew, which resulted in a dense fog in the morning. we found ice on the bottoms of the canoes, which are turned up at night, of the thickness of a knife-blade. our third day's ascent witnessed no diminution of the strength and alacrity with which our canoemen urged our way up the stream. we were off betimes, in a lowering and dense atmosphere, which obscured objects. after advancing some six miles, there are a series of small rapids, which are, taken together, called ka-ka-bi-ka,[ ] where i estimated the river to sink its level sixteen feet, in a short distance; at none of these is the navigation, however, impeded. the rock stratification appears too compact for sand-rock, and is obscured by contiguous boulders, which are indicative of the strong drift-formation, which has spread from the north and east over this region. four miles after ascending the last of the kakabika rapids, we landed at the foot of the pakagama falls. here the lading was immediately put ashore, the canoes landed, and the whole carried over an indian portage path of two hundred and seventy-five yards. this delay afforded an opportunity to view the falls. the mississippi, at this point, forces its way through a formation of quartzy rock, during which it sinks its level, as estimated, twenty feet, in a distance of about three hundred yards. there is no perceptible cascade or abrupt fall, but the river rushes with the utmost velocity down a highly inclined rocky bed towards the northeast. it forms a complete interruption to navigation, and must, hereafter, be the terminus of the navigation of that class of small steamboats which may be introduced above the falls of st. anthony. the general elevation of the geological stratum at the top of this fall must be but little under fourteen hundred feet above the gulf of mexico.[ ] this summit bears a growth of the yellow pine. i observed, amongst the shrubs, the vaccinium dumosum. immediately above the falls is a small rocky island, bearing a growth of spruce and cedars, being the first island noticed above sandy lake. this island parts the channel into two, at the precise point of its precipitation. on coming to the head of these falls, we appear to have reached a vast geological plateau, consisting of horizontal deposits of clay and drift on the nucleus of granitical and metamorphic rocks, which underlie the sources of the mississippi river. the vast and irregular bodies of water called leech lake, winnipek, and cass lakes, together with a thousand lesser lakes of a mile or two in circumference, lie on this great diluvial summit. these lakes spread east and west over a surface of not less than two hundred miles; most of them are connected with channels of communication forming a tortuous and intricate system of waters, only well known to the indians; and there seems the less wonder that the absolute and most remote source of the mississippi has so long remained a matter of doubt. [ ] from _ka_, a particle affirmative of an adverse quality, _aubik_, rock, and _ons_, a diminutive inflection. [ ] mr. nicollet places the summit of the falls at , feet above the gulf. by the time we had well seen the falls, and made some sketches and notes, the indefatigable canoemen announced our baggage all carried over the portage, and the canoes put into the water. embarking, at this point, we found the river had lost its velocity; it was often difficult to determine that it had any current at all. we wound about, by a most tortuous channel, through savannas where coarse species of grass, flags, reeds, and wild rice struggled for the mastery. the whole country appeared to be one flat surface, where the sameness of the objects, the heat of the weather, and the excessively serpentine channel of the river, conspired to render the way tedious. the banks of the river were but just elevated above these illimitable fields of grass and aquatic plants. in these banks the gulls had their nests, and as they were disturbed they uttered deafening screams. water-fowl were intruded upon at every turn, the blackbird and rail chattered over their clusters of reeds and cat-tails; the falcon screamed on high, as he quietly sailed above our heads, and the whole feathered creation appeared to be decidedly intruded on by our unwonted advance into the great watery plateau, to say nothing of the small and unimportant class of reptiles who inhabit the region. forty miles above the falls, the river vermilion flows in through these savannas on the left hand; and three miles higher the deer river is tributary on the right hand. we ascended six miles above the latter, and encamped in a dry prairie, on the same side, at a late hour. the men reported themselves to have travelled sixteen leagues, notwithstanding their detention on the pakagama portage. how far we had advanced, in a direct line, is very questionable. at one spot, we estimated ourselves to have passed, by the river's involutions, nine miles, but to have advanced directly but one mile. i noticed, on the meadow at this spot, a small and very delicious species of raspberry, the plant not rising higher than three or four inches. this species, of which i preserved both the roots and fruit, i referred to dr. j. torrey, of new york, who pronounced it the rebus nutkanus of moçino--a species found by this observer in the oregon regions. it is now known to occur eastwardly, to upper michigan. as night approached on these elevated prairies, we observed for the first time the fire-fly. the next morning ( th) we were again in motion at half-past five o'clock. it had rained during the night, and the morning was cloudy, with a dense fog. at the distance of ten miles, we passed the leech lake river. this is a very considerable river, bringing in, apparently, one-third as much water as the main branch. it is, however, but fifty miles in length, and is merely the outlet of the large lake bearing that name. it was thought the current of the mississippi denoted greater velocity above this point, while the water exhibited greater clearness. we had still the same savanna regions, with a serpentine channel to encounter. through this the men urged their way for a distance of thirty-five miles, when winnipek lake displayed itself before us. the waters of this lake have a whitish, slightly turbid aspect, after the prevalence of storms, which appears to reveal its shallowness, with a probably whitish clay bottom. the chippewa name of winnebeegogish[ ] is, indeed, derivative from this circumstance. this lake is stated to be ten miles in its greatest length. we crossed it transversely in order to strike the inlet of the mississippi, and encamped on the other side. in this transit we met a couple of indian women in a canoe, who, being interrogated by the interpreter, stated that they came to observe whether the wild rice, which is quite an item of the indian subsistence in this quarter, was matured enough to be tied into clusters for beating out. we estimated our advance this day, by the time denoted by the chronometer, at fifty-one miles. [ ] from _weenud_, dirty, _beegog_, waters, and _ish_, a derogative inflection of nouns. we were again in our canoes the next morning at half-past four o'clock. in coasting along the north shores of winnipek lake, an object of limy whiteness attracted our attention, which turned out to be a small island composed of granitical and other boulders, which had served as the resting-place of birds, for which the region above the pakagama falls is so remarkable. on landing, a dead pelican was stretched on the surface. we had not before observed this species on the river, and named the island shayta, from its chippewa name. the buzzard, cormorant, brant, eagle, and raven had hitherto constituted the largest species. along the shores of the river, the king-fisher and heron had been frequent objects. with respect to the cormorant, it was observed that the indians classify it with the species of duck, their name for it, ka-ga-ge-sheeb, signifying, literally, crow-duck. on again reaching the inlet of the mississippi, its size and appearance corresponded so exactly to its character below the winnipek, that it had evidently experienced but little or no change by passing through this lake. the same width and volume were observed which it had below this point; the same moderate velocity; the same borders of grassy savanna, and the same tendency to redouble its length, by its contortions, appeared. in some places, however, it approaches those extensive ridges of sandy formation, bearing pines, which traverse, or rather bound, these wide savannas. through these channels the canoemen urged their course with their usual alacrity--now stopping a few moments to breathe, and then, striking their paddles again in the water with renewed vigor, and often starting off with one of their animated canoe-songs. from about eight o'clock in the morning till two in the afternoon we proceeded up the winding thread of this channel, when the appearance of a large body of water in the distance before us attracted attention. it was the first glimpse we had of the upper red cedar lake. the mississippi river here deploys itself in one of those large sheets of pellucid water which are so characteristic of its sources. on reaching the estuary at its entrance, a short halt was made. a large body of the most transparent water spread out before us. its outlines, towards the south, were only bounded by the line of the horizon. in the distance appeared the traces of wooded islands. if sandy lake had, on emerging from the wilderness, impressed us with its rural beauty, this far transcended it in the variety and extent of outlines, and that oceanic amplitude of freshness, which so often inspires admiration in beholding the interior american lakes. it was determined to cross a part of the lake towards the north-east, in order to strike the site of an ancient indian village at the mouth of turtle river; and under the influences of a serene day, and one of their liveliest chants, the men pushed for that point, which was reached at three o'clock in the afternoon of the st july. the spot at which we landed was the verge of a green lawn, rising in a short distance to a handsome eminence, crowned with oaks and maples. one or two small log tenements stood on this slope occupied by two canadians in the service of the american fur company. several wigwams of bark and poles lifted their fragile conical forms on either side. in one of these tenements, consisting of a small cabin of poles, sheathed with bark, we found an object of human misery which excited our sympathies. it was in the person of one of the canadians, to whom reference has been made, of the name of montruille. he had, in the often severe peregrinations of the fur trade in this quarter, been caught in a snow-storm during the last winter, and frozen both his feet in so severe a manner that they eventually sloughed off, and he could no longer stand upright or walk. he lay on the ground in a most pitiable state of dejection, with the stumps of his legs bound up with deer skins, with a gray, long-neglected beard, and an aspect of extreme despair. english he could not speak; and the french he uttered was but an abuse of the noble gift of language to call down denunciations on those who had deserted him, or left him thus to his fate. a rush mat lay under him. he had no covering. he was emaciated to the last degree, every bone in his body seemed visible through the skin. his cheeks were fallen in, and his eyes sunk in their sockets, but darting a look of despair. his indian wife had deserted him. food, of an inadequate quality, was occasionally thrown in to him. such were the accounts we received. governor cass directed groceries, ammunition, and presents of clothing to be made to him, to the latter of which, every member of the party added. he also engaged a person to convey him to sandy lake. we examined the environs of the place with interest; the village occupies the north banks of turtle river valley. turtle river, which cuts its way through this slope and plain, constitutes the direct line of intercourse for the indian trade, through turtle and red lakes, to the red river valley of hudson's bay. on inquiry, we learned that this river had constituted the ancient indian line of communication by canoes and portages, from time immemorial, with that valley, the distance to the extreme plateau, or summit, being about sixty miles. on this summit, within a couple of miles of each other, lie turtle and red lakes, the one having its discharge into the gulf of mexico and the other into hudson's bay. when canada was settled by the french, this aboriginal route was adopted. the fur companies of great britain, on coming into possession of the country, after the fall of quebec, , followed the same route. the factors of these companies told lieutenant pike, in , at sandy lake and leech lake, that the turtle portage was the only practicable route of communication to the red river, and that it was the true source of the mississippi; and they furnished him manuscript maps of the country conformable to these views. the region has actually been in possession of the americans only since , adopting the era of pike's visit. by inquiry from the chippewa indians at this village, sanctioned by the canadian authorities, we are informed that the mississippi falls into the south end of cass lake, at the distance of eight or ten miles; that it reaches that point from the west, by a series of sharp rapids stretching over an extent of about forty miles from a large lake;[ ] and that this celebrated stream originates in lac la biche, about six days' journey from our present position, and has many small lakes, rapids, and falls. it is further asserted by the indians, that the water in these remote streams, and upon these rapids, is at all times shallow, but it is particularly so this season; and that it is not practicable to reach these remote sources of the river with boats, or large canoes of the size we have. [ ] called andrúsia. expedition to starca lake in . on submitting these facts to the gentlemen composing his party, governor cass asked each one to give his views, beginning with the youngest, and to express his opinion on the feasibility of further explorations. they concurred in opinion that, in the present low state of the water on these summits, considering the impossibility of ascending them with our present craft, and in the actual state of our provisions, such an attempt was impracticable. thereon, he announced his decision to rejoin our party at sandy lake, and to pursue the exploration of the river down its channel to the falls of st. anthony, to the inlet of the wisconsin and fox rivers, and to return into the great lake basins, and complete their circumnavigation. having reached the ultimate geographical point visited by the expedition, i thought it due to the energy and enlightened zeal of the gentleman who had led us, to mark the event by naming this body of water in my journal cassina, or cass lake. there was the more reason for this in the nomenclature of the geography of the upper mississippi, by observing that it embraces another red cedar lake. the latitude of upper red cedar, or cass lake, is placed by pike at ° ´ ´´.[ ] its distance above sandy lake, by the involutions of the river, is two hundred and seventy miles, and from fond du lac, at the head of lake superior, by the travelled route, four hundred and thirty miles. it is situated seventeen degrees north of the gulf of mexico, from which it is computed to be distant two thousand nine hundred and seventy-eight geographical miles. estimating the distance to the actual origin of the river, as determined at a subsequent period, at one hundred and eighty-two miles above cass lake, the length of the mississippi river is shown to be three thousand one hundred and sixty miles,[ ] making a direct line over the earth's surface of more than half the distance from the arctic circle to the equator. it may also be observed of the mississippi, that its sources lie in a region of snows and long-continued winter, while it enters the ocean under the latitude of perpetual verdure; and at last, as if disdaining to terminate its career at the ordinary point of embouchure of other large rivers, has protruded its banks into the gulf of mexico, more than a hundred miles beyond any other part of the main. to have visited both the source and the mouth of the stream has fallen to the lot of but few, and i believe there is no person living beside myself of whom the remark can be made. on the tenth of july, , i passed out of the mouth of the mississippi in a brig bound for new york, after descending it in a steamboat from st. louis, but little thinking i should soon visit its waters, yet, on the twenty-first of july of the following year, i reached its sources in this lake. [ ] nicollet, in the report of his exploration of , places it in ° ´ ´´. [ ] _vide_ expedition to stasca lake in . in deciding upon the physical character of the mississippi river, it may be advantageously considered under four natural divisions, as indicated by permanent differences in its geological and physical character--its vegetable productions, and its velocity and general hydrographical character. originating in a region of lakes upon the table-lands which throw their waters north into hudson's bay, south into the gulf of mexico, and east into the gulf of st. lawrence, it pursues its course south to the falls of pakagama, a distance of two hundred and thirty miles, through natural meadows or savannas covered with wild rice, rushes, reeds and coarse grasses, and aquatic plants. during the distance, it is extremely devious in its course and width, often expanding into lakes which connect themselves through a vast system of reticulated channels. leech lake, cass lake, and lake andrúsia would themselves be regarded as small interior seas, were they on any other part of the continent but that which develops superior, michigan, huron, erie, and ontario. its velocity through the upper plateau is but little, and it affords every facility for the breeding of water fowl and the small furred quadrupeds, the favorite reliance of a nomadic population. at the falls of pakagama, the first rock stratum and the first wooded island is seen. here the river has an aggregate fall of twenty feet, and from this point to st. anthony's falls, a distance of six hundred miles, it exhibits its second characteristic division. the granitical and metamorphic rocks, which support the vast plateaux and beds of draft of its sources, are only apparent above this point, in boulders. the permanent strata are but barely concealed at several rapids below the pakagama, but appear plainly below the influx of the de corbeau, at elk river, little falls, and near sac river. and this system of rock is succeeded, before reaching the falls of st. anthony, by the horizonal white sand rock and its superior limestone series of the carboniferous formation. vegetation is developed as the river descends towards the south. a forest of maples, elm, oak, ash, and birch, is interspersed with spruce, birch, poplar, and pine above the pakagama, and continues, in favorable positions, throughout this division. the black walnut is first seen below sandy lake, and the sycamore below the river de corbeau. the river in this division has numerous well-wooded islands; its velocity is a striking feature; it abounds with rapids, none of which, however, oppose serious obstacles to its navigation. agreeably to memoranda kept,[ ] it has fifty-six distinct rapids, including the little and big falls, in all of which the river has an aggregate estimated descent of two hundred and twenty-four feet, within a distance of fourteen thousand six hundred and forty yards, or about eight miles. the mean fall of the current, exclusive of these rapids, may be computed at nearly six inches per mile. [ ] _vide_ appendix. the course of the river, below the falls of pakagama, is still serpentine, but strikingly less so than above, and its bends are not so short and abrupt. the general course of this river, till it reaches the rock formation of pakagama, is from the west. thence, to sandy lake inlet, it flows generally southeast; from this point to the inlet of the de corbeau or crow wing, it is deflected to the southwest; thence almost due south, to the mouth of the watab river; and thence again southeast to the falls of st. anthony. a geographical line dropped from the inlet of sandy lake, where the channel is first deflected to the southwest, to st. anthony's falls, or the mouth of the st. peter's,[ ] forms a vast bow-shaped area of prairie and forest lands of high agricultural capabilities, whose future products must be carried to a market through the fond du lac of lake superior. these prairies and grove lands, which cannot square less than two by four hundred miles, constitute the ancient area of the issati,[ ] and are now the resort of great herds of the buffalo, elk, and deer; and it is a region known as the predatory border, or battle-ground of the chippewas and dacotas. [ ] now called minnesota river. [ ] _vide_ hennepin. chapter xi. physical traits of the mississippi--the elevation of its sources--its velocity and mean descent--etymology of the name mississippi--descent of the river to sandy lake, and thence to the falls of st. anthony--recross the great bitobi savanna--pakagama formation--description of the voyage from sandy lake to pine river--brief notices of the natural history. the third geographical division in which it is proposed to consider the mississippi, begins at the falls of st. anthony. within half a day's march, before reaching this point from its sources, the primitive and crystallized, and the altered and basaltic rocks are succeeded by the great limestone and sandstone horizontal series of the carboniferous, magnesian, and metalliferous rocks, which constitute by themselves so extraordinary a body of geological phenomena. entering on the level of the white sandstone stratum, which is fundamental in this column, about the inlet of rum river, the mississippi urges its way over a gently inclining bed of this rock, to the brink of this cataract, where it drops perpendicularly about sixteen feet; but the whole descent of its level from the head to the foot of the portage path, cannot be less than double that height. the river, at this point, enters a valley which is defined by rocky cliffs, which attain various elevations from one to three hundred feet, presenting a succession of picturesque or sublime views. in some places these cliffs present a precipitous and abrupt façade, washed by the current. in far the greatest number of cases, the eminence has lost its sharp angles through the effects of frosts, rains, and elemental action, leaving a slope of debris at the foot. as the river descends, it increases in volume and in the extent of its alluvions. these form, in an especial manner, its characteristic features from st. anthony's falls to the junction of the missouri, a distance of not less than eight hundred miles. the principal tributaries which it receives in this distance, are, on the right, the st. peter's, upper and lower iowa, turkey river, desmoines, and salt rivers; and, on the left, the st. croix, chippewa, wisconsin, rock river, and the illinois. one hundred miles below st. anthony, it expands for a distance of twenty-four miles into the sylvan sheet of lake pepin, at the foot of which it receives the large volume of the chippewa river, which originates on the sandy tracts at the sources of the wisconsin, montreal, and ontonagon; and it is from this point that its continually widening channel exhibits those innumerable and changing sand-bars, which so embarrass the navigation. but in all this distance, it is only at the desmoines and rock river rapids that any permanent serious impediment is found in its navigation, with the larger craft. the fourth change in the physical aspect of this river, is at the junction of the missouri, and this is an almost total and complete one; for this river brings down such a vast and turbid flood of commingled earths and floating matter, that it characterizes this stream to its entrance into the gulf of mexico. if its length of channel, velocity, and other leading phenomena had been accurately known at an early day, it should also have carried its name from this point to the ocean. down to this point, the mississippi, at its summer phases, carries the character of a comparatively clear stream. but the missouri, which, from its great length and remote latitude, has a summer freshet, flows in with a flood so turbid and opaque, that it immediately communicates its qualities and hue to the milder mississippi. at certain seasons, the struggle between the clear and turbid waters of the two streams can be seen, at opposite sides of the river, at the distance of twenty or thirty miles. entire trees, sometimes ninety feet long, with their giant arms, are swept down the current; and it is not unusual, at its highest flood, to observe large, spongy masses of a species of pseudo pumice carried into its channel, from some of its higher western tributaries. to such a moving, overpowering liquid mass, there are still, below the missouri, rocky banks, and occasionally isolated cliffs, to stand up and resist its sweep; but its alluvions become wider and deeper opposite to these rocky barriers. its bends stretch over greater distances, and its channel grows deeper at every accession of a tributary. the chief of these, after passing the missouri, are from the rocky mountains and ozark slopes, the st. francis, white, arkansas, and red rivers; and from the other bank the kaskaskia, the ohio, wolf, and yazoo. it is estimated to flow twelve hundred miles below the missouri. its width is about one mile opposite st. louis. it is narrower but more than twice the depth at new orleans, and yet narrower, because more divided, at its embouchure at the balize, where a bar prevents ships drawing over eighteen feet of water from entering. no attempt has heretofore been made to determine the elevation of that part of the american continent which gives rise to the mississippi river. from the observations made on the expedition, the elevation is confessedly less than would _à priori_ be supposed. if it is not, like the nile, cradled among mountains, whose very altitude and position are unknown, there is enough of the unknown about its origin to wish for more information. originating on a vast continental plateau, or watershed, the superabundance of its waters are drained off by the three greatest rivers of north america, namely, the st. lawrence, the nelson's rivers of hudson's bay, and the mississippi. yet the apex of this height of land is moderate, although its distance from the sea at either point is immense. from the best data at command, i have endeavored to come at the probable altitude of this plateau, availing myself at the same time of the judgment of the several members of the expedition. taking the elevation of lake erie above tide-water, as instrumentally determined, in the new york surveys, as a basis, we find lake superior lying at an altitude of six hundred and forty-one feet above the atlantic. from thence, through the valley of the st. louis, and across the savanna summit, to the mississippi, at the confluence of the sandy lake river, estimates noted on the route, indicate an aggregate rise of four hundred and ninety feet. the ascent of the river, from this point to cass lake, is estimated to be one hundred and sixty-two feet; giving this lake an aggregate elevation of thirteen hundred and ninety-three feet above the atlantic. barometrical admeasurements made in , by mr. nicollet, in the service of the united states topographical bureau, place the elevation of this lake at fourteen hundred and two feet above the gulf of mexico,[ ] being just twelve feet above these early estimates. the same authority estimates its length from the balize, at twenty-seven hundred and fifty miles. its velocity below cass lake may be estimated to result from a mean descent of a fraction over five inches per mile. [ ] senate document no. , con. d session, a. d. . the name of the mississippi river is derived from the algonquin language, through the medium of the french. the term appears first in the early missionary letters from the west end of lake superior about . sippi, agreeably to the early french annotation of the word, signifies a river. the prefixed word missi is an adjective denoting all, and, when applied to various waters, means the collected or assembled mass of them. the compound term is then, properly speaking, an adverb. thus, missi-gago, means all things; missi-gago-gidjetod, he who has made all things--the creator. it is a superlative expression, of which great river simply would be a most lean, impracticable, and inadequate expression. it is only symbolically that it can be called the father of american rivers, unless such sense occurs in the other indian tongues. finding it impracticable to proceed higher in the search of the remote sources of the river at this time, a return from this point was determined on. the vicinity had been carefully scanned for its drift specimens, and fresh-water conchology. wishing to carry along some further memorial of the visit, members of the party cut walking-canes in the adjoining thickets, and tied them carefully together; and at five o'clock in the afternoon ( st july) we embarked on our descent. an hour's voyage over the surface of this wide lake, with its refreshing views of northern scenery, brought us to the point where the mississippi issues from it. never did men ply their paddles with greater animation; and having the descent now in their favor, they proceeded eighteen miles before they sought for a spot to encamp. twilight still served, with almost the clearness of daylight, while we spread our tents on a handsome eminence on the right-hand shore. daylight had not yet dawned the next morning, when we resumed the descent. it was eight o'clock a. m. when we reached the border of lake winnipek. this name, by the way, is derived from a term heretofore given, which, having the chippewa inflection of nouns in _ish_, graphically describes that peculiarity of its waters created by the disturbance of a clay bottom. the winds were high and adverse, which caused the canoemen to toil two hours in crossing. after reaching the river again, we passed its sedgy borders, to, and through rush lake, or the little winnipek; then by the inlet of leech lake river, and through the contortions of its channel, to within a few miles of the spot of our encampment at deer river, on the th. the great savannas, through which the mississippi winds itself above the pakagama, are called collectively, the gatchi betobeeg, great morasses, or bog meadows. while descending the river, we encountered nine canoes filled with chippewa indians and their families. they were freighted with heavy rolls of birch-bark, such as their canoes are made from; together with bundles of rushes designed for mats. the annoyance suffered from mosquitos on this great plateau, was almost past endurance. we embarked again at a quarter past four, and reached the falls of pakagama at five o'clock. just forty minutes were spent in making the portage. the rock at this spot is quartzite. the day was cloudy, with some rain. as night approached an animal, judged to be the wolverine, was seen swimming across the stream. the efforts of the men to overtake it were unavailing; it nimbly eluded pursuit, and dashed away into the thickets. in some queries sent to me by the new york lyceum, this animal is alluded to as a species of the glutton. the indians said there was no animal in their country deserving this name; the only animal they knew deserving of it, was the horse; which was eating all the time. we encamped on an abrupt sandy bank, where, however, sleep was impossible. between the humidity of the atmosphere and the denseness of the foliage around us, the insect world seemed to have been wakened into unusual activity. besides, we encamped so late, and were so jaded by a long day's travel, that the mosquito-nets were neglected. to get up and stand before a camp-fire at midnight and switch off the mosquitos, requires as much philosophy as to write a book; and at any rate, ours completely failed. we were again in our canoes ( th), at an early hour. daylight apprised us of the clearing up of the atmosphere, and brought us one of the most delightful days. animated by these circumstances, we descended the stream with rapidity. soon after midday, we entered and ascended the short channel of the sandy lake river, and, by two o'clock in the afternoon, we rejoined our camp at the fur company's fort, having been three days in descending a distance which had consumed four and a half in the ascent. we were received with joy and acclamation by the sandy lake party, and felicitated ourselves on the accomplishment of what had all along appeared as the most arduous part of our route. nor had we indeed, overrated its difficulties; the incessant motion of travelling depriving us of mature opportunities of observation, and also rest at night, the stings of the mosquitos whenever we attempted to land, and the cravings of an often unsatisfied appetite, had made this visit one of peculiar privation and fatigue. without such an effort, however, it is doubtful whether the principal objects of the expedition could have been accomplished. nothing untoward had happened at the camp, no difficulty had occurred with the indians, and all the party were in good health. having left my thermometer with mr. doty, during my absence, the observations made by him are denoted in the appendix. the following day was fixed on for our departure for the falls of st. anthony. the distance to these falls is generally put by the traders at from five to six hundred miles. these estimates denote, however, rather the difficulties and time employed by days' journeys in the trade than any other measurements.[ ] pike states the latitude some thirteen minutes too far north. it is found to be ° ´ ´´. it appears from lieut. pike (_expt._ p. ), that the stockade at this place was erected in . its elevation above the gulf of mexico is , feet. the soil of the environs yields excellent potatoes, and such culinary vegetables as have been tried. the mean temperature of july is denoted to be °. the post is one of importance in the fur trade. it yields the deer, moose, bear, beaver, otter, martin, muskrat, and some other species, whose skins or pelts are valuable. [ ] nicollet, in his report to the top. bureau, in , states the direct distance from st. peter's to sandy lake, at but miles. it was twelve o'clock on the morning of the th, before we were ready to embark. our flotilla now consisted of three canoes, of the kind called _canoe-allege_ in the trade, and a barge occupied by the military. to this array, the chief babesakundiba, or the curly head, added a canoe filled with chippewa delegates, who accompanied him on a mission of peace to the sioux. this chief is the same individual who met lieut. pike in this quarter, in , and he appears to be a man of much energy and decision of character. his reputation also gives him the character of great skill, policy, and bravery in conducting the war against the sioux. indian wars are not conducted as with us, by opposing armies. it is altogether a guerilla affair. war parties are raised, marched, fight, and disperse in a few days. the war is carried on altogether by stealth and stratagem. each one furnishes himself with food and weapons. in such a warfare, there is great scope for individual exploits and daring. in these wars the curly head had greatly distinguished himself, and he was, therefore, an ambassador of no mean power. in every view, the mission assumed an interesting character; and we kept an eye on the chief's movements, on our journey down the river, chiefly that we might notice the caution which is observed by the indians in entering an enemy's country. after entering the mississippi, below sandy lake, the stream presents very much the character it has above. it was below this point that we first observed the juglans nigra in the forest. its banks are diluvial or alluvial formations, elevated from six to ten feet. the elm, maple, and pine are common. there are some small grassy islands, with tufts of willows, and driftwood lodged. no rock strata appear. the river winds its way through vast diluvial beds, exhibiting at its rapids granitical, quartz, and trappose boulders. it appears to glide wholly over the primitive or crystalline rocks, which rise in some places through the soil, or show themselves at rapids. the expedition descended the stream twenty-eight miles, and encamped on a sandy elevation on the west shore, near alder river, which seemed to promise an exemption from the annoyance of insects; but in this we were mistaken. in the hurry of a late encampment, it had been omitted to pitch the tents. the first ill effect of this was felt on being awakened at night by rain. a humid atmosphere is ever the signal for awakening hordes of insects, and the mosquitos became so troublesome that it was impossible to sleep at all after the shower. we got up and whiled away the time as best we could around the camp-fire. we embarked a few minutes before a. m., the morning being lowering and overcast, which eventuated in rain within an hour. the atmosphere resumed its serenity, and the sun shone out at noon. the river, as on the preceding day, has its course between alluvial and diluvial banks, sweeping its way over the smooth orbicular beds of the granitical age. the influx of rivers, the occurrence of islands, which bear witness of their entire submersion during the freshets, and the succession of bends, points, and rapids--these changes, with notices of the wild fowl, forest birds, and sometimes a quadruped, or a mass of boulders, absorbed my notices, which it seems unimportant, at this time, to refer to. no fixed stratification of rocks was encountered this day. we encamped at about eight o'clock, on the east bank, on an open eminence, just below the rapids which mark the confluence of pine river, having been in our canoes, with very brief and infrequent landings, fifteen hours. at the points of landing, i observed the rosa parviflora, and ipomea nil. as night approached, we heard the monotonous notes of the caprimulgus virginianus. we had also observed during the day, the bald eagle, king-fisher, turdus polyglottis, teal, plover, robin, and pigeon. the nimble sciuris vulgaris was also observed on shore. boulders of sienite, hornblende rock, silicious slate, sandstone, and quartz, served as so many monuments to testify that heavy oceanic currents had heretofore disrupted the northern stratification, and poured down over these long and gradual geological slopes. high and open as our position was on this eminence, our old friends the mosquitos did not forget us. even the indians could not endure their continued attacks. a fine fellow of our original auxiliaries, called iaba waddik, or the buck, took this occasion to give us a specimen of his english, exclaiming, as he came to the camp-fire, "tia![ ] no sneep!" putting the usual interchangeable _n_ of the tribe for the _l_ in the noun. [ ] an exclamation. chapter xii. description of the descent from pine river--pine tracts--confluence of the crow-wing river--enter a sylvan region--prairies and groves, occupied by deer, elk, and buffalo--sport of buffalo hunting--reach elevations of sienitic and metamorphic rocks--discover a pictographic inscription of the sioux, by which they denote a desire for peace--pass the osaukes, st. francis's, corneille, and rum rivers--st. anthony's falls--etymology of the name--geographical considerations. the night dew was heavy on this elevation, and a dense fog prevailed at the hour of our embarkation ( o'clock a. m., on the th). the pine lands come in with the valley of pine river, a large and important stream tributary from the west, which has a connection with leech lake. these lands characterize both banks of the mississippi to the entrance of the river de corbeau. we were seven hours, with a strong current, in passing through this tract. it is to be observed that ancient fires have been permitted to run through these forests, destroying immense quantities of the timber. it was twelve o'clock, a. m., when we came opposite to the entrance of the great crow-wing river.[ ] this stream, which has a large island in its mouth, is a prime tributary with a large, full-flowing current, and must bring in one-third of the entire volume of water to this point.[ ] such is the effect of this current on the opposite shore, that, at the distance of a couple of leagues below, at a spot called _prairie perciê_ by the french, it appears to have forced its way headlong, till, meeting obstructions from the primary rocks, it was again deflected south. at this point, the whole face of the country has an exceedingly sylvan aspect. it is made up of far-stretching plains, covered with grass and wild flowers, interspersed with groves of oak, maple, and other species. the elevation of these beautiful plains, above the river, is not less than twenty to thirty feet, placing them above the reach of high waters. we were now passing below the latitude of °. everything indicated a climate favorable to the vegetable kingdom. while passing in the valley, through the fine bends which the river makes, through these plains, we came to a hunting-camp of probably one hundred and fifty indians. they were chippewas, who, on landing at their camp, saluted us in the indian fashion, and were happy to exchange some dried buffalo meat and pemmican, for corn and flour. some miles below we observed several buffalo, on the eastern shore, on the sub-plains below the open bluffs. alarmed by our approach, these animals set out, with a clumsy, shambling trot, for the upper plains. clumsy as their gait seemed, they got over the ground with speed. our whole force was immediately landed, a little below, and we eagerly climbed the banks, to engage in the sport of hunting them. quite a large drove of this animal was seen on the prairie. our best marksmen, and the indians, immediately divided themselves, to approach on different sides the herd. cautiously approaching, they fired; the effect was to alarm and divide them. most of the herd pushed directly to the spot on the banks of the river, where the non-combatants of the party stood; and there arose a general firing, and _mêlée_ of men and buffaloes, which made it quite doubtful, for awhile, who stood in greatest danger of being hit by the bullets, the men or animals. i am certain the bullets whizzed about the position i occupied on the top of the alluvial cliffs. none of the herd were, however, slain at that time; but at our encampment, a short distance below, the flesh of both the buffalo and elk was profusely brought in by the indians. it is stated that this animal lifts both the feet on one side, at the same time; but this remark, i presume, arises from a mode of throwing its feet forward, which is decidedly different from other quadrupeds. [ ] crow-wing river.--in returning from itasca lake, in , i passed from leech lake by a series of old indian portages into lake ka-ge-no-ge-maug, or long water lake, which is its source; and from thence descended it to its entrance into the mississippi.--vide _exp. to itasca lake_. n. y., harpers, : vol. i. vo. with maps. [ ] the indian name of this river is kagiwegwon, or raven's-wing, or quill, which is accurately translated by the term _aile de corbeau_, but it is improperly called crow-wing. the chippewa term for crow is _andaig_, and the french, _corneille_--terms which are appropriately applied to another stream, nearer st. anthony's falls. on descending the river two miles, the next morning, we found ourselves opposite the mouth of elk river, a stream coming in from the west. this point has been determined to be but four minutes north of latitude ° [_sen. doc._ ]. a short distance below the river, we passed, on the west shore, the painted rock, an isolated or boulder mass, having indian devices, which we had no opportunity of examining. we were now passing down a channel of manifestly increased velocity, and at the distance of a couple of miles more, found ourselves hurried through the west channel of the little falls. at this point the primitive or basis stratification over which we had been so long gliding, crosses the river, rising up and dividing it, by an abrupt rocky island, into two channels. the breadth of the stream is much compressed, and the velocity of its current increased. by what propriety of language it is called "falls" did not, however, appear; perhaps there are seasons when the descent assumes a greater degree of disturbance and velocity. to us, it appeared to be about ten feet in a hundred and fifty yards. here, then, in n. lat. °, the mississippi is first visibly crossed by the primary series of rocks. being now in the region of buffalo, it was decided to land in the course of the day, for the purpose of entering into the chase. an occasion for this was presented soon after passing the little falls, by observing one of these animals on shore. on landing, and reaching the elevation of the prairies, two herds of them were discovered at a distance. an attack on them was immediately planned, for which the tall grass and gentle inequalities of surface, appeared favorable. the fire proved unsuccessful, but served to distract the herds, giving scope for individual marksmanship and hunter activity, during which, innumerable shots were fired, and three animals killed. while this scene was passing, i had a good stand for witnessing the sport, some of the herd passing by very near, as with the blindness of fury. the bison is certainly an animal as clumsy as the ox, or domestic cow; but, unlike these, it is of a uniform dun color, and ever without being spotted, or mottled. its horns are nearly straight, short, very black, and set wide apart. the male is formidable in look, and ferocious when wounded. its ordinary weight is eight hundred to a thousand pounds. it may be said, in reference to this animal being found in this region, that it is a kind of neutral ground, between the chippewas and sioux, neither of which tribes permanently occupy the country between the mouth of the raven's-wing and rum rivers.[ ] [ ] the chippewas affirm that this was the last time the buffalo crossed the mississippi eastwardly. it did not appear, in the same region, in . having spent several hours in the chase, we again embarked, and proceeded down the river until three o'clock in the afternoon. on the left bank of the river two prominent elevations of the granitical series, rising through the prairie soil, attracted my attention. immediately below this locality, a high and level prairie stretches on the west shore, which had a striking appearance from its being crowned with the poles and fixtures of a large, recently abandoned sioux encampment. at this spot the expedition landed and encamped. the quick glances of babasikundiba and his party of delegates immediately discovered a pole, at the site of the chief's lodge, bearing a birch bark scroll, or letter, inscribed with indian hieroglyphics, or devices. it turned out that this spot was the northern terminus of a sioux peace embassage, dispatched from st. peter's shortly previous, under the direction of col. h. leavenworth, u. s. a., the newly-arrived commanding officer at that post. the message was eagerly received and read by the chippewa delegates. by it they were informed that the sioux also desired a termination of hostilities. the scroll was executed by tracing lines, with the point of a knife, or some sharp instrument. the pictographic devices thus drawn denoted the exact number of the party, their chiefs, and the authority under which these crude negotiations were commenced. of this mode of communicating ideas among the algonquin tribes, we have before given details in crossing the boggy plateau of akik sepi, between the st. louis river and sandy lake. the present instance of it is commented on in an interesting communication of the era, in the appendix, from the pen of gov. cass. it was now no longer doubtful that the chippewa mission would be successful, and the satisfaction it produced was evident in the countenances and expressions of babasikundiba and his colleagues. i took a canoe and crossed the mississippi, to inspect the geology of the opposite shore. on reaching the summit of the rock formations rising through the prairies, which had attracted my notice from the river, i found them to consist of sienite, which was almost exclusively made up of a trinary compound of white quartz, hornblende, and feldspar--the two former species predominating. the feldspar exhibited its splendent black crystals in fine relief in the massy quartz. this formation extended a mile or more. what excited marked attention, in surveying these rocks, was their smoothly rubbed surfaces, which seemed as if they must have been produced by equally hard and heavy masses of rock, driven over them from the north. i registered this locality, in my geological journal, as the peace rock, in allusion to the purport of the indian mission, evidences of which were found at the opposite encampment.[ ] [ ] in the treaty of indian boundaries of prairie du chien, of , this mission of the sioux became a point of reference by the sioux chiefs wabishaw, petite corbeau, and wanita, as denoting the limit of their excursions north. the chippewas, on the contrary, by the mouths of babasikundiba, kadawabeda, and the broken arm of sandy lake, contended for sac river as the line. i discussed this subject, having indian maps, at length, with the chiefs and mr. taliaferro, the sioux agent, of st. peter's. an intermediate stream, the watab river, was eventually fixed on, as the separating boundary between these two warlike tribes.--_indian treaties_; washington, d. c. . vol. i. vo. p. . during our night's encampment at this spot we heard the howling of a pack of wolves, on the opposite bank--a sure indication, hunters say, that there are deer, or objects of prey in the vicinity. there are two species of wolves on the plains of the mississippi--the canis lupus, and the animal called coyote by the spanish. the latter is smaller, of a dingy yellow color, and bears the generic name of prairie wolf. i have also seen a black wolf on the prairies of missouri and arkansas, three feet nine inches long, with coarse, bristly, bear-like hair. as daylight approached, our ears were saluted with the hollow cry of the strix nictea, a species which is asserted to be found, sometimes, as far south as the falls of st. anthony. on embarking, at an early hour, we found the humidity of the night atmosphere to be such, that articles left exposed to it were completely saturated. yet, the temperature stood at ° at half-past four o'clock, the moment of our embarkation. on descending six miles we passed the mouth of the osakis, or sac river, a considerable tributary from the west, which opens a line of communication with the red river valley. about ten o'clock we encountered a series of rapids extending some eight hundred or a thousand yards, in the course of which the river has a probable aggregate fall of sixteen feet. these rapids bear the malappropriate title of the big falls. following these, were a series called prairie rapids. at half-past four we passed the entrance of the river st. francis, a considerable stream on the left bank. at this spot, hennepin terminated his voyage in , and carver in . there is an island at the point of confluence. at six o'clock we passed the entrance on the west shore of the stream called _corneille_, by the french, which is the true interpretation of the sioux name _karishon_, and the chippewa term _andaig_, which mean the crow, and not the raven. we encamped five miles below, on the east bank, having been thirteen hours in our canoes, with a generally strong current. my mineralogical gleanings, during the day, had given some specimens of the interesting varieties of the quartz family, for which the geological drift is noted, and a single piece of agatized wood. the geological floor on which the river runs, has been indicated. at five o'clock the following morning ( th) we resumed the descent, and at the distance of two leagues reached the entrance of the missisagiegon, or rum river. it is carver, i believe, who first gives us this name, for a stream which the indians describe as a river flowing from a lake of lakes--a term, by the way, which the french, with their usual adherence to indian etymology, have called _mille lacs_. the term _missi_, in this word, does not signify great, but a collected mass, or all kinds, and sometimes everywhere--the allusion being to water. _sa-gi-e-gon_ is a lake, and when the prefixed term _missi_, is put to it, nothing could more graphically describe the large body of water, interspersed with islands, which give a confused aspect, from which the river issues. the dacotas call this lake _mini wakan_, meaning spirit-water, which is probably the origin of the name of rum river. about thirteen miles below rum river, and when within half a mile of the falls,[ ] i observed calcareous rocks in horizontal beds, on the left bank of the river. it was now evident we had passed out of the primitive range of deposits, and had entered that of the great sedimentary horizontal and semi-crystalline or silurian system of the mississippi valley; and descending with a strong current, we came, rather suddenly, it appeared, to the falls of st. anthony, where the river drops, by a cascade, into a rock-bordered valley. surprise and admiration were the first emotions on getting out of our canoes and gazing on this superlative scene; and we were not a little struck with the idea that the sioux had named the falls from manifestly similar impressions, calling it rara, from the dacota verb _irara_, to laugh. by another authority, the word is written _ha ha_, or _dhaha_, the letters _h_ in the word representing a strong guttural sound resembling the old arabic r.[ ] (s. r. riggs's _dakota dict. and gram._) nothing can exceed the sylvan beauty of the country which is here thrown before the eye; and we should not feel surprised that the aboriginal mind has fallen on very nearly identical sounds with the english, to express its impressions. a not very dissimilar principle has been observed by the chippewas, who have a uniform termination of their names in _ish_, which signifies the very same quality which we express by ish in whitish, blackish, saltish--meaning a lesser, or defective quality of the noun. [ ] it is recently asserted that this change in the stratification occurs about a mile above the falls. [_sen. doc._ p. .] by the same authority it is shown that the aggregate fall of the mississippi from the mouth of sandy lake river to the falls of st. anthony is feet. [ ] both words are derived from the verb _to laugh_. the popular name of these falls, it is known, is due to father louis hennepin, a missionary who accompanied la salle to the illinois, in , and was carried captive into the country of the issati, a dacota tribe, in . lt. pike states the portage to be two hundred and sixty poles. by the time we had taken a good view of the position, and made a few sketches, the men had completed carrying over our baggage and canoes. it was now one o'clock, when we embarked to proceed to the newly-established military encampment, a few miles below. it was a noticeable feature, in our descent of the river above the falls, that babasikundiba had always kept behind the flotilla of canoes; but the moment we advanced below the falls, he shot ahead with his delegates, each one being dressed out in his best manner. his canoe had its little flag displayed--the indian drum was soon heard sending its measured thumps and murmurs of vocal accompaniment over the water, and ever and anon guns were fired. all this was done that the enemy might be apprised of the approach of the delegation in the boldest and most open manner. it was eight or nine miles to the post, near the influx of the st. peter's, and long before we reached col. leavenworth's camp, which occupied a high bluff, the attention of the sioux was arrested by their advance, and it was inferable from the friendly answering shouts which they gave, that the mission was received with joy. although we had known nothing of the movement which produced the pictographic letter found on a pole at the petite roche, above sac river, it was, in fact, regarded by the dacotas as an answer to that letter. and the chippewa chief, and his followers, were received with a salute by the sioux, by whom they were taken by the hand, individually, as they landed. col. leavenworth, the commanding officer, received the expedition in the most cordial manner, and assigned quarters for the members. gov. cass was received with a salute due to his rank. we learn that the post was established last fall. orders for this purpose were issued, as will be seen by reference to the _preliminary documents_, p. , early in the spring. the troops destined for this purpose, were placed under the orders of col. leavenworth, who had distinguished himself as the commander of the ninth and twenty-second regiments, in the war of . they left detroit in the spring ( ), and proceeding by the way of green bay and prairie du chien, where garrisons were left, they ascended to the mouth of the st. peter's, in season to erect cantonments before winter. the site chosen, being on the alluvial grounds, proved unhealthy, in consequence of which the cantonment was removed, in the spring of , to an eminence and spring on the west bank of the mississippi, about a mile from the former position. chapter xiii. position of the military post established at the mouth of the st. peter's--beauty, salubrity, and fertility of the country--pictographic letter--indian treaty--the appearance of the offer of frankincense in the burning of tobacco--opwagonite--native pigments--salt; native copper--the pouched or prairie rat--minnesota squirrel--etymology of the indian name of st. peter's river--antiquities--sketch of the dacota--descent of the mississippi to little crow's village--feast of green corn. in favor of the soil and climate, and of the salubrity of the position, the officers speak in terms of the highest admiration. the garrison has directed its attention to both horticulture and agriculture. about ninety acres of the choicest bottom land along the st. peter's valley, and the adjacent prairies, have been planted with indian corn and potatoes, cereal grains, and esculents, inclusive of a hospital, a regimental, and private gardens. at the mess-table of col. leavenworth, and in our camp, we were presented with green corn in the ear, peas, beans, cucumbers, beets, radishes, and lettuce. the earliest garden peas were eaten here on the th of june, and the first green corn on the th july. much of the corn is already too hard for the table, and some of the ears can be selected which are ripe enough for seed corn. wheat, on the prairie lands, is found to be entirely ripe, and melons in the military gardens nearly so. these are the best practical commentaries on the soil and climate.[ ] [ ] this is now ( ) the central area of minnesota territory--a territory in a rapid process of the development of the population and resources of a state. the distance of the st. peter's from the gulf of mexico is estimated to be about two thousand two hundred miles. its position above st. louis is estimated at nine hundred miles. its elevation above the gulf is but feet. the precise latitude of this point is ° ´ ´´.[ ] the atmosphere is represented as serene and transparent during the summer and spring seasons, and free from the humidity which is so objectionable a trait of our eastern latitudes. the mean temperature is °.[ ] its geology and mineralogy will be noticed in my official reports. it will be sufficient here to say that the stratification, at and below st. anthony's falls, consists wholly of formations of sandstones and limestones, horizontally deposited, whose relative positions and ages are chiefly inferable from the evidences of organic life, in the shape of petrifactions, which they embrace. the lowest of this series of rocks is a white sandstone, consisting of transparent, loosely cohering grains, special allusion to which is made by carver, in his travels in , and which may be received as testimony, were there no other, that this too much discredited author had actually visited this region. [ ] ex. doc., no. . [ ] army register. i have mentioned the interest excited by our chippewas finding the bark letter, or pictographic memorial at the deserted sioux encampment above sac river. it turned out, as we were informed, that this aboriginal missive was a reply to a similar proposition transmitted from sandy lake, by the chippewas. the very person, indeed, who inscribed the chippewa bark message, was one of the ten persons who had accompanied us from that lake. gov. cass, on learning this fact, requested him to draw a duplicate of it on a roll of bark. he executed this task immediately. we thus had before us the proposition in this symbolic character, which is called _ke ke win_ by the chippewas, and its answer. by this mode of communication two nations of the most diverse language found no difficulty in understanding each other.[ ] [ ] _vide_ appendix, for a letter from gen. cass to the secretary of war on this curious topic. on the second day after our arrival, the indians consummated their intentions, as signified by the bark letter, and the sandy-lake delegation assembled with the sioux at the old quarters of the military, now occupied as an indian agency, and smoked the pipe of peace. there were present at this pacification, besides the chiefs shacopee and babasikundiba, and minor chieftains, his excellency gov. cass, col. leavenworth, and sundry officers of the garrison and the expedition. the ceremonies were conducted under the auspices of the u. s. indian agent, mr. taliaferro. every attention was given to make these ceremonies impressive, by a compliance with the aboriginal customs on these occasions, and it is hoped not without leaving permanent effects on their minds. the pipe employed by the native diplomatists, in these negotiations, is invested with a symbolic and sacred character, as if the fumes of the weed were offered, in the nature of frankincense, to the deity. the genuflections with which it is presented, more than the words expressed, countenance this idea. the bowl of the pipe used on this occasion consisted of the well-known red pipe-stone, called opwagonite,[ ] so long known in indian history as being brought from the _coteau des prairies_. it is furnished with a wooden stem two or three feet long, and two and a half inches broad, shaved down thin so as to resemble a spatula. it is then painted with certain blue or green clays, and ornamented with braids of richly dyed porcupine quills, or the holcus fragrans, and the tuft feathers of the male duck or red-headed woodpecker. these state pipes are usually presented by the speakers as memorials of the speeches, and laid aside by the officials having charge of indian affairs. col. leavenworth presented us with some of these carefully ornamented diplomatic testimonials. [ ] schoolcraft's view of the lead mines of missouri. scenes and adventures in the ozark mountains, the catlinite of dr. jackson. i obtained from the sioux some very carefully moulded pyramidal-shaped pieces of the blue and green clays from the valley of the st. peter's, which they employ in painting their pipe-stems and persons. the coloring matter of these appears to be carbonate of copper. it is brought from the blue earth river. i also obtained from the indians very small and carefully tied leathern bags of the red oxide of iron, which they obtain in the state of a dry, powdery mass, on the prairies near the big stone. the indians brought me, from the same region, crystals of salt, scraped up from the margin of certain waters on the prairies, of a dark cast, mixed with impurities. the tendency of these crystals to assume a cubic form was quite distinct. the most interesting development, in the mineralogical way, consisted of small lumps of native copper, which i obtained on an eminence on the banks of the mississippi, directly opposite the influx of the st. peter's. they occupy, geologically, a diluvial position, being at the bottom of the prairie-drift stratum, and immediately above the superior limestone. in the luxurious kitchen gardens of camp leavenworth, great depredations have been made by a small quadruped of a burrowing character, called gopher. by patient watching, gun in hand, one of these was killed, and its skin preserved and prepared. the animal is ten inches long to the termination of the tail, with a body very much the size and color of a large wharf-rat. it has five prominent claws, and two broad cutting teeth, but its most striking peculiarity is a duplicature of the cheek, which permits it to carry earth to the mouth of its burrow. it has been called the pouched rat. sir francis drake found a similar animal in his visit to the gulf of california, in . the distribution of this species, of which this seems to be the northern limit, is very wide through atlantic america, and it is known to be destructive to vegetation throughout alabama, georgia, and the carolinas. i had, two years ago, been led to notice its ravages in missouri and arkansas. but the animal called gopher, in the southern country, is a burrowing tortoise, and the name is improperly applied to this species, which is the _pseudostoma pinetorum_. a peculiar species of squirrel was observed in this vicinity, which is also found to be a destructive visitor to the military gardens. in appearance, this species resembles the common striped squirrel, but it has a more elongated body, and shorter legs. the body has six black stripes, with the same number of intervening lines of spots, on a reddish-brown skin. this minnesota squirrel has, since the return of the expedition, been named, by the late dr. samuel l. mitchell, _sciurus tredeceum_. the river st. peter's is called, by the dacotas, _watepa minnesota_. the prefixed term _watepa_, is their word for river; _minni_ is the name for water. the term _sota_ has been variously explained. the canadian french, who have proved themselves most apt translators of indian phrases, render it by the word _brouille_, or _blear_; or, if we regard this as derivative from the verb _brouiller_, _mixed_, or _mottled_--a condition of the waters of this river, whenever the mississippi is in flood, and consequently at a higher elevation when it rushes into the mouth of the st. peter's, producing that addled aspect of the water, to which the dacotas, it is believed, apply the term _sota_. the scenery around st. peter's is of the most sylvan and delightful character. about six miles west of the cantonment there are several beautiful lakes, in the prairies. the largest of these is about four miles in circumference, and is called calhoun lake, in compliment to the secretary of war. its waters are stored with bass and other varieties of fish. there are several pure springs of sparkling water, issuing from the picturesque cliffs which face the mississippi at this place. i visited one about a mile from the cantonment, which deposits a yellow sulphurous flocculent mass along its course. on the prairies is found the _holcus fragrans_, which is braided by the indian females, and employed in some instances to decorate their deer-skin clothing. this aromatic grass retains its scent in the dried state. along the waters of the st. peter's is found the _acer negundo_, the inner bark of which, mixed with the common nettle, is employed by the natives in the state of a strong decoction, as a cure for the _lues venerea_. mr. carver having described certain antiquities near the foot of lake pepin, in , inquiries were made after objects of this kind in the vicinity. i was informed that traces of such remains existed in the valley of the st. peter's, but can say nothing concerning them from actual inspection.[ ] [ ] the last known platform mound in the spread of the mound-builders north, is at prairie du chien. the monuments, supposed to be mounds, in the st. peter's region, are found by mr. owen to be geological elevations. the remains on blue earth river are attributed to a fort or inclosure built by le seur, in his search for copper on that stream, in . other remains, in the st. peter's valley, appear to be old trading-houses, fallen in. of the dacotas, or sioux, for which st. peter's forms the central point, some anecdotes have been related which denote that they are, on certain occasions, actuated by exalted motives. it is related that the chief little crow, going out to the confines of the chippewa territory, to examine his beaver-traps, discovered an individual of that tribe in the act of taking a beaver from the trap. as he was himself unperceived, the tribes being at war, and the offence an extreme one, a summary punishment would have been justified by indian law. but the sioux chief decided differently: "take no alarm," said he, approaching the offender: "i come to present you the trap, of which i see you stand in need. take my gun, also, as i see you have none of your own, and return to the land of your countrymen; and linger not here, lest some of my young men should discover your footsteps." a still more striking and characteristic incident is related of a chief called the red thunder. col. wm. dixon, a scotchman of family, who made his influence felt in the late war of as a leader of the sioux and a merchant among them, married the sister of this notable chief. so daring were the acts of red thunder, that he had put the chippewa nation in awe of him. at length, however, after a long series of the bravest acts, he was taken prisoner, with a favorite dog, and condemned to expiate his offences at the stake. it was a time of want by his captors. one day he said to them: "why do you not feed my dog?" they replied, "feed him yourself." "then," he said, "give me a knife." this being thrown to him, he cut a piece of flesh from one of his large and fleshy thighs, and threw it to the dog. admiration of this act ran through the indian camp. they immediately released him, and bestowed on him the highest attentions and honors. the dacota or sioux nation constitute one of the families of america who speak a peculiar language. lieut. pike, who visited them in , estimated their numerical strength at twenty-one thousand six hundred and seventy-five; of which number he computed three thousand eight hundred to be warriors. they consist of six or seven independent tribes, or sub-tribes, bearing different names, who occupy most of the country between the mississippi and missouri, between n. latitude ° and °. the mendawekantoñs are located on the mississippi, below the falls of st. anthony and the mouth of the st. peter's. the sessitoñs and yanktoñs occupy the upper waters of the st. peter's. the titoñs only extend west of the missouri. the several tribes regard themselves as a confederacy, which is the signification of the term dacota. they do not acknowledge the name of sioux as an indian word. we first hear of them from the early french missionaries, who visited the head of lake superior about the middle of the th century, under the name of _nadowasie_.[ ] they speak a language which prevails over an immense area, which is now occupied by the prairie tribes towards the west and southwest, from whence, it is inferred, they came. they appear, at a former time, to have reached and dwelt at the sources of the mississippi, and to have approached, if not reached, the west end of lake superior; for it is from these positions that the oldest traditions represent them to have been driven by the chippewas. lieut. pike thinks they are, undeniably, descendants of tartars. if so, i feel inclined to think that they must have made the circuit of the mexican provinces before reaching the mississippi valley, for the track of their migration is traced towards the south certainly as far as the country of the kansas and osages; while they preserve some striking traits and characteristics which appear to be referable to those intertropical regions. [ ] this is an algonquin expression, signifying enemy. it is derived from _nodowa_, an iroquois, or a dacota; the word was originally applied to a serpent. the termination in _sie_ is from _awasie_, an animal or creature. this term is the root, it is apprehended, of the french sobriquet _sioux_. having passed the better part of three days in the vicinity of st. peter's, adding to our collections and portfolios, we left it on the second of august, and proceeded down the river to the village of la petite corbeau, or the little raven, situated on the east bank not far above the mouth of the st. croix. the river, in this distance flows between lofty cliffs of the white sandstone and neutral-colored limestones, which are first conspicuously displayed at the falls of st. anthony. springs of water, not infrequently, issue from these cliffs. we landed at one of these, flowing in through a gorge at the distance of four miles below st. peter's, on the east bank, for the purpose of visiting a remarkable cave, from the mouth of which a small stream issues. the cave is seated wholly within the beautiful white crumbling sandstone rock. it is, in fact, the loose character of the rock which permits the superincumbent waters of the plains above to permeate through it, that has originated the cave. the stream consisted of the purest filtrated water, which is daily carrying away the loosened grains of sand into the mississippi, and thus enlarging the boundaries of the cavern.[ ] we had been erroneously informed that this was carver's cave, and looked in vain for this traveller's name on its walls.[ ] the atmosphere in this cave was found to be seven degrees higher than the water. we noticed nothing in the form of bones or antiquities. [ ] st. paul's, the present capital of minnesota ( ), is situated on the high grounds, a few miles below this cave. [ ] carver's cave is four miles lower down, on the same side of the river, agreeably to subsequent observation. it is now obstructed by fallen rock and debris. the village of petite corbeau consists of twelve large lodges, which are said to give shelter to two hundred souls. they plant corn, and cultivate vines and pumpkins. they sallied from their lodges on seeing us approach, and, gathering along the margin of the river, fired a _feu de joie_ on our landing. the chief was among the first to greet us. he is a man below the common size, but brawny and well proportioned, and, although above fifty years of age, retains the look and vigor of forty. he invited us to his lodge--a spacious building about sixty feet by thirty, substantially constructed of logs and bark. being seated, he addressed himself to his excellency gov. cass. he said that he was glad to see him in his village. that, in his extensive journey, he must have suffered many hardships. he must also have noticed much of the indian mode of life, and of the face of the country, which would enable him to see things in their proper light. he was glad that he had not, like others who had lately visited the country, passed by his village without calling. he referred, particularly, to the military force sent to establish a garrison at st. peter's, the year before, who had passed up on the other side of the river. he acquiesced in the treaty that had been recently concluded with the chippewas. he referred to a recent attack of a party of fox indians on their people, on the head waters of the st. peter's. he said it was dastardly, and that, if that _little_ tribe should continue their attacks, they would at length drive him into anger, and compel him to do a thing he did not wish. while this speech was being interpreted, the indian women were employed in bringing basketsful of ears of indian corn from the fields, which they emptied in a pile. this pile, when it had reached a formidable height, was offered as a present to the expedition. it was, indeed, the beginning of the season of green corn, with them, and we were soon apprised, by the sound of music from another lodge, that the festival of the green-corn dance was going forward. being admitted to see the ceremonies, the first thing which attracted notice was two large iron kettles suspended over a fire, filled with green-corn cut from the cob. the indians, both men and women, were seated in a large circle around them; they were engaged in singing a measured chant in the indian manner, accompanied by the sioux cancega or drum and rattles; the utmost solemnity was depicted on every countenance. when the music paused, there were certain gesticulations made, as if a mysterious power were invoked. in the course of these ceremonies, a young man and his sister, joining hands, came forward to be received into the green corn society, of whom questions were asked by the presiding official. at the conclusion of these, the voice of each member was taken as to their admission, which was unanimous. at the termination of the ceremonies, an elderly man came forward and ladled out the contents of the kettles into separate wooden dishes for each head of a family present. as these dishes were received, the persons retired from the lodge by a backward movement, still keeping their faces directed to the kettles, till they had passed out. chapter xiv. descent of the river from the site of little crow's village to prairie du chien--incidents of the voyage, and notices of the scenery and natural history. the next morning we embarked at o'clock. on descending the river six miles, we passed the mouth of the st. croix.[ ] this stream heads on high lands, which form a rim of hills around the southern and western shores of lake superior, where it is connected with the river misacoda, or broulè of fond du lac. the namakagon, its southern branch of it, is connected with the maskigo,[ ] or mauvais river of la pointe, lake superior. immediately above its point of entrance into the mississippi the st. croix expands into a beautiful lake, which is some twelve miles long, and about two in width. the borders of the mississippi about this point assume an increased height, and more imposing aspect. in many places, as the voyager descends from this spot to lake pepin, he observes the calcareous cliffs to terminate in pyramids; the crest of the hills frequently resemble the crumbling ruins of antique towers. at o'clock we came to the vicinity of an isolated calcareous cliff, called la grange, which may be regarded as one of those monuments resulting from geological denudation, which constitute a striking feature in the st. peter's region. the top of this cliff affords a fine view of the scenery of the mississippi for a long distance above and below it. it has been found to be three hundred and twenty-two feet above the river.[ ] [ ] this river was explored by me in . vide _schoolcraft's expedition to itasca lake_. vol. vo. p. -- : n. y., harp. [ ] in , this river was ascended by me with a public expedition, dispatched into the indian country to quell the disturbances which eventuated the next year in the sauk war. vide _schoolcraft's thirty years in the indian country_. lippincott, grambo, & co., philad.: vol. p. , . [ ] doc. . this spot is noted as being near the site of tarangamani, or the red wing's village. this chief is one of the notable men of his tribe. he has been long celebrated as a man skilled as a native magician. the village consists of four large, elongated, and of several small lodges. tarangamani is now considered the first chief of his nation. he is noted for his wisdom and sagacity. he bears the marks of being sixty years of age. his grand-daughter married col. crawford, a man of commercial activity about prairie du chien and michilimackinac, during the late war of , who has left descendants in the lake country. we observed, at this village, several buffalo skins undergoing the indian process of dressing. the hair having been removed, they were stretched on the ground, where they were subjected to a process analogous to tanning by being covered with a decoction of oak bark. in ascending the hill of la grange, we first encountered the rattlesnake, two of which we killed. this is the highest northern point at which we have observed this species on the mississippi. i observed on this elevation small detached masses of radiated quartz, cinnamon-colored and white, together with an ore of iron crystallized in cubes. having cursorily examined the environs, the expedition again embarked. it was o'clock when we entered lake pepin. this admired lake is a mere expansion of the mississippi, having a length of twenty-four miles by a varying width of from two to four miles. during this distance there is not the least current during calm weather. the prospects, in passing through this expanse of water, are of the most picturesque kind. its immediate shores are circumscribed with a broad beach of gravel, in which may be found rolled pieces of the chalcedonies, agates, and other species of the quartz family, which are characteristic of the drift-stratum of the upper borders of the mississippi. on the eastern shore, at a short distance from the margin, there is a lofty range of limestone cliffs. on the west, the eye rests on an elevated formation of prairie, nearly destitute of trees. from this plain several conical hills ascend, which have the appearance, but only the appearance, of artificial construction. the lake is quite transparent, and yields several species of fish. the most remarkable of these is the _acipenser spatularia_, of which we obtained a specimen. it is also remarkable for its numerous varieties, and the large size of its fresh-water shells. i procured several species of _unio_, which, from their size and character, attracted my attention, particularly to the subject of this branch of american conchology. several of these, from the duplicates of my cabinet, have attracted the attention of conchologists.[ ] lake pepin receives a river from the west called the ocano, or more properly _au canot_; its mouth having been, in former times, a noted place for concealing canoes during the winter season.[ ] at a point, on the east shore, about half way down the lake, where a small stream enters, we were informed there existed the remains of an old french fort, or factory; but we did not land to examine them. [ ] silliman's journal of science, ; also, trans. am. phil. soc. [ ] travellers who are disposed to regard la hontan's fiction of his purported discoveries on _rivier la longue_, as entitled to notice, have suggested _this_ river as the locality intended. nicollet, otherwise reliable, has gone so far as to call it la hontan river. in passing through this lake the interpreters pointed to a high precipice in the cliffs on the east shore, which indian tradition assigns as the locality of a tragical love tale, of which a dacota girl was the heroine. to avoid the dilemma of being compelled to accept a husband of repulsive character, and to sacrifice her affections for another person, she precipitated herself down this precipice. the tale has been so differently told to travellers visiting the region, that nothing but the simple tradition appears worth recording. olaita and winona, have been mentioned as the name of the dacota sappho. at o'clock in the evening we encamped on a gravelly beach on the east shore of the lake, the weather threatening a storm. rain commenced at o'clock, and continued at intervals, with severe thunder and most vivid flashes of lightning during the night. at o'clock the next morning ( th), the expedition was again in motion. the rain had ceased, but the morning remained cloudy. the scenery on the borders of the lake continued to be impressive. the precipices on the east shore shot up into spiral points; yet the orbicular elevations are covered with grass and shrubbery. these high grass-crowned elevations, without forest, terminate near the influx of the chippewa river in a remarkable isolated elevation, called _mont la garde_, from the fact that it is, and long has been, a noted look-out station for chippewa war parties, who descend this stream, against the sioux. it commands an extensive view of lake pepin. this lake was thought to be two miles wide opposite our last night's encampment; it narrows to probably less than half a mile at its mouth. the west shore along this portion of the lake consists of singularly striking, picturesque, level, and elevated prairie lands. carver, in , places his remains of ancient circumvallations in this vicinity, but "some miles below lake pepin."[ ] this was a period when no attention had been directed to the subject of antiquities in the united states, and his mind appears to have been impressed strongly by what he saw. as opportunities did not allow me to land, nor was the precise spot, indeed, known to any of our guides or men, reference can only be made to the observations of a man who is known to have been the first american traveller that has called attention to our western antiquities. mr. h. v. hart, long a resident of this region, verbally assures me that he has visited these works.[ ] [ ] carver's travels, p. . [ ] mr. g. w. featherstonehaugh, in his _geological reconnoissance_, in , landed at the location of these antiquarian remains, and is disposed to recognize their authenticity. chippewa river, just referred to, comes into the mississippi on its left bank, within half a mile of the foot of lake pepin. it is a tributary of prime volume, draining the chippewa territories lying around the south and west shores of lake superior. originating on the sandy tracts extending over the elevated central plains of the wisconsin, it brings a large deposit of sand into the mississippi, the navigation of which is visibly more embarrassed below this point with sand-bars, willow, and cotton-wood islands. at four o'clock in the afternoon we reached and landed at wabashaw's village. it is eligibly seated on the west shore, and consists of four of the large elongated sioux lodges before mentioned, containing a population of about sixty souls. the usual intercourse and speeches of congratulation by the indians, and acknowledgment of the american authorities were made, and we again embarked, after a detention of forty minutes. a few miles below wabashaw's village, we came to a high rocky or mountain island, called _la montaigne qui trompe dans l'eau_, a term which is shortened by western phraseology into trompledo mountain. this is a very remarkable feature in the geography of the upper mississippi. the rock is calcareous; it is, in fact, the only fast or rocky island we have encountered below the little islet at the head of the packagama falls. it is not only striking from its lofty elevation, but is several miles in circumference; standing in the bed of the river and parting its channel into two, it appears to be the first bold geological monument which has effectually resisted its course. we had passed this island but a short distance, and the approaches of evening began to be manifest, when a large gray wolf sprang into the river to cross it. the greatest animation at once arose in our flotilla; the canoemen bending themselves to their paddles, the auxiliary indians of our party shouting, and the whole party assuming an unwonted excitement. a shot was soon fired from one of our rifles, but either the distance was too great, or the aim incorrect. the wolf was fully apprised of his peril, put forth all his strength, outstripped his pursuers, reached the shore, and nimbly leaped into the woods. we encamped on the west shore, a few miles below the island at seven o'clock, having been twelve hours in our canoes. the confinement of the position nobody can appreciate who has not tried it, and i hastened to stretch my legs, by ascending the river cliffs in our rear, to have a glimpse of its geology and scenery. the view westwardly was one of groves and prairies of most inviting agricultural promise. in front, the island mountain rises to an elevation which appears to have been the original geological level of the stratification before the mississippi cut its way through it. at the rapids of black river, which enters opposite our encampment, a saw-mill, we were informed, had been erected by an inhabitant of prairie du chien. thus the empire of the arts has begun to make its way into these regions, and proclaims the advance of a heavy civilization into a valley which has heretofore only resounded to the savage war-whoop. or, if a higher grade of society and arts has ever before existed in it, as some of our tumuli and antiquities would lead us to infer, the light of history has failed to reach us on the subject.[ ] [ ] _american antiquities._ as the tumuli and earthworks of the mississippi valley are more closely scrutinized, they do not appear to denote a higher degree of civilization than may be assigned to the ancestors of the present races of indians, prior to the epoch of the introduction of european arts into america. certainly there is nothing in our earthworks and mounds, to compare with the toltec and aztec type of arts at the opening of the th century; while the possession by our tribes of the zea maize, a tropical plant, and other facts indicative of a southern migration, appear to denote a residence in warmer latitudes. the distribution of the mexican teocalli and pyramid is also plainly traceable from the south. neither the platform nor the solid conical mound has been traced higher north than prairie du chien; nor have the earthworks (adopting carver's notices) reached higher than lake pepin. there are no mounds or earthworks at the sources of the mississippi nor in all british america to the shores of the arctic seas. we cannot bring arts or civilization from that quarter. at the spot of our encampment, as soon as the shades of night closed in, we were visited by hordes of ephemera. the candles lighted in our tents became the points of attraction for these evanescent creations. they soon, however, began to feel the influence of the sinking of the thermometer, and the air was imperceptibly cleared of them in an hour or two. by the hour of three o'clock the next morning ( th) the expedition was again in motion descending the river. it halted for breakfast at painted rock, on the west shore. while this matter was being accomplished, i found an abundant locality of unios in a curve of the shore which produced an eddy. fine specimens of u. purpureus, elongatus, and orbiculatus were obtained. with the increased spirit and animation which the whole party felt on the prospect of our arrival at prairie du chien, we proceeded unremittingly on our descent, and reached that place at six o'clock in the evening. prairie du chien does not derive its name from the dog, but from a noted family of fox indians bearing this name, who anciently dwelt here. the old town is said to have been about a mile below the present settlement, which was commenced by mr. dubuque and his associates, in . the prairie is most eligibly situated along the margin of the stream, above whose floods it is elevated. it consists of a heavy stratum of diluvial pebbles and boulders, which is picturesquely bounded by lofty cliffs of the silurian[ ] limestones, and their accompanying column of stratification. the village has the old and shabby look of all the antique french towns on the mississippi, and in the great lake basins; the dwellings being constructed of logs and barks, and the courtyards picketed in, as if they were intended for defence. it is called kipisagee by the chippewas and algonquin tribes generally, meaning the place of the jet or outflow of the (wisconsin) river. it is, in popular parlance, estimated to be miles below st. peter's, and above st. louis.[ ] its latitude is ° ´ ´´. it is the seat of justice for crawford county, having been so named in, honor of w. h. crawford, secretary of the treasury of the u. s. it is, together with all the region west of lake michigan, attached to the territory of michigan. there is a large and fertile island in the mississippi, opposite the place. [ ] this term, unknown to geology at the period, has been subsequently introduced by sir roderic murchison. [ ] these distances are reduced by _ex. doc._ , respectively to and miles. we found the garrison to consist of a single company of infantry, under the command of capt. j. fowle, jun.,[ ] who received us courteously, and offered the salute due to the rank of his excellency, gov. cass. the fort is a square stockade, with bastions at two angles. there was found on this part of the prairie, when it came to be occupied with a garrison by the americans, in , an ancient platform-mound, in an exactly square form, the shape and outlines of which were preserved with exactitude by the prairie sod. this earthwork, the probable evidence of a condition of ancient society, arts, and events of a race who are now reduced so low, was, with good taste, preserved by the military, when they erected this stockade. one of the officers built a dwelling-house upon it, thus converting it, to the use, and probably the only use, to which it was originally devoted. no measurements have been preserved of its original condition; but judging from present appearances, it must have squared seventy-five feet, and have had an elevation of eight feet. [ ] this officer entered the army in , serving with reputation. he rose, through various grades of the service, to the rank of lieut. col. of the th infantry. he lost his life on the th april, , by the explosion of the steamer moselle, on the ohio river. chapter xv. mr. schoolcraft makes a visit to the lead mines of dubuque--incidents of the trip--description of the mines--the title of occupancy, and the mode of the mines being worked by the fox tribe of indians--who are the foxes? i solicited permission of gov. cass to visit the lead mines of dubuque, which are situated on the west bank of the mississippi, at the computed distance of twenty-five leagues below prairie du chien. furnished with a light canoe, manned by eight voyageurs, including a guide, i left the prairie at half past eleven a. m. ( th). passed the entrance of the wisconsin, on the left bank, at the distance of a league.[ ] opposite this point is the high elevation which pike, in , recommended to be occupied with a military work. the suggestion has not, however, been adopted; military men, probably, thinking that, however eligible the site might be for a work where civilized nations were likely to come into contact, a simpler style of defensive works would serve the purpose of keeping the indian tribes in check. i proceeded nine leagues below, and encamped at the site of a fox village,[ ] located on the east bank, a mile below the entrance of turkey river from the west. the village, consisting of twelve lodges, was now temporarily deserted, the indians being probably absent on a hunt; but, if so, it was remarkable that not a soul or living thing was left behind, not even a dog. my guide, indeed, informed me that the cause of the desertion was the fears entertained of an attack from the sioux, in retaliation for the massacre lately perpetrated by them on the heads of the st. peter's, which was alluded to in the speech of the little crow, while we were at his village (_ante_, p. ). [ ] it was at this spot, one hundred and thirty-seven years ago, that marquette and m. joliet, coming from the lakes, discovered the mississippi. [ ] now the site of cassville, grant county, wisconsin. it is a post town, pleasantly situated, with a population of . it was seven o'clock p. m. when i landed here, and having some hours of daylight, i walked back from the river to look at the village, and its fields, and to examine the geological structure of the adjacent cliffs. in their gardens i observed squashes, beans, and pumpkins, but the fields of corn, the principal article of cultivation, had been nearly all destroyed, probably by wild animals. i found an extensive field of water and musk melons, situated in an opening in a grove, detached from the other fields and gardens. none of the fruit was perfectly ripe, although it had been found so at prairie du chien; some of it had been bitten by wild animals.[ ] the cliffs consisted of the same horizontal strata of sandstones and neutral colored limestone, prevailing at higher positions in this valley. returning to the river beach, i perceived the same pebble drift which characterizes higher latitudes. this seems the only difference in its structure or form, namely, that the pieces of quartz pebble, limestone, and other fragments brought down, become smaller and smaller, as they are carried down. [ ] fondness for melons, and annual vine fruits of the garden, is a striking trait of the indians. some curious facts on this head are published in the statistics.--_indian information_, vol. iii. p. , , philadelphia, lippincott & co. there were frequent thunders, and a rain-storm, during the night, which, with a slight intermission, characterized the morning until noon. i embarked at half past three a. m. ( th), and landed at the fox village of the kettle chief, at the site of dubuque's house,[ ] at ten o'clock; a moderate rain having continued all the way. it ceased an hour after my arrival. [ ] this is now ( ) the site of the city of dubuque, state of iowa, which is reputed to be the oldest settlement in that state. this city is eligibly situated on a broad plateau, between limestone cliffs. the soil rests on a rock foundation, which renders it incapable of being undermined by the mississippi. its streets are broad and laid out at right angles. it has several protestant churches, a catholic cathedral, a public land office, two banks, four printing offices, and by the last census contains a population of , , the county of which it is the seat of justice, has , . two railroads have their terminal points at this place. at the time of my visit, in , the house which had been built by mr. dubuque, had been burnt down; and there was not a dwelling superior to the indian wigwam within the present limits of iowa. the state of iowa was admitted into the union in . by the th u. s. census, the population of this state, in , is shown to be , . the number of square miles is , . no western state is believed to contain a less proportionate quantity of land unsuited to the plough, and its population and resources must have a rapid development. the kettle chief's village is situated fifteen miles below the entrance of the little makokety river, consisting of nineteen lodges, built in two rows, pretty compact, and having a population of two hundred and fifty souls. there is a large island in the mississippi, directly opposite this village, which is occupied by traders. i first landed there to get an interpreter of the fox language, and obtain some necessary information respecting the location of the mines, and the best means of accomplishing my object. meantime the rain had ceased. i then proceeded across the mississippi to the kettle chief's lodge, to solicit his permission to visit the mines, and obtain indian guides. i succeeded in getting mr. gates, as interpreter; and was accompanied by dr. s. muir, a trader, who politely offered to go with me. on entering the lodge of aquoqua, the chief, i found him suffering under a severe attack of bilious fever. as i approached him, he sat upon his pallet, being unable to stand, and bid me welcome; but soon became exhausted by the labor of conversation, and was obliged to resume his former position. he appeared to be a man of eighty years of age, had a venerable look, but was reduced to the last stage of physical debility. yet he retained his faculties of sight and hearing unimpaired, together with his mental powers. he spoke to me of his death with calm resignation, as a thing to be desired. on stating the object of my visit, some objections were made by the chiefs who surrounded him, and they required further time to consider the proposition. in the mean time, i learned from another source, that since the death of dubuque, to whom the indians had formerly granted the privilege of working the mines, they had manifested great jealousy of the whites, were afraid they would encroach on their rights, denied all former grants, and did not make it a practice even to allow strangers to view their diggings. apprehending some difficulties of this kind, i had provided myself with some presents, and concluding this to be the time, because of the reluctance manifested, directed one of my voyageurs to bring in a present of tobacco and whiskey; and in a few moments i received their assent, and two guides were furnished. one of these was a minor chief, called scabass, or the yelling wolf; the other, wa-ba-say-ah, or the white foxskin. they led me up the cliff, where i understood the indian woman, peosta, first found lead ore; after reaching the level of the river bluffs, we pursued a path over undulating hills, exhibiting a half prairie, and quite picturesque rural aspect. on reaching the diggings, the most striking part of them, but not all of them, exhibited excavations such as the indians only do not seem persevering enough in labor to have made. the district of country called dubuque's mines, embraces an area of about twenty-one square leagues, commencing at the mouth of the little maquaquity river, sixty miles below prairie du chien, and extending along the west bank of the mississippi river, seven leagues in front by three in depth. the principal mines are situated on a tract of one square league, beginning immediately at the fox village of aquoqua, or the kettle chief, and extending westwardly. this is the seat of the mining operations carried on by dubuque, as well as of what are called the indian diggings. geologically it is the same formation that characterizes the mines of missouri; but there are some peculiarities. the ore found is the common sulphuret of lead, with a broad foliated, or lamellated structure, and high metallic lustre. it occurs massive and disseminated, in a red loam, resting on a horizontal limestone rock. sometimes small veins of the ore are seen in the rock, but it has been generally explored in the soil. it generally occurs in narrow beds, which have a fixed direction; these beds extend three or four hundred feet, when they cease, or are traced into crevices in the rock. at this stage, the pursuit of ore, at most of the diggings, has been abandoned, frequently with small veins of the metal in view. no matrix, so far as i observed, is found with the ore which is dug out of the soil, unless we may consider such an ochery oxide of iron, with which it is slightly incrusted. occasionally, pieces of calcareous spar are thrown out with the earth in digging after ore. i picked up from one of these heaps of earth a specimen of transparent crystallized sulphate of barytes; but this mineral appears to be rare. there appears to be none of the radiated quartz, or white opaque heavy spar, which are so abundantly found at the missouri mines.[ ] [ ] _vide_ my view of the lead mines of missouri, &c., new york, . the ore at these mines is now exclusively dug by the indian women. old and superannuated men also partake in the mining labor, but the warriors and men hold themselves above it. in this labor, the persons who engage in it employ the hoe, shovel, pick-axe, and crow-bar. these implements are supplied by the traders at the island, who are the purchasers of the crude ore. with these implements they dig trenches, till they are arrested by the solid rock. there are no shafts, even of the simplest kind, and the windlass and bucket are unknown to them--far more so the use of gunpowder in the mining operations. their mode of going down into the deepest pits, and coming up from them, is by digging an inclined way, which permits the women to keep an erect position in walking.[ ] i descended into one of these inclined excavations, which had probably been carried down forty feet, at the perpendicular angle. [ ] this is believed to be an oriental mode of excavation, which appears to have been practised in digging wells. when a quantity of ore has been got out, it is carried in baskets to the banks of the mississippi, by the females, who are ferried over to the island. they receive at the rate of two dollars for a hundred and twenty pounds, payable in goods. at the profit at which these are usually sold, it may be presumed to cost the traders at the rate of seventy-five cents or a dollar, cash value, per hundred weight. the traders smelt the ore on the island, in furnaces of the same construction which i have described, and given plates of, in my treatise on the mines.[ ] they observe that it yields the same per centum of metallic lead. formerly, the indians were in the habit of smelting the ore themselves on log heaps, by which an unusual proportion of it was converted into lead-ashes and lost. they are now induced to search about the sites of these old fires to collect these lead-ashes, which consist, for the most part, of desulphuretted ore, for which they receive a dollar per bushel. [ ] new york, . there are three mines in addition to those above mentioned, situated upon the upper mississippi, which are worked by the indians. they are located at sinsinaway, at rivière au fevre, and at the little makokety. . sinsinaway mines. they are situated fifteen miles below aquoqua's village, on the east shore of the mississippi, at the junction of the sinsinaway river. . mine au fevre. situated on the river au fevre, which enters the mississippi on its east banks, twenty-one miles below dubuque's mines. the lead ore is found ten miles from its mouth. at this locality, the ore is accompanied by the sulphate of barytes, and is sometimes crystallized in cubes or octohedrons.[ ] . mine of the makokety, or maquoqueti. this small river enters the mississippi fifteen miles above dubuque's mines. the mineral character and value of the country has been but little explored. [ ] the city of galena has subsequently been built on this river, at the distance of six miles from the mississippi. the river is, indeed, thus far, an arm of the mississippi, which permits steamboats freely to enter, converting the place into a commercial depot for a vast surrounding country. not less than , , pounds of lead were shipped from this place in , valued at one million six hundred thousand dollars. it is the terminus of the chicago and galena railroad, connecting it by a line of miles with the lakes. it contains a bank, three newspaper offices, and several churches of various denominations, and has, by the census of , a population of , . the history of the mines of dubuque is brief and simple. in , a discovery of lead ore was made by the wife of peosta, a fox indian of aquoqua's village. this gave the hint for explorations, which resulted in extensive discoveries. the lands were formally granted by the indians to julien dubuque, at a council held at prairie du chien in , by virtue of which he permanently settled on them, erected buildings and furnaces, and continued to work them until . in , he received a confirmation of his grant from carondelet, the governor of louisiana, in which they are called "the mines of spain." by a stone monument which stands on a hill near the mines, dubuque died on the th march, , aged forty-five years and six months. after his death, the indians burnt down his house and fences--he leaving, i believe, no family[ ]--and erased every vestige of civilized life; and they have since revoked, or at least denied the grant, and appear to set a very high value on the mines. dubuque's claim was assigned to his creditors, by whom it was presented to the commissioners for deciding on land titles, in . by a majority of the board it was determined to be valid, in which condition it was reported to washington for final action. at this stage of the investigation, mr. gallatin, who was then secretary of the treasury, made a report on the subject, clearly stating the facts, and coming to the conclusion that it was not a perfect title, stating that no patent had ever been issued for it, at new orleans, the seat of the spanish authority, from which transcripts of the records of all grants had been transmitted to the treasury.[ ] [ ] there is believed to be no instance, in america, where the indians have disannulled grants or privileges to persons settling among them, and leaving families founded on the indian element. [ ] for the facts in this case, see _collection of land laws of the united states_, printed at washington, . on the arrival of lieut. pike at mr. dubuque's on the st of september, , he endeavored to obtain information necessary to judge of the value and extent and the nature of the grant of the mines; but he was not able to visit them. to the inquiries which he addressed to mr. dubuque on the subject, the latter replied in writing that a copy of the grant was filed at the proper office in st. louis, which would show its date, together with the date of its confirmation by the spanish authority, and the extent of the grant to him. he states the mine to be twenty-seven or twenty-eight leagues long, and from one to three leagues broad. he represents the per centum of metal to be yielded from the ore to be seventy-five, and the quantity smelted per annum at from , to , pounds. he stated that the whole product was cast into pig lead, and that there were no other metals at the mines but copper, of the value of which he could not judge. having examined the mines with as much minuteness as the time allowed me would permit, and obtained specimens of its ores and minerals, i returned to the banks of the mississippi, before the daylight departed, and, immediately embarking, went up the river two leagues and encamped on an island. it may be proper to add to this narrative of my mineralogical visit to these mines, a few words respecting the fox indians, by whom the country is owned. the first we hear of these people is from early missionaries of new france, who call them, in a list drawn up for the government in , "gens du sang," and miskaukis. the latter i found to be the name they apply to themselves. we get nothing, however, by it. it means red-earths, being a compound from _misk-wau_, red, and _auki_, earth. they are a branch of the great algonquin family. the french, who formed a bad opinion of them, as their history opened, bestowed on them the name of renouard, from which we derive their long-standing popular name. their traditions attribute their origin to eastern portions of america. mr. gates, who acted as my interpreter, and is well acquainted with their language and customs, informs me that their traditions refer to their residence on the north banks of the st. lawrence, near the ancient cataraqui. they appear to have been a very erratic, spirited, warlike, and treacherous tribe; dwelling but a short time at a spot, and pushing westward, as their affairs led them, till they finally reached the mississippi, which they must have crossed after , for carver found them living in villages on the wisconsin. at saginaw, they appear to have formed a fast alliance with the saucs, a tribe to whom they are closely allied by language and history. they figure in the history of indian events about old michilimackinac, where they played pranks under the not very definite title of muscodainsug, but are first conspicuously noted while they dwelt on the river bearing their name, which falls into green bay, wisconsin.[ ] the chippewas, with whom they have strong affinity of language, call them otagami, and ever deemed them a sanguinary and unreliable tribe. the french defeated them in a sanguinary battle at butte de mort, and by this defeat drove them from fox river. [ ] this name was first applied to a territory in . their present numbers cannot be accurately given. i was informed that the village i visited contained two hundred and fifty souls. they have a large village at rock island, where the foxes and saucs live together, which consists of sixty lodges, and numbers three hundred souls. one-half of these may be saucs. they have another village at the mouth of turkey river; altogether, they may muster from to souls. yet, they are at war with most of the tribes around them, except the iowas, saucs, and kickapoos. they are engaged in a deadly, and apparently successful war against the sioux tribes. they recently killed nine men of that nation, on the terre blue river; and a party of twenty men are now absent, in the same direction, under a half-breed named morgan. they are on bad terms with the osages and pawnees of the missouri, and not on the best terms with their neighbors the winnebagoes. i again embarked at four o'clock a. m. ( th). my men were stout fellows, and worked with hearty will, and it was thought possible to reach the prairie during the day, by hard and late pushing. we passed turkey river at two o'clock, and they boldly plied their paddles, sometimes animating their labors with a song; but the mississippi proved too stout for us; and some time after nightfall we put ashore on an island, before reaching the wisconsin. in ascending the river this day, observed the pelican, which exhibited itself in a flock, standing on a low sandy spot of an island. this bird has a clumsy and unwieldy look, from the duplicate membrane attached to its lower mandible, which is constructed so as when inflated to give it a bag-like appearance. a short sleep served to restore the men, and we were again in our canoes the next morning ( th) before i could certainly tell the time by my watch. daylight had not yet broke when we passed the influx of the wisconsin, and we reached the prairie under a full chorus, and landed at six o'clock. chapter xvi. the expedition proceeds from prairie du chein up the wisconsin valley--incidents of the ascent--etymology of the name--the low state of its waters favorable to the observation of its fresh-water conchology--cross the wisconsin summit, and descend the fox river to winnebago lake. we were now at the foot of the wisconsin valley--at the point, in fact, where marquette and joliet, coming from the forests and lakes of new france, had discovered the great river of the west, in . marquette, led by his rubrics, named it the river "conception," but, in his journal, he freely employs the aboriginal term of mississippi, which was in use by the whole body of the algonquin tribes. while awaiting, at prairie du chein, the preparations for ascending the wisconsin, the locality was found a very remarkable one for its large unios, and some other species of fresh-water shells. some specimens of the unio crassus, found on the shores of the island in the mississippi, opposite the village, were of thrice the size of any noticed in america or europe, and put conchologists in doubt whether the species should not be named _giganteus_.[ ] i had, in coming down the mississippi, procured some fine and large specimens of the unio purpureus of mr. say, at the painted rock, with some other species; and the discovery of such large species of the crassus served to direct new attention to the subject. [ ] american journal of science, vol. vi. p. . our sympathies were excited, at this place, by observing an object of human deformity in the person of an indian, who, to remedy the want of the power of locomotion, had adjusted his legs in a large wooden bowl. by rocking this on the ground, he supplied, in a manner, the lost locomotive power. this man of the bowl possessed his faculties of mind unimpaired, spoke several indian languages, besides the canadian french, and appeared cheerful and intelligent. an excursion into the adjacent country, to view some caves, and a reported mineral locality made by mr. trowbridge, during my descent to the mines of dubuque, brought me some concretions of carbonate of lime, but the indian guides either faltered to make the promised discoveries, through their superstitions, or really failed in the effort to find the object. by tracing the shores of the mississippi, i found the rolled and hard agates and other quartz species, which characterize the pebble-drift of its sources, still present in the down-flowing shore-drift. the aboriginal name of this place is kipesági, an algonquin word, which is applied to the mouth or outflow of the wisconsin river. it appears to be based on the verb _kipa_, to be thick or turbid, and _sauge_, outflow--the river at its floods, being but little else than a moving mass of sand and water. it was the th (aug.) at half-past ten in the morning before the expedition left the prairie to ascend the wisconsin, the mouth of which we reached after descending the mississippi three miles. this is an impressive scene--the bold cliffs of the west bank of the mississippi, with pike's-hill rising in front on the west, while those of the wisconsin valley stand at but little less elevation on the north and south. at this season of the year the water is clear and placid, and mingles itself in its mighty recipient without disturbance. but it is easy to conceive, what the indians affirm, that in its floods it is a strong and turbid mass of moving waters, against which nothing can stand. this character of the stream is believed, indeed, to be the origin of the indian name of wisconsin. miskawägumi, means a strong or mixed water, or liquid. by adding to this word _totoshabo_ (milk), the meaning is coagulated or turning milk; it is often used to mean brandy, which is then called strong water; by adding _iscodawabo_, the meaning is fire-water. marquette, in , spells the name of the river indifferently meshkousing, and mishkousing. of this term, the inflection _ing_, is simply a local form, the letter _s_ being thrown in for euphony. this word appears to be a derivation from the term _mushkowa_, strong water. by admitting the transmutation of _m_ to _w_, the initial syllable _mis_ is changed to _wis_, and the interpretation is then river (or place) of strong waters. the term of _kipesagi_, applied to its mouth, is but another characteristic feature of it--the one laying stress on its _turbidity in flood_, and the other on its _strength of current_. these are certainly the two leading traits of the wisconsin, which rushes with a great average velocity over an inclined plane, without falls, for a great distance. it originates in a remarkable summit of sandy plains, which send out to the west the chippewa river of lake pepin, to the north the montreal and ontonagon of lake superior, and to the east the menomonee of green bay, while the wisconsin becomes its southern off-drain, till it finally turns west at the portage, and flows into the mississippi. we ascended, the first day, eighteen miles; the next, thirty-six; the third day, thirty-four miles; the fourth, forty; the fifth, thirty-eight, and the sixth, sixteen, which brought us to the fox and wisconsin portage, a spot renowned from the earliest french days of western discovery. for here, on the waters separating the mississippi from the great lakes, there had, at successive intervals, been pitched the tents of marquette, la hontan, carver, and other explorers, who have, in their published journals, left traces of their footsteps. la salle, who excelled them all in energy of character, proceeded to the mississippi from lake michigan, down the illinois. our estimates made the distance from the mississippi to this point one hundred and eighty-two miles. it is a wide, and (at this season) shallow stream, with transparent waters, running over a bed of yellow sand, checkered with numerous small islands, and long spits of sand-bars. there is not a fall in this distance, and it must be navigable with large craft during the periodical freshets. it receives the blue, pine, and other tributaries in this distance. its valley presents a geological section, on a large scale, of the series of lead-bearing rocks extending in regular succession from the fundamental sandstone to the topmost limestones. the water being shallow and warm, we often waded from bar to bar, and found the scene a fruitful one for its fresh-water conchology. the indians frequently amused me by accounts of the lead mines and mineral productions of its borders; but i followed them in this search only to be convinced that they were without sincerity in these representations, and had no higher objects on this head, than, by assuming a conciliatory manner, to secure temporary advantages while the expedition was passing through their country. the valley belongs to the winnebagoes, whom we frequently met, and received a friendly reception from. we also encountered menomonies, who occupy the lower part of the adjacent fox river valley, but rove widely west and north over the countries of the tribes they are at peace with. the wisconsin valley was formerly inhabited by the sacs and foxes, who raised large quantities of corn and beans on its fertile shores. they were driven by the french, in alliance with the chippewas and menomonies. it is now possessed exclusively by the winnebagoes, a savage and bloodthirsty tribe, who came, according to tradition, many years ago from the south, and are thought to be related to some of the mexican tribes. their language is cognate with the great sioux or dakota stock west of the mississippi, who likewise date their origin south. to those accustomed to hear the softer tones of the chippewa and algonquin, it sounds harsh and guttural. their name for themselves is hochungara; the french call them _puants_. in passing up this valley, an almost never-failing object of interest was furnished by the univalve shells found along its banks, and by the variety in size, shape, and color which they exhibited. of these, the late mr. barnes has described, from my duplicates, the u. plicatus, u. verrucosus, u. ventricosus, u. planus, u. obliqua, and u. gracilis.[ ] we frequently observed the scolipax minor, the plover, the a. alcyon, a small yellow bird, and c. vociferus, along its sandy shores; and, in other positions, the brant, the grouse, the a. sponsa, and the summer duck, and f. melodia. a range of hills extends from the mississippi, on each shore, to within twenty miles of the portage, where it ceases, on the south side, but continues on the north--receding, however, a considerable distance. this section is called the highlands of the wisconsin. the stratification is exclusively sandstone and limestone, in the usual order of the metalliferous series of the west, and lying in horizontal positions. [ ] american journal of science, vol. vi. p. , &c. there are two kinds of rattlesnake in the valley of the wisconsin. the larger, or barred crotalis, is confined to the hills, and attains a large size. i killed one of this species at the mouth of a small cave on the summit of a cliff to which i ascended, which measured four feet in length, and had nine rattles. its great thickness attracted notice. attaching a twig to its neck, i drew it down into the valley as a present to our indians, knowing that they regard the reptile in a peculiar manner. they found it a female, having eleven young, who had taken shelter in their maternal abdominal-covering. the ottowas carefully took off the skin, and brought it with them. the second kind of this reptile is called prairie rattlesnake, is confined to the plains, and does not exceed fifteen or twenty inches in length. the indians had reported localities of lead, copper, and silver at various places, but always failed, as we ascended, to reveal anything of more value than detached pieces of sulphuret of iron, or brown iron-stone. when we reached the portage, a winnebago, who had been the chief person in making these reports, came with great ceremony to present a specimen of his reported silver. on taking off the envelop it turned out to be a small mass of light-colored glistening folia of mica. we had found the horizontal rocks along the stream thus far, but the primitive shows itself, within a mile north of the portage, in orbicular masses in situ, coming through the prairies. having reached the summit, we proceeded across it to the banks of fox river, where we encamped. it consists of a level plain. the distance is a mile and a half. it required, however, some time to have our baggage and canoes transported, which was done by a frenchman residing at this summit. such is the slight difference in the level of the two rivers, that indian canoes are pushed through the marshy ridges when the rivers are swelled by freshets. it was half-past three o'clock of the th, the day following our arrival, before the transportation and loading of our canoes was completed. it was then necessary to push our canoes through fields of rushes and other aquatic plants, through which the river winds. this was a slow mode of progress, and we spent the remainder of the day in passing fifteen miles, which brought us to the forks, so called, where the northern unites with the southern branch of the river. at this spot we encamped. next day we estimated our descent at sixty-three miles, having found the navigation less intricate and obstructed from the aquatic growth. in this distance we passed, at thirty miles below the fork, a piece of clear water of nine miles extent, called buffalo lake; and at the distance of twelve miles lower, another lake of some twelve miles in extent, called puckaway lake. down to this point, the fox river has scarcely a perceptible current. we found we had not only, in parting from the wisconsin to the fox, exchanged an open, swift, and strong flowing current, for a very quiet and still one, winding through areas of wild rice and the whole family of water plants; but had intruded into a region of water-fowl and birds of every plumage, who, as they rioted upon their cherished zizania aquatica, made the air resound with their screams. the blackbird appeared to be lord of these fields. we had also intruded upon a favorite region of the water-snake, who, coiled up on his bed of plants at every bend of the stream, slid off with spiteful glance into the stream. in passing these places of habitation, which the chippewas call _wauzh_, we perceptibly smelt an unpleasant odor arising from it. the next day we descended the river seventy miles. there is a perceptible current below puckaway lake. the river increases in width and depth, and offers no impediment whatever to its navigation. fox river runs, indeed, from the portage to winnebago lake on a summit, over which it winds among sylvan hills, covered with grass and prairie-flowers, interspersed with groves of oak, elm, ash, and hickory, and dotted at intervals with lakes of refreshing transparent water. the height of this summit, above the mississippi and the lakes, must be several hundred feet (stated at ), which permits the stream to flow with liveliness, insuring, when it comes to be settled,[ ] the erection of hydraulic works; and it would be difficult to point to a region possessing in its soil, climate, and natural resources, a more favorable character for an agricultural population. it has a diversified surface, without mountains; a fine dry atmosphere; an admirable drainage east, west, north, and south, and a ready access to the great oceanic marts through the great lake and the mississippi. [ ] wisconsin. this region was separated from michigan, and formed into a separate territory in ; and admitted as a state in . by the census of , it has a population of , , divided into , families, occupying , dwellings, and cultivating , , acres of land. there are organized counties, and churches of all denominations, giving one church to every , inhabitants. it has three representatives in the popular branch of congress. it was years after my visit, before it had a distinct legal existence--it increased to become a state in twelve years; and, according to our ordinary rate of increase, will contain one million of inhabitants in . we passed, this day, several encampments and villages of winnebagoes and menomonies--tribes, who, with the erratic habits of the tartars, or bedouins, once spread their tents in the fox and wisconsin valleys, but have now ( ) relinquished them to the european race; and it does not, at this distance of time, seem important to denote the particular spots where they once boiled their kettles of corn, or thumped their magic drums. god have mercy on them in their wild wanderings! we also passed the entrance of wolf river, a fine bold stream on the left; and soon below it the handsome elevation of la butte de morts, or the hillock of the dead. this eminence was covered by the frail lodges of the winnebagoes. the spot is memorable in indian history, for a signal defeat of the foxes, by the french and their indian allies in the seventeenth century, after which, this tribe was finally expelled from the fox valley. our night's encampment ( th) was below this spot. the night air was remarkably cold, and put an end to our further annoyance from mosquitos. we embarked at five o'clock the next morning during a dense fog, which was in due time dissipated by the rising sun. we had been five hours in our canoes, under the full force of paddles, when we entered winnebago lake. this is a most beautiful and sylvan expanse of water some twenty-four miles long by ten in width, surrounded by picturesque prairie and sloping plains. it has a stream at fond du lac, its southern extremity,[ ] which is connected by a short portage with the principal source of rock river of the mississippi. [ ] this spot is now the site of the flourishing town of fond du lac, which was laid out in . it had a population of , in , including two newspaper offices, two banking houses, one iron foundry, a car factory, twelve drygoods stores, and sixty other stores. it is situated miles n. n. w. from milwaukie, and n. e. from madison, the capital of the state of wisconsin. it is the shire town of a county containing a population of , , with churches, and , pupils attending public schools, and attending academies. it has a plank road to lake michigan, and will soon be connected by a railroad with chicago. it is by such means that the american wilderness is conquered. the fox river, after having displayed itself in the lake, leaves it, at its northern extremity, flowing by a succession of rapids and falls over horizontal limestones to the head of green bay. there is a winnebago village, under hoo tshoop, or four legs, at the point of outlet, where we landed, and as the first rapid begins at that point, creating a delay, i took the occasion to examine its geology more closely, by procuring fresh fractures of the masses of rock in the vicinity. this process, it appeared, was narrowly watched by the indians, who wondered what such a scrutiny should mean. the french, said the chief to one of our interpreters, formerly held possession of this country; and, afterwards, came the british. they contented themselves with common things, and never disturbed these rocks, which have been laying here forever. but the moment the americans get possession of the country, they must come and knock off pieces of the rock, and look at them. it is marvellous! a brilliant mass of native copper, weighing ten or twelve pounds, was found by an indian, some years ago, on the shores of this lake. the moment he espied it, his imagination was fired, and he fancied he beheld the form of a beautiful female, standing in the water. glittering in radiancy, she held out in her hand a lump of gold. he paddled his canoe towards her, furtively and slow, but, as he advanced, a transformation gradually ensued. her eyes lost their brilliancy, her face the glow of life and health, her arms disappeared; and when he reached the spot, the object had changed into a stone monument of the human form, with the tail of a fish. amazed, he sat awhile in silence; then, lighting his pipe, he offered it the incense of tobacco, and addressed it, as the guardian angel of his country. lifting the miraculous image gently into his canoe, he took his seat, with his face in an opposite direction, and paddled towards shore, on reaching which, and turning round to the object of his regard, he discovered, in its place, nothing but a lump of shining virgin copper. such are the imaginative efforts of this race, who look to the eyes of civilization as if they had themselves faces of stone, and hearts of adamant. chapter xvii. descent of the fox river from winnebago lake to green bay--incidents--etymology, conchology, mineralogy--falls of the konomic and kakala--population and antiquity of the settlement of green bay--appearances of a tide, not sustained. a rapid commences at the precise point where fox river issues from winnebago lake. this rapid, down which canoes descend with half loads, extends a mile and a half, when the river assumes its usual navigable form, presenting a noble volume. nine miles below this, a ledge of the semi-crystalline limestone rock crosses the entire channel, lifting itself five feet above the bed of the stream. over this the fox river throws itself by an abrupt cascade. down this shelf of rock, the canoes, previously lightened of their burden, are lifted by the men. it was sometime after dark when we reached and encamped on the north shore, at the foot of this cascade, which bears the name of konamik. the syllable _kon_, in this word, appears to me to be the same as _con_ in wisconsin, and is, apparently, a derivative from a term for strong water, which has, in this case, the meaning of cascade or fall. the word _amik_, its terminal, means a beaver. we thus have the probable original meaning in beaver-water, or, by implication, beaver cascade. there is a rapid below this fall. i judged the water must sink its level, in this vicinity, about fifteen feet. on examining the character of the limestone, i discovered crystals of calcareous spar occupying small cavities. at other localities, at lower points, there were found crystals of black sulphuret of zinc, and yellow sulphuret of iron. the rock appears to be of the same age as the lead-bearing limestone of the west; it is also overlaid by the red marly clay, and i should judge it to contain deposits of sulphuret of lead. the next morning, we resumed our descent of the fox river with difficulty. it was now the th of august, and the waters had reached their lowest summer stage. the entire distance of twelve miles from the konamik to the kákala fall may be deemed to be, at this season, a continuous rapid. our barge was abandoned on the rapids. while the men toiled in these rapids to get down their canoes, it was found rather a privilege to walk, for it gave a more ample opportunity to examine the mineral structure and productions of the country. it was high noon when we reached the rapids of the kákala. this is a formidable rapid, at which the river rushes with furious velocity down a rocky bed, which it seems impossible boats or canoes should ever safely descend. it demands a portage to be made, under all circumstances, the water sweeping round a curve or bow, of which the portage path is the string. this is the apparent meaning of the term, in the indian tongue; but it is disguised by early orthography, in which the letter _l_ has taken the place of _n_, and the syllable _in_ of _au_. the term _kakina_ is the ancient french form of the indian transitive-adjective _all_, inclusive, entirely. there is another root for the term in _kakiwa_, which is the ordinary term for a portage, or walk across a point of land, which is rendered local by the usual inflection, _o-nong_. we found the portage path to be a well-beaten wagon road across a level fertile plain, which appeared to have been in cultivation from the earliest indian period. probably it had been a locality for the tribes, where they raised their favorite maize, long before the french first reached the waters of green bay. evidence of such antiquity in the plain of kákala appeared in an ancient cemetery of a circular shape, situated on one side of the road, on a comparatively large surface, which had reached the height of some eight or ten feet, by the mere accumulation of graves. this has all the appearance of a sepulchral mound, in the slow process of construction; for, on viewing it, i found a recent grave. we passed, on this plain, a winnebago village of ten or twelve lodges, embracing two hundred souls. the portage is continued just one mile. embarking again, at this point, we proceeded down the river, and encamped eight miles below this point, having, with every exertion, made but twenty miles this day. the interest which had been excited by the conchology of the mississippi and wisconsin valleys, was renewed in the descent of the fox river, particularly in the section of it below winnebago lake. shrunk to its lowest summer level, its shores disclosed almost innumerable species of unios, many of which had been manifestly dragged to the shores and opened by the muskrat, thus serving to give hints for finding the living species. among these, the u. obliqua, u. cornutus, u. ellipticus, u. carinatus, u. alatus, u. prælongus, and u. parvus, were conspicuous; the latter of which, it is remarked by mr. barnes, is the smallest and most beautiful of all the genus yet discovered in america.[ ] in the duplicates, from this part of the fox river, transmitted to mr. isaac lea, of philadelphia, he found a species with green-rayed beaks, on a yellow surface and iridescent nacre, having a peculiar structure, which he did me the honor to name after me.[ ] the description of mr. lea is as follows: "unio schoolcraftensis. shell subrotund, somewhat angular at posterior dorsal margin, nearly equilateral, compressed, slightly tuberculate posteriorly to umbonical slope. substance of the shell rather thick; beaks elevated; ligament short; epidermis smooth yellow, with several broad green rays; teeth elevated, and cleft in the left valve, single, and rising from a pit in the right; lateral teeth elevated, straight, and lamellar; anterior cicatrices distinct, posterior cicatrices confluent; dorsal cicatrices within the cavity of the shell on the base of the cardinal tooth; cavity of the beaks angular and deep; nacre pearly white and iridescent. diameter · , length · , breadth · inches." [ ] amer. journ. science, vol. vi. pp. , , &c. [ ] transactions of the american philosophical society, vol. v. p. ; plate , fig. . the next morning ( th), a heavy fog in the fox valley detained us in our encampment till o'clock. six miles brought us to another rapid, called the little kakala, which, however, opposes no obstacle to the descent of canoes. at this spot, which is the apparent western terminus of the bay settlement, we found a party of u. s. soldiers, from fort howard, engaged in digging the foundations for a saw-mill. our appearance must have been somewhat rusty at this time, from our deficiences in the tonsorial and sempstrescal way, for these sons of mars did not recognize their superior officers in capt. douglass and lt. mackay; glibly saying, in a jolly way, as they handed them a drink of water: "after me, sir, is manners;" and drinking off the first cup. at this rapid i got out of my canoe, wishing to see the geological formation more fully, and walked quite to the rapide du pere, where fox river finds its level in the broad, elongated, and lake-like tongue of water, extending up from the head of green bay. on reaching this point, the scene of the settlement first burst on our view, with its farm-houses and cultivated fields stretching, for five miles, along both banks of the river; disclosing the flagstaff of the distant fort, and the bannered masts of vessels, all of which brought vividly to mind our approach to the civilized world. if the canadian boat-song was ever exhilarating and appropriate, it was peculiarly so on the present occasion; and when our _voyageurs_ burst out, in full chorus, with the ancient ditty, beginning, "_la fille du roi son vout chassau, avec son grande fusee d'largent_," they waked up a responsive feeling, not alone in the breasts of the french _habitans_, lining the shores of the river, but in our own breasts. on reaching the fort, the salute due to the governor of a territory was paid, in honor of our leader, governor cass; and in exchanging congratulations with the officers and citizens, we began first to feel, in reality, that, after passing among many savage tribes, our scalps were still safely on our heads. i found, at the fort, letters from my friends, and was thus reminded that warm sympathies had been alive for our fate. weary regions had now been past, and privations endured, of which we thought little, at the time; the flag of the union had been carried among barbarous tribes, who hardly knew there was such a power as the united states, or, if they knew, despised it; and some information had been gathered, which it was hoped would enlarge the boundaries of science, and would at the same time send a thrill of satisfaction, and impart a feeling of security, along the whole line of the advanced and extended western settlements. if berkeley, in the dark days of the commonwealth of england, could turn to the west, with exultation, as the hope of the nation, it must be admitted that it is by some out-door means, like this, that the way for the car of "empire" must be prepared. we found the fort, which bears the name of howard, in charge of capt. w. wistler, during the absence of col. joseph l. smith. its strength consists of three hundred men, together with about the same number of infantry at camp smith, at rock or dupere rapid, a few miles above, who are engaged in quarrying stone for a permanent fortification at that point. on visiting this quarry, i found it to consist of a bluish-gray limestone, semi-crystalline in its structure, containing small disseminated masses of sulphuret of zinc, calcspar, and iron pyrites, and corresponding, in every respect, with the beds of this rock observed along the upper parts of the fox and wisconsin valleys. fort howard is seated on a handsome fertile plain, on the north banks of the fox, near its mouth. it consists of a stockade of timber, thirty feet high, inclosing barracks, which face three sides of a quadrangle. this forms a fine parade. there are blockhouses, mounting guns, at the angles, and quarters for the surgeon and quartermaster, separately constructed. the whole is whitewashed, and presents a neat military appearance. the gardens of the military denote the most fruitful soil and genial climate. data observed by the surgeon, indicate the site to be unexcelled for its salubrity, such a disease as fever, of any kind, never having visited it, in either an endemic or epidemic form. the name of green bay is associated with our earliest ideas of french history in america. when la salle visited the country in the th century, it had been many years known to the french, and was esteemed one of the prime posts for trading with the indians. the chief tribes who were located here, and in the vicinity, making this their central point of trade, were the _puants_, i. e. winnebagoes, malomonies, or folle avoins, known to us as menomonies, sacs, and foxes, called also sakis, outagami, and renouards, and it was also the seat of trade for the equivocal tribe of the mascoutins. the present inhabitants are, with few exceptions, descendants of the original french, who intermarried with indian women, and who still speak the french and indian languages. they are indolent, gay, and illiterate. i was told there were five hundred inhabitants, and about sixty principal dwellings, beside temporary structures. there are seventy inhabitants enrolled as militia-men, and the settlement has civil courts, being the seat of justice from brown county, michigan, so called in honor of major-general jacob brown, u. s. a. the place is surrounded by the woodlands and forests, and seems destined to be an important lake-port.[ ] the algonquin name for this place is boatchweekwaid, a term which describes an eccentric or abrupt bay, or inlet. nothing could more truly depict its singular position; it is, in fact, a kind of cul-de-sac--a duplicature of lake michigan, with the coast-shore of which it lies parallel for about ninety miles. [ ] green bay. this town has just ( ) been incorporated as a city, the anticipations respecting it having been slow in being realized. it has now an estimated population of , , with several churches in a healthy and flourishing state, two printing presses, a post-office, collectorship, and thriving agricultural and commercial advantages, which will be fully realized when the internal improvements in process of construction through the fox and wisconsin valleys are finished. its extreme salubrity has, it seems, been disregarded by emigrants. the singular configuration of this bay appears to be the chief cause of the appearances of a tide at the point where it is entered by fox river. this phenomenon was early noticed by the french. la hontan mentions it in . charlevoix remarks on it in , and suggests its probable cause, which is, in his opinion, explained by the fact that lakes michigan and huron, alternately empty themselves into each other through the straits of michilimackinac. the effects of such a flux and reflux, under the power of the winds, would appear to place green bay in the position of a siphon, on the west of lake michigan, and go far to account for the singular fluctuations of the current at the mouth of the fox river. on reaching this spot of the rising and falling of the lake waters, governor cass caused observations to be made, which he greatly extended at a subsequent period.[ ] these give no countenance to the theory of regular tides, but denote the changes in the level of the waters to be eccentrically irregular, and dependent, so far as the observations extend, altogether on the condition of the winds and currents of the lakes. [ ] american journal of science, vol. xvii. something analogous to this is perceived in the baltic, which has no regular tides, and therefore experiences no difference of height, except when the wind blows violently. "at such times," says pennant,[ ] "there is a current in and out of the baltic, according to the points they blow from, which forces the water through the sound, with the velocity of two or three danish miles in the hour. when the wind blows violently from the german sea, the water rises in several baltic harbors, and gives those in the western tract a temporary saltness; otherwise, the baltic loses that other property of a sea, by reason of the want of tide, and the quantity of vast rivers it receives, which sweeten it so much as to render it, in many places, fit for domestic use." [ ] arctic geology. chapter xviii. the expedition traces the west shores of lake michigan southerly to chicago--outline of the journey along this coast--sites of manitoowoc, sheboigan, milwaukie, racine, and chicago, being the present chief towns and cities of wisconsin and illinois on the west shores of that lake--final reorganization of the party and departure from chicago. two days spent in preparations to reorganize the expedition, enabled it to continue its explorations. for the purpose of tracing the western and northern shores of green bay, and the northern shores of lake michigan, a sub-expedition was fitted out, under mr. trowbridge, our sub-topographer, who was accompanied by mr. j. d. doty, mr. alex. r. chase, and james riley, the chippewa interpreter. the auxiliary indians, who had, thus far, attended us in a separate canoe, were rewarded for their services, furnished with provisions to reach their homes, and dismissed. the escort of soldiers under lieut. mackay, u. s. a., were returned to their respective companies at fort howard and camp smith. the chippewa chief, _iaba wawashkash_, or the buck, who belonged to michilimackinac, went with mr. trowbridge, together with jo parks, the intelligent shawnee captive, and assimilated shawnee of waughpekennota,[ ] ohio. the ottowa chief, kewaygooshkum, of grand-river, took the rest of the party in a separate canoe to their destination. our collections in natural history were shipped in the schooner decatur, capt. burnham (perry's boatswain in the memorable naval battle of lake erie, sept. , ), to michilimackinac, together with the extra baggage. [ ] waughpekennota. this place was _then_ the residence of the shawnee tribe, under the prophet elksattawa, of war memory, the celebrated brother of tecumseh, who, seeing the intrusive tread of the americans, headed, in , the first exploring party of the tribe to the west of the mississippi, where they finally settled. after living twenty-seven years at this spot, they found themselves within the newly-erected territory of kansas, and sold their surplus lands to the u. states by a treaty concluded at washington in may, , the said parks being at this time first chief of the shawnee tribe. thus relieved in numbers and canoe-hamper, we were reduced to two canoes; the travelling family of gov. cass now consisted of capt. douglass, dr. wolcott, maj. forsyth, lieut. mackay, and myself. leaving fort howard at two o'clock p. m., we parted with mr. trowbridge and his party at the mouth of fox river, at half past two, and taking the other, or east side of the bay, proceeded along its shores about twenty-five miles, and encamped on the coast called red banks. this is a term translated from the winnebago name, which is renowned in their traditions as the earliest spot which they can recollect. they dwelt here when the french first reached green bay in their discoveries in the seventeenth century. here, then, is a test of the value and continuity of indian tradition, so far as this tribe is concerned, for admitting, what is doubtful, that the french reached this point so early as , the period of recognized winnebago history, as proved by geography, reaches but years prior to the above date. in a short time after entering the bay, we were overtaken by kewaygooshkum and his party, who travelled and encamped with us. in the course of the evening he pointed out a rocky island, at three or four miles distance, containing a large cavern, which has been used by the indians from early times as a repository for the dead. the chief, as he pointed to it, as if absorbed in a spirit of ancestral reverence, seemed to say:-- "it hath a charm the stranger knoweth not, it is the [sepulchre] of mine ancestry; there is an inspiration in its shade, the echoes of its walls are eloquent, the words they speak are of the glorious dead; its tenants are not human--they are more! the stones have voices, and the walls do live; it is the home of memories dearly honored by many a trace of long departed glory." the appearance of ancient cultivation of this coast is such as to give semblance to the winnebago tradition of its having been their former residence. the lands are fertile, alluvion, bearing a secondary growth of trees, mingled with older species of the acer saccharinum, elm, and oak. the next day, after traversing this coast twenty miles further, we reached and passed up sturgeon bay, to a portage path leading to lake michigan. this path begins in low grounds, where several of the swamp species of plants occur. on reaching the open shores of lake michigan, the wind was found strongly ahead, and we were compelled to encamp. at this spot we found several species of madreperes, and some other organic forms, among the shore debris. the next day the wind abated, and, agreeably to the estimate of capt. douglass, we advanced along the shore, southwardly, forty-six miles. the day following, we made forty miles, and reached the river manitowakie,[ ] and encamped on the lake shore, five miles south of it. [ ] from _manito_, a spirit, _auk_, a standing or hollow tree that is under a mysterious influence, and the generic inflection _ie_, which is applied to vital or animate nouns. a town, at present, exists at the spot called manitoowoc. it is the shire town of a county of the same name in wisconsin; it has a good harbor, and by the census of contains four churches, twelve stores, two steam mills, two ship-yards, a newspaper, post-office, and , inhabitants. we found the site inhabited by a village monomonees of six lodges. in passing along the lake shore this day ( th), we observed it to be strewed abundantly with the carcasses of dead pigeons. this bird, we were told, is often overcome by the fatigue of long flights, or storms, in crossing the lake, and entire flocks drowned. this causes the shores to be visited by great numbers of hawks, eagles, and other birds of prey. the indians only make use of those carcasses of pigeons, as food, when they are first cast on shore. the next day the expedition passed the mouth of the sheboigan river, a stream originating not remotely from the banks of winnebago lake, with which, as the name indicates, there is a portage or passage through.[ ] pushing forward with every force during the day, we reached the mouth of the milwaukie river, and encamped on the beach some time after dark. this is a large and important river, and is connected by an indian portage with the rock river of the mississippi. the next morning adverse winds confined us to this spot, where we remained a considerable part of the day, which enabled us to explore the locality. we found it to be the site of a pottawattomie village. there were two american families located at that place, engaged in the indian trade. [ ] _shebiau_, is to look critically; _shebiabunjegun_, a spy-glass or instrument to look through. sheboigan appears to have its termination from the word _gan_, a lake, and the combination denotes a river, or water pass from lake to lake. this place is now ( ) a town and county site of wisconsin. the county was organized in , and by the last census has seven churches, two newspapers, pupils at schools, and a population of , . the town of this name contains , inhabitants. it is miles n. from milwaukie, and n. e. from madison, the state capital. it has a plank road of miles to fond du lac, and is noted for its lumber trade. the name of milwaukie,[ ] exhibits an instance of which there are many others, in which the french have substituted the sound of the letter _l_ in place of _n_, in indian words. _min_, in the algonquin languages signifies _good_. _waukie_, is a derivative from _auki_, earth or land, the fertility of the soil, along the banks of that stream, being the characteristic trait which is described in the indian compound. [ ] milwaukie is the principal city of the state of wisconsin. it lies in latitude ° ´ ´´ north. it is ninety miles north of chicago and seventy-five east from madison. it contains thirty churches, five public high schools, two academies, five orphan asylums, and other benevolent institutions, seven daily and seven weekly newspapers, four banks, and, by the census of , , inhabitants. when the wind lulled so as to permit embarkation, we proceeded on our course. at the computed distance of five miles, we observed a bed of light-colored tertiary clay, possessing a compactness, tenacity, and feel, which denote its utility in the arts. this bed, after a break of many miles in the shores, reappears in thicker and more massive layers, at eight or ten miles distance. the waves dashing against this elevated bank of clay,[ ] have liberated balls and crystallized-masses of sulphuret of iron. [ ] an admired kind of cream-colored bricks are manufactured from portions of the clay found near milwaukie. some of the more recently exposed masses of this mineral are of a bright brass color. the tendency of their crystallization is to restore octahedral and cubical forms. we advanced along this shore about thirty-five miles, encamping on an eligible part of the beach before dark. i found, in examining the mineralogy of the coast, masses of detached limestone, containing fissures filled with asphaltum. on breaking these masses, and laying open the fissures, the substance assumed the form of naphtha. we observed among the plants along this portion of coast, the tradescantia virginica, and t. liatris, and squarrosa scariosa.[ ] by scrutinizing the wave-moved pebble-drift along shore, it is evident that inferior positions, in the geological basin of lake michigan, contain slaty, or bituminous coal, masses of which were developed. [ ] dr. j. torrey, _am. journ. science_, vol. , p. . the next day's journey, th, carried us forty miles, in which distance, the most noticeable fact in the topography of the coast, was the entrance of the racine, or root river;[ ] its eligible shores being occupied by some pottawattomie lodges. having reached within ten or twelve miles of chicago, and being anxious to make that point, we were in motion at a very early hour on the morning of the th, and reached the village at five o'clock a. m. we found four or five families living here, the principal of which were those of mr. john kinzie, dr. a. wolcott, j. b. bobian, and mr. j. crafts, the latter living a short distance up the river. the pottawattomies, to whom this site is the capital of their trade, appeared to be lords of the soil, and truly are entitled to the epithet, if laziness, and an utter inappreciation of the value of time, be a test of lordliness. dr. wolcott, being the u. s. agent for this tribe, found himself at home here, and constitutes no further, a member of the expedition. gov. cass determined to return to detroit from this point, on horseback, across the peninsula of michigan, accompanied by lt. mackay, u. s. a., maj. forsyth, his private secretary, and the necessary number of men and pack horses to prepare their night encampments. this left capt. douglass and myself to continue the survey of the lakes, and after reaching michilimackinac and rejoining the party of mr. trowbridge, to return to detroit from that point. [ ] racine.--this is now the second city in size in the state of wisconsin. by the census of , its population is , . it has a harbor which admits vessels drawing twelve feet water; it has fourteen churches, a high school, college, bank, several newspapers, three ship-yards, and exhibits more than two millions of imports and exports. the settlement was commenced in . the preparation for these ends occupied a couple of days, which gave us an opportunity to scan the vicinity. we found the post (fort dearborn) under the command of capt. bradley, with a force of one hundred and sixty men. the river is ample and deep for a few miles, but is utterly choked up by the lake sands, through which, behind a masked margin, it oozes its way for a mile or two, till it percolates through the sands into the lake. its banks consist of a black arenaceous fertile soil, which is stated to produce abundantly, in its season, the wild species of cepa, or leek. this circumstance has led the natives to name it the place of the wild leek. such is the origin of the term chicago,[ ] which is a derivative, by elision and french annotation, from the word _chi-kaug-ong_. _kaug_, is the algonquin name for the hystrix, or porcupine. it takes the prefix _chi_, when applied to the mustela putorius. the particle _chi_, is the common prefix of nouns to denote greatness in any natural object, but it is also employed, as here, to mean increase, or excess, as acridness, or pungency, in quality. the penultimate _ong_, denotes locality. the putorius is so named from this plant, and not, as has been thought, the plant from it. i took the sketch, which is reproduced in the fourth vol. of my _ethnological researches_, plate xxvii., from a standpoint on the flat of sand which stretched in front of the place. this view embraces every house in the village, with the fort; and if the reproduction of the artist in vol. iv. may be subjected to any criticism, it is, perhaps, that the stockade bears too great a proportion to the scene, while the precipice observed in the shore line of sand, is wholly wanting in the original. [ ] chicago is the largest city of the state of illinois, excelling all others in its commercial and business capacities, and public and moral influences. standing on the borders of the great western prairies, it is the great city of the plains, and its growth cannot be limited, or can scarcely be estimated. it began to be built about , eleven years after this visit. it was incorporated as a city in , with , inhabitants. in , it had , , and it is now estimated to exceed , . this city lies in lat. ° ´ ´´. it is connected by lakes, canals, and railroads, with the most distant regions. its imports and exports the last year, were twenty millions. like all the cities and towns of america, its political and moral influence, are seen to keep an exact pace with its sound religious influences; the number of churches and newspapers, having a certain fixed relation. more than any other city of the west, its position destines it to be another nineveh. the country around chicago is the most fertile and beautiful that can be imagined. it consists of an intermixture of woods and prairies, diversified with gentle slopes, sometimes attaining the elevation of hills, and it is irrigated with a number of clear streams and rivers, which throw their waters partly into lake michigan, and partly into the mississippi river. as a farming country, it presents the greatest facilities for raising stock and grains, and it is one of the most favored parts of the mississippi valley; the climate has a delightful serenity, and it must, as soon as the indian title is extinguished,[ ] become one of the most attractive fields for the emigrant. to the ordinary advantages of an agricultural market town, it must add that of being a depot for the commerce between the northern and southern sections of the union, and a great thoroughfare for strangers, merchants, and travellers. [ ] this was done in ; having been, myself, secretary to the commissioners, gov. cass and hon. sol. sibley, who were appointed to treat with the indians. vide _indian treaties_, p. . the milwaukie clays to which i have adverted, do not extend thus far, although the argillaceous deposits found, appear to be destitute of the oxide of iron, for the bricks produced from them burn white. there is a locality of bituminous coal on fox river, about forty miles south. near, the junction of the desplaines river with the kankakee, there exists in the semi-crystalline or sedimentary limestone, a remarkable fossil-tree.[ ] [ ] fossil flora of the west.--of this gigantic specimen of the geological flora of the newer rocks of the mississippi valley, i published a memoir in , founded on a personal examination of the phenomena. albany, e. and e. hosford, pp. vo. this paper (_vide_ appendix) was prepared for the american geological society, at new haven. see _american journ. science_, vol. , p. ; see also, vol. , p. , for appreciating testimony of the value of geological science (then coming into notice), from ex-presidents john adams, thomas jefferson, and james madison, to whom copies of it were transmitted. chapter xix. south and eastern borders of lake michigan--their flora and fauna--incidents of the journey--topography--geology, botany, and mineralogy--indian tribes--burial-place of marquette--ruins of the post of old mackinac--reach michilimackinac after a canoe journey north of four hundred miles. it was now the last day of august. having partaken of the hospitalities of mr. kinzie, and of captains bradley and green, of fort dearborn, during our stay at chicago, and completed the reorganization of our parties, we separated on the last day of the month, at two o'clock p. m.; gov. cass and his party, on horseback, taking the old indian trail to detroit, and capt. douglass and myself being left, with two canoes, to complete the circumnavigation of the lakes. we did not delay our departure over thirty minutes, but bidding adieu to dr. wolcott, whose manners, judgment, and intelligence had commanded our respect during the journey, embarked with two canoes; our steersmen immediately hoisted their square sails, and, favored by a good breeze, we proceeded twenty miles along the southern curve, at the head of lake michigan, and encamped. within two miles of chicago, we passed, on the open shores of the lake, the scene of the massacre of chicago, of the th of august, , being the day after the surrender of detroit by gen. hull. gloom hung, at that eventful period, over every part of our western borders. michilimackinac had already been carried by surprise; and the ill-advised order to evacuate chicago, was deemed by the indians an admission that the americans were to be driven from the country. the pottawattomies determined to show the power of their hostility on this occasion. capt. heald, the commanding officer, having received gen. hull's order to abandon the post, and having an escort of thirty friendly miamis, from fort wayne, under captain wells, had quitted the fort at nine o'clock in the morning, with fifty-four regulars, a subaltern, physician, twelve militia, and the necessary baggage wagons for the provisions and ammunition, which contained eighteen soldiers, women and children. they had not proceeded more than a mile and a half along the shore of the lake, when an ambuscade of indians was discovered behind the sand-hills which encompass the flat sandy shore. the horrid yell, which rose on the discovery being made, was accompanied by a general and deadly fire from them. several men fell at the first fire, but capt. heald formed his men, and effected a charge up the bank, which dispersed his assailants. it was only, however, to find the enemy return by a flank movement, in which their numbers gave them the victory. in a few moments, out of his effective force of sixty-six men, but sixteen survived. with these, he succeeded in drawing off to a position in the prairie, where he was not followed by the indians. on a negotiation, opened by a chief called mukudapenais, he surrendered, under promise of security for their lives. this promise was afterwards violated, with the exception of himself and three or four men. among the slain was ensign ronan, dr. voorhis, and capt. wells. the latter had his heart cut out, and his body received other shocking indignities. the saddest part of the tragedy was the attack on the women and children who occupied the baggage wagons, and were all slain. several of the women fought with swords. during the action, a sergeant of infantry ran his bayonet through the heart of an indian who had lifted his tomahawk to strike him; not being able to withdraw the instrument, it served to hold up the indian, who actually tomahawked him in this position, and both fell dead together.[ ] the miamis remained neuter in this massacre. mr. kinzie, of chicago, of whose hospitalities we had partaken, was a witness of this transaction, and furnished the principal facts of this narrative. [ ] gouverneur morris recites a similar incident at the battle of oriskany, in .--_coll. new york hist. soc._ the morning (sept. ) opened with a perfect gale, and we were _degradè_, to use a canadian term, all day; the waves dashed against the shore with a violence that made it impossible to take the lake with canoes, and would have rendered it perilous even to a large vessel. this violence continued, with no perceptible diminution, during the day. as a mode of relief from the tedium of delay, a short excursion was made into the prairie. i found a few species of the unio, in a partially choked up branch of the konamek. capt. douglass improved the time by taking observations for the latitude, and we footed around ten miles of the extreme southern head of the lake. it is edged with sand-hills, bearing pines. a few dead valves of the fresh-water muscle were found on the shore. on the following day the wind lulled, when we proceeded fifty-four miles, passing in the distance the remains of the schooner hercules, which went ashore in a gale, in november, , and all on board perished; her mast, pump, spars, and the graves of the passengers, among which, was that of lieut. w. s. eveleth, u. s. a., were pointed out to us. we landed a few moments at the entrance of the river du chemin,[ ] where the trail to detroit leaves the lake shore. the distance to that city is estimated at three hundred miles. ten miles beyond this spot we passed the little river galien, where, at this time, the town and harbor of new buffalo, of michigan, is situated, and we encamped on the shore twelve miles beyond it. [ ] michigan city, of the state of indiana, is located near this spot. this city has its harbor communicating with lake michigan through this creek. it has a newspaper, branch bank, railroad, and (in ) , inhabitants. we had been travelling on a slightly curved line from chicago to the spot, in the latitude of ° ´ ´´, and had now reached a point where the course tends more directly to the northeast and north. by the best accounts, the length of lake michigan, lying directly from south to north, is four hundred miles. there is no other lake in america, north or south, which traverses so many degrees of latitude, and we had reason to expect its flora and fauna to denote some striking changes. we had passed down its west, or wisconsin shore, from sturgeon bay, finding it to present a clear margin of forest, with many good harbors, and a fertile, gently undulating surface. but we were now to encounter another cast of scenery. it is manifest, from a survey of the eastern shore of this lake, that the prevalent winds are from the west and northwest, for they have cast up vast sand dunes along the coast, which give it an arid appearance. these dunes are, however, but a hem on the fertile prairie lands, not extending more than half a mile or more, and thus masking the fertile lands. water, in the shape of lagoons, is often accumulated behind these sand-banks, and the force of the winds is such as to choke and sometimes entirely shut up the mouth of its rivers. we had found this hem of sand-hills extending around the southern shore of the lake from the vicinity of chicago, and soon found that it gave an appearance of sterility to the country that it by no means merited. on reaching the mouth of st. joseph's river ( d), a full exemplification of this striking effect of the lake action was exhibited. this is one of the largest rivers of the peninsula, running for more than a hundred and twenty miles through a succession of rich plains and prairies; yet its mouth, which carries a large volume of water into the lake, is rendered difficult of entrance to vessels, and its lake-borders are loaded with drifts of shifting sand. the next day's journey carried us fifty miles; and, on proceeding ten miles further on the th, we reached the mouth of the kalamazoo.[ ] before reaching this river, i discovered on the beach a body of detached orbicular masses of the calcareous marl called septaria--the ludus helmontii of the old mineralogists. on breaking some of these masses, they disclosed small crystalline seams of sulphuret of zinc. the kalamazoo irrigates a fine tract of the most fertile and beautiful prairies of michigan, which, at the date of the revision of this journal, is studded with flourishing towns and villages. [ ] kalamazoo. this word is the contraction of an indian phrase descriptive of the stones seen through the water in its bed, which, from a refractive power in the current, resembles an otter swimming under water. hence the original term, negikanamazoo. this term has its root forms in _negik_, an otter, the verb _kana_, to hide, and _ozoo_, a quadruped's tail. the letter _l_ is the mere transposition of _l_ in native words passing from the indian to the indo-french language. fifteen miles further progress towards the north, brought us to the mouth of grand river--the washtenong of the indians--which is, i believe the largest and longest stream of the michigan peninsula. it is the boundary between the hunting-grounds of the pottowattomies (who have thus far claimed jurisdiction from chicago) and the ottowas. the latter live in large numbers at its rapids and on its various tributaries.[ ] the next stream of note we encountered was the maskigon, twelve miles north of grand river, where we encamped, having travelled, during the day, fifty-four miles. the view of this scene was impressive from its bleakness, the dunes of sand being more at the mercy of the winds. i found here a large, branching specimen of the club-fungus, attached to a dead specimen of the populus tremuloides, which had been completely penetrated by these drifting sands, so as to present quite the appearance, and no little part of the hardness and consistency, of a fossil. the following figure of this transformation from a fungus to a semi-stony body, presents a perfect outline of it as sketched in its original position. [ ] ottowas. so late as , the number of the tribe, reported to the superintendent of indian affairs for michigan, was , , which was divided into villages, scattered over its whole valley.--_schoolcraft's report on indian affairs_, detroit, a. s. bagg, . [illustration] on the day of our departure from the maskigon, we enjoyed fine weather and favorable winds, and proceeded, from the data of captain douglass, seventy miles, and encamped a few miles beyond the sandy river. in this line of coast, we passed, successively, the white, pentwater, and marquette. of these, the latter, both from its size and its historical associations, is by far the most important; for it was at this spot, after having spent years of devotion in the cause of missions in new france--in the course of which he discovered the mississippi river--that this zealous servant of god laid down in his tent, after a hard day's travel, and surrendered up his life. the event occurred on the th of may, , but two years after his grand discovery. marquette was a native of laon, in picardy, where his family was of distinguished rank. the precise moment of his death was not witnessed, his men having retired to leave him to his devotions, but returning, in a short time, found him lifeless. they carried his body to the mission of old michilimackinac, of which he was the founder, where it was interred.[ ] [ ] place of interment of marquette. it is known that the mission of michilimackinac fell on the downfall of the jesuits. when the post of michilimackinac was removed from the peninsula to the island, about , the bones of the missionary were transferred to the old catholic burial-ground, in the village on the island. there they remained till a land or property question arose to agitate the church, and, when the crisis happened, the whole graveyard was disturbed, and his bones, with others, were transferred to the indian village of la crosse, which is in the vicinity of l'arbre croche, michigan. it rained the next morning ( th), by which we lost two hours, and we had some unfavorable winds, but, by dint of hard pushing, we made forty-five miles, and slept at gravelly point. in this line we passed successively, at distances of seventeen and thirty miles, the rivers manistic and _becsie_, which is the canadian phrase for the anas canadensis. clouds and murky weather still hovered around us on the next morning, but we left our encampment at an early hour. thirteen miles brought us to the omicomico, or plate river, nine miles beyond which found us in front of a remarkable and very elevated sand june, called the sleeping bear--a fanciful term, derived from the indian, through the french _l'ours qui dormis_. opposite this feature in the coast geology, lie the two large wooded islands called the minitos--well-known objects to all mariners who venture into the vast unsheltered basin of the southern body of lake michigan. thirty miles beyond this sandy elevation, brought us to the southern cape of grand traverse bay, where we encamped, having advanced fifty-two miles. this was the first place where we had noticed rocks in situ, since passing the little konamic river, near chicago. it proved to be limestone, of the same apparent era of the calcareous rock which we had observed at sturgeon bay and the contiguous west shore of lake michigan. the line of lake coast included in this remark is three hundred and twenty miles; during all which distance the coast seems, but only seems, to be the sport of the fierce gales and storms, for there is reason to believe that the formations of drift clay, sand, and gravel rest, at various depths, on a stratification of solid, permanent rock. to us, however, it proved a barren field for the collection of both geological and mineralogical specimens. there were gleaned some rolled specimens of organic remains, of no further use than to denote the occurrence of these in some part of a vast basin. there was a specimen of gypsum from grand river. the few patches of iron sand i had noticed, were hardly worthy of record after the heavy beds of this mineral which we had passed in lake superior. the same remark may be made of the few rolled fragments of calcedonies, and other varieties of the quartz family, gleaned up along its shores, for neither of these constitute a reliable locality. [illustration: petrified leaf of the _fagus ferruginea_.] of the floræ and fauna we had been observant, but the sandy character of the mere coast line greatly narrowed the former, in which captain douglass found but little to preserve, beyond the parnassia caroliniana and seottia cerna.[ ] the fury of the waves renders it a region wholly unfitted to the whole tribe of fresh-water shells. a petrifaction of the fagus ferruginia, brought from a spring on the banks of the st. joseph's river by gov. cass, on his home route, on horseback, presented the petrifying process in one of its most perfect forms (_vide_ p. ). surfeited with a species of scenery in which the naked sand dunes were often painful to the eye, from their ophthalmic influence, and of geological prostrations which seemed to lay the coast in ruins, we were glad to reach the solid rock formations, supporting, as they did, a soil favorable to green forests. [ ] dr. john torrey, _am. journ. science_, vol. iv. a partial eclipse of the sun had been calculated for the th of september ( ), to commence at seven o'clock, twenty minutes; but, though we were on the lake, and anxious to note it, the weather proved to be too much overcast, and no effects of it were observed. this eclipse was observed, according to the predictions, at philadelphia. the morning of the th proved calm, which permitted us to cross the mouth of grand traverse bay. this piece of water is nine miles across, with an unexplored depth, and has some chippewas living on its borders. six miles north of this point, we reached and crossed little traverse bay, which is occupied by ottawas. these two tribes are close confederates, speak dialects of the same language which is readily understood by both, and live on the most friendly terms. the ottowas on the head of little traverse bay, and on the adjoining coast of lake michigan--which, from its principal village, bears the names of village of the cross, and of waganukizzie,[ ] or l'arbre croche--are, to a great extent, cultivators of the soil, and have adopted the use of hats, and the french _capot_, having laid aside paints and feathers. they raise large quantities of indian corn for the mackinac market, and manufacture, in the season, from the sap of the acer saccharinum, considerable quantities of maple sugar, which is put up, in somewhat elongated bark boxes, called muckucks, in which it is carried to the same market. we found them, wherever they were encountered, a people of friendly manners and comity. [ ] from _waganuk_, a crooked or croched tree, and _izzie_, an animate termination, denoting existence or being, carrying the idea of its being charmed or enchanted. we were now drawing toward the foot of lake michigan, at the point where this inland sea is connected, through the straits of michilimackinac, with lake huron. a cluster of islands, called the beaver islands, had been in sight on our left hand, since passing the coast of the sleeping bear, which are noted as affording good anchorage ground to vessels navigating the lake. it is twenty-five miles from the site of the old french mission, near l'arbre croche, to the end of point wagoshance,[ ] which is the southeast cape of the straits of michilimackinac, and nine miles from thence to the island. along the bleak coast of this storm-beaten, horizontal limestone rock, with a thin covering of drift, we diligently passed. night overtook us as we came through the straits, hugging their eastern shore, and we encamped on a little circular open bay, long after it became pitchy dark. we had traversed a coast line of fifty-seven miles, and were glad, after a refreshing cup of tea and our usual meal, to retire to our pallets. [ ] little fox point. this word comes from _wagoush_, a fox, and the denominative inflection a _ainc_ or _aiñs_. the next morning revealed our position. we were at the ancient site of old michilimackinac--a spot celebrated in the early missionary annals and history of new france. this was, indeed, one of the first points settled by the french after cadaracqui, being a missionary and trading station before the foundation of fort niagara, in ; for la salle, after determining on the latter, proceeded, the same fall, up the lakes to this point, which he installed with a military element. the mission of st. ignace had before been attempted on the north shore of the straits, but it was finally removed here by the advice of marquette. on gazing at the straits, they were found to be agitated by a perfect gale. this gave time for examining the vicinity. it was found a deserted plain, overspread with sand, in many parts, with the ruins of former occupancy piercing through these sandy drifts, which gave it an air of perfect desolation. by far the most conspicuous among these ruins, was the stone foundation of the ancient fort, and the excavations of the exterior buildings, which had evidently composed a part of the military or missionary plan. not a house, not a cultivated field, not a fence was to be seen. the remains of broken pottery, and pieces of black bottles, irridescent from age, served impressively to show that men had once eaten and drank here. it was in , in the outbreak of the pontiac war, that this fort, then recently surrendered to the english, was captured, by a _coup-de-main_, by the indians. the english, probably doubting its safety, during the american revolution, removed the garrison to the island, which had, indeed, furnished the name of michilimackinac before; for the indians had, _ab initio_, called the old post peekwutinong, or headland-place, applying the other name exclusively, as at this day, to the gibraltar-like island which rises up, with its picturesque cliffs, from the very depths of lake huron. the sketch of this scene of desolation, with the island in view, is given in the second volume of my _ethnological researches_, plate liii. after pacing the plain of this ancient point of french settlement in every point, we returned to our tent about eleven o'clock a. m., and deemed it practicable to attempt the crossing to the island in a light canoe, for, although the gale was little if any abated, the wind blew fair. i concurred in the opinion of captain douglass that this might be done, and very readily assented to try it, leaving the men in the baggage canoe to effect the passage when the wind fell. it cannot be asserted that this passage was without hazard; for my own part, i had too much trust in my nature to fear it, and, if we were ever wafted on "the wings of the wind," it was on this occasion; our boatmen, volunteers for the occasion, reefing the sails to two feet, and we owed our success mainly to their good management. on rounding the ottowa point, which is the south cape of the little harbor of 'mackinac, our friends who had parted from us at green bay were among the first to greet us. by the union of these two parties, the circumnavigation of lake michigan had been completely made. the rate of travel along the line traversed by them was computed at forty-five miles per day. they had been eight days on the route. the coast line traversed by captain douglass and myself, since quitting chicago, is four hundred and thirty-nine miles, giving a mean of forty-three miles per diem, of which one entire day was lost by head winds. chapter xx. topographical survey of the northern shores of green bay and of the entire basin of lake michigan--geological and mineralogical indicia of the coast line--era of sailing vessels and of the steamboat on the lakes--route along the huron coast, and return of the expedition to detroit. the coast line traversed by the party detached from green bay on the d of august, under mr. trowbridge, extended from the north shore of fox river to the entrance of the monominee river, and thence around the little and great bay de nocquet, to the northwestern cape of the entrance of green bay. from the latter point, the northern shore of lake michigan was traced by the manistic, and the other smaller rivers of that coast, to the northern cape of the straits of michilimackinac, and through these to point st. ignace and the island of michilimackinac. the line of survey, agreeably to their reckoning, embraced two hundred and eighty miles, thus closing the topographical survey of the entire coast line of the basin of lake michigan, and placing in the hands of captain douglass the notes and materials for a perfect map of the lake.[ ] [ ] it is to be regretted that capt. douglass, who, immediately on the conclusion of this expedition, was appointed to an important and arduous professorship in the u. s. military academy of west point, could not command the leisure to complete and publish his map and topographical memoir of this part of the u. s. so long as there was a hope of this, my report of its geology, &c., and other data intended for the joint public work, were withheld. but in revising this narrative, at this time, they are submitted in the appendix. prof. douglass, of whose useful and meritorious life, i regret that i have no account to offer, died as one of the faculty of geneva college, october , . mr. trowbridge, whom i had requested to note the features of its geology and mineralogy, presented me with labelled specimens of the succession of strata which he had collected on the route. these denoted the continuance of the calcareous, horizontal series of formations of the fox valley, and of the islands of green bay, quite around those northern waters to the closing up of the surveys at point st. ignace and michilimackinac. nor do the primitive rocks disclose themselves on any part of that line of coast. of this collection, mr. trowbridge well observes, in his report to me, the most interesting will probably be the organic remains. these were procured on the northeast side of little nocquet bay, where areas of limestone appear. they consist of duplicates of the pectinite. three layers of this, the magnesian limestone, show themselves at this place, of which the intermediate bed is of a dull blue color and compact structure, and is composed in a great measure of the remains of this species. it is comparatively soft when first taken up, but hardens by exposure. about ten miles north of this point, the upper calcareous, or surface rock, embraces nodules of hornstone. specimens of a semi-crystalline limestone, labelled "marble," were also brought from a cliff, composed of this rock, on the lake shore, about thirty to forty miles southwest from michilimackinac. mr. doty also brought some specimens of sulphate of lime, cal. spar, and some of the common rolled members of the quartz-drift stratum. michilimackinac is a name associated with our earliest ideas of history in the upper lakes. how so formidable a polysyllabic term came to be adopted by usage, it may be difficult to tell, till we are informed that the inhabitants, in speaking the word, clip off the first three syllables, leaving the last three to carry the whole meaning. the full term is, however, perpetuated by legal enactment, this part of michigan having been organized into a separate county some time, i believe, during the administration of gen. hull. the military gentlemen call the fort on the cliff, "mackin[=a]," the townspeople pronounce it mackinaw; but if a man be hauled up on a magistrate's writ, it is in name of the sovereignty of michilimackinac. thus law and etymology grow strong together. commerce, we observe, is beginning to show itself here, but by the few vessels we have met, while traversing these broad and stormy seas, and their little tonnage, it seems as if they were stealthily making their way into regions of doubtful profit at least. the fur trade employs most of these, either in bringing up supplies, or carrying away its avails. la salle, when, in , he built the first vessel on the lakes, and sent it up to traffic in furs, was greatly in advance of his age; but he could hardly have anticipated that his countrymen should have adhered so long to the tedious and dangerous mode of making these long voyages in the bark canoe. it is memorable in the history of the region, that last year ( ) witnessed the first arrival of a steamer at michilimackinac. it bore the characteristic name of walk-in-the-water,[ ] the name of a wyandot chief of some local celebrity in detroit, during the last war. [ ] so called from the water insect, called _miera_ by the wyandots, one of the invertebrata which slips over the surface of water without apparently wetting its feet.--vide _ethnological researches_, vol. ii. p. . the astonishment produced upon the indian mind by the arrival of this steamer has been described to us as very great; but, from a fuller acquaintance with the indian character, we do not think him prone to this emotion. he gazes on new objects with imperturbability, and soon explains what he does not understand by what he does. perceiving heat to be the primary cause of the motion, without knowing how that motion is generated, he calls the steamboat ishcoda nabequon, _i. e._ fire-vessel, and remains profoundly ignorant of the motive power of steam. the story of the vessel's being drawn by great fishes from the sea, is simply one of those fictions which white loungers about the indian posts fabricate to supply the wants of travellers in search of the picturesque. the winds seem to be unloosed from their mythologic bags, on the upper lakes, with the autumnal equinox; and we found them ready for their labors early in september; but it was not till the th of that month, after a detention of two days, that we found it practicable for canoes to leave the island. mustering now a flotilla of three canoes, we embarked at three o'clock p.m., with a wind from the east, being moderately adverse, but soon got under the shelter of the island of boisblanc; we passed along its inner shore about ten miles, till reaching point aux pins--so named from the prevalence here of the pinus resinosa. at this point, the wind, stretching openly through this passage from the east, compelled us to land and encamp. the next day, we were confined to the spot by adverse winds. while thus detained, captain douglass, under shelter of the island, returned to mackinac, in a light canoe, doubly manned, for something he had left. when he returned, the wind had so far abated that we embarked, and crossed the separating channel, of about four miles, to the peninsula, and encamped near the river cheboigan.[ ] this was a tedious beginning of our voyage to detroit; the first day had carried us only _ten_ miles, the second but _four_. [ ] cheboigan. this is a noted river of the extreme of the peninsula of michigan, which has just been made the centre of a new land district by congress. it affords a harbor for shipping, and communicates with little travers bay on lake michigan. a canal across a short route, of easy excavation, would avoid the whole dangerous route through the straits of michilimackinac, converting the end of the peninsula into an island, and save ninety miles of dangerous travel. we were now to retraverse the shores of the huron, along which we had encountered such delays in our outward passage, and the men applied themselves to the task with that impulse which all partake of when returning from a long journey. winds we could not control, but every moment of calm was improved. paddle and song were plied by them late and early. a violent rain-storm happened during the night, but it ceased at daybreak, when we embarked and traversed a coast line of forty-four miles, encamping at presque isle. rain fell copiously during the night, and the unsettled and changing state of the atmosphere kept us in perpetual agitation during the day. notwithstanding these changes, we embarked at five o'clock in the morning ( th), and, by dint of perseverance, made thirty miles. we slept on the west cape of thunder bay. next morning, we landed a few moments on the idol island, in thunder bay, and, continuing along the sandy shore of the _au sauble_, or iosco coast, entered saganaw bay, and encamped, on its west shore, at sandy point. indians of the chippewa language were encountered at this spot, whose manners and habits appeared to be quite modified by long contact with the white race. the morning of the th (sept.) proved fair, which enabled us to cross the bay, taking the island of shawangunk in our course, where we stopped an hour, and re-examined its calcedonies and other minerals. we then proceeded across to oak point, on its eastern shore, and, coasting down to, and around, the precipitous cliffs of point aux barques, encamped in one of its deeply-indented coves, having made, during the day, forty-two miles. the formation of this noted promontory consists of an ash-colored, not very closely-compacted sandstone, through original crevices in which the waves have scooped out entrances like vast corridors. in one of these, which has a sandy beach at its terminus, we encamped. he who has travelled along the shores of the lakes, and encamped on their borders, having his ears, while on his couch, close to the formation of sand, is early and very exactly apprised of the varying state of the wind. the deep-sounding roar of the waves, like the deep diapason of a hundred organs, plays over a gamut, whose rising or falling scale tells him, immediately, whether he can put his frail canoe before the wind, or must remain prisoner on the sand, in the sheltering nook where night overtakes him. these notes, sounded between two long lines of cavernous rocks, told us, long before daybreak, of a strong head wind that fixed us to the spot for the day. i amused myself by gathering some small species of the unio and the anadonta. captain douglass busied himself with astronomical observations. we all sallied out, during the day, over the sandy ridges of modern drift, in which the pinus resinosa had firmly imbedded its roots, and into sphagnous depressions beyond, where we had, in the june previous, found the sarracenia purpurea, which is the cococo mukazin, or oral's moccasin of the indians. here we found, as at more westerly points on the lake, the humble juniperus prostrata, and, in more favorable spots, the ribes lacustre.[ ] [ ] am. journ. science, vol. iv. . it was stated to us at michilimackinac, that lake huron had fallen one foot during the last year. it was also added that the decrease in the lake waters had been noticed for many years, and that there were, in fact, periodical depressions and refluxes at periods of seven and fourteen years. a little reflection will, however, render it manifest that, in a region of country so extensive and thinly populated, observations must be vaguely made, and that many circumstances may operate to produce deception with respect to the permanent diminution or rise of water, as the prevalence of winds, the quantity of rain and snow which influences these basins, and the periodical distribution of solar heat. it has already been remarked, while at the mouth of fox river, that a fluctuation, resembling a tide, has been improperly thought to exist there, and, indeed, similar phenomena appear to influence the baltic. philosophers have not been wanting, who have attributed similar appearances to the ocean itself. "it has been asserted," observed cuvier, "that the sea is subject to a continual diminution of its level, and proofs of this are said to have been observed in some parts of the shores of the baltic. whatever may have been the cause of these appearances, we certainly know that nothing of the kind has been observed upon our coast, and, consequently, that there has been no general lowering of the waters of the ocean. the most ancient seaports still have their quays and other erections, at the same height above the level of the sea, as at their first construction. certain general movements have been supposed in the sea, from east to west, or in other directions; but nowhere has any person been able to ascertain their effects with the least degree of precision."[ ] [ ] theory of the earth. modern geologists attribute these changes to the rising or sinking of the earth from volcanic forces. on the next day ( th) the wind abated, so as to permit us, at six o'clock a.m., to issue from our place of detention; but we soon found the equilibrium of the atmosphere had been too much disturbed to rely on it. at seven o'clock, and again at nine o'clock, we were driven ashore; but as soon as it slackened we were again upon the lake; it finally settled to a light head wind, against which we urged our way diligently, until eight o'clock in the evening. the point where we encamped was upon that long line of deposit of the erratic block, or boulder stratum, of which the white rock is one of the largest known pieces. at four o'clock the next morning, we were again in motion, dancing up and down on the blue waves; but after proceeding six miles the wind drove us from the lake, and we again encamped on the boulder stratum, where we passed the entire day. nothing is more characteristic of the upper lake geology, than the frequency and abundance of these boulders. the causes which have removed them, at old periods, from their parent bed, were doubtless oceanic; for the area embraced is too extensive to admit of merely local action; but we know of no concentration of oceanic currents, of sufficient force, to bear up these heavy masses, over such extensive surfaces, without the supporting media of ice-floes. the boulders and pebbles are often driven as the moraines before glacial bodies, and there are not wanting portions of rock surface, in the west, which are deeply grooved or scratched by the pressing boulders. the crystallized peaks of the little rocks, above st. anthony's falls, have been completely polished by them.--_vide_ p. . the next morning ( d) we were released from our position on this bleak drift-coast, although the wind was still moderately ahead, and after toiling twelve hours adown the closing shores of the lake, we reached its foot, and entered the river st. clair. halting a few moments at fort gratiot, we found it under the command of lieut. james watson webb, who was, however, absent at the moment. two miles below, at the mouth of black river, we met this officer, who had just returned from an excursion up the black river, where he had laid in a supply of fine watermelons, with which he liberally supplied us. from this spot, we descended the river seven miles, to elk island, on which we encamped at twilight, having made fifty-seven miles during the day. glad to find ourselves out of the reach of the lake winds, and of eolus, and all his hosts, against which we may be said to have fought our way from michilimackinac, and animated with the prospect of soon terminating our voyage, we surrounded our evening board with unwonted spirits and glee. supper being dispatched, with many a joke, and terminated with a song in full chorus, and the men having carefully repaired our canoes, it was determined to employ the night in descending the placid river, and at nine o'clock p.m. all was ready and we again embarked. never did men more fully appreciate the melody of the irish bard:-- "sweetly as tolls the evening chime, our voices keep tune and our oars keep time." at half past three the next morning, we found ourselves at the entrance to lake st. clair, thirty miles from our evening repast. owing to the dense fog and darkness, it was now necessary to await daylight, before attempting to cross. daylight, which had been impatiently waited for, brought with it our old lake enemy, head winds, which made the most experienced men deem the passage impracticable. counselled, however, rather by impatience than anything else, it was resolved on. rain soon commenced, which appeared the signal for increased turbulence; but by dint of hard pushing in the men, with some help from our own hands, we succeeded in weathering point huron, the first point of shelter. the right hand shore then became a continued covert, and we successively saw point after point lessen in the distance. it was noon when we reached grosse point, the original place of our general embarkation on commencing the expedition; the rest of the voyage ran like a dream "when one awaketh," and we landed at the city of detroit at half past three o'clock p. m. gov. cass, and his equestrian party from chicago, had preceded us thirteen days, as will be perceived from the following article from the weekly press of that city, of september , , which embraces a comprehensive notice of the expedition; its route, the objects it accomplished, and the effects it may be expected to have on the leading interests and interior policy of the country, as well as the drawing forth of its resources. exploring expedition. from the detroit gazette. last friday evening, governor cass arrived here from chicago, accompanied by lieutenant m'kay and mr. r. a. forsyth,[ ] both of whom belonged to the expedition--all in good health. [ ] major robert a. forsyth was a native of the detroit country, of canadian descent, and born a few years after its transfer to the united states. at the time of the expedition, he was the secretary of governor cass, and was admirably qualified to take a part in it, by his energy and perseverance, his indomitable courage, and his physical power and activity. some of these traits of character were developed at an early age. he was but yet a lad at the time of the surrender of detroit, and was so much excited by that untoward event, that he insulted the british officers in the fort by his reproaches, and so irritated them that one of them threatened to pin him to the floor with a bayonet. during the war upon the frontier, he was actively employed, and on more than one occasion distinguished himself by his conduct and courage. he was with major holmes at the battle near the long woods, and behaved with great gallantry. in , he was sent with chandruai, a half-breed pottowatamie, and with a small party of indians, to invite the various indian tribes to come to greenville, at the treaties about to be held by generals harrison and cass, with a view to detach the north-western indians from british influence. on the route, they met a superior party of indians, led by an officer of the british indian department, who attempted to take them prisoners. they resisted, and, by their prompt and almost desperate courage, drove off the british party. forsyth distinguished himself in the contest, in which the british leader of the party was killed. soon after the war, he was appointed private secretary to governor cass, and continued in that capacity for fifteen years, till the latter was transferred to the war department. he accompanied the general in all his expeditions into the indian country, and rendered himself invariably useful, having a peculiar talent to control the rough men who took part in these dangerous excursions. he was ultimately appointed a paymaster in the army, in which capacity he served in mexico, where he acquired the seeds of the disorder which proved fatal to him in . he will be long recollected and regretted by those who knew him, for the shining qualities of head and heart which endeared him to all his acquaintances. we understand that the objects of the expedition have been successfully accomplished. the party has traversed , miles of this frontier since the last of may. their route was from this place to michilimackinac, and to the sault of st. mary's, where a treaty was concluded with the chippewas for the cession of a tract of land, with a view to the establishment of a military post. they thence coasted the southern shore of lake superior to the fond du lac; ascended the st. louis river to one of its sources, and descended a small tributary stream of sandy lake to the mississippi. they then ascended this latter river to the upper red cedar lake, which may be considered as the principal source of the mississippi, and which is the reservoir where the small streams forming that river unite. from this lake they descended between thirteen and fourteen hundred miles to prairie du chien, passing by the post of st. peter's on the route. they then navigated the ouisconsin to the portage, entered the fox river, and descended it to green bay. then the party separated, in order to obtain a topographical sketch of lake michigan. some of them coasted the northern shore to michilimackinac, and the others took the route by chicago. from this point they will traverse the eastern shore of the lake to michilimackinac, and may be expected here in the course of a week. governor cass returned from chicago by land. a correct topographical delineation of this extensive frontier may now be expected from the accurate observations of captain douglass, who is fully competent to perform the task. we have heretofore remained in ignorance upon this subject, and very little has been added to the stock of geographical knowledge since the french possessed the country. we understand that all the existing maps are found to be very erroneous. the character, numbers, situation, and feelings of the indians in those remote regions have been fully explored, and we trust that much valuable information upon these subjects will be communicated to the government and to the public. we learn that the indians are peaceable, but that the effect of the immense distribution of presents to them by the british authorities, at malden and at drummond's island, has been evident upon their wishes and feelings through the whole route. upon the establishment of our posts, and the judicious distribution of our small military force, must we rely, and not upon the disposition of the indians. the important points of the country are now almost all occupied by our troops, and these points have been selected with great judgment. it is thought by the party, that the erection of a military work at the saut is essential to our security in that quarter. it is the key of lake superior, and the indians in its vicinity are more disaffected than any others upon the route. their daily intercourse with drummond's island, leaves us no reason to doubt what are the means by which their feelings are excited and continued. the importance of this site, in a military point of view, has not escaped the observation of mr. calhoun, and it was for this purpose that a treaty was directed to be held. the report which he made to the house of representatives, in january last, contains his views upon the subject. we cannot but hope that no reduction will be made in the ranks of the army. it is by physical force alone, and by a proper display of it, that we must expect to keep within reasonable bounds, the ardent, restless, and discontented savages, by whom this whole country is filled and surrounded. few persons living at a distance are aware of the means which are used, and too successfully used, by the british agents, to imbitter the minds of the indians, and preserve such an influence over them as will insure their co-operation in the event of any future difficulties. a post at the fond du lac will, before long, be necessary, and it is now proper that one should be established at the portage between the fox and ouisconsin rivers. mr. schoolcraft has examined the geological structure of the country, and has explored, as far as practicable, its mineralogical treasures. we are happy to learn that this department could not have been confided to one more able or zealous to effect the objects connected with it. extensive collections, illustrating the natural history of the country, have been made, and will add to the common stock of american science. we understand that copper, iron, and lead are very abundant through the whole country, and that the great mass of copper upon the outanagon river has been fully examined. upon this, as well as upon other subjects, we hope we shall, in a few days, be able to communicate more detailed information. discovery of the actual source of the mississippi river in itasca lake, by an expedition, authorized by the war department of the united states, in . by henry r. schoolcraft, united states superintendent of indian affairs for michigan, etc. chapter xxi. the search for the veritable source of the mississippi is resumed.--ascent to cass lake, the prior point of discovery--pursue the river westerly, through the andrúsian lakes and up the metoswa rapids, forty-five miles--queen anne's lake. twelve years elapse between the closing of the prior, and the opening of the present narrative. in the month of august, , instructions were received by mr. schoolcraft to proceed into the upper mississippi valley, to endeavor to terminate the renewed hostilities existing between the chippewa and sioux tribes. these directions did not come to hand at the remote post of sault de ste. marie, at the outlet of lake superior, in season to permit the object to be executed that year. on reporting the fact that the tribes would be dispersed to their hunting-grounds before the scene could be reached, and that severe weather would close the streams with ice before the expedition could possibly return, the plan was deferred till the next year. renewed instructions were issued in the month of april, , and an expedition organized at st. mary's to carry them into immediate effect. these instructions did not require the broad table-lands on which the river originates to be visited, though the journey connected itself with preliminary questions; nor was it found practicable to extend the geographical examinations, in the mississippi valley, beyond about latitude °. the force designed for this expedition consisted of twenty-seven men, including a botanist and geologist, and a small military party under lieut. robert e. clary, u. s. a. entering lake superior, in the month of june, with a bright pure atmosphere and serene weather, the party enjoyed a succession of those clear transporting vistas of rock and water scenery, which render this picturesque basin by far the most magnificent, varied, and affluent in its prospect in america. it is in this basin only, of all the series of north american lakes which stretch west from the st. lawrence, that peaks and high mural walls of volcanic formation, pierce through, or lift up, the horizontal series of the silurian system; and that, in the lake region, the latter is found in singular juxtaposition, by means of these upheavals, with the senites, sienitic granites, and metamorphic rocks composing the globe's nucleus, or primary out-pushed stony coats of these latitudes. i had passed through this varied and wonder-creating scene of coast views and long-stretching vistas in , when geology, in america, at least, was in its infancy, as a member of the organic government expedition into this quarter of the union, as detailed in the preceding pages. i had, in , revisited the whole coast from point iroquois to fond du lac, in the exercise of official duties, connected with the indian tribes; besides making sectional expeditions into the regions of the gargontwa and mishepecotin, and of the takwymenon sand-rock, interior, and coast lines. but the beauty of the prospects presented in , the serenity of the weather, and the opportunity which it gave of revisiting scenes which had before flitted by, as the fragments of a gorgeous dream, gave to this visit a charm which no length of time can obliterate. and these attractions were enhanced by association with the agreeable men who accompanied me; of whom it may be said that they represented the place of strings in a melodious harp, whose concurrence was at all times necessary to produce harmony. the sainted and scene-loving woolsey[ ]--the self-poised and amiable houghton, just broke loose from the initial struggles of life to luxuriate on the geological smiles of the face of nature in this scene--ah! where are they? death has laid his cold hand on them, to open their eyes on other, and to us inscrutable scenes. [ ] _vide_ letters on lake superior, in _southern literary messenger_, . passing through this lake, the expedition met the brigade of boats of the late mr. wm. aitken, from the upper mississippi waters, with the annual returns of furs from that region. he represented the urgent necessity of an official visit to that section of the country, where the indians were in turmoil; but stated, at the same time, that the waters were too low in the streams at the sources of the mississippi to render explorations practicable. he also represented it impracticable, this season, to enter the mississippi by the way of the _broulé_, or misakoda river. this information was confirmed on reaching chegoimegon, at the remarkable group of the confederation islands (_ante_, p. ). returning eight miles on my track, i entered the muskigo, or mauvais river, and ascended this stream by all its bad rafts, rapids, and portages, to the upper waters of the river st. croix of the mississippi. crossing the intermediate table-lands, with their intricate system of lakes and portages to _lac courteroille_, or ottawa lake, i entered one of the main sources of chippewa river, and descended this prime tributary stream to its entrance into the mississippi, at the foot of lake pepin. from the latter point i descended to prairie du chien, and to galena in illinois. dispatching the men and canoes from this place back to ascend the wisconsin river, and meet me at the portage of fort winnebago, i crossed the lead-mine country by land, by the way of the pekatolica, blue mound, and four lakes, to the source of the fox river, and rejoining my canoes here, descended this stream to green bay, and returned to my starting-point by the way of michilimackinac and the straits of st. mary. two months and twelve days were employed on the journey, during which a line of forests and indian trails had been passed, of two thousand three hundred miles. the indians had been met, and counselled with at various points, at which presents and provisions were distributed, and the peace policy of the government enforced. a chippewa war party, under ninaba, had been arrested on its march against the sioux in descending the red cedar fork of the chippewa river. information was obtained that nine tribes or bands had united in their sympathies for the restless sauks and foxes, who broke out in hostility to the united states the following spring. messages, with pipes and belts, and in one case notice, with a tomahawk smeared with vermilion, to symbolize war, had passed between these tribes.[ ] [ ] an outline of the expedition of is found in schoolcraft's "thirty years on the american frontiers." lippincott & co. phila. . the information was communicated to the government, with a suggestion that an expedition should be organized for visiting remoter regions the next year, and forwarding, at the same time, detailed estimates of the expenditures essential to its efficiency. these suggestions were approved by the secretary of war on the d of may, , and instructions forwarded to me for organizing an expedition to carry the reconnoissance and scrutiny to the tribes on the sources of the mississippi. a small escort of u. s. infantry was ordered to accompany me, under lieut. james allen, u. s. a., who, being a graduate of the west point military academy, undertook the departments of topography and trigonometry. i secured the services of dr. houghton, as physician and surgeon, and acting botanist and geologist--positions which he had occupied on the prior expedition of . the american board of commissioners for foreign missions were invited to send an agent to observe the wants and condition of the indian tribes in these remote latitudes; who directed the rev. wm. t. boutwell to join me at st. mary's. i charged myself especially with inquiring into the indian history and languages, statistics, and general ethnography. the expedition left the sault de ste. marie on the th of june, taking the route through lake superior to fond du lac and the st. louis river, and the savanna summit to sandy lake, which lies miles above st. anthony's falls of the upper mississippi. the width of the mississippi at the outlet of sandy lake, by a line stretched across, was found to be feet. at my camp here, a general council was summoned of the lower tribes, who were notified to assemble at the mouth of the river des corbeau on the th of july; and a boat with presents and supplies was sent down the mississippi to await the return of the expedition through that river. lightened thus of baggage, and having fixed a point of time within which to finish the explorations above, i proceeded up the main channel of the river to, and across the pakagama falls, and its wide plateau of savannas, and through the little and great winnipek lakes, to the upper red cedar, or cass lake, which we entered on the th of july. this is a fine lake of transparent water, about eighteen miles in length, with several large bays and islands as denoted in the accompanying sketch, which give it an irregular shape. the largest island, called _grande isle_ by the french, which is the _gitchiminis_ of the indians, and the _colcaspi_[ ] of my initial narrative of . this lake was the terminus of the respective explorations of lieutenant zebulon pike, u. s. a., in , and governor lewis cass in . the points at which they approached it were not, however, the same. pike visited it in a dog train, on the snow, in the month of january, across the land, from the northwest company's trading post at leech lake. he visited an out-station of that company on grand island. cass landed in july, after tracing its channel from sandy lake to the entrance of turtle river, the line of communication to turtle lake, which was long the reputed source of the river. this has been called by a modern traveller in the region lake julia, that he might call it the _julian_ source of the mississippi.[ ] [ ] this is an anagram composed of the names of schoolcraft, cass, and pike, the geographical discoverers, in reversed order, of the region. [ ] beltrami. i found the mississippi, at the point where it flows from the lake, to be feet wide, not having lost half the width it had at sandy lake, although in this distance it is diminished by the volume of its leech lake tributary, which the northwest agents informed lieutenant pike, in , to be its largest tributary. i had reached it ten days earlier in the season than governor cass, having been exactly one day less in traversing the long line of intervening country from sault de ste. marie. i proceeded directly to grand isle, the residence of a chippewa band numbering persons. this island was found to have a fertile soil, where they had always raised the zea maize. its latitude is ° ´ ´´. not only had i reached this point ten days earlier in the month than the expedition of , but it was found that the state of the water on these summits was very favorable to their ascent. ozawindib,[ ] the chippewa chief, said that his hunting-grounds embraced the source of the mississippi, but that canoes of the size and burden which i had could not ascend higher than the _pemidjegumaug_, or queen anne's lake. i determined to encamp my extra men permanently on this island, with the heavy canoes, provisions, and baggage, leaving the camp in charge of louis default, a trusty man, of the _metif_ class, well acquainted with the indian language, who had been a guide in , and to make explorations, in the lightest class of indian canoes, provisioned for an _élite_ movement. lieutenant allen also determined to encamp the united states soldiers of the party, leaving them under a sergeant. to give each gentleman of the party an opportunity of joining in this movement, it was necessary to procure five hunting canoes, which were of no greater capacity than to bear one _sitter_[ ] and two paddlers. [ ] this name is derived from _ozawau_, yellow; _winisis_, hair, and _kundiba_, bone of the forehead or head. [ ] the term "sitter," which is a northwest phrase in common use, is equivalent to the canadian word _bourgoise_. ozawindib and his companions produced these canoes at an early hour on the following morning, and having, at my request, drawn a map of the route, embarked himself as the guide to the party. we left the island before it was yet daylight. the party now consisted of sixteen persons, including three chippewas and eight _engagees_. the mississippi enters this lake through a savanna, on its extreme western borders, after performing one of those evolutions through meadow lands so common to its lower latitudes; after reaching to within fifty yards of the lake, it winds about, through a natural meadow, for many miles before its debouchure. the chief, who was familiar with this feature, carried me to a fifty yards portage, by which we saved some miles of paddling. we reached the mississippi at a place where it expands into an elongated lake, for which i heard no name, and which i called lake andrúsia.[ ] after passing through this, the river appeared very much in size and volume as it had on the outlet below cass lake. it winds its way through the same species of natural meadows, during which there is but little current. on ascending this channel but a short distance, the river is found to display itself in a second lake--which the natives call pamitascodiac[ ]--which, in general appearance and character, may be deemed the twin of lake andrúsia. on its upper margin, a tract of prairie land appears, of a sandy character, bearing scattered pines. this appears to be the particular feature alluded to by the indian name. about four miles above this lake, and say fifteen from cass lake, the rapids commence. it was eight o'clock a. m. when we reached this point, and we had then been four hours in our canoes from the andrúsia portage. these rapids soon proved themselves to be formidable. boulders of the geological drift period are frequently encountered in ascending them, and the river spreads itself over so considerable a surface that it became necessary for the bowsmen and steersmen to get out into the shallows and lead up the canoes. these canoes were but of two fathoms length, drew but a few inches water, and would not bear more than three persons. it was ten o'clock when we landed, on a dry opening on the right shore, to boil our kettle, and prepare breakfast. so dry, indeed, was the vegetation here, that the camp-fire spread in the grass and leaves, and it required some activity in the men to prevent its burning the baggage. there were ten of these rapids encountered before we reached the summit, or plateau, of lake pemidjegumaug, which is the _lac traverse_ of the french. these were called the metóswa rapids, from the indian numeral for ten. [ ] from andrew jackson, at that time president of the united states. [ ] this word appears to be a derivation from _pemidj_, across, _muscoda_, a prairie, and _ackee_, land. the term _lac traverse_ has been repeated several times by the canadian french, in our northwestern geography; being prominently known in the upper mississippi for a handsome sheet of water, connecting the st. peter's, or minnesota river, with red river of hudson's bay; and as the indian name, though very graphic, is not euphonious, i named it queen anne's lake.[ ] it is a clear and beautiful sheet of water, twelve miles in length, from east to west, and six or seven broad, with an open forest of hard wood. it is distant forty-five miles from cass lake, and lies at an elevation of fifty-four feet above that lake, and of , feet above the gulf of mexico. the latitude is ° ´ ´´. the peculiarity recognized by the indian name of pemidjegumaug, or crosswater, is found to consist in the entrance of the mississippi into its extreme south end, and its passage through or across part of it, at a short distance from the point of entrance. another feature of its topography consists of its connection, by a lively channel of less than a mile's length, with another transverse lake of pure waters, to which i applied the name of washington irving. these features are shown by the subjoined sketch. [ ] in allusion to an interesting period of british history, in its influences on america. [illustration: . queen anne's lake. . washington irving's lake. . mississippi river.] chapter xxii. ascent of the mississippi above queen anne's lake--reach the primary forks of the river--ascend the left-hand, or minor branch--lake irving--lake marquette--lake la salle--lake plantagenet--encamp at the naiwa rapids at the base of the height of land, or itasca summit. a short halt was made on entering queen anne's lake, to examine an object of indian superstition on its east shore. this consisted of one of those water-worn boulders which assume the shape of a rude image, and to which the chippewas apply the name _shingabawassin_, or image-stone. nothing artificial appeared about it, except a ring of paint, of some ochreous matter, around the fancied neck of the image.[ ] we were an hour in crossing the lake southwardly from this point, which would give a mean rate of five miles. at the point of landing, stood a small, deserted, long building, which ozawindib informed me had been used as a minor winter trading station. i observed on the beach at this spot some small species of unios, and, at higher points on the shore, helices. we here noticed the passenger pigeon. the forest exhibited the elm, soft maple, and white ash. proceeding directly south from this spot a short distance, we entered the mississippi, which was found to flow in with a broad channel and rapid current. this channel lieutenant allen estimated to be but one hundred yards long, at which distance we entered into a beautiful little lake of pellucid water and a picturesque margin, spreading transversely to our track, to which i gave the name of irving. ozawindib held his way directly south through this body of water, striking the river again on its opposite shore. we had proceeded but half a mile above this lake, when it was announced that we had reached the primary forks of the mississippi. we were now in latitude ° ´ ´´. up to this point, the river had carried its characteristics in a remarkable manner. of the two primary streams before us, the one flowing from the west, or the itascan fork, contributes by far the largest volume of water, possessing the greatest velocity and breadth of current. the two streams enter each other at an acute angle, which varies but little from due south, as denoted in the diagram. [ ] an object of analogous kind was noticed, during the prior expedition of , at an island in thunder bay of lake huron. _vide_ p. . [illustration: primary forks of the mississippi river, in lat. ° ´ ´´.] ozawindib hesitated not a moment which branch to ascend, but shooting his canoe out of the stronger current of the itascan fork, entered the other. his wisdom in this movement was soon apparent. he had not only entered the shallower and stiller branch, but one that led more directly to the base of the ultimate summit of itasca. this stream soon narrowed to twenty feet. we could distinctly descry the moving sands at its bottom; but its diminished velocity was apparent from the intrusion of aquatic plants along its shores. it was manifest also from the forest vegetation, that we were advancing into regions of a more alpine flora. the branches of the larches, spruce, and gray pines, were clothed with lichens and floating moss to their very tops, denoting an atmosphere of more than the ordinary humidity. clumps of gray willows skirted the margin of the stream. it was found that the river had made its utmost northing in queen anne's lake. from the exit from that point, the course was nearly due south, and from this moment to our arrival at the ultimate forks, which cannot exceed a mile and a half or two miles, it was evident why the actual source of this celebrated river had so long eluded scrutiny. we were ascending at every curve so far _south_, as to carry the observer out of every old line of travel or commerce in the fur trade (the sole interest here), and into a remote elevated region, which is never visited indeed, except by indian hunters, and is never crossed, even by them, to visit the waters of the red river--the region in immediate juxtaposition north. this semi alpine plateau, or height of land for which we were now pushing directly, is called in the parlance of the fur trade _hauteurs de terre_. it was evident that we were ascending to this continental plateau by steps, denoted by a series of rapids, presenting step by step, in regular succession, widespread areas of flat surface spotted with almost innumerable lakes, small and large, and rice-ponds and lagoons. thus, after surmounting the step of the packagama falls, we enter on a wide and far stretching plateau which embraces the great area of leech lake, and its numerous lacustrine beds. this step or plateau may, in the descending order of the mississippi, be called the fifth plateau, and is, by barometrical observation, , feet above the gulf of mexico. the next, or fourth step, is that of the plateau of cass lake, caused chiefly by the lively waters of the leech lake, the upper red cedar, and the winnepek outlets. the cass lake level extends west of this lake to the foot of the metoswa rapids. this is forty-six feet above the leech lake level. the third plateau, on which the mississippi spreads itself, is that of the queen anne summit, which is elevated by the metoswa rapids sixty-four feet above the former. we had now entered on this third plateau, on which we found the river flowing with a just perceptible current, and frequently expanding itself in small lakes. on the first of these, after ascending the left hand, or minor fork, i bestowed the name of marquette; and on the second, that of la salle. we proceeded beyond these to a third lake of larger dimension, which the chippewas call kubba-kunna, or the rest in the path, being the site of crossing of one of their noted land-trails; i named it lake plantagenet. lt. allen deemed this lake ten miles long and five wide. at a point a short distance above the head of this lake, we encamped at a late hour. it was now seven o'clock p. m., and we had been in our canoes sixteen hours, and travelled fifty-five miles. it was not easy to find ground dry enough to encamp on, and while we were searching for it, rain commenced. we had pushed through the ample borders of the scirpus lacustris and other aquatic plants, to a point of willows, alders, and spruce and tamarack, with pinus banksiana in the distance. the ground was low and wet, the foot sinking into a carpet of green moss at every tread. the lower branches of the trees were dry and dead, exhibiting masses of flowing gray moss. dampness, frigidity, and gloom marked the dreary spot, and when a camp fire had been kindled it threw its red glare around on strange masses of thickets and darkness, which might have well employed the pencil of a michael angelo. tired and overwearied men are not, however, much given to the poetic on these occasions, and they addressed themselves at once to the pacification of that uneasy organ, the stomach. travelling with men who strangely mix up two foreign languages, one falls insensibly into the same jargon habits, of which i convicted myself of a notable instance this evening. i had on landing and pushing into the forest, laid a green morocco portfolio on the branches of a little spruce, and could not find it. _kewau bemuasee_, i said to one of the men, _en petite chose ver, mittig onsing_? have you not seen a small green roll in a sapling? not recollecting that the middle clause of the sentence, though in regimen with the ojibwa, could have only been construed by one familiar both with the canadian french and the algonquin. such, however, proved to be the case, and he soon handed me the missing portfolio. i observed, as the crews of the several canoes threw down their day's game before the cook, there was a species of duck, the anas canadensis, i think, which had a small unio attached to one of its mandibles, having been engaged in opening the shell at the moment it was shot. with every aid, however, from the tent and the tea-kettle, and our cook's art in spitting ducks, the night here, in a gloomy and damp thicket, just elevated above the line of the river flags, and quite in the range of the frogs and lizards, proved to be one of the most dreary and forlorn. it was felt that we were no longer on the open mississippi, but were winding up a close and very serpentine tributary, nowhere over thirty feet wide, which unfolded itself in a savanna, or bog, bordered closely with lagoons and rice ponds. indian sagacity, it was clear, had led ozawindib up this tributary as the best, shortest, and easiest possible way of reaching to, and surmounting the itasca plateau, but it required a perpetual use of hand, foot, paddle, and pole; nor was there a gleam of satisfaction to be found in anything but the most intense onward exertion. besides, i had agreed to meet the indians at the mouth of the crow-wing river on the th of july, and that engagement must be fulfilled. at five o'clock the next morning ( th) we were on our feet, and resumed the ascent. the day was rainy and disagreeable. there was little strength of current, but quite a sufficient depth of water; the stream was excessively tortuous. owing to the sudden bends, we often frightened up the same flocks of brant, ducks, and teals again and again, who did not appear to have been in times past much subjected to these intrusions. the flora of this valley appeared unfavorable. dr. houghton has reported a new species of malva and some five or six other species or varieties from the general region, but these have not, i think, been elaborately described. the localities of the known species of fauna might be marked by the occurrence, on this fork, of the cervus virginianus, which had not been seen after leaving the sandy lake summit till after getting above the primary forks, which flow from the south and west. we toiled all day without intermission from daybreak till dark. the banks of the river are fringed with a species of coarse marshland grass. clumps of willows fringe the stream. rush and reed occupy spots favorable to their growth. the forest exhibits the larch, pine, and tamarack. moss attaches itself to everything. water-fowls seem alone to exult in their seclusion. after we had proceeded for an hour above lake plantagenet, an indian in the advance canoe fired at and killed a deer. although fairly shot, the animal ran several hundred yards. it then fell dead. the man who had killed it brought the carcass to the banks of the river. the dexterity with which he skinned and cut it up, excited admiration. he gave the _moze_, which i understood to mean the hide and feet, to my guide, ozawindib. signs of this animal were frequent along the stream. but we were impelled forward by higher objects than hunting. it was, indeed, geographical and scientific facts that we were hunting for. to trace to its source an important river, and to fix the actual point of its origin, furnished the mental stimulus which led us to care but little where we slept or what we ate. when the usual hour for breakfast arrived, the banks of the river proved too marshy to land, and we continued on till a quarter past twelve p. m., before a convenient landing could be made. after this recruit to stomach and spirits, the men again pushed forward, threading the stream as it wound about in a savanna, seldom halting more than a few minutes at a time. frequently, a shot was fired at the numerous water-fowl, so abundant on these waters. sometimes a small unio or anadonta was picked up from the shores; occasionally a plant pulled up, for the botanical press. nowhere was the water found too shallow for our canoes, which were only embarrassed at some points by the density of vegetable tissue. rain showers were encountered during the whole of the day, the equilibrium of the atmosphere being disturbed by rolling, cumulous clouds, which often poured down their contents with little warning, and without, indeed, driving us from our canoes. for, on these occasions, where a fixed point is to be made, and the showers are not anticipated to be long or heavy, it is better to travel in the rain and submit to the wetting, than to attempt landing. neither can the meal of dinner be stopped for. at length, at half past five o'clock in the evening, we came to the base of the highlands of the itasca or hauteurs de terre summit. the flanks of this elevation revealed themselves in a high, naked precipice of the drift and boulder stratum, on the immediate margin of the stream which washed against it. our pilot, ozawindib, was at the moment in the rear; halting a few moments for him to come up, he said that we were within a few hundred yards of the naiwa rapids, and that the portage around them commenced at this escarpment. we had seen no rock of any species, in place, thus far. a general landing was immediately made at the foot of the hill, and as the five canoes came up the baggage was prepared in bundles and packages for being carried, the canoe-paddles and poles securely tied in bundles, and the canoes lifted from the water and dried in the sun to make the transportation of them as light as possible, and mended and pitched wherever they leaked. it was found that the whole baggage, canoes and all, could be arranged for eleven back-loads, this being the precise number of our carriers, white and red; and being ready, ozawindib led the way, having a single canoe for his share, and he was soon followed by the whole line, each one of our sitters falling in this line, charged with the particular instrument of his observation, or record of it. the hill was steep, and the footing soft and yielding in the crumbling diluvion, and the scene, as the party struggled up the ascent, presented quite a study for the picturesque. lieutenant allen carried his canoe-compass, which i had had mounted by an artisan of detroit; dr. houghton grasped his hortus siccus under his arms; mr. johnston, our interpreter, had his pipe and fowling-piece, and mr. boutwell had wellnigh lost his pocket-bible and notes, while staying himself against the treacherous influence of a steep sand cliff. while the party thus took their way over the hill to cross a peninsula of a mile or two, and strike the river above the junction of the naiwa river, i went to observe the rapids. the river, at this point, is forced through a narrow gorge, where the water descends with loud murmuring over a series of rapids, which form a complete check to navigation. the portage is two miles. i judged the entire descent of the channel, from the beginning to the terminus of the portage, to be forty-eight feet. boulders of the peculiar northern sienite, highly charged with hornblende, and of trap-rock, or greenstone, quartz, and sandstone, were scattered over this elevation, and mixed with the more finely comminuted portions of the same rocks, and of amygdaloids and schistose fragments. among these, i observed some specimens of the zoned agate, which identifies the stratum with the extensive drift formation of the upper mississippi. it would seem that extensive amygdaloidal strata formerly extended over these heights, which have been broken down by the fierce and general rush of the oceanic currents of the north, which once manifestly swept over these elevations. darkness fell as we reached an elevation overlooking the river above the naiwa rapids, and after some deliberation as to the spot where we should suffer less annoyance from mosquitos, i proceeded to the lower part of the valley near the river, and set up my tent there for the night. on questioning ozawindib of the naiwa river, he informed me that it was a stream of considerable size, and that it originated in a lake on a distant part of the plateau, which was infested with the copper-head snake; hence the name. mr. allen's estimate of this day's journey was fifty-two miles. we had reached the second, or assawa plateau of the mississippi, which is, barometrically, seventy-six feet above the queen anne summit, and now had but one more to surmount. chapter xxiii. the expedition having reached the source of the east fork in assawa lake, crosses the highlands of the hauteurs de terre to the source of the main or west fork in itasca lake. the next morning ( th) a dense fog prevailed. we had found the atmosphere warm, but charged with water and vapors, which frequently condensed into showers. the evenings and nights were, however, cool, at the precise time of the earth hiding the sun's disk. it was five o'clock before we could discern objects with sufficient distinctness to venture to embark. we found the channel of the river strikingly diminished on getting above the naiwa. its width is that of a mere brook, running in a valley half a mile wide. the water is still and pond-like, the margin being encroached on by aquatic plants. it presents some areas of the zizania palustris, and appeared to be the favorite resort for several species of duck, who were continually disturbed by our progress. after diligently ascending an hour and a half, or about eight miles, the stream almost imperceptibly began to open into a lake, which the indians called assawa, or perch lake. its borders are fringed with the _monomin_ of the chippewas, or wild rice, and several of the liliaceous water plants. the water is transparent when dipped up and viewed by the light, but from the falling of leaves and other carbonaceous fibre to the bottom, it reflects a sombre hue. we were just twenty minutes in passing through it, denoting a length of perhaps two miles, and a width of half a mile. our course through it was directly south. ozawindib, who took the advance, entered an inlet, but had not ascended it far, when he rested on his paddles, and exclaimed _o-omah mekunnah_, here is the path, or portage. we had, in fact, traced this branch of the river into its utmost sources. it was seven o'clock in the morning. we were surrounded by what the natives term _azhiskee_, or mire, broad-leaved plants extending over the surface of the water, in which i recognized a diminutive species of yellow pond-lily. there was no mode of reaching dry land but by stepping into this yielding azhiskee. the water was rather tepid. after wading about fifty yards the footing became more firm, and we soon began to ascend a slight elevation. some traces of an indian trail appeared here, which led to an opening in the thicket, where vestiges of the bones of birds, and old camp-poles, indicated the prior encampment of indians. i had now traced this branch of the mississippi to its source, and was at the south base of the inter-continental highlands, which give origin to the longest and principal branch of the mississippi. to reach its source it was necessary to ascend and cross these. of their height, and the difficulty of their ascent, we knew nothing. this only was sure, from the representation of the natives, that it could be readily done, carrying the small bark canoes we had thus far employed. the chief said it was thirteen _opugidjiwenun_, or putting-down-places, which are otherwise called _onwaybees_, or rests. from the roughness of the path, not more than half a mile can be estimated to each _onwaybee_. assawa lake is shown, by barometric measurement, to be , feet above the gulf. having followed out this branch to its source, its very existence in our geography becomes a new fact. while the baggage and canoes were being carried to the spot of our encampment, a camp-fire was kindled and the cook busied himself in preparing breakfast. the canoes were then carefully examined and repaired, and the baggage parted into loads, so as to permit the whole outfit and apparatus to be transported at one trip. these things having been arranged, and the breakfast dispatched, we set forward to mount the highlands. ozawindib having thrown one of the canoes over his shoulders, led the way, complaisantly, being followed by the entire party. the prevailing growth at this place is thick bramble, spruce, white cedar, and tamarak. the path plunges at once into a marshy and matted thicket, which it requires all one's strength to press through--then rises to a little elevation covered with white cedar, and again plunges into a morass strewed with fallen and decayed logs, covered with moss. from this the trail emerges on dry ground. relieved from the entanglement about our feet, we soon found ourselves ascending an elevation of the drift stratum, consisting of oceanic sand, with boulders. on the side of this eminence we enjoyed our first _onwaybee_. the day had developed itself clear and warm, and glad indeed were we to find the chief had put down his canoe, and by the time we reached had lit his pipe. the second onwaybee brought us to the summit of this elevation; the third to the side of a ridge beyond it; the fourth to another summit; in fine, we found ourselves crossing a succession of ridges and depressions, which seemed to have owed their original outlines to the tumultuous waves of some mighty ocean, which had once had the mastery over the highlands. trail there was often none. the day being clear, the chief, however, held his course truly, and when he was turned out of it by some defile, or thicket, or bog, he again found his line at the earliest possible point. in one of the depressions, we crossed a little lake in the canoes; in another, we followed the guide on foot, through and along the border of a shallow lake, to avoid the density of the thickets. ripe strawberries were brought to me at one of our onwaybees. i observed the diminutive rebus nutkanus on low grounds. the common falco was noticed, and the indians remarked tracks of the deer, not, however, of very recent date. the forest growth is small, by far the most common species being the scrubby pinus banksianus, exhibiting its parasitic moss. the elevated parts of the route were sufficiently open, with often steep ascents. over these sienite and granite, quartz and sandstone boulders were scattered. every step we made in crossing these sandy and diluvial elevations, seemed to inspire renewed ardor in completing the traverse. the guide had called the distance, as we computed it, about six, or six and a half miles. we had been four hours upon it, now clambering up steeps, and now brushing through thickets, when he told us we were ascending the last elevation, and i kept close to his heels, soon outwent him on the trail, and got the first glimpse of the glittering nymph we had been pursuing. on reaching the summit this wish was gratified. at a depression of perhaps a hundred feet below, cradled among the hills, the lake spread out its elongated volume, presenting a scene of no common picturesqueness and rural beauty. in a short time i stood on its border, the whole cortege of canoes and pedestrians following; and as each one came he deposited his burden on a little open plat, which constituted the terminus of the indian trail. in a few moments a little fire threw up its blaze, and the pan of _pigieu_, or pine pitch, was heated to mend the seams of the bark canoes. when this was done, they were instantly put into the lake, with their appropriate baggage; and the little flotilla of five canoes was soon in motion, passing down one of the most tranquil and pure sheets of water of which it is possible to conceive. there was not a breath of wind. we often rested to behold the scene. it is not a lake overhung by rocks. not a precipice is in sight, or a stone, save the pebbles and boulders of the drift era, which are scattered on the beach. the water-fowl, whom we disturbed in their seclusion, seemed rather loath to fly up. at one point we observed a deer, standing in the water, and stooping down, apparently to eat moss. the diluvial hills inclosing the basin, at distances of one or two miles, are covered with pines. from these elevations the lands slope gently down to the water's edge, which is fringed with a mixed foliage of deciduous and evergreen species. after passing some few miles down its longest arm, we landed at an island, which appeared to be the only one in the lake. i immediately had my tent pitched, and while the cook exerted his skill to prepare a meal, scrutinized its shores for crustacea, while dr. houghton sought to identify its plants. while here, the latter recognized the mycrostylis ophioglossoides, physalis lanceolata, silene antirrhina, and viola pedata. we found the elm, lynn, soft maple, and wild cherry, mingled with the fir species. an arm of the lake stretches immediately south from this island, which receives a small brook. lieutenant allen, who estimates the greatest length of the lake at seven miles, drew the following sketch of its configuration. (see p. .) the latitude of this lake is ° ´ ´´.[ ] the highest grounds passed over by us, in our transit from the assowa lake, lie at an elevation of , feet. the view given of the scene in the first volume of my _ethnological researches_, p. , is taken from a point north of the island, looking into the vista of the south arm of the lake. i inquired of ozawindib the indian name of this lake; he replied _omushkös_, which is the chippewa name of the elk.[ ] having previously got an inkling of some of their mythological and necromantic notions of the origin and mutations of the country, which permitted the use of a female name for it, i denominated it itasca.[ ] [ ] by the report of governor stevens (june, ), the selected pass for the contemplated railroad through the st. mary to the columbia valley is in ° ´, where there is but little snow at any time, and rich pasturage for cattle. the phenomena of the climates of our northern latitudes are but little understood. [ ] a the canadian french call this animal _la biche_, from _biche_, a hind. [ ] this myth is further alluded to, in the following stanzas from the _literary world_, no. :-- stanzas. on reaching the source of the mississippi river in .[ ] i. ha! truant of western waters! thou who hast so long concealed thy very sources--flitting shy, now here, now there--through spreading mazes vast thou art, at length, discovered to the eye in crystal springs, that run, like silver thread, from out their sandy heights, and glittering lie within a beauteous basin, fair outspread hesperian woodlands of the western sky, as if, in indian myths, a truth there could be read, and these were tears, indeed, by fair itasca shed. ii. to bear the sword, on prancing steed arrayed; to lift the voice admiring senates own; to tune the lyre, enraptured muses played; or pierce the starry heavens--the blue unknown-- these were the aims of many sons of fame, who shook the world with glory's golden song. i sought a moral meed of less acclaim, in treading lands remote, and mazes long; and while around aerial voices ring, i quaff the limpid cup at mississippi's spring. h. r. s. [ ] narrative of an expedition to itasca lake. harpers. . vol. vo. p. . [illustration: itasca lake, the source of the mississippi river, , miles from the balize. a. mississippi river. b. route of expedition to the lake. c. schoolcraft's island.] the line of discovery of the mississippi, explored above cass lake, taking the east fork from the primary junction, as shown by mr. allen's topographical notes, is one hundred and twenty-three miles.[ ] this is the shortest and most direct branch. the line by the itascan or main branch of it is, probably, some twenty or twenty-five miles longer. it is evident, as before intimated, that the river descends from its summit in plateaux. from the pseudo-alpine level of the parent lake, there is a principal and minor rapids, for the former of which the indians have the appropriate name of _kakabikons_, which is a descriptive term for a cascade over rocks or stones. then the river again deploys itself in a lake and a series of minor lakes on the same level, and this process is repeated, until it finally plunges over the horizontal rocks at st. anthony's falls, and displays itself, for the last time, in lake pepin. commencing with the latter lake, it may be observed for the purposes of generalization, and to give definite notions rather of its hydrography than geology, that there are nine plateaux, of which governor cass, in , explored six. the other three, beginning at his terminal point, have now been indicated. the heights of these are given, barometrically. the distances travelled are given from time. the annexed diagram of these plateaux, extending to the pakagama summit, will impress these deductions on the eye. [ ] mr. nicollet, who ascended the same fork in , makes the distance twelve miles more. _vide_ ex., doc. no. . the length of the mississippi, from the gulf of mexico, pursuing its involutions, may be stated to be three thousand miles. by estimates from the best sources made, respectively, during the expeditions of and , it is shown to have a winding thread of three thousand one hundred and sixty miles. taking the barometrical height of itasca lake at fifteen hundred and seventy-five feet, it has a mean descent of a fraction over six inches per mile. as one of the most striking epochs in american geography, we have known this river, computing from the era of marquette's discovery to the present day (july , ), but one hundred and fifty-nine years--a short period, indeed! how rich a portion of the geology of the globe lies buried in the flora and fauna of the tertiary, the middle or secondary, and the palæozoic eras of its valley, we have hardly begun to inquire. it will, _doubtless_, and, so far as we know, _does_, contribute evidences to the antiquity and mutations of the earth's surface, conformably to the progress of discoveries in other parts of the globe. the immense basins of coal, found in the middle and lower parts of its valley, prove the same gigantic epoch of its flora which has been established for the coal measures of europe,[ ] and sweep to the winds the jejune theory that the continent arose from a chaotic state, at a period a whit less remote than the other quarters of the globe. while the large bones of its later eras, found imbedded in its unconsolidated strata, prove how large a portion of its fauna were involved in the gigantic and monster-period. [ ] entire trees are often found imbedded in its rocks of the middle era, as is evidenced by an individual of the juglans nigra, of at least fifty feet long, in the river de plaine, valley of the illinois. _vide_ appendix. chapter xxiv. descent of the west, or itascan branch--kakabikoñs falls--junction of the chemaun, peniddiwin, or de soto, and allenoga rivers--return to cass lake. itasca lake lies in latitude twenty-five seconds only south of leech lake, and five minutes and eleven seconds west of the ultimate northerly point of the mississippi, on the queen anne summit; it is a fraction over twelve minutes southwest of cass lake. the distance from the latter point, at which discovery rested in , is, agreeably to the observations of lieutenant allen, one hundred and sixty-four miles. on scrutinizing the shores of the island, on which i had encamped, innumerable helices, and other small univalves, were found; among these i observed a new species, which mr. cooper has described as planorbis companulatus.[ ] there were bones of certain species of fish, as well as the bucklers of one or two kinds of tortoise, scattered around the sites of old indian camp fires, denoting so many points of its natural history. amidst the forest-trees before named, the betula papyraceæ and spruce were observed. directing one of the latter to be cut down, and prepared as a flagstaff, i caused the united states flag to be hoisted on it. this symbol was left flying at our departure. ozawindib, who at once comprehended the meaning of this ceremony, with his companions fired a salute as it reached its elevation. [ ] appendix. having made the necessary examinations, i directed my tent to be struck, and the canoes put into the water, and immediately embarked. the outlet lies north of the island. before reaching it, we had lost sight of the flagstaff, owing to the curvature of the shore. unexpectedly, the outlet proved quite a brisk brook, with a mean width of ten feet, and one foot in depth. the water is as clear as crystal, and we at once found ourselves gliding along, over a sandy and pebbly bottom, strewed with the scattered valves of shells, at a brisk rate. its banks are overhung with limbs and foliage, which sometimes reach across. the bends are short, and have accumulations of flood-wood, so that, from both causes, the use of the axe is often necessary to clear a passage. there was also danger of running against boulders of black rock, lying in the margin, or piled up in the channel. as the rapid waters increased, we were hurled, as it were, along through the narrow passages, and should have descended at a prodigiously rapid rate, had it not been for these embarrassments to the navigation. its course was northwest. after descending about ten miles, the river enters a narrow savanna, where the channel is wider and deeper, but equally circuitous. this reaches some seven or eight miles. it then breaks its way through a pine ridge, where the channel is again very much confined and rapid, the velocity of the stream threatening every moment to dash the canoe into a thousand pieces. the men were sometimes in the water, to guide the canoe, or stood ever ready, with poles, to fend off. after descending some twenty-five miles, we encamped on a high sandy bluff on the left hand. the next morning ( th), we were again in our canoes before five o'clock. the severe rapids continued, and were rendered more dangerous by limbs of trees which stretched over the stream, threatening to sweep off everything that was movable. we had been one hour passing down a perfect defile of rapids, when we approached the kakabikoñs falls. _kakábik_,[ ] in the chippewa, means a cascade, or shoot of water over rocks. _oñs_ is merely the diminutive, to which all the nouns of this language are subject. how formidable this little cataract might be, we could not tell. it appeared to be a swift rush of water, bolting through a narrow gorge, without a perpendicular drop, and ozawindib said it required a portage. halting at its head, for lieut. allen to come up, his bowsman caught hold of my canoe, to check his velocity. it had that effect. but, being checked suddenly, the stern of his canoe swung across the stream, which permitted the steersman to catch hold of a branch. thus stretched tensely across the rapid stream, in an instant the water swept over its gunwale, and its contents were plunged into the swift current. the water was about four feet deep. allen and his men found footing, with much ado, but his canoe-compass, apparatus, and everything, was lost and swept over the falls. he grasped his manuscript notes, and, by feeling with his feet, fetched up his fowling-piece; the men clutched about, and managed to save the canoe. fortunately, i had a fine instrument to replace the lost compass, though wanting the nautical rig of the other. [ ] kakábik. _abik_ is a rock. the prefixed syllable, _kak_, may be derived from _kukidjewum_, a rapid stream. _ka_ is often a prefix of negation in compound words, which has the force of a derogative. we made a short portage. two of the canoes, with indian pilots, went down the rapids, but injured their canoes so much as to cause a longer delay than if they had carried them by land. below this fall, the river receives a tributary on the right hand, called the _chemaun_, or ocano. it contributes to double its volume, very nearly, and hence its savanna borders are enlarged. conspicuous among the shrubbery on its shores are the wilding rose and clumps of the salix. the channel winds through these savanna borders capriciously. at a point where we landed for breakfast, on an open pine bank on the left shore, we observed several copious and clear springs pouring into the river. indeed, the extensive sand ranges which traverse the woodlands of the itasca plateau are perfectly charged with the moisture which is condensed on these elevations, which flows in through a thousand little rills. on these sandy heights the conifera predominate. the physical character of the stream made this part of our route a most rapid one. willing or unwilling, we were hurried on; but, indeed, we had every desire to hasten the descent. at four o'clock p. m., we came to the junction of the piniddiwin,[ ] or carnage river, a considerable tributary on the left. on this river, which originates in a lake, on the northeastern summit of the hauteur des terres, i bestowed the name of de soto. it has also a lake, called lac la folle, at the point of its junction with the mississippi, whose borders are noted for the abundant and vigorous growth of wild rice, reeds, and rushes. it is called monomina,[ ] by the chippewas. by this accession, the width and depth of the river are strikingly increased. the indian reed first appears at this spot. [ ] from the term _iah-pinuniddewin_, an emphatic expression for a place of carnage, so called from a secret attack made at this place, in time past, by a party of sioux, who killed every member of a lodge of chippewas, and then shockingly mangled their bodies. [ ] from _monominakauning_, place of wild rice. while passing through this part of the river, i observed a singular trait in the habits of the onzig duck, which, on being suddenly surprised by the traveller, affects for the moment to be disabled; flapping its wings on the water, as if it could not rise, in order to allow its brood, who are now (july) unfledged, to escape, when the mother instantly rises from the water, and wings her flight vigorously. we observed, sailing above the marshy areas of this fork, the falco furcatus, the feathers of which are much esteemed by the indians, for this is considered a brave species, as its habit is to seize serpents by the neck, who twist themselves around its elongated body, while it flies off to some convenient perch to devour them. the deer is also noticed along the itascan fork. ozawindib landed a little below the junction of the chemaun, to fire at one of them, which he discovered grazing at some distance; but, although he carefully landed and crept up crouchingly, he failed in his shot, either from the distance or some other cause. immediately, he put a fresh charge of powder in his gun, and threw in a bullet, unwadded, and fired again before the animal had made many leaps, but it held its way. we descended about eighteen miles below the piniddiwin, and landed to encamp. the day's descent had been an arduous one. lieut. allen estimated it at seventy-five miles. we had now fairly followed the mississippi out of what may be denoted its alpine passes. all its dangerous rapids had been overcome. it was now a flowing stream of sixty feet wide. immediately on landing, one of the indians captured an animal of the saurian type, called _ocaut-e-kinabic_,[ ] eight inches in length, striped blue, black, and white, with four legs of equal length. the colors were very vivid. [ ] from _ocaut_, a leg, and _kinabic_, a snake. having reached a part of the stream which could be safely navigated, i resolved to re-embark after supper, and continue the descent by night. we were now about fifteen miles above the primary forks. lieut. allen determined to remain till daylight, in order to trace the river down to the point at which it had been left in the ascent. nothing of an untoward nature occurred. a river of some size enters, on the left hand, about six miles below the saurian encampment, which originates in a lake. this stream, for which i heard no name, i designated _allenoga_, putting the iroquois local terminal in _oga_ to the name of the worthy officer who traced out the first true map of the actual sources of the mississippi.[ ] we passed the influx of the east fork, about half-past one a. m. on the th, traversed the lake of queen anne, and descended the whole series of the metoswa rapids, to lake andrúsia, by the hour of daybreak, and reached the island of my primary encampment, in cass lake, at nine o'clock in the morning. we had been eleven hours and a half in our canoes, from the time of re-embarkation at the camp above allenoga. lieut. allen did not rejoin us till six o'clock in the afternoon. he estimated the entire distance, _out_ and _in_, at miles, it being miles to itasca lake, and, as before intimated, miles from thence to cass lake. he estimates the length of the mississippi, above the falls of st. anthony, at , miles. taking the distance from the gulf of mexico to the falls at , miles,[ ] this would give to this stream a development of , miles, which exceeds my prior estimates more than fifty miles. [ ] lieut.-col. james allen, u. s. a. this officer graduated at west point in . after passing through various grades, he was promoted to a captaincy of infantry in . he was lieutenant-colonel and commandant of the battalion of mormon volunteers in the mexican war, which was raised by his exertions, and died at fort leavenworth, on the missouri, on the d of august, . [ ] doc. no. . chapter xxv. the expedition proceeds to strike the source of the great crow-wing river, by the indian trail and line of interior portages, by way of leech lake, the seat of the warlike tribe of the pillagers, or mukundwa. having, while at sandy lake, summoned the indians to meet me in council at the mouth of the _l'aile de corbeau_, or crow-wing river, on the th of july, no time was to be lost in proceeding to that place. the th, being the sabbath, was spent at the island, where the rev. mr. boutwell addressed the indians. the next day, i met the cass lake band in council, and, having finished that business, rewarded the indians for their services and canoes on the trip to itasca lake, distributed the presents designed for them, replied to a message from nezhopenais of red lake, and invested ozawindib with the president's largest silver medal and a flag, and was ready by o'clock a. m. to embark. dr. houghton employed the time to complete his vaccinations. i rewarded mr. default for taking charge of my camp during the journey to itasca lake. as well to shorten the line of travel as to visit an entirely unexplored section of the country, i resolved to pursue the indian trail and line of interior portages from cass to leech lake, and from the latter to the source of the great crow-wing fork. passing southwardly across the lake, between red cedar and garden islands, we have a prolonged bay running deep into the land, toward the south. this bay is in the direct line to leech lake; and as it had been crossed on the ice in january, , by lieutenant pike, in his adventurous and meritorious journey of exploration, i called it pike's bay. it was twelve o'clock, meridian, when we debarked at its head. the portage commenced on the edge of an open pine forest, interspersed with scrub oak. the path is deeply worn, in the sand-plain, and looks as if it had been trod by the indians for centuries. i observed, as we passed along, the alum root, hyacinthus, and sweet fern, with the ledum latifolium, vaccinium dumosum, and more common species of pine plains. the pinus resinosa assumes here a larger size, and the indians pointed out to me markings and pictographs drawn with charcoal, and covered with the resin of the tree, which were made by the indian tribe who preceded them in the occupancy of the sources of the mississippi. this must have been, if i rightly apprehend their history, prior to a. d. . that such markings should be preserved by the pitch, which sheds the rain, is, however, probable. they were of the totemic character, _i.e._ relating to the exploits or achievements of groups of families, in which the individual actor sinks his specific in the generic family or clan name. antiquities of this character are certainly a new feature in indian history. letters have perfectly preserved the landing of cartier at the mouth of the st. lawrence in . pictography here records, that certain clans had killed bears and taken human scalps before that time. and the fact is deeply important in shedding light on indian history and character; for the killing of deers and bears, and the taking of human scalps, is precisely what these tribes are doing at the present time. in the three hundred years' interval, they have made no mental progress. the chippewa is just as fierce to-day, in hunting a dacota scalp, as the dacota is in hunting a chippewa scalp. the conquering tribe has, however, pushed the dacotas nearly one thousand miles down the mississippi. "talk of your hannibals, napoleons, and alps, my glory," quoth the feathered hunter, "is in scalps." after following the deeply indented path nine hundred and fifty yards, we reached a small lake which disclosed, as we passed it, patches of a dark, coarse, mossy-like substance at its bottom. on reaching down with their paddles, the men brought up a singular species of aquatic plant with coral-shaped branches. after crossing this lake, the pine plain resumed its former character. there was then a shallow bog of fifty or sixty yards. the rest of the path consists of an arid sand plain, which is sometimes brushy, but generally presents dry, easy travelling. we had walked four thousand one hundred yards, or about two and a half miles, when we reached an elongated body of clear living water, having its outflow into leech lake. embarking on this, we crossed it, and entered a narrow stream, winding about in a shaking savanna, where it was found difficult to veer the large five-fathom canoes in which we now travelled. this tortuous stream was joined by a tributary from the right, and at no remote distance, entered an elongated duplicate body of water, named by the indians _kapuka sagatawag_, or the abrupt discharges.[ ] below the junction of these lakes, which appear to be outbursts from the hauteur de terre range, the stream is a wide-flowing river. its shores abound in sedge, reeds, and wild rice. the last glimpses of daylight left us as this broad river entered into leech lake. moonlight still served us, as we began the traverse of this spreading sea, but it soon became overcast, and it was intensely dark before we reached the recurved point of land of the principal chief's village. it was now ten o'clock at night, and it was eleven before the military canoes, under lieutenant allen, came up. in the morning a salute was fired by the indians, who welcomed us. aishkebuggekozh,[ ] or the flat-mouth, the reigning chief, invited me to breakfast. as this chief exercises a kind of imperial sway over the adjacent country, it was important to respect him. having sent a dish of hard bread before me, i took my interpreter and went to his residence. i found him living in a tenement built of logs, with two rooms, well floored and roofed, with two small glass windows. at one end of the breakfast-room were extended his flags, medals, and warlike paraphernalia. in the centre of the floor, a large mat of rushes, or indian-woven _apukwa_ was spread, and upon this the breakfast and breakfast things were arranged in an orderly manner. there were teacups, teaspoons, plates, knives and forks, all of plain english manufacture. a salt-cellar contained salt and pepper mixed in unequal proportions. there were just as many plates as expected guests. a large white fish, boiled, and cut up in good taste, occupied a dish in the centre. there was a dish of sugar made from the acer saccharinum. there were no stools, or chairs, but small apukwa mats were spread for each guest. i observed the dish of hard bread, which came opportunely, as there was no other representative form of bread. the chief sat down at the head of his breakfast, in the oriental fashion. imitating his example, i sat down with a degree of repose and nonchalance, as if this had been the position i had practised from childhood. his empress--equa,[ ] sat on one side, near him, to pour out the tea, but neither ate nor drank anything herself. her position was also that of the oriental custom for females; that is, both feet were thrown to one side, and doubled beside her.[ ] the chief helped us to fish and to tea, taking the cups from his wife. he was dignified, grave, yet easy, and conversed freely, and the meal passed off agreeably and without a pause, or the slightest embarrassment. this was, perhaps, owing in part to my having been acquainted with him before, he having visited me at my agency at sault ste. marie in , and sat as a guest at my own table. nor, in a people so loath to give their confidence as the indian, is the fact undeserving of mention, of general affiliation to the tribe, caused by my marriage with a grand-daughter of the ruling chief of lake superior, a lady of refinement and intelligence, who was the child of a gentleman of antrim, ireland, where she was educated. [ ] from the word _puka_, abrupt phenomenon, and the verb _saugi_, outflowing. [ ] from _aizhenagozze_, countenance, and _kozh_, a bill of a bird, or snout of an animal. the word is appropriately translated _guelle_ by the canadians. [ ] _equa_, a female; it is not, appropriately, the term of wife, for which the vocabulary has a peculiar term, but is generally employed in the sense of woman. [ ] i have observed this to be the universal custom among all the aboriginal females of america. they never part the feet. on rising to leave, i invited him to a council, at my tent, which was ordered to assemble at the firing of the military. it is not unimportant to observe, that, in preparing to set out on this expedition into the indian country, at a time when the blackhawk had raised the standard of revolt on rock river, and the tribes of the upper mississippi were believed to be extensively in his views, i had caused my canoe, after it had been finished in most perfect style of art known to this kind of vessel, to be painted with chinese vermilion, from stem to stern. ten years' residence among the tribes, in an official capacity, had convinced me that fear is the controlling principle of the indian mind, and that the persuasions to a life of peace, are most effectively made under the symbols of war. to beg, to solicit, to creep and cringe to this race, whether in public or private, is a delusive, if not a fatal course; and though i was told by one or two of my neighbors that it was not well, on this occasion, to put my canoe in the symbolic garb of war, i did not think so. i carried, indeed, emphatically, messages of peace from the executive head of the government, and had the means of insuring respect for these messages, by displaying the symbol of authority at the stern of each vessel, by an escort of soldiery, and by presents, and the services of a physician to arrest one of the most fatal of diseases which have ever afflicted the indian race. but i carried them fearlessly and openly, with the avowed purpose of peace. the canoe, itself, was an emblem of this authority, and, like the _oriflamme_ of the mediæval ages, cast an auspicious influence on my mission over these bleak and wide summits, lakes, and forests, inhabited alone by fierce and predatory tribes, who acknowledged no power but force. long before i had reached the sources of the mississippi, st. vrain, my fellow agent, had been most cruelly murdered at his agency, and general scott, with the whole disposable army of the united states, had taken the field at chicago. lieut. allen paraded his men that morning with burnished arms. we could not, jointly, in an emergency, muster over forty men, of whom a part were not reliable in a melée, but arranged our camp in the best manner to produce effect. effect, indeed, it required, when the hour of the council came. not less than one thousand souls, men, women, and children, surrounded my tent, including a special deputation from the american borders of rainy lake. of these, two hundred were active young warriors, who strode by with a bold and lofty air, and glistening eyes, often lifting the wings of my tent, to scan the preparations going forward. aishkebuggekozh entered the council area, having in his train majegabowi, the man who had led the revolt in the red river settlement of lord selkirk, and who had tomahawked gov. semple, after he fell wounded from his horse. this association did not smack of peaceful designs. the chief, aishkebuggekozh, himself, has the countenance of a very ogre. he is over six feet high, very brawny, and stout. that feature of his countenance from which he is named flat-mouth, consisting of a broad expansion and protrusion of the front jaws, between the long incision of the mouth, reminds one much of a bull-dog's jaw. he held in his hand, suspended by ribbons, five silver medals, smeared with vermilion, to symbolize blood. a person not familiar with indian symbols, might deem such signs alarming. i knew him to be very fond of using these symbols, and, indeed, a man who never made a speech without them; and i had the fullest confidence that, while he aimed to produce the fullest effect upon his listening, but less shrewd tribe of folks, and upon all, indeed, he never dreamed of an act which should bring him into conflict with the united states. like blackhawk, who was now exciting and leading the tribes at lower points to war, he had, from his youth, been in the british interests. he displayed a british flag at his breakfast, and three of his medals were of british coinage, but he was a man of far more comprehensive mind and understanding than blackhawk. having been, as a government agent, the medium of the agreement of the chippewas and sioux in fixing on a boundary line for their respective territories at the treaty of prairie-du-chien, in , i made that agreement, on the present occasion, the basis of my remarks, for their preserving in good faith the stipulations of that treaty, and of renewing the principles of it in the points where they had since been broken and violated. i concluded by assuring them of the friendship of the united states, of which my visit to this remote region must be deemed proof, and of the sincerity with which i had communicated the words of the president. the presents were then delivered and distributed. aishkebuggekozh, or the guelle plat, replied, with much of the skill and force of indian oratory. he began by calling the attention of the warriors to his words; he then turned to me, thanking me for the presents. he said that he had been present when pike visited this lake in . he pointed with his fingers across the lake, to the ottertail point, where the old trading-house of the british northwest company had stood. "you have come," he continued, "to remind us that the american flag is now flying over the country, and to offer us counsels of peace. i thank you. i have heard that voice before, but it was like a rushing wind. it was strong, but soon went. it did not remain long enough to choke up the path. at the treaty of prairie-du-chien, it had been promised that whoever crossed the lines, the long arms of the president should pull them back; but, that very year, the sioux attacked us, and they have killed my people almost every year since. i was myself present when they fired on a peaceful delegation, and killed four chippewas under the walls of fort snelling. my own son--my _only_ son--has been killed. he was basely killed, without an opportunity to defend himself." a subordinate here handed him, at his request, a bundle of small sticks. "this," handing them to me, "is the number of leech lake chippewas killed by the sioux since the treaty of prairie-du-chien." there were forty-three sticks. he then lifted up a string of silver medals, smeared with vermilion. "take notice, they are bloody. i wish you to wipe the blood off. i cannot do it. i find myself in a war with this people, and i believe it has been intended by the creator that we should be at war with them. my warriors are brave [looking significantly at them]; it is to them that i owe success. but i have looked for help where i did not find it."[ ] [ ] it is hoped, hereafter, to give further sketches of this interview, and of this chief's life and character. chapter xxvi. geographical account of leech lake--history of its indians, the mukundwas--the expedition proceeds to the source of the crow-wing river, and descends that stream, in its whole length, to the mississippi. leech lake is a large, deep, and very irregularly-shaped body of water. it cannot be less than twenty miles across its extreme points. i requested the chief to draw its outlines, furnishing a sheet of foolscap. he began by tracing a large ellipsis, and then projecting large points and bays, inwardly and outwardly, with seven or eight islands, and that peculiar feature, the kapuka sagotawa, which i apprehend to originate in gigantic springs. the following eccentric figure of the lake is the result. this lake has been the seat of the mukundwa, or pillagers, from early days. the date of their occupancy is unknown. the french found them here early in the seventeenth century, when they began to push the fur trade from montreal. they were the advance of the algonquin group, who, when they had reached the head of lake superior, proceeded still towards the west and northwest. two separate bodies assumed the advance in this migratory movement, one of which went from the north shore, at the old grand portage, north-northwest, by the way of the rainy lakes, and the other went northwest from fond du lac. the former soon earned for themselves the title of killers, or kenistenos,[ ] and speak a distinct dialect; the other, whose language continued to be, with little variations, good odjibwa, acquired in a short time the name of takers, or mukundwa. the kenistenos advanced, through the great lake winnepeck, and up its inflowing waters, to the portage du trait, of the great churchill or missi-nepi (much water) river, where they sent up a skinned frog, in derision of the feebler athapasca race, whom they here encountered. _mackenzie's voyages_, p. lxxiii. _hist. fur_ _trade_. the odjibwas were led from chegoimegon, in lake superior, by two noted chiefs, called nokay and bainswah, under whom they drove the sioux from the region of sandy lake and the source of the mississippi. (_ethnological researches_, vol. ii. p. .) [ ] called by the french _crees_. [illustration: leech lake.--_a_, rush bay; _b_, leech lake river; _c_, three points; _d_, boy's river; _e_, bear island; _f_, pelican island; _g_, two points; _h_, ottertail point; _i_, chippewa village; _j_, sugar point; _k_, carp river; _l_, old n. w. house; _m_, goose island; _n_, encampment, july ; _o_, trading house am. p. co.; _p_, flatmouth's house; _q_, chippewa village; _r_, encampment, july ; _s_, _s_, route to crow-wing river; _t_, sandy point; _u_, big point; _v_, sandy bay river.] another party of this algonquin force, which conquered the country lying round the sources of the mississippi, proceeded through the turtle river to red lake, and thence descended into the valley of the red river of hudson's bay, where their descendants still reside. large portions of these mingled with the canadian stock, forming that remarkable people called boisbrules. these advanced parties pressed into the buffalo plains, along the rivers assinabwoin and saskatchawine, which is the ultimate western area of the spread of the algonquin language. and to this migration the blackfeet are believed to be indebted for the intermixture of this language which exists, and which mr. gallatin has erroneously supposed to arise from original elements, in the blackfeet tongue. this lake yields in abundance the corregonus albus, a fish which is unknown to the mississippi, and which delights only, it appears, in very limpid and cold waters. i found the population living at this lake to be eight hundred and thirty-two souls, under three chiefs, the guelle plat, nesia, or the elder brother, and chianoquet, or the big cloud, the latter of whom is exclusively a war chief. having dined these chiefs at my tent, and finished my business, and the vaccinations and very numerous cases of odontalgia being got through with, i directed my canoes to be put in the water, with the view of going a few miles down the shore, in order to get a quiet night's encampment, and be ready for an early start on the morrow. it was near the hour of sunset before we could embark. aiskebuggekozh came down to the boat to take leave of me. he was dressed, on this occasion (having been in indian costume all the morning), in a blue military frock coat, with scarlet collar and cuffs, white underclothes, a ruffled shirt, shoes and stockings, and a citizen's hat. he was accompanied by nesia and other followers, and it appeared to me if there ever was a person who had popular and undisputable claims to imperial sway, notwithstanding this poor taste in costume, it was he. we went about five miles in the general direction towards the source of the l'ail de corbeau, and encamped. dr. houghton, who had been left behind with lieut. allen, to complete the vaccinations, rejoined me about seven o'clock. guelle plat had promised to send me guides, to cross the country to the crow-wing river, early the next morning ( th), but, as they did not arrive, i proceeded across the arm of the lake for the main shore without them. after reaching it, some time was spent in searching for the commencement of the portage path. it was found to lie across a dry pine plain. the canadians, who are quick on finding the trail of a portage, wanted nothing more, but pushed on, canoes and baggage, without any further trouble about the indian guides. a portage of , yards brought us to the banks of a small, clear, shallow lake, called warpool, which had a very narrow, tortuous outlet, through which the men, with great difficulty, and by cutting away acute turns of the bank with their paddles, made way to force the canoes into little long lake, which we were twenty-four minutes in crossing. the outlet from this lake expanded, at successive intervals, into three pond-like lakes, redolent with the nymphæ valerata; the series terminating in a fourth lake, lying at the foot of elevated lands, which was called the lake of the mountain. at the head of the latter, we debarked on a shaking bog. at this spot commences the portage _plé_, which lies over a woodless and bleak hill. it is short and abrupt, and terminates on the banks of a deep bowl-shaped lake, where we took breakfast at twelve o'clock. we were now at the foot of elevated lands. here began the mountain portage, so called. its extent is, first, nine hundred and ten yards, terminating on the shores of a little lake, without outlet, called the lake of the isle. there is then a portage of , yards to another mountain lake, without outlet. we were now near the apex of the summit between leech lake and the source of de corbeau. another portage of one onwaybee or about a thousand yards, partly through a morass, carried us quite across this summit, and brought us out on elevated and highly beautiful grounds overlooking the kaginogumaug, or longwater lake, which is the source of the crow-wing river. here we encamped ( th). there is no rock stratum seen in place, on the de corbeau summit. its surface is purely composed of geological drift and boulders. the journey had been a very hard and fatiguing one for the men, who were on the push and trot all day, embarking and debarking continually on lakes, or scrambling, with their burdens and canoes, over elevations or through morasses. it was particularly severe on the soldiers, who are ill-prepared for this kind of toil. the chief guelle plat, with some companions of the mukandwa band, had overtaken us, at the lake of the isle, and came and encamped beside us. i invited him to sup with us, and the evening was passed in conversing with him on various topics. i found him a man of understanding and comprehensive views, who was well acquainted with the history of his people. it was twelve o'clock before these conversations ended, when he got up to go to his camp fire. with him there sat majegabowee,[ ] a tall, gaunt, and savage-looking man of red river, who scarcely uttered a word, but sat a silent listener to the superior powers of conversation and reflection of his chief. but i could not look at this person without a sense of horror, when i reflected that in him i beheld the murderer of gov. semple, of the hudson's bay territory, a circumstance which i have previously adverted to, while at leech lake.[ ] [ ] the fore-standing man. from the verb _maja_, to go, _ninabow_, i stand, and _izzee_, a person or man. [ ] for an account of this transaction, _vide_ reports of the disputes between the earl of selkirk and the northwest company, at the assizes held at york, upper canada, oct. . vol. vo. pp. . montreal, casie & mower, . bidding adieu to the leech lake chief the next morning at sunrise ( h. m.), after giving him a lancet, with directions to vaccinate any of his people who had been overlooked, i embarked on the kaginogamaug. this is a beautiful lake, with sylvan shores and crystal water, some four or five miles long. we were just forty minutes, with full paddles, in passing it. the outlet is narrow, and overhung with alders. the width is not over six feet, with good depth, but the turns are so sudden, and the stream so thickly overhung with foliage, that the use of the axe and the paddle as an excavator were often necessary. it then expands into a lake, called little vermilion, which is fringed with a growth of birch and aspen, with pines in the distance. its outlet is fully doubled in width, and we had henceforth no more embarrassment in descending. this outlet is pursued about eight miles. i noticed the tamarack on its banks, and the nymphæ odorata, scirpus lacustris, and indian reed on the margin. it expands into birch lake, a clear sheet, about one mile long, with pebbly bottom, interspersed with boulders. a short outlet, in which we passed a broken fish-dam, connects it with lac plè. this lake is about three and a half miles long, exhibiting a portion of prairie on its shores, interspersed with small pines. from it, there is a portage to ottertail lake, the eastern source of red river. this is the common war road of the mukundwa against the sioux. on coming out of lac plè, freshwater shells began to show themselves, chiefly species of naiades, a feature in the natural history of this stream which is afterwards common; but i observed none of much size, and they are often greatly decorticated. four or five miles lower, we entered assowa lake, and about a mile and a half further, lac vieux desert, or old gardon lake, so called from the remains of a trading station, where we halted for breakfast. on resuming the descent, just twenty minutes were required, with vigorous strokes of the paddle, to pass it. it has an outlet about two miles long, when the stream again expands into a lake of considerable size, which we called summit lake. thus far, we had been passing on a geological plateau of the diluvial character, extending southwest. but from this point the course of the river veers, at first towards the east and northeast, and, after a wide circuit, to the southeast, and eventually again to the southwest. from this point, rapids begin to mark its channel. the river, consequently, assumes a velocity which, while it hurries the traveller on, increases his danger of running his frail bark against rocks or shoals. we had been driven down this accelerated channel two hours and fifteen minutes, when it expanded into a sheet called long rice lake. this is some three miles in length, and, at a very short distance below it, the river again expands into a considerable lake, which, from the circumstance of lieut. allen having circumnavigated it, i called allen's lake. he found it the recipient of a small river from the north. it is, apparently, the largest of this series of river lakes below the kaginogumaug. while crossing it, we experienced a very severe and sudden tempest of wind and rain, accompanied by most severe and appalling peals of thunder and vivid lightning. broad ribbons of fire, in acute angles, appeared to rend the skies. before the shore could be reached, the tempest had subsided, so sudden was its development. a short distance below this, the river makes its tenth evolution, in the shape of a lake, on which, as my indian maps gave no name, i bestowed the name of _illigan_.[ ] [ ] from _ininéeg_, men, and _sugiegan_, lake, signs of a war party having been discovered at this place. in this derivative, the usual transition of _n_ to _l_ of the old algonquin is made. chapter xxvii. complete the exploration of the crow-wing river of minnesota--indian council--reach st. anthony's falls--council with the sioux--ascent and exploration of the river st. croix and misakoda, or broulé, of lake superior--return of the party to st. mary's falls, michigan. at illigan lake, large oaks and elms appear in the forest; its banks are handsomely elevated, and the whole country puts on the appearance of being well adapted to cultivation. we landed to obtain a shot at some deer, which stood temptingly in sight, and were impressed with the sylvan aspect of the country. while in the act of passing out of the lake in our canoes, a small fire was observed on shore, with the usual signs of its having been abandoned in haste by indians, who had been lying in ambush. every appearance seemed to justify such a conclusion, and it was evident a party of sioux had been concealed waiting the descent of chippewas, but, on observing our flag, and the public character of the party, they hastily withdrew. our men, knowing the perfidious and cruel character of this tribe, were evidently a good deal alarmed at these signs. we had been one hour in our canoes, descending the river with the double force of current and paddles, when the river was found again expanded, and for the eleventh and last time, in a lake, which the natives call _kaitchebo sagatowa_, meaning the lake through one end of which the river passes. as this is not a term, however graphic, which will pass into popular use, i named it lake douglas, in allusion to a former companion in explorations in the northwest.[ ] ten miles below this lake, the river receives its first considerable tributary in shell river, the aisisepi of the chippewas, which flows in from the right, from the slope of the hauteurs des terres, near the ottertail lake. below this tributary, the crow-wing is nearly doubled in width, and there is no further fear of shallow water. we held on our way for a distance of fourteen miles below the point of junction, and encamped on the right hand bank at eight o'clock p.m. it had rained copiously during the afternoon, and everything in the shape of kindling stuff had become so completely saturated with moisture, that it was quite an enterprise in the men to light a camp-fire. lieut. allen did not reach our encampment this night, having been misled in allen's lake, and, being driven ashore by the tempest, he encamped in that quarter. presuming him to be in advance, i had pushed on, to a late hour, and encamped under this impression. [ ] professor d. b. douglas. the next morning ( th), we set off from our camp betimes, and, having now a full flowing river, made good speed. the river passes for a dozen or more miles through a willowy low tract, on issuing from which there begins a series of strong rapids. twenty-four of these rapids were counted, which were called the metunna rapids. lieut. allen estimates that they occupy thirty miles of the channel of the river. below these rapids, the river extends to a mean width of three hundred feet. at this locality we were overtaken by mr. allen, at about two o'clock in the afternoon, and were thus first apprised of the fact that he had been all the while in our rear instead of in front. twenty miles below the metunna rapids, leaf river flows in from the right, by a mouth of forty yards wide. this stream originates in leaf lake, and is navigable sixty miles in the largest craft used by the traders.[ ] the volume of the crow-wing river is constantly increased in width and velocity by these accessions, which enabled us fearlessly to make a large day's journey. we encamped together after sunset, on an elevated pine bank, having descended ninety miles. [ ] the angle of country above leaf river, on the crow-wing, has been proposed as a refuge for the menomonee tribe, of wisconsin, for whom temporary arrangements, at least, are now made, on the head of fox river, of that state. the st, we were early in motion, the river presenting a broad rushing mass of waters, every way resembling the mississippi itself. on reaching within twenty miles of its mouth, we passed, on the right bank, the mouth of the long prairie river,[ ] a prime tributary flowing from the great ottertail slope, which has been, time out of mind, the war road between the chippewas and sioux; and between this point and the confluence coming in we passed, on the left bank, the confluence of the kioshk, or gull river, through which there is a communication, by a series of portages, with leech lake.[ ] [ ] this river has been assigned as the residence of the winnebago indians. it is the present seat of the united states agency, and of the farming and mechanical establishment for that tribe. [ ] mr. j. j. nicolet pursued this route in , on his visit to the sources of the mississippi. _vide_ senate doc. no. . washington, d. c., . from head to foot, we had now passed through the valley of the de corbeau river, without finding in it the permanent location of a single indian. we had not, in fact, seen even a temporary wigwam upon its banks. the whole river lies, in fact, on the war road between the two large rival tribes of the chippewas and sioux. it is entered by war parties from either side, decked out in war-paints and feathers, who descend either of its tributaries, the leaf and long prairie rivers. the mukundwa descends the main channel from the kaginogumaug lake in canoes. on reaching the field of ambush, these canoes are abandoned, and the parties, after an encounter, haste home on foot. from this deserted and uninhabited state of the valley we were the more surprised, as noon drew on, to descry an indian canoe ascending the river. it proved to be spies on the look-out, from the body of chippewas encamped at the mouth of the river, agreeably to my invitation at sandy lake. after mutual recognitions, and learning that we were near the mouth of the river, we resumed our descent with renewed spirit, and soon reached its outflow into the mississippi, and crossed it to the point at which the indians had established their camp. we were received with yells of welcome. it occupied an eminence on the east bank of the mississippi, directly opposite to the mouth of the de corbeau.[ ] the site was marked by a flag hoisted on a tall staff. the indians fired a salute as we landed, and pressed down to the shore, with their chiefs, to greet us. they informed me that by their count of sticks, of the time appointed by me at sandy lake, to meet them at this spot, would be out this day, and i had the satisfaction of being told, within a short time of my arrival, that the canoe, with goods and supplies, from sandy lake, was in sight. the indians were found encamped a short distance above the entrance of the nokasippi[ ] river, which is in the line of communication with the mille lac and rum river indians. i found the latter, together with the whole sandy lake band, encamped here, awaiting my arrival. they numbered souls, of whom were warriors. [ ] crow-wing river.--this stream is the largest tributary of the mississippi above the falls of st. anthony. it enters the mississippi in lat. ° ´ ´´, miles above the latter, and miles below sandy lake. government first explored it, in , from its source in lake kaginogumaug to its mouth, and an accurate map of its channel, and its eleven lakes, was made by lieut. allen, u. s. a., who accompanied the party as topographer. it is miles in length, to its source in long lake. the island, in its mouth, is about three miles long, and covered with hard-wood timber. the whole region is noted for its pine timber; the lands lie in gentle ridges, with much open country; a large part of it is adapted to agriculture, and there is much hydraulic power it is navigable at the lowest stages of water, about miles, and by small boats to its very source. [ ] from _noka_, a man's name, and _seebi_, a river. a council was immediately summoned, to meet in front of my tent, at the appointed signal of the firing of the military; the business of my mission was at once explained, the presents distributed, and the vaccinations commenced. replies were made at length, by the eldest chief, gros guelle, or big snout; by soangekumig, or the strong echoing ground; by wabogeeg, or the white fisher; and by nitumegaubowee, or the first standing man. the business having been satisfactorily concluded, the vaccination finished, and having still a couple of hours of daylight, i embarked and went down the mississippi some ten or fifteen miles, to a mr. baker's trading-house at prairie piercie. at this place, i remained encamped, it being the sabbath day, and rested on the d, which had a good effect on the whole party, engaged as it had been, night and day, in pushing its way to accomplish certain results, and it prepared them to spring to their paddles the more cheerfully on monday morning. indeed, it had been part of my plan of travel, from the outset, to give the men this rest and opportunity to recruit every seventh day, and i always found that they did more work in the long run, from it. i had also engaged them, originally, not to drink any ardent spirits, promising them, however, that their board and pot should be well supplied at all times. and, indeed, although i had frequently travelled with canadian canoemen, i never knew a crew who worked so cheerfully, and travelled so far, per diem, on the mean of the week, as these six days' working canoemen. at mr. baker's, miles above st. anthony's falls, i found a stray number of a small newspaper, and first learned the state of the sauc and fox war. the chief, blackhawk, had crossed the mississippi, to enter the rock river valley; had murdered mr. st. vrain, the united states agent, sustained a conflict with the illinois militia, under major stillman, fled to lake gushkenong, on the head of rock river, and drawn upon his movement the united states army, leaving, at last accounts, generals atkinson and dodge in pursuit of him. having struck the mississippi at the point where the prior narrative describes it (_vide_ chap xii.), it becomes unnecessary to give details of my descent to st. anthony's falls. leaving prairie piercie on the d, two days were employed in the descent to fort snelling. i found captain wm. r. jouett in command, who received me with courtesy and kindness, and offered every facility, in the absence of mr. talliaferro, the united states indian agent, for laying the object of my mission before the sioux. he had received no very recent intelligence of the progress of the sauc war, in addition to that which i had learned at the mouth of the de corbeau; although he was in the habit of sending a mail boat or canoe twice a month to prairie du chien.[ ] [ ] it was not till some time after my return to st. mary's that i learned of the overthrow of the chief and his army, and his being taken prisoner at the battle of the badaxe, on the th of august, . on the th, being the day after my arrival, i met the assembled, sioux, in council, at the agency house, the commanding officer being present, and having finished that business, and finding the sioux wholly unconnected with, and disapproving the proceedings of blackhawk and his adherents, i embarked early the next morning on my return to lake superior. i reached the mouth of the river st. croix, at three o'clock p. m. on the th, and having entered the sylvan sheet of lake st. croix, ascended it to within a few miles of its head, and encamped. lieut. allen did not reach my camp, but halted for the night some seven or eight miles short.[ ] this lake is one of the most beautiful and picturesque sheets of water in the west, being from two to three miles wide, and some four-and-twenty or thirty in length.[ ] the next morning i reached the head of the lake after a couple of hours of travel, and, by a diligent and hard day's work, during which we passed between perpendicular walls of sonorous trap-rock, reached and encamped at the falls of st. croix, at eight o'clock in the evening.[ ] we were now about fifty miles from the line of the mississippi river. for the last few miles, there had been either a very strong current or severe eddies of water, around angular masses of trap-rock; and we were encamped at the precise foot of the falls, where the river, narrowed to some fifty feet, breaks its way through trap-rock, falling some fifty feet in the course of six hundred yards. we had been carried, at a tangent, from the great mississippi series of the silurian period, beginning at st. anthony's falls, to the vitric formations of trap and greenstone of the lake superior system, and were now to ascend a valley, in which a heavy diluvial drift and boulder stratum rested on this broken and angular basis.[ ] on reaching the summit of the st. croix, there are found vast plateaux of sand, supporting pine forests; and on descending the misakoda, or brulé of fond du lac, the sandstone strata of that basin are again encountered. this ascent was rendered arduous, from the low state of the water. i reached snake river on the th, had an interview with the buffalo chief (pezhikee) and his subordinates; finding the population , with thirty-eight half breeds. the men, while here, cut their feet, treading on the trap-rock debris, in the mouth of the river. the distance thence to yellow river is about thirty-five miles, which we accomplished on the st, by eight o'clock in the morning, having found our greatest obstacle at the kettle rapids, which discloses sharp masses of the trap-rock. the river, in this distance, receives on its right, in the ascent, the aisippi, or shell river, which originates in a lake of that name, noted for its large unios and anadontas. [ ] united states soldiers are not adapted to travelling in indian canoes. comparatively clumsy, formal, and used to the comforts of good quarters and shelter, they flinch under the activities and fatigue of forest life, and particularly of that kind of life and toil, which consists in the management of canoes, and the carrying forward canoes and baggage over bad portages, and conducting these frail vessels over dangerous rapids and around falls. no amount of energy is sufficient on the part of the officers to make them keep up, on these trips, with the gay, light, and athletic _voyageur_, who unites the activity and expertness of the indian with the power of endurance of the white man. lieut. allen deserves great credit, as an army officer, for urging his men forward as well as he did on this arduous journey, for they were a perpetual cause of delay and anxiety to me and to him. they were relieved and aided by my men at every practicable point; but, having the responsibility of performing a definite duty, on a fixed sum of money, with many men to feed in the wilderness, it was imperative in me to push on with energy, day in and day out, and to set a manful example of diligence, at every point; and, instead of carping at my rapidity of movement, as he does in his official report of the ascent of the st. croix, he having every supply within himself, and being, moreover, in a friendly tribe, where there was no danger from indian hostilities, he should not have evinced a desire to control my encampments, but rather given his men to understand that he could not countenance their dilatoriness. [ ] it is, at this time, a part of the boundary between the state of wisconsin and the territory of minnesota, and is the site of several flourishing towns and villages. on its western head is the town of stillwater, the seat of justice for washington county, minnesota. this town has a population of , inhabitants, containing a court house, several churches, schools, printing offices, a public land office, and territorial penitentiary, with stores, mills, &c. hudson is a town seated on its east bank, at willow river, being the seat of justice for st. croix county, wisconsin. it contains a united states land-office, two churches, and dwellings, besides stores and mills. steamboats freely navigate its waters from the mississippi. [ ] falls of st. croix.--a thriving post town is now seated on the wisconsin side of these falls in polk county, wisconsin, which contains several mills, at which it is estimated, four millions of feet of pine lumber are sawed annually. it is at the head of steamboat navigation of st. croix river. [ ] _vide_ owen's geological report, for the first attempt to delineate the order of the various local and general formations. philada., lippincott & co., . at yellow river, i halted to confer with the indians in front of a remarkable eminence called pokunogun, or the moose's hip. this eminence is not, however, of artificial construction. this river, with its dependencies of lac vaseux, rice lake, and yellow lake, contains a chippewa population of three hundred and eighty-two souls. we observed here the unio purpureus, which the indians use for spoons, after rubbing off the alatæ and rounding the margin. we also examined the skin of the sciurus tredacem striatus of mitchill. we reached the forks of the st. croix about two o'clock p. m. the distance from yellow river is about thirteen miles; it required five and a half hours to accomplish this. the water was, indeed, so low, that the men had often to wade; and, on reaching this point, we were to lose half its volume, or more, for the namakagun[ ] fork, which enters here, carries in more than half the quantity of water. [ ] from _nama_, a sturgeon, and _kagun_, a yoke or wier. i explored this stream in , having reached it after ascending the mauvais or maskigo of lake superior. _vide_ personal memoirs: lippincott, grambo, & co., . i found the chief kabamappa and his followers encamped at the forks, awaiting my arrival, who received me with a salute. he disclaimed all connection with the movement of the blackhawk. he stated facts, however, which showed him to be well acquainted with the means which that chief had used to bring the indians into an extensive league against the united states. he readily assented to the measures proposed to the upper bands, for bringing the sioux and chippewas into more intimate and permanent relations of peace and friendship. with respect to the ascent of the st. croix, in the direction of the brulé, his exclamation was _iskutta-iskutta_, meaning it is dried up, or there is no water. dry the channel, indeed, looked, but by leading the canoes around the shoals, all the men walking in the water, and picking out channels, we advanced about seven miles before the time of encampment. the next morning (aug. ) a heavy fog detained us in our encampment, till five o'clock, when we recommenced the ascent of a similar series of embarrassments from very low water, rapid succeeding to rapid, till two o'clock p. m., when we reached the summit of a plateau, and found still water and comparatively good navigation. five hours canoeing on this summit brought us to kabamappa's village at the namakowágon, or sturgeon's dam, where we encamped. the chief gave us his population at souls, of whom were men, including the minor chief, mukudapenas,[ ] and his men. we had now got above all the strong rapids, and proceeded from our encampment at four o'clock, a. m., on the d. the river receives two tributaries, from the right hand, on this summit, namely, the buffalo and clearwater, and, at the distance of about ten miles above the namakowágon, is found to be expanded in a handsome lake of about six miles in extent, called lake st. croix. this is the source of the river. we were favored with a fair wind in passing over it, and having reached its head debarked on a marshy margin, and immediately commenced the portage to the brulé, or misakoda river.[ ] [ ] from _mukuda_, black, and _penaisee_, a bird, the name of the rail. [ ] from _misk_, red or colored, _muscoda_, a plain, and _auk_, a dead standing tree, as a tree burned by fire or lightning. from the french translation of the word, by the phrase _brulé_; the indian meaning is clearly shown to be burnt, scorched, or parched--a term which is applied to metifs of the mixed race. i had now reached the summit between the st. croix and lake superior. the elevation of this summit has not been scientifically determined; but from the great fall of the brulé, cannot be less than feet. the length of the brulé is about miles, in which there are distinct rapids. some of these are from eight to ten feet each. four of them require portages, at which all the canoes are discharged. the river itself, on looking down it, appears to be a perfect torrent, foaming and roaring; and it could never be used by the traders at all, were it not that it had abundance of water, being the off-drain for an extensive plateau of lakes and springs. to give an adequate idea of this foaming torrent, it is necessary to conceive of a river flowing down a pair of stairs, a hundred miles long. the portage from the st. croix to it begins on marsh, ascending in a hundred yards or so, to an elevated sandy plain, which has been covered, at former times, with a heavy forest of the pinus resinosa; that having been consumed, there is left here and there a dry trunk, or _auk_, as the indians call it. the length of the portage path is , yards, or about two miles. at this distance, we reach a small, sandy-bottomed brook, of four feet wide and a foot deep, of most clear crystalline cold water, winding its way, in a most serpentine manner, through a boggy tract, and overhung with dense alder bushes. it is a good place to slake one's thirst, but appears like anything else than a stream to embark on, with canoes and baggage. nobody but an indian would seem to have ever dreamed of it. yet on this brook we embarked. it was now six o'clock in the evening. by going a distance below, and damming up the stream, a sufficient depth of water was got to float the canoes. the axe was used to cut away the alders. the men walked, guiding the canoes, and carrying some of the baggage. in this way we moved slowly, about one mile, when it became quite dark, and threatened rain. the voyageurs then searched about for a place on the bog dry enough to sleep on, and came, with joy, and told me that they had found a kind of bog, with bunches of grassy tufts, which are called by them _tete de femme_. the very poetry of the idea was something, and i was really happy, amid the intense gloom, to rest my head, for the night, on these fair tufts. the next morning we were astir as soon as there was light enough to direct our steps. after a few miles of these intricacies, we found a brisk and full tributary, below which, the descent is at once free, and on crossing the first narrow geologic plateau, the rapids begin; the stream being constantly and often suddenly enlarged, by springs and tributaries from the right and left. to describe the descent of this stream, in detail, would require graphic powers to which i do not aspire, and time which i cannot command. we were two days and a part of a night in making the descent, with every appliance of voyageur craft. it was after darkness had cast her pall over us, on the evening of the th of august, before we reached still water. the river is then a deep and broad mass of water, into which coasting vessels from the lake might enter. some four miles from the foot of the last rapids, it enters the fond du lac of lake superior. some time before reaching this point, we had been apprised of our contiguity to it, from hearing the monotonous thump of the indian drum; and we were glad, on our arrival, to find the chief, mongazid,[ ] of fond du lac, with the military barge of lieut. allen, left at that place on our outward trip, which he had promised to bring down to this point. [ ] from _mong_, a loon, and _ozid_, his foot. the name is in allusion to the track of the bird on the sand. having thus accomplished the objects committed to my trust, and rejoined the track described in my prior narrative, i rested here on the next day ( th), being the sabbath; and then proceeded through lake superior, to my starting-point at sault de ste marie.[ ] [ ] on passing through lake superior, i learned from an indian the first breaking out of asiatic cholera in the country, in , and the wide alarm it had produced. appendix. no. . the expedition to the sources of the mississippi in . i. official reports of the expedition of . . departmental reports. i. announcement of the return of the expedition. by hon. lewis cass. ii. general report to the department of war. by hon. lewis cass. iii. further explorations of western geography recommended. by hon. lewis cass. iv. personal testimonial on the close of the expedition. by hon. lewis cass. . topography and astronomy. v. results of observations for latitudes and longitudes during the expedition of . by david b. douglass, capt. engineers, u. s. a. . mineralogy and geology. vi. report on the copper mines of lake superior. by henry r. schoolcraft. vii. observations on the mineralogy and geology of the country embracing the sources of the mississippi river and the great lake basins. by henry r. schoolcraft. viii. report in reply to a resolution of the u. s. senate on the value and extent of the mineral lands on lake superior. by henry r. schoolcraft. ix. rapid glances at the geology of western new york, beyond the rome summit, in . by henry r. schoolcraft. x. a memoir on the geological position of a fossil tree in the secondary rocks of the illinois. albany: e. & e. hosford, pp. , . by henry r. schoolcraft. . botany. xi. list of plants collected by capt. d. b. douglass at the sources of the mississippi river. this paper has been published in the th vol. p. of silliman's journal of science. by dr. john torrey. . zoology. xii. a letter embracing notices of the zoology of the northwest, addressed to dr. mitchell on the return of the expedition. by henry r. schoolcraft. ( .) fresh-water conchology. xiii. species of bivalves collected by mr. schoolcraft and capt. douglass in the northwest. published in the th vol. amer. journ. of science, pp. , . by d. h. barnes. xiv. fresh-water shells collected by mr. schoolcraft in the valleys of the fox and wisconsin rivers. american philosophical transactions, vol. . by mr. isaac lea. ( .) fauna: ichthyology: reptilia. xv. summary remarks respecting the zoological species noticed in the expedition. by dr. samuel l. mitchell. xvi. mus busarius. medical repository, vol. , p. . by dr. samuel l. mitchell. xvii. sciurus tredecem striatus. med. rep. vol. . by dr. samuel l. mitchell. xviii. proteus of the lakes. am. journ. science, vol. . by dr. samuel l. mitchell. . meteorology. xix. memoranda on climatic phenomena, and the distribution of solar heat, in . by henry r. schoolcraft. . indian languages and history. xx. a pictographic mode of communicating ideas by the northwestern indians. by hon. lewis cass. xxi. inquiries respecting the history, &c. of the indians of the united states. detroit, . by hon. lewis cass. xxii. a letter on the origin of the indian tribes of america, and the principles of their mode of uttering ideas. by dr. j. m'donnell, belfast, ireland. xxiii. difficulties of studying the indian tongues of the united states. schoolcraft's travels in the central portions of the mississippi valley, p. . by dr. alexander wolcott, jr. xxiv. examinations of the elementary structure of the odjibwa-algonquin language. first paper. by henry r. schoolcraft. xxv. a vocabulary of the odjibwa-algonquin. by henry r. schoolcraft. appendix. . departmental reports. i. detroit, september , . sir: i am happy to be enabled to state to you that i reached this place four days since, with some of the gentlemen who accompanied me on my late tour, after a very fortunate journey of four thousand miles, and an accomplishment, without any adverse accident, of every object intrusted to me. the party divided at green bay, with a view to circumnavigate lake michigan, and i trust they may all arrive here in the course of a week. as soon as possible, i shall transmit to you a detailed report upon the subject. since my arrival, i have learned that mr. ellicott, professor of mathematics, at the military academy, is dead. i cannot but hope that the office will not be filled until the return of captain douglass. i do not know whether such an appointment would suit him; but from my knowledge of his views, feelings, and pursuits, i presume it would. and an intimate acquaintance with him during my tour enables me to say that in every requisite qualification, as far as i can judge, i have never found a man who is his superior. his zeal, talents, and acquirements are of the first order, and i am much deceived if he do not soon take a distinguished rank among the most scientific men in our country. his situation as an assistant professor to colonel mansfield, and his connection with the family of mr. ellicott, furnish additional reasons why he should receive this appointment. very respectfully, sir, i have the honor to be your obedient servant, lewis cass. hon. j. c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. ii. detroit, october , . sir: i had the honor to inform you some time since that i had reached this place by land from chicago, and that the residue of the party were daily expected. they arrived soon after, without accident, and this long and arduous journey has been accomplished without the occurrence of any unfavorable incident. i shall submit to you, as soon as it can be prepared, a memoir respecting the indians who occupy the country through which we passed; their numbers, disposition, wants, &c. it will be enough at present to say, that the whole frontier is in a state of profound peace, and that the remote indians, more particularly, exhibit the most friendly feelings towards the united states. as we approach the points of contact between them and the british, the strength of this attachment evidently decreases, and about those points few traces of it remain. during our whole progress but two incidents occurred which evinced in the slightest degree, an unfriendly spirit. one of these was at st. mary's, within forty-five miles of drummond's island, and the other within thirty miles of malden. they passed off, however, without producing any serious result. it is due to colonel leavenworth to say, that his measures upon the subject of the outrage committed by the winnebago indians, in the spring, were prompt, wise, and decisive. as you have long since learned, the murderers were soon surrendered; and so impressive has been the lesson upon the minds of the indians, that the transaction has left us nothing to regret, but the untimely fall of the soldiers. in my passage through the winnebago country, i saw their principal chiefs, and stated to them the necessity of restraining their young men from the commission of acts similar in their character to those respecting which a report was made by colonel smith. i have reason to believe that similar complaints will not again be made, and i am certain that nothing but the intemperate passions of individuals will lead to the same conduct. should it occur, the act will be disavowed by the chiefs, and the offenders surrendered with as much promptitude as the relapsed state of the government will permit. the general route which we pursued was from this place to michilimackinac by the southern shore of lake huron. from thence to drummond's island and by the river st. mary's to the sault. we there entered lake superior, coasted its southern shore to point kewena, ascended the small stream, which forms the water communication across the base of the point, and, after a portage of a mile and a half, struck the lake on the opposite side. fifty miles from this place is the mouth of the ontonagan, upon which have been found large specimens of copper. we ascended that stream about thirty miles, to the great mass of that metal, whose existence has long been known. common report has greatly magnified the quantity, although enough remains, even after a rigid examination, to render it a mineralogical curiosity. instead of being a mass of pure copper, it is rather copper imbedded in a hard rock, and the weight does not probably exceed five tons, of which the rock is the much larger part. it was impossible to procure any specimens, for such was its hardness that our chisels broke like glass. i intend to send some indians in the spring to procure the necessary specimens. as we understand the nature of the substance, we can now furnish them with such tools as will effect the object. i shall, on their return, send you such pieces as you may wish to retain for the government, or to distribute as cabinet specimens to the various literary institutions of our country. mr. schoolcraft will make to you a detailed report upon this subject, in particular, and generally upon the various mineralogical and geological objects to which his inquiries were directed. should he carry into effect the intention, which he now meditates, of publishing his journal of the tour, enriched with the history of the facts which have been collected, and with those scientific and practical reflections and observations, which few men are more competent to make, his work will rank among the most important accessions which have ever been made to our national literature. from the ontonagon we proceeded to the fond du lac, passing the mouths of the montreal, mauvais, and brulé rivers, and entered the mouth of the st. louis, or fond du lac river, which forms the most considerable water communication between lake superior and the mississippi. the southern coast of the lake is sterile, cold, and unpromising. the timber is birch, pine, and trees of that description which characterize the nature of the country. the first part of the shore is moderately elevated, the next, hilly, and even mountainous, and the last a low, flat, sandy beach. two of the most sublime natural objects in the united states, the grand sable and the pictured rocks, are to be found upon this coast. the former is an immense hill of sand, extending for some miles along the lake, of great elevation and precipitous ascent. the latter is an unbroken wall of rocks, rising perpendicularly from the lake to the height of feet, assuming every grotesque and fanciful appearance, and presenting to the eye of the passenger a spectacle as tremendous as the imagination can conceive, or as reason itself can well sustain. the emotions excited by these objects are fresh in the recollection of us all; and they will undoubtedly be described, so that the public can appreciate their character and appearance. the indications of copper upon the western part of the coast, are numerous; and there is reason to suppose that silver, in small quantities, has been found. the communication by the montreal with the chippewa river, and by the mauvais and brulé rivers with the st. croix, is difficult and precarious. the routes are interrupted by long, numerous, and tedious portages, across which the boats and all their contents are transported by the men. it is doubtful whether their communication can ever be much used, except for the purposes to which they are now applied. in the present state of the indian trade, human labor is nothing, because the number of men employed in transporting the property is necessary to conduct the trade, after the different parties have reached their destination, and the intermediate labor does not affect the aggregate amount of the expense. under ordinary circumstances, and for those purposes to which water communication is applied in the common course of civilized trade, these routes would be abandoned. from the mouth of the montreal river alone to its source, there are not less than forty-five miles of portage. the st. louis river is a considerable stream, and for twenty-five miles its navigation is uninterrupted. at this distance, near an establishment of the southwest company, commences the grand portage about six miles in length, across spurs of the porcupine ridge of mountains. one other portage, one of a mile and a half, and a continued succession of falls, called the grand rapids, extending nine miles, and certainly unsurmountable except by the skill and perseverance of the canadian boatmen, conduct us to a comparatively tranquil part of the river. from here to the head of the savannah river, a small branch of the st. louis, the navigation is uninterrupted, and after a portage of four miles, the descent is easy into lake au sable, whose outlet is within two miles of the mississippi. this was until the principal establishment of the british northwest company upon these waters, and is now applied to the same purpose by the american fur company. from lac au sable, we ascended the mississippi to the upper red cedar lake, which may be considered as the head of the navigation of that river. the whole distance, miles, is almost uninhabitable. the first part of the route the country is generally somewhat elevated and interspersed with pine woods. the latter part is level wet prairie. the sources of this river flow from a region filled with lakes and swamps, whose geological character indicates a recent formation, and which, although the highest table-land of this part of the continent, is yet a dead level, presenting to the eye a succession of dreary uninteresting objects. interminable marshes, numerous ponds, and a few low, naked, sterile plains, with a small stream, not exceeding sixty feet in width, meandering in a very crooked channel through them, are all the objects which are found to reward the traveller for the privations and difficulties which he must encounter in his ascent to this forbidding region. the view on all sides is dull and monotonous. scarcely a living being animates the prospect, and every circumstance recalled forcibly to our recollection that we were far removed from civilized life. from lac au sable to the mouth of the st. peter's, the distance by computation is six hundred miles. the first two hundred present no obstacles to navigation. the land along the river is of a better quality than above; the bottoms are more numerous, and the timber indicates a stronger and more productive soil. but near this point commence the great rapids of the mississippi, which extend more than two hundred miles. the river flows over a rocky bed, which forms a continuous succession of rapids, all of which are difficult and some dangerous. the country, too, begins here to open, and the immense plains in which the buffaloes range approach the river. these plains continue to the falls of st. anthony. they are elevated fifty or sixty feet above the mississippi, are destitute of timber, and present to the eye a flat, uniform surface, bounded at the distance of eight or ten miles by high ground. the title of this land is in dispute between the chippewas and sioux, and their long hostilities have prevented either party from destroying the game in a manner as improvident as is customary among the indians. it is consequently more abundant than in any other region through which we travelled. from the post, at the mouth of the st. peter's, to prairie du chien, and from that place to green bay, the route is too well-known to render it necessary that i should trouble you with any observations respecting it. the whole distance travelled by the party between the th of may and the th of september exceeded , miles, and the journey was performed without the occurrence of a single untoward accident sufficiently important to deserve recollection. these notices are so short and imperfect that i am unwilling to obtrude them upon your patience. but the demands upon your attention are so imperious, that to swell them into a geographical memoir would require more time for their examination than any interest which i am capable of giving the subject would justify. i propose hereafter to submit some other observations to you in a different shape. very respectfully, sir, i have the honor to be your obedient servant, lewis cass. hon. j. c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. iii. copy of a letter from gov. lewis cass to hon. john c. calhoun, secretary of war, dated detroit, september , . sir: in examining the state of our topographical knowledge, respecting that portion of the northwestern frontier over which we have recently passed, it occurs to me that there are several points which require further examination, and which might be explored without any additional expense to the united states. the general result of the observations made by capt. douglass, will be submitted to you as soon as it can be prepared. and i believe he will also complete a map of the extensive route we have taken, and embracing the whole of the united states, bounded by the upper lakes and by the waters of the mississippi, and extending as far south as rock island and the southern extremities of lakes michigan and erie. the materials in his possession are sufficient for such an outline, and he is every way competent to complete it. but there are several important streams, respecting which it is desirable to procure more accurate information than can be obtained from the vague and contradictory relations of indians and indian traders. the progress of our geographical knowledge has not kept pace with the extension of our territory, nor with the enterprise of our traders. but i trust the accurate observations of captain douglass will render a resort to the old french maps for information respecting our own country entirely unnecessary. i beg leave to propose to you, whether it would not be proper to direct exploring parties to proceed from several of our frontier posts into the interior of the country, and to make such observations as might lead to a correct topographical delineation of it. an intelligent officer, with eight or ten men, in a canoe, would be adequate to this object. he would require nothing more than a compass to ascertain his course, for it is not to be expected that correct astronomical observations could be taken. in ascending or descending streams, he should enter in a journal every course which he pursues, and the length of time observed by a watch. he should occasionally ascertain the velocity of his canoe, by measuring a short distance upon the bank, and should also enter in his journal his supposed rate of travelling. this, whenever it is possible, should be checked by the distance as estimated by traders and travellers. by a comparison of these data, and by a little experience, he would soon be enabled to ascertain with sufficient precision, the length of each course, and to furnish materials for combination, which would eventually exhibit a perfect view of the country. i do not know any additional expense which it would be necessary to encounter. an ordinary compass is not worth taking into consideration. a necessary supply of provisions, a small quantity of powder, lead, and tobacco, to present occasionally to the indians, and a little medicine, are all the articles which would require particular attention. officers employed upon such services should be directed to observe the natural appearances of the country; its soil, timber, and productions; its general face and character; the height, direction, and composition of its hills; the number, size, rapidity, &c., of its streams; its geological structure and mineralogical products; and any facts which may enable the public to appreciate its importance in the scale of territorial acquisitions, or which may serve to enlarge the sphere of national science. it is not to be expected that officers detached upon the duties can enter into the detail of such subjects in a manner which their importance would render desirable. but the most superficial observer may add something to the general stock; and to point their inquiries to specific objects, may be the means of eliciting facts, which in other hands may lead to important results. the most important tributary stream of the upper mississippi is the saint peter's. the commanding officer at the mouth of that river might be directed to form an expedition for exploring it. it is the opinion of captain douglass, and it is strongly fortified by my personal observation, and by the opinion of others, that lieut. talcott, of the engineers, now at the council bluffs, would conduct a party upon this duty in a very satisfactory manner. he might ascend the st. peter's to its source, and from thence cross over to the red river, and descend the stream to the th parallel of latitude, with directions to take the necessary observations upon so important a point.[ ] thence up that branch of the red river, interlocking with the nearest water of the mississippi, and down this river to leech lake. from this lake, there is an easy communication to the river de corbeau, which he could descend to the mississippi, and thence to st. peter's.[ ] [ ] this is the origin of major long's second expedition. [ ] explored by the preceding narrative in - . the st. croix and chippewa rivers, entering the mississippi above and below the falls of st. anthony, might, in like manner, be explored by parties from the same post.[ ] the former interlocks with the mauvais and brulé rivers, but a descent into lake superior would not probably be considered expedient, so that the party would necessarily ascend and descend the same stream.[ ] [ ] explored by the preceding narrative in - . the chippewa interlocks with the montreal and wisconsin rivers, and consequently the same party could ascend the former and descend the latter stream. a party from green bay might explore rocky river from its source to its mouth. a correct examination of green bay and of the menomonie river might be made from the same post. the st. joseph and grand river, of this peninsula, could be examined by parties detached from chicago. it is desirable, also, to explore the grand traverse bay, about sixty miles south of michilimackinac, on the east coast of lake michigan. these are all the points which require particular examination. observations made in the manner i have suggested, and connected with those already taken by captain douglass, would furnish ample materials for a correct chart of the country. it is with this view that it might be proper, should you approve the plan i have submitted to you, to direct, that the reports of the officers should be transmitted to captain douglass, by whom they will be incorporated with his own observations, and will appear in a form best calculated to promote the views which you entertain upon the important subject of the internal geography of our country. iv. detroit, october , . sir: on the eve of separating from my associates in our late tour, i owe it to them and to myself, that i should state to you my opinion respecting captain douglass and mr. schoolcraft. i have found them, upon every occasion, zealous in promoting the objects of the expedition, indefatigable in their inquiries and observations, and never withholding their personal exertions. ardent in their pursuit after knowledge, with great attainments in the departments of literature to which they have respectively devoted themselves, and with powers which will enable them to explore the whole field of science, i look forward with confidence to the day when they will assume distinguished stations among our scientific men, and powerfully aid in establishing the literary fame of their country. should any object of a similar character again require similar talents, i earnestly recommend their employment. whoever has the pleasure of being associated with them, will find how easily profound acquirements may be united with that urbanity of manners, and those qualities of the heart, which attach to each other those who have participated in the fatigues of a long and interesting tour. very respectfully, sir, i have the honor to be your obedient servant, lewis cass. hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. . topography and astronomy. topographical materials were collected by capt. douglass, u.s.a., for a map of the northwestern portions of the united states, embracing the complete circumnavigation of the great lake basins, and accurate delineations of the sources of the mississippi, as low down as the influx of the river wisconsin. being provided with instruments from the military academy of west point, astronomical observations were made at every practical point over the vast panorama traversed by the expedition. a line of some four thousand miles of previously unexplored country was visited; his notes and memoranda for a topographical memoir were full and exact; and they were left, i am informed, in a state of nearly perfect elaboration, accompanied by illustrations, and many drawings of scenery. having written to his family recently, for the astronomical observations, they were transmitted by his son in a letter, of which the following is an extract:-- geneva, june , . dear sir: i inclose you herewith, on another page, the results of my father's observations of latitude and longitude, so far as i have been able to collect them. his calculations indicate great pains and labor to obtain accurate results. they are too voluminous to copy. i trust, however, that i have been as particular as was necessary in the inclosed memoranda. if anything else is wanting, i should like you to inform me. i am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, malcolm douglass. v. _results of observations for latitude and longitude during the expedition of ._ by david b. douglass, capt. engineers, u.s.a. {by sets of observations at cunningham's } { island, , and reduced by } { exact measurement on the boundary } { bay } { } mean {by set of observations at gibraltar } latitude { island (put-in bay), taken, like the } of { preceding, in , and reduced as } ° ´ ´´ detroit { before } { } {by set of observations taken on } { sugar island, and reduced as before } { } {by mean results of sets of observations--may} and , } {by mean observation, sept. , } mean longitude of detroit, by sets of observations, may and , latitude of presque isle, lake huron, june , latitude of mackinaw, by sets of observations, june and , , by meridian observations, sept. , height of fort holmes. from the water to the brow of the hill near robinson's folly, nearly on a level with fort mackinaw . thence to the top of the block h of fort holmes . ----- total height, . feet longitude of mackinaw, by several sets of observations, sept. , mean latitude of sault de st. marie, june , latitude of turtle camp, on lake superior, june --primitive bluff (granite point.--s.) latitude of keweena camp mean latitude of sandy river, july , mean longitude (by observations for degrees, and observations for time). in time, h. m. sec. in degrees latitude of the gallais[ ] on the grand portage of st. louis, july , latitude of camp at head of grand portage, july , latitude of camp at west end of savanna portage [ ] mean latitude of sandy lake post, from observations, july and mean longitude of sandy lake post, from sets of observations, july and latitude of wolverine camp, july , day from sandy lake latitude of halting-place above forks of leech river on the mississippi, july [ ] latitude of camp at lake winnipec, july latitude of halting-place near first return camp, july latitude of return camp; near the above, same day latitude of camp at buffalo hunting-ground, above pe-can-de-quaw lake, july and breadth of river at camp on the buffalo plain, yards latitude of halting-place between the great falls and st. francis river breadth of river at camp above falls of st. anthony, yards mean latitude of fort st. anthony, new site, july , by sets of observations mean longitude of fort st. anthony, new site, july , by sets of observations latitude of fort prairie du chien, aug. and . [ ] latitude of fox and ouisconsin portage, aug. and , ° ´ ´´; say latitude of camp near mouth of river de loup, aug. latitude of fort howard, green bay, aug. longitude of fort howard (some error), probably between ° ´ ´´ and latitude of camp at sturgeon portage, lake michigan, aug. latitude of camp miles north of the manetowag, aug. latitude of camp south of the sheboyegan, aug. latitude of camp at milwaukie, aug. mean latitude of fort dearborn, chicago, by sets of equal altitudes, aug. , and meridian altitude mean longitude of fort dearborn, sets of observations. in time, h. m. sec. in degrees longitude of detroit, calculated from above latitude of camp near head of lake michigan, aug. and sept. mean latitude of the extreme south point of lake michigan, sets of observations and meridian observation latitude of camp next north of the st. joseph's, near kekalamazo, sept. latitude of camp at maskegon river, sept. latitude of camp near point aux salles, lake michigan, sept. latitude of camp at grand traverse bay, lake michigan, sept. [ ] _galet_, in the canadian patois, means a smooth, flat rock.--h. r. s. [ ] a little doubtful. [ ] a little doubtful. [ ] or ´´. . mineralogy and geology. vi. _report on the copper mines of lake superior._ by henry r. schoolcraft. to the hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. vernon (oneida county, n. y.), november , . sir: i have now the honor to submit such observations as have occurred to me, during the recent expedition under gov. cass, in relation to the copper mines on lake superior; reserving, as the subject of a future communication, the facts i have collected on the mineralogy and geology of the country explored generally. the first striking change in the mineral aspect of the country north of lake huron, is presented near the head of the island of st. joseph, in the river st. mary, where the calcareous strata of secondary rocks are succeeded by a formation of red sandstone, which extends northward to the head of that river at point iroquois, producing the falls called the _sault de ste. marie_, fifteen miles below; and thence stretching northwest, along the whole southern shore of lake superior, with the interruptions noted, to fond du lac. this extensive stratum is perforated at various points by upheaved masses of sienitic granite and trap, which appear in elevated points on the margin of the lake at dead river, keweena point, presque isle, and the chegoimagon mountains. it is overlaid, in other parts, by a stratum of gray or neutral-colored sandstone, of uncommon thickness, which appears in various promontories along the shore, and, at the distance of ninety miles from point iroquois, constitutes a lofty perpendicular and caverned wall, upon the water's edge, called the pictured rocks. so obvious a change in the geological character of the rock strata, in passing from lake huron to lake superior, prepares the observer to expect a corresponding one in the imbedded minerals and other natural features--an expectation which is realized during the first eighty leagues, in the discovery of various minerals. the first appearances of copper are seen at keweena point, two hundred and seventy miles beyond the sault de ste. marie, where the debris and pebbles along the shore of the lake contain native copper disseminated in particles varying in size from a grain of sand to a mass of two pounds' weight. many of the detached stones of this point are also colored green by the carbonate of copper, and the rock strata exhibit traces of the same ore. these indications continue to the river ontonagon, which has long been noted for the large masses of native copper found upon its banks, and about the contiguous country. this river is one of the largest of thirty tributaries, mostly small, which flow into the lake between point iroquois and fond du lac. it originates in a district of mountainous country intermediate between the mississippi river and lakes huron and superior. after running in a northern direction for about one hundred and twenty miles, it enters the latter at the computed distance of fifty miles west of the portage of keweena, in north latitude ° ´ ´´, according to the observations of capt. douglass. it is connected, by portages, with the monomonee river of green bay, and with the chippewa river of the mississippi. at its mouth there is a village of chippewa indians of sixteen families, who subsist chiefly on the fish taken in the river. their location, independent of that circumstance, does not appear to unite the ordinary advantages of an indian village of the region. a strip of alluvial land of a sandy character extends from the lake up the river three or four leagues, where it is succeeded by hills of a broken, sterile aspect, covered, chiefly, with a growth of pine, hemlock, and spruce. among these hills, which may be considered as lateral spurs of the porcupine mountains, the copper mines, so called, are situated, at the computed distance of thirty-two miles from the lake, and in the centre of a region characterized by its wild, rugged, and forbidding appearance. the large mass of native copper lies on the west bank of the river, at the water's edge, at the foot of an elevated bank, part of which appears to have slipped into the river, carrying with it the mass of copper, together with detached blocks of sienitic granite, trap-rock, and other species common to the soil at that place. the copper, which is in a pure and malleable state, lies in connection with serpentine rock, one face of which it almost completely overlays. it is also disseminated in masses and grains throughout the substance of the rock. the surface of the metal, unlike most oxidable metals which have been long exposed to the atmosphere, presents a metallic brilliancy, which is probably attributable to the attrition of the semi-annual floods of the river. the shape of the rock is very irregular; its greatest length is three feet eight inches; its greatest breadth, three feet four inches, with an average thickness of twelve inches. it may, altogether, contain eleven cubic feet.[ ] it exceeds, in size, the great mass of native iron found some years ago on the banks of red river, in louisiana. i have computed the weight of metallic copper in the rock at twenty-two hundred pounds, which is about one-fifth of the lowest estimate made of it by former visitors. henry, who visited it in , estimated its weight at five tons. the quantity may, however, have been much diminished since its discovery, and the marks of chisels and axes upon it, with the discovery of broken tools, prove that portions have been cut off and carried away. notwithstanding this reduction, it may still be considered one of the largest and most remarkable bodies of native copper on the globe, and is, so far as known, only exceeded in weight by a specimen found in a valley in brazil, weighing twenty-six hundred and sixty-six portuguese pounds. viewed as a subject of scientific interest, it presents illustrative proofs of an important character. its connection with a rock which is foreign to the immediate section of country where it lies,[ ] indicates a removal from its original bed; while the intimate connection of the metal and matrix, and the complete envelopment of masses of the copper by the rock, point to a common and contemporaneous origin, whether that be referable to volcanic agency or water. this conclusion admits of an obvious application to the beds of serpentine and other magnesian rock found in other parts of the lake. [ ] this copper rock now ( ) lies in the yard of the war office at washington. [ ] a locality of serpentine rock has since been discovered at presque isle, on lake superior. several other large masses of native copper have been found, either on this river or within the basin of the lake, at various periods since the country has been known, and taken into different parts of the united states and of europe. a recent analysis of one of these specimens, at the university of leyden, proves it to be native copper in a state of uncommon purity, and uncombined with any notable portion of either gold or silver. a mass of copper, weighing twenty-eight pounds, was discovered on an island in lake superior, eighty miles west of the ontonagon. it was taken to michilimackinac and disposed of. the war department was formerly supplied with a specimen from this mass, and the analysis above alluded to is also understood to have been made from a portion of it. a piece weighing twelve pounds was found at winnebago lake. other discoveries of this metal have been made, within the region, at various times and places. the existence of copper in the region of lake superior appears to have been known to the earliest travellers and voyagers. as early as , the baron la hontan, in concluding a description of lake superior, adds: "that, upon it, we also find copper mines, the metal of which is so fine and plentiful that there is not a seventh part lost from the ore."--_new voyages to north america_, london, . in , charlevoix passed through the lakes on his way to the gulf of mexico, and did not allow the mineralogy of the country to escape him. "large pieces of copper are found in some places on its banks [lake superior], and around some of the islands, which are still the objects of a superstitious worship among the indians. they look upon them with veneration, as if they were the presents of those gods who dwell under the waters. they collect their smallest fragments, which they carefully preserve, without, however, making any use of them. they say that formerly a huge rock of this metal was to be seen elevated a considerable height above the surface of the water, and, as it has now disappeared, they pretend that the gods have carried it elsewhere; but there is great reason to believe that, in process of time, the waves of the lake have covered it entirely with sand and slime. and it is certain that in several places pretty large quantities of this metal have been discovered without being obliged to dig very deep. during the course of my first voyage to this country, i was acquainted with one of our order (jesuits) who had been formerly a goldsmith, and who, while he was at the mission of sault de ste. marie used to search for this metal, and made candlesticks, crosses, and censers of it, for this copper is often to be met with almost entirely pure."--_journal of a voyage to north america._ in , captain carver procured several pieces of native copper on the shores of lake superior, or on the chippewa and st. croix rivers, which are noticed in his travels, without much precision, however, as to locality, &c. he did not visit the southern shores of lake superior, east of the entrance of the brulé, or goddard's river, but states that virgin copper is found on the ontonagon. of the north and northeastern shores, he remarks: "that he observed that many of the small islands were covered with copper _ore_, which appeared like beds of copperas, of which many tons lay in a small space."--_three years' travels, &c._ in (four years before the breaking out of the american revolution), a considerable body of native copper was dug out of the alluvial earth on the banks of the ontonagon river by two adventurers, of the names of henry and bostwick, and, together with a lump of silver ore of eight pounds' weight, it was transported to montreal, and from thence shipped to england, where the silver ore was deposited in the british museum, after an analysis had been made of a portion of it, by which it was determined to contain per cent. of silver. these individuals were members of a company which had been formed in england for the purpose of working the copper mines of lake superior. the duke of gloucester, sir william johnson, and other gentlemen of rank were members of this company. they built a vessel at point aux pins, six miles above the sault ste. marie, to facilitate their operations on the lake. a considerable sum of money was expended in explorations and digging. isle maripeau and the ontonagon were the principal scenes of their search. they found silver, in a detached form, at point iroquois, fifteen miles above the present site of fort brady. "hence," observes henry, "we coasted westward, but found nothing till we reached the ontonagon, where, besides the detached masses of copper formerly mentioned, _we saw much of the same metal imbedded in stone_. "proposing to ourselves to make a trial on the hill, till we were better able to go to work upon the solid rock, we built a house, and sent to the sault de ste. marie for provisions. at the spot pitched upon for the commencement of our operations, a green-colored water, which tinges iron of a copper color, issued from the hill, and this the miners called a _leader_. in digging, they found frequent masses of copper, some of which were of three pounds' weight. having arranged everything for the accommodation of the miners during the winter, we returned to the sault. "early in the spring of , we sent a boat-load of provisions, but it came back on the th day of june, bringing with it, to our surprise, the whole establishment of miners. they reported that, in the course of the winter, they had penetrated forty feet into the face of the hill, but, on the arrival of the thaw, the clay, on which, on account of its stiffness, they had relied, and neglected to secure it by supporters, had fallen in. that, from the detached masses of metal which, to the last, had daily presented themselves, they supposed there might be ultimately reached a body of the same, but could form no conjecture of its distance, except that it was probably so far off as not to be pursued without sinking an air shaft. and, lastly, that the work would require the hands of more men than could be fed in the actual situation of the country. "here our operations, in this quarter, ended. the metal was probably within our reach, but, if we had found it, the expense of carrying it to montreal must have exceeded its marketable value. it was never for the exportation of copper that our company was formed, but always with a view to the silver, which it was hoped the ores, whether of copper or lead, might in sufficient quantity contain."--_travels and adventures of alexander henry._ [in the summer of , being detained by head winds at the mouth of miner's river, on lake superior, i observed the names of several persons engraved on the sand rock, but much obliterated by the water's dashing over the rock. tradition represents that henry's miners were detained there, and that they made explorations of the river, which is named from the circumstance. the stream is a mere brook, coming over the shelving sand rock, which is a part of the precipitous range of the pictured rocks.] sir a. mackenzie passed through lake superior, on his first voyage of discovery, in . he remarks: "at the river tennagon (ontonagon) is found a quantity of virgin copper. the americans, soon after they got possession of the country, sent an agent thither; and i should not be surprised to hear of their employing people to work the mine. indeed, it might be well worthy the attention of the british subjects to work the mines on the north coast, though they are not supposed to be so rich as those on the south."--_voyages from montreal through the continent of north america._ it is difficult to conceive what, however, is apparent, from the references of dr. franklin to the subject, that the supposed mineral riches of lake superior had an important bearing on the discussions for settling the ultimate northern boundary of the united states. the british ambassadors had, it seems, from an old map which is before me, claimed a line through the straits of michilimackinac and the illinois and mississippi rivers, to the gulf of mexico. the attention of the united states government appears first to have been turned toward the subject during the administration of president john adams, when the sudden augmentation of the navy rendered the employment of copper in the equipment of ships an object of moment. a mission was therefore authorized to proceed to lake superior, of the success of which, as it has not been communicated to the public, nothing can, with certainty, be stated; but from inquiries which have been made during the recent expedition, it is rendered probable that the actual state of our indian relations, at the time, arrested the advance of the officer into the region where the most valuable beds of copper were supposed to exist, and that the specimens transmitted to government were procured through the instrumentality of some friendly indians, employed for the purpose. such are the lights which those who have preceded me in this inquiry have thrown upon the subject, all of which have operated in producing public belief in the existence of extensive copper mines on lake superior. travellers have generally coincided that the southern shore of the lake is most metalliferous, and that the ontonagon river may be considered as the seat of the principal mines. mr. gallatin, in his report on the state of american manufactures in , countenances the prevalent opinion, while it has been reiterated in some of our literary journals, and in the numerous ephemeral publications of the times, until public expectation has been considerably raised in regard to them. under these circumstances, the recent expedition under gov. cass entered the mouth of the ontonagon river on the th of june, having coasted along the southern shore of the lake from the head of the river st. mary. we spent four days upon the banks of that stream, in the examination of its mineralogy, during which the principal part of our party was encamped at the mouth of the river. gov. cass, accompanied by such persons as were necessary in the exploration, proceeded, in two light canoes, to the large mass of copper which has already been described. we found the river broad, deep, and gentle for a distance, and serpentine in its course; then becoming narrower, with an increased velocity of current, and, before reaching the copper rock, full of rapids and difficult of ascent. we left our canoes at a point on the rapids, and proceeded on foot, across a rugged tract of country, around which the river formed an extensive semicircle. we came to the river again at the locality of copper. in the course of this curve the river is separated into two branches of nearly equal size. the copper lies on the right-hand fork, and it is subsequently ascertained that this branch is intercepted by three cataracts, at which the river descends over precipitous cliffs of sandstone. the aggregate fall of water at these cataracts has been estimated at seventy feet. the channel of the river at the copper rock is rapid and shallow, and filled with detached masses of rock, which project above the water. the bed of the river is upon sandstone, similar to that under the palisades on the hudson. the waters are reddish, a color which they evidently owe to beds of ferruginous clay. the copper rock lies partly in the water. other details in the geological structure and appearance of the country are interesting; but they do not appear to demand a more particular consideration in this report. during our continuance upon this stream, we procured from an indian a separate mass of copper weighing nearly nine pounds; which will be forwarded to the war department. this specimen is partially enveloped with a crust of green carbonate of copper. small fragments of quartz and sand adhere to the under side, upon which it would appear to have fallen in a liquid state. several smaller pieces of this metal were procured during our excursion up the ontonagon, or along the shores of the lake east of this stream. it may be added that discoveries of masses of native copper, like those of gold and other metals, are generally considered indicative of the existence of mines in the neighborhood. the practical miner regards them as signs which point to larger bodies of the same metals, in the earth, and he is often determined by discoveries of this nature in the choice of the spot for commencing his labors. the predictions drawn from such evidence are more sanguine in proportion to the extent of the discovery. they are not, however, unerring indications, and appear liable to many exceptions. metallic masses are sometimes found at great distances from their original repositories; and the latter, on the contrary, sometimes occur in the earth, or imbedded in rock strata, where there have been no great external discoveries. from all the facts, which i have been able to collect on lake superior, and after a full deliberation upon them since my return, i have drawn the following conclusions:-- . that the diluvial soil along the banks of the ontonagon river, extending to its source, and embracing the contiguous region, which gives origin to the monomonee river of green bay, and to the wisconsin, chippewa, and st. croix rivers of the mississippi, contains very frequent, and several extraordinary masses of native, or metallic copper. but that no body of this metal, which is sufficiently extensive to become the object of profitable mining operations, has yet been found at any particular place. this conclusion is supported by the facts adduced, and, so far as theoretical aids can be relied upon, by an application of those facts to the theories of mining. a further extent of country might have been embraced, along the shores of lake superior, but the same remark appears applicable to it. . that a more intimate knowledge of the mineralogical resources of the country, may be expected to result in the discovery of valuable ores of copper, in the working of which occasional masses and veins of the native metal, may materially enhance the advantages of mining. this inference is rendered probable by the actual state of discoveries, and by the geological character of the country. these deductions embrace all i have to submit on the mineral geography of the country, so far as regards the copper mines. other considerations arise from the facilities which the country may present for mining--its adaptation to the purposes of agriculture--the state and disposition of the indian tribes, and other topics which a design to commence metallurgical operations would suggest. but i have not considered it incumbent upon me to enter into details upon these subjects. it may, in brief, be remarked that the remote situation of the country does not favor the pursuit of mining. it would require the employment of a military force to protect such operations. for, whatever may be their professions, the indian tribes of the north possess strong natural jealousies, and in situations so remote, are only to be restrained from an indulgence in malignant passions, by the fear of military chastisement. in looking upon the southern shore of lake superior, the period appears distant, when the advantages flowing from a military post upon that frontier, will be produced by the ordinary progress of our settlements--for it presents but few enticements for the agriculturalist. a considerable portion of the shore is rocky, and its alluvions are, in general, of too sandy and light a character for profitable husbandry. with an elevation of six hundred and forty-one feet above the atlantic, and drawing its waters from territories situated north of the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, lake superior cannot be represented as enjoying a climate favorable to the productions of the vegetable kingdom. its forest trees are chiefly those of the fir kind, mixed with varieties of the betula, lynn, oak, and maple. meteorological observations indicate, however, a warm summer, the average observed heat of the month of june being . but the climate is subject to a long and severe winter, and to sudden transitions of the summer temperature. we saw no indian corn among the natives. a country lacking a fertile soil, may still become a rich mining country, like the county of cornwall in england, the hartz mountains in germany, and a portion of missouri, in our own country. but this deficiency must be compensated by the advantages of geographical position, a contiguous or redundant population, partial districts of good land, or a good market. to these, the mineral districts of lake superior can advance but a feeble claim, while it lies upwards of three hundred miles beyond the utmost point of our settlements, and in the occupation of savage tribes whose hostility has been so recently manifested. concerning the variety, importance, and extent of its latent mineral resources, i think little doubt can remain. every fact which has been noticed tends to strengthen the belief that future observations will indicate extensive mines upon its shores, and render it an attractive field of mineralogical discovery. in the event of mining operations, the facilities of a ready transportation of the crude ores to the sault de ste. marie, will point out that place as uniting, with a commanding geographical position, superior advantages for the reduction of the ores, and the general facilities of commerce. at this place, a fall of twenty-two feet, in the river, in the distance of half a mile, creates sufficient power to drive hydraulic works to any extent; while the surrounding country is such as to admit of an agricultural settlement. i accompany this report with a geological sketch of a vertical section of the left bank of the mississippi at st. peter's, embracing a formation of native copper. this formation was first noticed by the officers of the garrison, who directed the quarrying of stone at this spot. the masses of copper found are small, none exceeding a pound in weight. i have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your ob't servant, henry r. schoolcraft. vii. _observations on the geology and mineralogy of the region embracing the sources of the mississippi river, and the great lake basins, during the expedition of . illustrated with geological profiles, and numerous diagrams and views of scenery._ by henry r. schoolcraft, u. s. geol. and minera. exp. to the hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. washington, april , . sir: i have the honor, herewith, to submit the general report of my observations on the geology and mineralogy of the region visited by the recent expedition to the sources of the mississippi river. i transmitted to the department on the th of november, , a report on the existence of copper mines in the basin of lake superior, together with specimens of the native metal, which were politely taken charge of at albany by general stephen van rensselaer, m. c. will it be consistent with the views of the department to print these reports? i have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, henry r. schoolcraft. reply. war department, april , . sir: i have received your interesting report on the geology and mineralogy of that section of the western country embraced by the late expedition of gov. cass; and, although i have not had it in my power, as yet, to peruse it with attention, i will see you, at any time you please, on the subject of your letter respecting it. i am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, j. c. calhoun. mr. henry r. schoolcraft. albany, march, . sir: agreeably to your appointment as a member of the expedition to explore the sources of the mississippi, by the way of the lakes, i proceeded to join the party organized for that purpose at detroit, by his excellency lewis cass. diurnal notes were kept of the changes in the geological features of the regions visited; of the mineralogy of the country; and of such facts as could be ascertained, with the means at command, to determine its general physical character and value.[ ] [ ] the two geological profiles of the mississippi valley and the lake basins accompanying the original are here omitted; as, also, most of the illustrative views of scenery which accompanied the original. i have heretofore reported to you the facts and appearances which indicate the existence of the ores of copper, and of valuable deposits of copper in its native form, in the basin of lake superior--a point which constituted one of the primary objects to which my attention was called--and i now proceed to state such particulars in the topics confided to me as fell within my observation. in generalizing the facts, it must be observed that the expedition had objects of a practical character relative to the number, disposition, and feelings to be learned respecting the indian tribes; that the transit over large portions of the country was necessarily rapid; and that few opportunities of elaborate or long-continued observations occurred at any one point. the topography was committed to a gentleman who is every way qualified for that topic, who was well supplied with instruments, and who will do ample justice to that department. i make these remarks to prepare you for a class of observations which are necessarily technical, and quite imperfect, and to which it is felt that it will not be an easy task to impart a high degree of interest, whatever may have been the anticipations. to prepare the mind to appreciate the account which i give of changes and developments in the physical structure of the country, it may be observed that the american continent has experienced some of the most striking mutations in its structure _at_ and _north_ of the great chain of lakes. that chain is itself rather the evidence of disruptions and upheavals of formations, which give its northern coasts, to some extent, the character of ancient--very ancient--volcanic areas of action. these lakes form--except erie and ontario--the general boundaries between the primitive and secondary strata. but, however striking this fact may, at particular localities, appear--such as at the straits of st. mary, of which the east and west shores are, geologically, of different construction--yet nothing in the grand phenomena of the whole region visited is so remarkable as the boulder stratum, which is spread, generally, from the north to the south. some of the blocks of rock are enormous, and would seem to defy any known cause of removal from their parent beds; others are smaller, and have had their angles removed, and far the greater number of these transported boulders are quite smooth and rounded by the force of attrition. this drift stratum has been tossed and scattered from its northern latitudes over the surface of the limestones and sandstones of the south. it is mixed with the diluvial soils, in michigan and elsewhere; but it is evident that, in its diffusion south, the heavier pieces have settled first, while comparatively minute boulders have been carried over or dropped in the plains and prairies of ohio, illinois, and more southerly regions. nobody, with an eye to geology, can mistake the heavy boulder deposits which mark the southern shores of huron, and become still more abundant on the st. mary's, the shores of lake superior, and along the channels of the river st. louis and the upper mississippi. lake superior has been the central theatre of volcanic upheavals; but they must have operated at very remote periods, for there is not only no evidence of existing volcanic fires, but the heavy debris everywhere bespeaks long intervals of quietude, and slow elementary degradation. some of the upheavals were made after the deposition of the sandstone rocks, which are, as at the foot of the porcupine mountains, raised up to stand nearly vertical; while other districts of the granitic rock, as at granite point, had been elevated before the deposition of the sandstone rock, which is accurately adjusted to its asperities, and remains quite horizontal. the granitical series of strata, which is apparent in northern new york in the kayaderasseras mountains, and at the thousand islands of the st. lawrence, reappear on the north shores of huron and superior, underlie the bed of the latter, and rise up in the rough coast between the chocolate river and kewaiwenon, cross the mississippi at the petite roche, above the falls of st. anthony, and put out spurs as low down as the source of the fox, the st. croix, and the head of the st. peter's rivers. these glimpses of some of the leading points in the geological structure of the regions visited, will enable you to follow my details more understandingly. these details begin at detroit. from this place the expedition passed, by water, along the southern shores of lakes st. clair, huron, and superior, to the fond du lac; thence, up the river st. louis, to the savanne summit. thence we proceeded across the portage to sandy lake, which has an outlet into the mississippi, and followed up the latter, through the lesser lake winnipek, to the entrance of the turtle river, in cass, or upper, red cedar lake, which is laid down by pike in north latitude ° ´ ´´.[ ] the state of the water was unfavorable to going higher. [ ] pike's expedition. this observation is corrected by capt. douglass to ° ´ ´´; the point of observation being, however, a few miles south. from this point, which formed the terminus of the expedition, we descended the mississippi, making portages around the falls of pekagama and st. anthony, to prairie du chien. an excursion was made by me down the mississippi to the mineral district of dubuque. we ascended the wisconsin, to the portage into the fox river, and traced the latter down to its entrance into green bay. at this point, the expedition separated; a part proceeding north, through the bay, to michilimackinac, and a part going south, along the west shores of lake michigan, to chicago, the latitude of which is placed by capt. douglass in ° ´ ´´. at this place, a further division took place. dr. wolcott, having reached his station, remained. governor cass proceeded across the peninsula of michigan to detroit on horseback, leaving capt. douglass and myself to complete the survey of lake michigan. we rejoined the northern party detached at green bay, under mr. trowbridge and mr. doty, at michilimackinac; and, after repassing the southern coast of lakes huron and st. clair, reached detroit. topographically, a very wide expanse of wilderness country had been seen. the entire length of route computed to have been traversed, exceeds four thousand miles, in the course of which we had crossed nineteen portages, over which all the baggage and canoes were conveyed on the shoulders of men. we encountered actual resistance from the indians at only one point.[ ] i kept my journals continually before me, and had my pencil in hand every morning as soon as it was light enough to discern objects. i began my geological observations at detroit. [ ] _vide_ narrative journal. this ancient city, founded by the french in , stands upon an argillaceous stratum, which is divided, topographically, into an upper and lower bank. wherever this clay has been examined by digging, it discloses pebbles of various species of rock, denoting it, as far as these extend at least, to be a part of the great drift stratum. in digging a well near the old council house, in the northeast part of the city, the top soil appeared to be less than two feet. the workmen then passed through a stratum of blue clay, of eight or ten feet, when they struck a vein of coarse sand, six or eight inches in thickness, through which the water entered profusely. the digging was carried through another bed of blue clay, twenty or twenty-two feet in depth, when the men reached a stratum of fine yellow sand, into which they dug three feet and stopped, having found sufficient water. the whole depth of the well is thirty-three feet. the water is clear and rapid. no vegetable or other remains were found, and but few primitive pebbles. in another well, situated near the centre of the town, the depth of which is twelve feet, the top soil was found to be two feet and a half; then a bed of gravel, seven feet; a vein of blue clay, eight inches, and the residue a whitish-blue clay, very compact and hard; a copious supply of water having been found. the water is, however, slightly colored, and is of a quality called hard. in some places, this clay drift yields balls of iron pyrites, which renders the water unpalatable. at what depth the rock would be struck, if the excavation were continued, can only be conjectured. a well has been dug, a short distance below the city, upwards of sixty feet, chiefly through clay and gravel, without reaching the rock; but abraded fragments of granite and hornblende rocks were thrown from the greatest depths. the bed of the river opposite the city has been stated to consist of limestone rock, but without any proof or much probability. from the fact of its affording a good anchorage to vessels, i am inclined to think that it is wholly composed of clay and gravel. detroit fluviatile clay.--the argillaceous stratum of detroit extends along both banks of the river to its head; passes around the shores of lake st. clair, and up the river st. clair to fort gratiot--a distance of seventy miles. in this distance there are some moderate elevations and depressions in the surfaces of the soil, but no very striking changes in its general character and composition. the boulder stratum is prominent at gros point, at the foot of lake st. clair, where the shore exhibited some heavy blocks of granite, and other foreign rock. st. clair flats of plastic clay.--at the mouth of the river st. clair, the current is divided into several channels, and spread over a considerable tract of low ground, which is covered with grasses and aquatic plants. these channels have worn their way through beds of tough blue clay, called the flats, over which there is sometimes not over seven feet eight inches of water in the ship channel. they consequently form an impediment to commerce. the depth is, however, always increased in the spring season, when twelve inches more may be generally relied on. frequently, during the droughts of summer, a change of wind, and its steady continuance for some time, will allow ships to pass without lighters. the permanent removal of this bar is, however, an object of national importance, which cannot but be felt, as the tonnage of the lakes increases. ancient dune; a buried forest.--the principal spot where the lands, in the immediate vicinity of the water, assume any considerable or abrupt elevation, is included between black river of the st. clair and lake huron. here the outlet of the lake, which is rapid, washes the base of a ridge, or ancient dune, elevated fifty or sixty feet above the water. fort gratiot occupies the upper part of this elevation. the lower part consists of the blue clay stratum, corresponding in character with that found in the wells of detroit. it is overlaid by a deposit of sand, forming two-thirds of the entire height. this elevation is crowned with a light forest of oak and other species. at the line of junction between the sand and clay, a number of trees are seen to be horizontally imbedded, projecting their roots and trunks in a striking manner above the water. these trees, on inspection, are merely preserved, not petrified. they appear to have been exposed to view, in modern times, by the wearing away of the bank. certainly, none of the old travellers mention them. the mode of this formation may be clearly seen. winds, at some ancient period, have been the agent of blowing the sands, as they were washed up by the lake, and redepositing them on part of a prostrated forest, resting directly on the clay stratum. the trees, thus buried in dry sand, have been preserved. in process of time, the river encroached upon these antique beds, exposing them to view. there are also antique fresh-water shells found in similar positions near this spot. no rock is, thus far, found _in sitû_ in ascending the lakes. the old surface of the country is wholly of diluvial formation, except where it shows lake action. huron coast from fort gratiot to michilimackinac.--about two hundred and thirty miles lie stretched out between these two points. lake huron charms the eye, with the view of its freshness and oceanic expanse. but the entrance is without rock scenery, and the student of its geology must be a patient gleaner along its shores. long coasts of sand and gravel extend before the eye, and they are surmounted, at a moderate elevation, with a dense foliage, which limits the view of its structure to a narrow line. portions of this coast are heavily loaded with the primitive debris[ ] from the north. these are found, in some places, in heavy masses, but all are more or less abraded, showing that they have been transported from their original beds. in one of these, i observed crystals of staurotide. [ ] in , an indian brought me a specimen of native silver found on this part of the coast. it was imbedded in a boulder of mixed granite and steatite. the first section of this coast reaches from fort gratiot to point aux barques, a distance of about seventy-five miles. nearly midway lies the white rock, a very large boulder of whitish-gray semi-crystalline limestone, lying off the shore about half a mile, in water of about one and a half fathom's depth. it is the effect of gulls lighting upon this rock, and not the intensity of the color of the stone, that has originated the name--which is a translation of the _roche blanche_ of the older _voyageurs_. the detroit clay-formation still characterizes the coast. first emergence of rock, in place, above the surface.--we are passing, in this section, along and near to the outcrop of the secondary strata of the peninsula, but these strata are covered with a heavy deposit of diluvial clays, sands, and pebble drift. the first emergence of fixed rocks, above the line of the drift, occurs after passing elm creek in the advance to ship point (_pointe aux barques_). it is a species of coarse gray, loosely compacted sandstone, in horizontal layers. this rock continues to characterize the coast to and around the ship point promontory into saganaw bay. it possesses a few fossil remains of corallines; but the rock is not of sufficient compactness and durability for architectural purposes. it is conjectured to be one of the outlying series of the coal measures, of which this coast exhibits, further on, other evidences. saganaw bay.--the phenomena of this large body of water, which is some sixty miles long, appear to indicate an original rent in the stratification, having its centre of action very deep. if the peninsula of michigan be likened to a huge fish's head, this bay may be considered as its open mouth. we crossed the inner bay from point aux chenes, where it is estimated to be twenty miles across.[ ] the traverse is broken by an island, to which the indians, with us, applied the name of sha-wan-gunk.[ ] it is composed of a dark-colored limestone, of dull and earthy fracture and compact structure. it presents broken and denuded edges at the water level. i observed in it nodular masses of chalcedony and calc. spar. the margin of the island bears fragments of the boulder stratum. [ ] ships make the traverse where it is sixty miles wide. [ ] the reason of this name i did not learn. it is apparently the same name as that bestowed on a mountain range in orange and ulster counties, new york, lying south of the catskills, where it is sometimes called, for short, shongum. the meaning is, evidently, something like south-land-place. the local _unk_ may be translated hill, island, continent, &c. &c. highlands of sauble.--on crossing the bay, these highlands present themselves to view in the distance. they are the north-eastern verge of the most elevated central strata of the peninsula. their structure can only be inferred from the formations along the margin of the lake, extending by thunder bay and presque isle, and the isles of bois blanc and round island to michilimackinac. at thunder bay, the compact limestone of the saganaw islands reappears, and is constantly in sight from this point to presque isle. it exists in connection with bituminous shale, at an island in thunder bay. it is of a dark carbonaceous character on the main opposite middle island, at a point which is called by the indians _sho-sho-ná-bi-kó-king_, or place of the smooth rock. i noticed at this point the cyathophyllum helianthoides in abundance, and easily detached them from the rock. the more compact portions of this formation in the approach to presque isle, disclosed the ammonite, two species of the gorgonia, and the fragment of a species of chambered shell, whose character is indeterminate. much of the coast was footed, as the winds were adverse, and its debris thus subjected to a careful scrutiny. wherever the limestone was broken up or receded from the water, long lines of yellow beach-sand and lake-gravel, including members of the erratic block stratum, intervened. in some localities, local beds of iron sand occur. michilimackinac.[ ]--the approach to this island was screened from our view by the woody shores and forests of bois blanc, an island of some twelve miles in length lying off the main land; and the view of it first burst upon us in the narrow channel between it and round island. it is a striking geological monument of mutations. here the calcareous rock, which had before exhibited itself in low ledges along the shore is piled up in masses, which reach an extreme altitude of three hundred and twelve feet. about two hundred feet of this elevation is precipitous on its south, east, and west edge. a hundred feet or more is piled up on its centre, part rock and part soil, in a crowning shape. the highest part of this apex, which is surmounted by the ruins of fort holmes, consists of the drift stratum, among which are boulders of sienite, and other foreign rocks. a locality of these abraded boulder-rocks, near the dousman farm, is worthy of a visit from all who take an interest in the phenomena of boulders dispersed over the continent. the fishermen represent the water around this island to be eighty fathoms in depth. yet, across these waters, to the utmost altitude of the island, these blocks of foreign rock have been transported. no force capable of effecting this is now known. and the argument of their having been transported on cakes of ice, in the nascent periods of the globe, is rendered stronger by these appearances than any geological proofs which i have yet seen. [ ] the name, as pronounced by the indians, is mich-en-i-mack-in-ong, meaning place of turtle spirits, a notion of their mythology. it was anciently deemed a sacred spot, or one where monetoes revealed themselves. distinctive character of the mackinac limestone.--nothing appears so completely to puzzle the observer as the first glance at this rock. it is different in appearance from the calcareous rocks, to which my attention has heretofore been called in western new york, and in missouri and illinois. the difficulty is to find a point of comparison. i walked entirely around the island, partly in water, the northern shores being comparatively low. there appeared to be three layers. the first, which rises up from the depths of the lake, scarcely, if at all, reaches the water level. upon this is superimposed a vesicular rock, of which the vesicles are filled with carbonate of lime in the state of agaric mineral. by exposure to the air, this substance readily decomposes, and assumes an almost limey whiteness, and sometimes a complete pulverulent state. the reticular, or vesicular lines, by which the mass is held together, are thus weakened, and large masses of the craggy parts fall, and assume the condition of debris at the water's edge. some conditions of the reticulated filaments are covered with minute crystals of cal. spar; others of minutely crystallized quartz. there appear, at other localities, in low positions, layers of quartz in the condition of a coarse bluish, flinty, striped agate. the entire stratum appears to be a reproduced mass, which is plainly denoted, if i mistake not, by some imbedded masses of an elder lime-rock. the whole stratum is too shelly and fissured to be of value for economical purposes. it yields neither quicklime nor building stone. fort mackinac is erected on the summit of this stratum. the two objects of curiosity, called the arched rock, and the point called robinson's folly, are evidences of this tendency of the cliffs to disintegration. the superior stratum which constitutes the nucleus of the fort holmes' summit, contains more silex, diffused throughout its structure. it is, however, of a loose, though hard and shelly character; and has, in the geological mutations of the island been chiefly demolished and washed away. the monumental mass of this period of demolition, called the sugar loaf, is a proof that it contained, either by its shape, or otherwise, a superior power of resisting these means of ancient prostration. striking as it now appears, this is the simple story which it tells. its apex is probably level, or nearly so, with the fort holmes's summit. over the whole island, after these demolitions, the drift stratum was deposited. the german geognosts apply the term _mushelkalk_, to this species of calcareous rock. it is, apparently, the magnesian limestone of english writers. ancient water lines.--such marks appear on the most compact parts of the cliffs, denoting the water to have stood, during the ancient boundaries of the lake, at higher levels. lake action.--it is known that strong currents set into the straits of michilimackinac, and out of it, from lake michigan, at this point. the fishermen, who set their nets at four hundred feet in the waters, often bring up, entangled in their nets, large compact masses of limestone, which have been fretted into a kind of lacework, by the rotatory motion of little pebbles and grains of sand, kept in perpetual motion by the water at the bottom of the lake. organic impressions.--there are cast up among the lake debris of this island, casts of some species of orthocaratites, ammonites, and madrepores, which appear to be derived from the calcareous rocks in place in the basin of lake huron. but the rock strata of the island itself appear to be singularly destitute of these remains. the only species which i have noticed, is one that was thrown up from a well attempted to be dug, on the apex of fort holmes, by the british troops, while they held possession of the island in , , and . but this is uniformly fragmentary. it has the precise appearance of the head of a trilobite, but never reveals the whole of the lateral lobes, nor any of the essential connecting parts. it is silicious. gyseus formation.--evidences of the extension of this formation to this vicinity were brought to my notice; in consequence of which i visited the st. martin's islands, which belong to the mackinac group. masses of gypsum were found imbedded in the soil, both of the fibrous and compact variety. these islands are low diluvial formations. similar masses are found on goose island; and the mineral has been found at point st. ignace on the main land. taken in connection with the discovery of this mineral, at a subsequent part of the journey on grand river, the indications of the series of the saline group of rocks, so prevalent in the mississippi valley, are quite clear up to this extreme point, which is, however, very near the northern verge of this group. honeycombed rocks.--as evidences of existing lake action, it has already been mentioned that the fishermen bring up, from great depths in the straits, pieces of compact limestone, completely fretted and excavated by small pebbles, which are kept in motion by the strong currents which prevail at profound depths. the process of their formation by these currents is such, as in some instances to give the appearance of cellepores, and analogous forms of organic life. i have seen nothing in these carious forms which does not reveal the mechanical action of these waters. pseudomorphic forms.--amongst the limestone debris, of recent date, found on these shores, are pieces of rock which have an appearance as if they had been punctured with a lancet, or blade of a penknife. these incisions are numerous, and from their regularity, appear to have been moulded on some crystals which have subsequently decayed. yet, there are difficulties in supposing such to have been the origin of these small angular orifices. whenever these masses are examined by obtaining a fresh fracture, they are found to consist of the compact gray and semi-granular rock of the inferior mackinac group, but in no instance of the vesicular or silicious varieties. these blocks appear to be identical in character with the white rock, before noticed. north shore of lake huron.--the next portion of the country examined was that of the north shores of the lake, extending from michilimackinac to point detour, the west cape of the straits of st. mary's, a distance computed to be forty miles. the calcareous rock, such as it appears in the inferior stratum of mackinac, extends along this coast. the first three leagues of it, consist of an open traverse across an arm of the lake. goose island offers a shelter to the voyager, which is generally embraced. it consists of an accumulation of pebbles and boulders on a reef, with a light soil, resting on the lower limestone. it does not, perhaps, at any point, rise to an elevation of more than eight or ten feet above the water. outard point, a short league, or rather three miles further, exhibits the same underlying formation of rock, which is found wherever solid points put out into the lake, during the entire distance. the chain of islands called chenos, extends about twenty miles, and affords shelter during storms to boatmen and canoemen, who are compelled to pass this coast. large masses of the rock, with its angles quite entire, lie along parts of the shore, and appear to have been but recently detached. the intervals between these blocks and points of coast, are formed of the loose sand and pebbles of the lake, which are more or less affected by every tempest. the only organic remains and impressions are drift-specimens, which have been driven about by the waves, and are abraded. broken valves of the anadonta, occasionally found in similar positions, denote that this species exists in the region, but that the outer localities of the coast are entirely unfavorable to their growth. drummond island.--this island, now in the possession of british troops, who removed from michilimackinac in , is the western terminus of the manatouline chain. we did not visit it, but learn from authentic sources, that it is a continuation of the nether mackinac limestone--and that the locality abounds in loose petrifactions, which appear to have belonged to an upper stratum of the rock, now disrupted.[ ] [ ] dr. john bigsby, in a memoir read before the london geological society, has described and figured several of these. in a memoir by charles stokes, esq., of london, read before this society in june, , some of its most striking fossils are figured and described, with references to the prior discoveries of dr. bigsby, captain bayfield, and dr. richardson. six new species of the arctinoceras, and five of the huronia, ormoceras, and orthocerata, are figured and described in the most splendid manner. this memoir is essential to all who would understand its fossil history, and that of the north generally. straits of st. mary's.--these straits, and the river which falls into their head, connect lakes huron and superior. they appear to occupy the ancient line of junction between the great calcareous and granitic series of rocks on the continent. the limestone, which has been noticed along the north shore of the huron from michilimackinac, and which continues, with interruptions of water only, from detour to drummond island, and the manatoulines, is to be noticed up the straits as high as isle a la crosse, where the last locality of a pure carbonate of lime appears to occur. the island of st. joseph is chiefly primitive rock, and its south end is heavily loaded with granitic, porphyritic, and quartz boulders. the north shores of the river, opposite and above this island, are entirely of the granitic series, which continues to gros cape of lake superior. on reaching the _nebeesh_,[ ] or sailor's encampment island, sandstone rocks of a red color present themselves, and are found also on the american side of the river, and continue to characterize it to the falls, or sault de ste. marie,[ ] and to point iroquois and isle parisien in lake superior. [ ] strong water. [ ] reached somewhere about , by the french missionaries. the sault of st. mary's is _upon_ and _over_ this red sandstone. the river makes several successive leaps, of a few feet at a time, in its central channel, falling, altogether, about twenty-two feet in half a mile. this gives it a foaming appearance, and the volume pours a heavy murmur on the ear.[ ] it is, of course, a complete interruption to the navigation of vessels, which can, however, come to anchor near its foot, while barges may be pushed up, empty, on the american shore. the water-power created by such a change of level, is such as must commend the spot, at a future period, to manufacturers, lumbermen, and miners. the foot of these falls is heavily incumbered, both with masses of the disrupted sand-rock[ ] and granitic and conglomerate boulders. [ ] in , lieutenant charles f. morton, u. s. a., sent to my office a mass of this red sand rock, of about twelve inches diameter, perfectly round and ball-shaped, which he had directed one of the soldiers to pick up, in an excursion among the islands of the lower st. mary's. this ball was a monument of that physical throe which had originally carried this river through the sandstone pass of st. mary's, having been manifestly rounded in what geologists have called "a pocket hole" in the rock at the falls, and afterwards carried away, with the disrupted rocks, down the valley. [ ] the indiana call it _pauwateeg_ (water leaping on the rocks), when speaking of the phenomenon, and _pawating_, when referring to the place of it. red sandstone of lake superior.--that this is the old red sandstone, may be inferred simply from the fact that, although deposited originally in horizontal beds, its position has been disturbed in many localities. plastic clay stratum of the lakes.--the northern extremity of muddy lake--a sheet of water some twenty miles in length--is the head of the straits, and the beginning of the river st. mary's. this sheet of water has the property of being rendered slightly whitish, or turbid, by continuous winds. its bottom appears to be formed of the same plastic blue clay which obstructs the passage of vessels of large draft on the st. clair flats, and forms an impediment of a similar kind in this river in lake george. this stratum seems to be the result of causes not now in operation. if dredged through, or excavated, there is no reason to suppose it would again accumulate; for the waters of the lake are clear and pure, and carry down no deposit of the kind. these clay deposits remain to attest physical changes which are past. they denote the demolition of formations of slate in the upper regions, which have been broken down and washed away when the dominion of the waters was far more potential than they now are. this formation is favorable to the growth of some species of fresh-water shells. i observed several species of the anadonta and the plenorbis, and think, from the broken valves, that research would develop others. porphyry and conglomerate boulders.--a formation of red jasper, in common white quartz, exists, in the bed of intersection, on the southeastern foot of sugar island. the fragments of jasper are of a bright vermil red, quite opaque, and have preserved their angles. i had observed fragments of the formation along the shores of the lower part of the straits, and even picked up some specimens, entirely abraded, however, on the south shores of the huron, between the white rock and michilimackinac--a proof of the course of the drift. the granitic conglomerates appear quite conclusive, one would think, of the results of fusion. the attraction of aggregation would seem inadequate to hold together such diverse masses. in these curious and striking masses we see the red feldspathic granite, black and shining hornblende rock, white fatty quartz, and striped jasper, held together as firmly, and polished by attrition as completely, as if they were--what they are not--the results of crystallization in this aggregate form. erratic block group.--wherever, in fact, the geologist sets his foot, on the shores of the upper lakes, he finds himself on the great drift stratum, and cannot but revert to that era when waters, on a grander scale, swept over these plains, and the lakes played rampantly over wider areas.[ ] [ ] during a subsequent residence of eleven years at this point, the excavations made on both sides of the river, in digging wells, canals made by the military, &c., fully demonstrated the truth of this general observation. in these positions, it was evident that some greatly superior force of watery removal, such as does not now exist, had heaped together particles of similar matters, according to laws which govern moving, compacted masses of water, leaving clay to settle according to the laws of diffused clay, sand of sand, and pebbles and boulders of pebbles and boulders. in their change and redeposit, gravity has evidently been the primary cause, modified by compressed currents, attraction, and probably those secret and still undeveloped magnetic and electric influences which exist in connection with astronomical phenomena. that the earth's surface, "standing out of the water and in the water," has been disrupted and preyed upon by oceanic power, no one, at this day of geological illumination, will deny. basin of lake superior.--we entered this island sea as if by a kind of geological gate, in which the sandstone cliffs of point iroquois, on the one hand, stand opposite to the granitical hills of gross cape on the other. in order to conceive of its geology, it may subserve the purposes of description to compare it to a vast basonic crater. the rim of this crater has been estimated, by sir alexander mackenzie, at fifteen hundred miles. the primitive formations of labrador and hudson's bay coasts come up, so as to form the eastern and northern sides of the rim, around which they stand in cliffs of sienitic greenstone and hornblendic rocks, in some places a thousand feet high. on its south and southwest shores, this formation of the elder class of rocks forms also a considerable portion of the coast; as in the rough tract of granite point, the porcupine and iron river mountains, and the primitive tract west of chegoimegon, or lapointe. it will serve to denote the broken character of this rim, if we state that the entire plain of the lake, running against and fitting to this rim, was originally filled up with the red, gray, and mottled sandstone, which gave way and fell in at localities west of the great keweena peninsula, converting its bottom into an anteclinal axis. volcanic action, to which this disturbance in its westerly bearings may be attributed, appears to have thrown up the trap-rocks of the pic, of the porcupine chain, of the isle royal group, and other trap islands, and the long peninsula of keweena. this system of forces appears to have spent itself from the northeast to the southwest. the shocks brought with them the elements of the copper and other metallic bodies which characterize the trap-rock. they exhausted their power, on the american side, west of the granitic tract of chocolate and dead rivers, and the totosh and cradle-top mountains. the most violent disturbance took place at the west of the keweena peninsula, and thence it was propagated in the direction of the higher ontonagon, the iron, and the montreal rivers. this disturbance of the level of the sandstone produced undulations, which are observable on the st. mary's, where the variation from a level is not more than eight or ten degrees. they left portions of it--as between isle au train and the firesteel river--undisturbed; and they threw other portions of it--as between iron and montreal rivers--almost completely on their edges. the entire north shore from gargontwa to the old grand portage, inclusive of the michepicotin and pic regions, cannot be particularly alluded to, as that part of the coast was not visited; but the accounts of observers represent it as consisting of trap-rocks. without the application of such forces, it appears impossible to understand the geology of this lake, or to account for the sectional and disturbed formations. the lake itself, whose depth is great, and which has an extreme length of about miles, by an extreme width of some , is endowed with powerful means of existing elemental action. this consists almost entirely of the force of its winds and long, sweeping waves. its bottom may, in this light, be looked upon as an immense mortar or triturating apparatus, in which its sandstones, trap-boulders, and pebbles are driven about and comminuted. this power has greatly changed its configuration, and the process of these mutations is daily going on. it is only by such a power of geological action that we can account for the powerful demolitions and inroads which it has made upon some parts of its southern borders. the coasts of the pictured rocks, which have a prominent development of about to miles, consist in horizontal strata of coarse gray sandstone, of little cohering power. the effect of waves beating upon rocks is to communicate a curved line. this has operated to excavate numerous and extensive caves into the coast. these, after reaching hundreds of feet, have in some cases united. the effect is to isolate portions of the coast, and to leave it in fearful pinnacles, having many of the architectural characters of gothic or doric ruins. the portion of coast immediately west of grand marrais is scarcely less unique. it denotes the effect of the prostrating power of the lake in another way. the sandstone of parts of the coast, ground down into yellow sand by this vast machinery, is lifted up by the winds as soon as it reaches the point of dryness, and heaped up into vast dunes. standing trees are buried in these tempests of sand, and its effect is, for about nine miles along the coast, to present, at an elevation of several hundred feet, a scene of arid desolation, which can only be equalled by the arabic deserts. a dyke of trap seems once to have extended from the north shore to point keweena; but, if so, it has been prostrated, and its contents--veins and deposits, silicious and metallic--scattered profusely around the shores of the lakes. a cause less general is hardly sufficient to account for the wide distribution of fragments of the copper veins and vein-stones which have so long been noticed as characters of this lake. the basal remains of this antique dyke form the peninsula of keweena. the tempests beating against this barrier from the northwest, have ripped up terrific areas from the solid rock, and left its covering, amygdaloid and rubblestones, in fantastic patches upon the more solid parts, or constituting islands in front of them. structure of its southern coast.--the estimated distance from sault ste. marie to fond du lac is a fraction over miles. the sandstone, as it appears in the falls of the st. mary's, does not appear to be entirely level. it exhibits an undulation of about ° or °, dipping to west-northwest. two instances of this waved stratification of the lake superior sandstone deserve notice. the first terminates at the intersection of red sand rock at la point des grande sables with the beginning of the horizontal strata of the pictured rocks. we again observe an inclination of the strata of a few degrees at grand island, which is moreingfish river, and appears to dip at isle aux trains, about twenty miles northeast. the scenery is peculiarly soft and pleasing in passing the huron islands, a granitic group, and directing the view, as in the sketch, to the coast and the rough granitical hills rising behind huron bay. the strata are level, as shown above, around the bay of presque isle and granite point, and continue so, resting on the roots of the granitical tract of the _tötosh_, or schoolcraft, and cradletop mountains, and at point aux beignes, and keweena bay. this level position of the rock is preserved to the south cape of the shallow bay of the bete gre, on the north, at which the trap-dykes of the peninsula first begin; and so continues after passing that rugged coast of the vitreous series of that remarkable point, to and beyond eagle river and sandy bay, in the approach to the portage of the keweena. the same horizontality is observed on the headland west of it, and upon all the points and headlands to misery and firesteel rivers and the mouth of the ontonagon. the trap-dyke of keweena crosses this river about ten miles, in a direct line, inland. at iron river, we observe a stratum of compact gray grauwacke, over the hackly bed of which that river forces its way during the spring months, and stands in tanks and pools during the summer. on reaching the foot of the porcupine mountains, the sandstone, which is here of a dark chocolate color, with quartz pebbles of the bigness of a pigeon's egg, and organic remains of paleozoic type, is found to be tilted up into nearly a vertical position, as shown in the sketch. the grauwacke reappears, in a most striking manner, at the falls of presque isle river, where the whole mass of water precipitated from the highlands drops into a vast pot-hole, a hundred feet wide and perhaps twice that depth. the whole upper series of rocks, from the porcupine cliffs west to the montreal river, is a conglomerate. at the falls of the montreal, the river drops over the vertical edges of the red sandstone. beyond the bay of st. chares, at lapointe chegoimigon, masses of sienitic mountains arise, which have their apex near la riviere de fromboise. the islands of the twelve apostles, or federation group, appear to be all based on the sienitic or trap, with overlying red sandstone; which latter again reappears on the point of the entrance into fond du lac bay, and marks its southern coast, till near the entrance of the brulé, or misakoda river, as seen in the illustration beneath. shores of sand then intercept its view to the entrance of the river st. louis, and up its channel to its first rapids, about eighteen miles, where the red sandstone again appears, as the first series of the cabotian mountains. serpentine rock.--at the nearest point north of rivier du mort is a headland of this rock, jutting out from the granitical formation. lapping against it, at the mouth of the river, is a curious formation of magnesian breccia. the serpentine rock appears, in nearly every locality examined, to be highly charged with particles of chromate of iron. it may be expected to yield the usual magnesian minerals.[ ] its position is between the carp river and granite point, in the bay of presque isle, or rather chocolate river, for that river pours into this bay by far the largest quantity of water.[ ] [ ] in , in making some explorations of this rock with gunpowder, i found the serpentine in a crystalline state, of a beautiful deep-green color, but appearing as if the crystallization was pseudomorphous. [ ] the extensive iron mines of marquette county, upper michigan, are now worked in this vicinity. ancient drift-stratum.--in the intervals between the points and headlands, where the rock formation is exposed by streams or gorges, the drift, or erratic boulder stratum, is found. such is its position beneath the sand-dunes of the grandes sables, and in the elder plains and uplands, stretching with interruptions on the coast from the head of the mary's valley to that of the st. louis. the edge of this formation is composed of the sand and loose pebbles and boulders of the lake. mighty as are the existing causes of action of the lake in beating down and disrupting strata of every kind, and in reproducing alluvial lands and dunes, they are weak and local when compared to the causes which have spread these ponderous boulders, and drift masses over latitudes and longitudes which appear to be limited only by the leading elevations of the continent. that oceanic torrents of water, suddenly heaped on the land, and wedged into compactness and power now unknown to it, is after all, the most plausible theory of the dispersion of this formation, and this theory avoids the necessary local one of the glacial dispersion which presupposes a very low temperature over the whole surface of the globe. kaugwudju.[ ]--this imposing mass of the trap-rocks is the highest on the southern shores of lake superior. the following outlines of it are taken from a point on the approach to the ontonagon river, about forty miles distant. [ ] porcupine mountains. from _kaug_, a porcupine, and _wudju_, mountain. they rise to their apex about thirty miles west of that stream, in north lat. ° ´ ´´, as observed by captain douglass. they are distant three hundred and fifty miles from st. mary's. in a serene day they present a lofty outline, and were seen by us from the east, at the distance of about eighty miles. the indians represent them to have a deep tarn, with very imposing perpendicular walls, at one of the highest points. if lake superior be estimated at six hundred and forty feet above the atlantic, as my notes indicate, its peaks are higher than any estimates we have of the source of the mississippi, and are, at least, the highest elevations on this part of the continent. the granitical tract of the st. francis, missouri,[ ] and of the quartz high lands of wachita, arkansas, the only two known primitive elevations between the rocky and alleghany chains, are far less elevated. [ ] _vide_ my view of the lead mines, in the appendix to "scenes and adventures in the ozark mountains." i have now taken a rapid glance at the formations along the southern shore of the lake between st. mary's and fond du lac; but have passed by some features which may be thought to merit attention. existing lake drift.--the gleaner among the rock debris of this lake has a field of labor which is not dissimilar to that of the fossilist. if he has not, so to say, to put joint to joint, to establish his conclusions, he has a mineralogical adjustment to make every way as obscure. a boulder of sienite, or a mass of sandstone, or grauwacke, may be easily referred to a contiguous rock. but when the observer meets with species which are apparently foreign to the region, he is placed in a dilemma between the toil of an impossible scrutiny and the danger of an unlicensed conjecture. among the more common masses which may be assigned a locality within the compass of the lake, are granites, sienites, hornblendes, greenstones, schists, traps, grauwackes, sandstones, porphyries, quartz rocks, serpentines, breccias, amygdaloids, amphiboles, and a variety of masses in which epidote and hornblende are essential constituents. with these, the coast mineralogist must associate, in place or out of place, agates, chalcedonies, carnelians, zeolite, prehnite, calcareous spar, crystalline quartz, amethystine quartz, coarse jaspers, noble serpentine, iron-sand, iron-glance, sulphate of lead, chromate of iron, native copper, carbonate of copper, and various species of pyrites. these were, at least, my principal rewards for about eighteen days' labor, in scrutinizing, at every possible point, its lengthened and varied coasts. cupreous formation.--the whole region, above grand island at least, appears to have been the theatre of trap-dykes, and an extensive action from beneath, which brought to the surface the elements of the formation of copper veins. these have not been much explored; but, so far as observation goes, there are evidences which cannot be resisted, that the region contains this metal in various shapes and great abundance. i refer to my report of the th of november, , for evidences of a valuable deposit of this metal in the valley of the ontonagon river, and at other points. i found the metal in its native state at various other localities, and always under physical evidences which denoted its existence, in the geological column of the lake, in quantity. these indications were confined almost exclusively to the area intervening between the peninsula of keweena, and la pointe chegoimegon, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles. of this district, the two extremities would make the ontonagon valley about the centre.[ ] a profile of one of the detached pieces, found in the ontonagon valley, and forwarded to you by mr. van rensselaer, is herewith given. [ ] i would also refer, for subsequent information, to my report of the st of october, , made in compliance to a resolution of the senate, and printed in the executive documents of that year, no. , th congress, d session. vitric boulders.--among the debris of lake superior are masses of trachyte, and also small pieces of the sienitic series, in which the red feldspar has a calcined appearance, the quartz being, at the same time, converted into a perfectly vitreous texture. similar productions, but not of the same exact character, exist on the sandy summits of the grande sable. these exhibit an exterior of glistening cells or orifices: it may be possible that they have been produced by fusion; but i think not. the smooth cells appear like grains of sand hurled by the winds over these bleak dunes. i have brought from that locality a single specimen of pitchstone, perfectly resinous, bleak and shining. la pointe chegoimegon.--a sketch of these islands, as given in the narrative, denotes that their number is greatly underrated, and will serve to show the configuration of a very marked part of the superior coast. it must, hereafter, become one of the principal harbors and anchoring-ground for vessels of the lake. valley of the st. louis river.--the st. louis river takes its rise on the southern side of the hauteur des terres, being the same formation of the drift and erratic block stratum which gives origin, at a more westerly point, to the mississippi. its tributaries lie northwest of the rainy lakes. vermilion lake, a well-known point of indian trade, is a tributary to its volume, which is large, and its outlet rushes with a great impetus to the lake. at what height its sources lie above lake superior, we can only conjecture. it was estimated to have a fall of two hundred and nine feet to the head of the portage aux coteaux, and may have a similar rise above. by far its most distinguishing feature is its passage at the grand portage through the cabotian mountains. we entered it at fond du lac and pursued up its channel through alluvial grounds, in which it winds with a deep channel about nineteen or twenty miles to the foot of its first rapids. this point was found one mile above the station of the american fur company's trading-house. here we encountered the first rock stratum, in the shape of our old geological acquaintance, the old red sandstone of lake superior. it was succeeded in the first sixteen miles, in the course of which the river is estimated to fall two hundred feet--most of it in the first twenty-nine miles--by trap, argillite, and grauwacke. through these barriers the water forces its way, producing a series of rapids and falls which the observer often beholds with amazement. the river is continually in a foam for nine miles, and the wonder is that such a furious and heavy volume of water should not have prostrated everything before it. the sandstone, grauwacke, and the argillite, the latter of which stands on its edges, have opposed but a feeble barrier; but the trap species, resisting with the firmness, as it has the color of cast-iron, stand in masses which threaten the life and safety of everything which may be hurled against them. i found a loose specimen of sulphuret of lead and some common quartz in place in the slate rock, a vein of clorite slate, and a locality of coarse graphite, to reward my search. the portage aux coteaux, which is over the basetting edges of the argillite, will give a lively idea of the effects of this rock upon the feet of the loaded voyageurs. the sandstone is last seen near the galley on the nine mile portage. above the knife portage, some eight miles higher, vast black boulders of hornblendic and basaltic blocks, are more frequent; and these masses are observed to be more angular in their shapes than the boulders and blocks of kindred character encountered on the shores of lakes superior and huron. there is a vast sphagnous formation, which spreads westwardly from the head of the coteau portage, and gives rise to the remote tributaries of milles lac and rum river. much of this consists of what the indians term _muskeeg_, or elastic bog. hurricanes and tempests have made fearful inroads upon areas of its timber, and it is seldom crossed, even by the indians. this tract lies east of the summit of sand-hills and drift, which environ sandy lake, the _komtaguma_ of the chippewas. the portage of the savanna river, a tributary of the st. louis, is the route pursued by persons with canoes; there is no other species of water craft adapted to this navigation. but wherever crossed, this swamp-land tract imposes labor and toil which are of no ordinary cast. it is the equivalent of the argillite which has been broken down and disintegrated, forming beds of clay soil which are impervious to the water, and we way regard this ancient slate formation of the true source of the st. lawrence tributaries, as the remote origin of those extensive beds of an argillaceous kind, which exist at many places in the lower lakes and plains. immediately west of the savanna portage, the komtaguma summit is reached. this summit consists wholly of arid pebble and boulder drift of the elder period. it exhibits evidences of broken-down amygdaloids, which not only furnish a part of its pebbles, but also of the contents of this stratum, in numerous agates and other subspecies of the quartz family which are found scattered over the surface. this is, in fact, the origin of that extensive diffusion of these species, which is found in the valley of the upper mississippi, as at lake pepin, &c., and which has even been traced, in small pieces, as low as st. louis and herculaneum in missouri.[ ] we may conclude that the ancient sandstones, slates, and rubblestone, and amygdaloids, of which traces still remain, were swept from the summit of the mississippi by those ancient floods which appear to have diffused the boulder drift from the north. [ ] _vide_ view of the lead mines. sandy lake.--the first view of this body of water was obtained from one of those eminences situated at the influx of the west savanna river. this lake is bounded, on its western borders, by the delta of the mississippi; its outlet is about two miles in length. we here first beheld the object of our search. the soil on its banks is of the richest alluvial character. from this point, dense forests and a moderately elevated soil, varying from three or four to fifteen feet, confined the view, on either side, during more than two days' march. on the third day after leaving sandy lake, at an early hour, we reached the falls of pakágama. here the rock strata show themselves for the first time on the mississippi, in a prominent ledge of quartz rock of a gray color. through this formation the mississippi, here narrowed to less than half its width, forces a passage. the fall of its level in about fifty rods may be sixteen or eighteen feet. there is no cascade or leap, properly so called, but a foaming channel of extraordinary velocity, which it is alike impossible to ascend or descend with any species of water craft. it lies in the shape of an elbow. we made the portage on the north side. pakÁgama summit.--the observer, when he has surmounted the summit, immediately enters on a theatre of savannas, level to the eye, and elevated but little above the water. vistas of grass, reeds, and aquatic plants spread in every direction. on these grassy plains the river winds about, doubling and redoubling on itself, and increasing its cord of distance in a ratio which, by the most moderate computation, would seem extravagant. on those plateaux, and the small rivers and lakes connected with them, the wild rice reaches the highest state of perfection. our men toiled with their paddles till the third day, through this unparalleled maze of water and plants, when we reached the summit of the upper red cedar or cass lake, where we encamped. in this distance no rock strata appeared, nor any formation other than a jutting ridge of sand, or an alluvial plain. plateau on plateau had, indeed, carried us from one level or basin to another, like a pair of steps, till we had reached our extreme height. cass lake basin.--from estimates made, this lake is shown to lie at thirteen hundred and thirty feet above the atlantic.[ ] this is a small elevation, when we consider it as lying on the southern flank of the transverse formation which forms the connecting link with the rocky mountains. a rise or a subsidence of this part of the continent to this amount, would throw the hudson's bay and arctic waters down the mississippi valley. the scenery of its coasts is in part arenaceous plains, and in part arable land, yielding corn to the indians. [ ] agreeable to barometric observations made in , by mr. nicollet, its true altitude is found to be , feet above the gulf of mexico. its latitude, by the same authority, is ° ´ ´´. sources of the mississippi.--in order to understand the geology of this region, it is necessary to premise, that the st. lawrence, the hudson's bay, and the mexican gulf waters are separated by a ridge or watershed of diluvial hills, called the hauteur des terres, which begins immediately west of the basin of the rainy lakes and rainy lake river. this high ground subtends the utmost sources of the mississippi, and reaches to the summit of ottertail lake, where it divides the tributaries of the red river of lake winnepec from those of the des corbeau, or great crow-wing river. within this basin, which circumscribes a sweep of several hundred miles, there appears to have been deposited, upon the trap and primary rocks which form its nucleus, a sedimentary argillaceous deposit, capable of containing water. upon this, the sand and pebble drift reposes in strata of unequal thickness, and the sand is often developed in ridges and plains, bearing species of the pine. the effect has been, that the immense amount of vapor condensed upon these summits, and falling in dews, rains, and snows, being arrested by the impervious subsoil of clay, has concentrated itself in innumerable lakes, of all imaginable forms, from half a mile to thirty miles long. these are connected by a network of rivers, which pour their redundancy into the mississippi, and keep up a circulation over the whole vast area. the sand plains often resting around the shores of these lakes create the impression of bodies of water resting on sand, which is a fallacy. some of these bodies of water are choked up, or not well drained, and overflow their borders, forming sphagnous tracts. hence the frequent succession of arid sand plains, impassable muskeegs, and arable areas on the same plateaux. every system of the latter, of the same altitude, constitutes a plateau. the highest of these is the absolute source of the mississippi waters. the next descending series forms another plateau, and so on, till the river finally plunges over st. anthony's falls. in this descending series of plateaux, the cass, leech lake, and little lake winnipec form the third and fourth levels. in descending the mississippi below the pakágama, the first stratum of rock, which rises through the delta of the river, occurs between the mouth of the nokasippi and elm rivers, below the influx of the great de corbeau. this rock, which is greenstone trap, rises conspicuously in the bed of the stream, in a rocky isle seated in the rapid called--i know not with what propriety--the big falls, or _grande chute_. the precipitous and angular falls of this striking object decide that the bed of the stream is at this point on the igneous granitical and greenstone series. this formation is seen at a few points above the water, until we pass some bold and striking eminences of shining and highly crystalline hornblendic sienite, which rises in the elevation called by us peace rock, on the left bank, near the osaukis rapids. this rock lies directly opposite to the principal encampment on the th of july, which was on an elevated prairie on the west bank. to this point a delegation of sioux had ascended on an embassy of peace from fort snelling to the chippewas, having affixed on a pole what the exploring party called a bark letter, the ideas being represented symbolically by a species of picture writing, or hieroglyphics. in allusion to this embassy, this locality was called the peace rock. this rock is sienite. it is highly crystalline, and extends several miles. its position must be, from the best accounts, in north latitude about ° ´. from this point to rum river, a distance of seventy miles, no other point of the intrusion of this formation above the prairie soil was observed. introduction of the palÆontological rocks.--after passing some fifty miles below this locality there are evidences that the river, in its progress south, has now reached the vicinity of the great carboniferous and metalliferous formations, which, for so great a length, and in so striking a manner, characterize both banks of the mississippi below st. anthony's falls. about nine or ten miles before reaching these falls, this change of geological character is developed; and on reaching the falls the river is found to be precipitated, at one leap, over strata of white sandstone, overlaid by the metalliferous limestone. the channel is divided by an island, and drops in single sheets, about sixteen to eighteen feet, exclusive of the swift water above the brink, or of the rapids for several hundred yards below. this sandstone is composed of grains of pure and nearly limpid quartz, held together by the cohesion of aggregation. if my observations were well taken it embraces, sparingly, orbicular masses of hornblende. it is horizontal, and constitutes, in some places, walls of stratification, which are remarkable for their whiteness and purity. this sandstone is overlaid by the cliff limestone, the same in character, which assumes at some points a silicious, and at others, a magnesian character. it is manifestly the same great metalliferous rock which accompanies the lead ore of missouri and mines of peosta or dubuque. there rests upon it the elder drift stratum of boulders, pebble, and loam, which marks the entire valley. this latter embraces boulders of quartz and hornblende rock, along with limestones and sandstones. it is overlaid by about eighteen inches of black alluvial carbonaceous mould. from st. anthony's falls the river is perpetually walled on either side with those high and picturesque cliffs which give it so imposing and varied an appearance, and its current flows on with a majesty which seems to the imagination to make it rejoice in its might, confident of a power which will enable it to reach and carry its name to the ocean in its unchanged integrity. st. peter's river and valley.--the importance, fertility, and value of this tributary have particularly impressed every member of the party. its position as the central point of the sioux power, and its border position to the chippewas, the representative tribe of the great algonquin family, render it now a place of note, which fully justifies the policy of the department in establishing a military post at the confluence of the river; and the importance cannot soon pass away, in the progress of the settlement of the mississippi valley.[ ] it is the great route of communication with the valley of the red river of the north, and the agricultural and trading settlements of lord selkirk in that fertile valley, and its complete exploration by a public officer is desirable, if not demanded.[ ] [ ] thirty years has made it the centre of the new territory of minnesota, which has now entered on the career of nations. [ ] this object was accomplished by an expedition by major l. long, in . of its geological character but little is known, and that connects it with both the great formations which have been noticed as succeeding each other at the great peace rock. that the granitical formation reaches it at a high point is probable, from the large reported boulders. the indians bring from the blue earth fork of it, one of their most esteemed green and blue argillaceous pigments, of which the coloring matter appears to be carbonate of copper. they also bring from the coteau des prairie, probably carver's "shining mountains," specimens of that fine and beautiful red pipe stone, which has so long been known to be used by them for that purpose. this mineral is fissile, and moderately hard, which renders it fit for their peculiar ripe sculptures. i found small masses of native copper in the drift stratum at the mouth of this stream, on the top of the cliffs on the mississippi, opposite the mouth of the st. peter's. crystalline sand rock.--this stratum reveals the same crystalline structure which is so remarkable in the sandstone caves, near the potosi road, in the county of st. genevieve, missouri; and the sand obtained from it, like that mineral, would probably fuse, with alkali, in a moderate heat, and constitute an excellent material for the manufacture of glass. it is also, like the missouri sandstone, cavernous. in both situations, these caves appear to be due to water escaping through fissures of the rock, where its cohesion is feeble, carrying it away grain by grain. in stopping at one of these caves, about twelve miles below st. peter's, we found this cause of structure verified by a lively spring and pond of limpid water flowing out of it. valley of the st. croix.--this river originates in an elevated range of the elder sand and pebble drift, which lies on the summit between the mississippi system of formations, and the lake superior basin. it communicates with the brulé, which is "goddard's river" of carver, and with the mauvaise or bad river of that basin. specimens of native copper have been found on snake river, one of its tributaries.[ ] [ ] this river was explored by me in and , in two separate expeditions in the public service, accounts of which have been published in and , of which abstracts are given in the preceding pages. geological monuments.--in descending the river for the distance of about one hundred miles below st. anthony's falls, my attention was arrested, on visiting the high grounds, by a species of natural monuments, which appear as if made by human hands seen at a distance, but appear to be the results of the degradation and wasting away, on the huttonian theory, of all but these, probably harder, portions of the strata. lake pepin.--this sheet commends itself to notice by its extent and picturesque features. it is an expansion of the river, about twenty-four miles long, and two or three wide. both its borders and bed reveal the drift stratum, and the observer recognizes here, boulders of the peculiar stratification which has, in ancient periods, characterized the high plateaux about the sources of the river. such are its hornblendic, sienite, quartz, trap, and amygdaloid pebbles, and that variety of the quartz family which assumes the form of the agate and other kindred species. moved as these materials are annually, lower and lower, by the impetus of the stream, other supplies, it may be inferred, are still furnished by the shifting sand and gravel bars from above. the mass must submit to considerable abrasion by this change, and the diminished size of the drifted masses become a sort of measure of the distance at which they are found from their parent beds. chippewa river.--this stream is the first to bring in a vast mass of moving sand. its volume of water is large, which it gathers from the high diluvial plains that spread southwest of the porcupine mountains, and about the sources of the wisconsin, the montreal, and the st. croix rivers, with which it originates. trompeldo (_le montaine des tromps d'eaux_).--this island mountain stands as if to dispute the passage of the mississippi, whose channel it divides into two portions. distinct from its height, which appears to correspond with the contiguous cliffs, and in the large amount of fresh debris at its base, it presents nothing peculiar in its geology. painted rock.--this vicinity is chiefly noted for its large and fine specimens of fresh-water shells. wisconsin.--like the chippewa, this stream brings down in its floods, vast quantities of loose sand, which tend to the formation of bars and temporary islands. it originates in the same elevated plains, and bespeaks a considerable area at its sources, which must be arid. it is a region, however, in which lakes and rice lands abound, and it may, in this respect, be geologically of the same formation as the higher plateaux of the mississippi, above the sandy lake summit. its sides produce many species to enrich our fresh-water conchology. lead mines of peosta and dubuque.--in my researches into the mineral geography of missouri, in and , i had explored a district of country between the rivers merrimak and st. francis, and on the ozarks, which revealed many traits which it has in common with the upper mississippi. there, as here, the mineral deposits appear to be, in many cases, in a red marly clay, whether the clay is overlaid by the calcareous rock or not. there, as here, also, the limestone and sandstone strata are perfectly horizontal. the leads of ore appear, in this section, to be followed with more certainty, agreeable to the points of the compass; but this may happen, to some extent, because the practice of mining on individual account, with windlass and buckets, in the missouri district, has led common observers to be more indifferent to exact scientific methods. to say that the digging, at these mines, is equally, or more productive, is perhaps just. capital and labor have been rewarded in both sections of the country, in proportion as they have been perseveringly and judiciously expended. i found much of the ore, which is a sulphuret, at dubuque's mines, lying in east and west leads. these leads were generally pursued in caves, or, more properly, fissures in the rock. in one of the excavations which i visited, the digging was continued horizontally under the first stratum of rock, after an excavation had been made perpendicularly, through the top soil and calcareous rock, perhaps thirty feet. the ore is a broad-grained cubical galena, easily reduced, and bids fair very greatly to enhance the value and resources of this section of the west. similar mines exist at mississinawa, and the river au fevé,[ ] both on the eastern or left bank of the mississippi. and a system of leasing or management, such as i have suggested for the missouri mines, appears equally desirable. [ ] galena has subsequently been made the capital of these mines. quartz geodes.--the amount of silex in the cliff limestone is such, in some conditions of it, as to justify the term silico-calcareous. this condition of the rock at the passage of the mississippi through the rock river and des moines rapids, is such as to produce a very striking locality of highly crystalline quartz geodes, which accumulates in the bed of the stream. many of these geodes are from a foot to twenty-two inches in diameter, and on breaking them they exhibit resplendent crystals of limpid quartz. sometimes these are amethystine; in other cases they present surfaces of chalcedony or cacholong. the latter minerals, if obtained from the rock, and before unduly hardening by exposure, would probably furnish a suitable basis for lapidaries. intermediate country in the direction to green bay.--there is a line which separates, on the north, the granitical and trap region from the metal-bearing limestone, and its supporting sandstone. this formation of the elder series of rocks, having been traced to the south shore of lake superior, and having been seen to constitute the supporting bed of the alluviums and diluviums of the upper mississippi, above the peace rock, it may subserve the purpose of inquiry to trace this line of junction by its probable and observed boundaries. the line may be commenced where it crosses the mississippi, at the peace rock, and extended to the st. croix, the falls of which are on the trap-rock, to the sources of the chippewa at lac du flambeau, and the wisconsin near plover portage. the source of fox river runs amid uprising masses of sienite, and this formation appears to pass thence northeasterly, across the upper menominee, to the district of the totosh and cradle-top mountains, west of chocolate river, on the shores of lake superior. i observed the crystalline sandstone and its overlying cliff limestone, along the valley of the wisconsin, where ancient excavations for lead ore have been made. there is an entire preservation of its characters, and no reason occurs why its mineralogical contents should not prove, in some positions, as valuable as they have been found in missouri, or in the dubuque district west of the mississippi. on reaching the wisconsin portage, the limestone is found to have been swept by diluvial action, from its supporting sand rock. such is its position not far north of the highest of the four lakes, and again at lake puckway, in descending the fox river; consequently, there are no lead discoveries in this region. on coming to the calcareous rock, which is developed along the channel of the river, below winnebago lake, it appears rather to belong to the lake system of deposits. its superior stratum lies in patches, or limited districts, which appear to have been left by drift action. petrefactions are found in these districts, and the character of the rock is dark, compact, or shelly. the lower series of deposits, such as they appear at the kakala rapids, at washington harbor, in the entrance to green bay, and in the cliffs north of sturgeon bay and portage, are manifestly of the same age and general character as the inferior stratum of michilimackinac and the manatouline chain. basin of lake michigan.--this basin, stretching from the north to the south nearly four hundred miles, lies deeply in the series of formation of limestones, sandstone, and schists, to which we apply the term of the michilimackinac system. its north and west shores are skirted from green bay to a point north of the sheboygan, with the calcareous stratum. at this point, the ancient drift, the lacustrine clay of milwaukie and the prairie diluvium of chicago, constitute a succession, of which the surface is a slightly waving line of the most fertile soils. among the pebbles cast ashore at the southern head of this lake i observed slaty coal. it seems, indeed, the only one of the lakes which reaches south into the coal basin of illinois. if the level at which coal is found on the illinois were followed through, it would issue in the basin of the lake below low-water mark. digging for this mineral on the chicago summit, promises indeed not to be unsupported by sound hypothesis. after passing chicago, of which a sketch is added, the sands which begin to accumulate at the konamik, the river du chemin, and the st. joseph's river,[ ] appear in still more prominent ridges, skirting the eastern coasts to and beyond grand river. these sands, which are the accumulations of winds, are cast on the arable land, much in the manner that has been noticed at the grand sable on lake superior, and reach the character of striking dunes at the coast denominated the sleeping bear. the winds which periodically set from the western shore, produce continual abrasions of its softer materials, and are the sole cause of these intrusive sand-hills. pent up behind them, the water is a cause of malaria to local districts of country, and many of the small rivers upon this side are periodically choked with sand. the sketch transmitted of this bleak dune-coast (omitted here), as it is seen at the mouth of maskigon lake, will convey a false idea of the value of this coast, even half a mile from the spot where the surf beats. it is designed to show the air of aridity which the mere coast line presents. the stratification regains its ordinary level and appearance before reaching the plate or omicomico river, and the peninsula of the grand traverse bay, and the settlements of the ottawa indians on little traverse bay, afford tracts of fertile lands. point wagonshonce consists of a stratum of limestone of little elevation, which constitutes the southeast cape of the strait. here a lighthouse is needed to direct the mariner. [ ] the subjoined petrifaction of a leaf, apparently a species of betula, was obtained on this river. see _ante_, p. . lake huron.--notices of this sheet of water have been given in our outward voyage. it appears rather as the junction of separate lakes which have had their basins fretted into one another, than as one original lake. michigan is connected with it through the straits of michilimackinac. the georgian bay, north of the manatouline chain, seems quite distinct. the saganaw bay is an element of another kind. the manitouline chain separates the calcareous and granitic region, and its numerous trap and basaltic islands towards the north shore, of which there are many thousands, denote that it has been the scene of geological disturbance of an extraordinary kind. ulterior conclusions.--in taking these several views of the geological structure of the northwest--of the lake superior basin, and of the valleys of the st. louis river--the region about the upper mississippi, its striking change at the falls of st. anthony--and the valleys of the wisconsin and fox rivers, and the basins of lakes michigan and huron, i am aware of the temerity of my task. allowance must, however, be made for the rapidity of my transit over regions where the question was often the safety and personal subsistence of the party. a very large and diversified area was passed over in a short time. at no place was it possible to make elaborate observations. a thousand inconveniences were felt, but they were felt as the pressure of so many small causes impeding the execution of a great enterprise. a sketch has been made, which, it is hoped, will reveal something of the physical history and lineaments of the country. these glimpses at wild scenes, heretofore hid from the curious eye of man, have been made, at all points, with the utmost avidity. i have courted every opportunity to accumulate facts, and i owe much to the distinguished civilian who has led the party so successfully through scenes of toil and danger, not always unexpected, but always met in a calm, bold, and proper spirit, which has served to inspire confidence in all; to him, and to each one of my associates, i owe much on the score of comity and personal amenity and forbearance; and i have been made to feel, in the remotest solitudes, how easy it is to execute a duty when all conspire to facilitate it. the views herein expressed are generalized in two geological maps (hereto prefixed), which, it is believed, will help to fix the facts in the mind. they exhibit the facts noticed, in connection with the theory established by them, and by all my observations, of the construction of this part of the continent. the mineralogy of the regions visited is condensed in the following summary, drawn from my notes, which, it is believed, constitutes an appropriate conclusion to this report. with the exception of one species, namely, the ores of copper, the region has not proved as attractive in this department as i found the metalliferous surface of missouri. there are but few traces of mining, and those of an exceedingly ancient character, in the copper region of lake superior. the excavations in search of lead ore on the upper mississippi do not date back many years, but the indications are such as to show that few countries, even missouri, exceed them in promises of mineral wealth. i have employed the lapse of time between the termination of the exploration and the present moment, to extend my mineralogical observations to some parts of the mississippi valley which were not included in the line of the expedition, but which were visited in the following year, in the service of the government, namely, the miami of the lakes, and wabash valleys, the cave in rock region in lower illinois, and the valley of the river illinois. the whole is concentrated in the following notices:-- _tabular view of minerals observed in the northwest._ i. ores. _genera._ _species._ _subspecies._ _varieties._ { copper { native copper. { fibrous. { { green carbonate of copper { compact. { lead sulphuret of lead common. { zinc sulphuret of zinc blende. { { { common. { { { radiated. metallic { { sulphuret of iron { spheroidal. minerals { { { cellular. { { { hepatic. { iron { magnetic oxide of iron iron sand. { { specular oxide of iron. micaceous. { { { ochrey. { { red oxide of iron { scaly. { { { compact. { { brown oxide of iron ochrey. { silver. ii. earths and stones. _genus._ _species._ _varieties._ { { { milky. { { { radiated. { { { tabular. { { common { greasy. { { quartz { granular. { { { arenaceous. { { { pseudomorphous. { { { amethystine. { { amethyst { { { { ferruginous { { { quartz { yellow. { { { red. { quartz { prase { { { common. { { { cacholong. { { chalcedony { carnelian. { { { sardonyx. { { { agate. { { hornstone { { { common. { { jasper { striped. { { { red. { { heliotrope silicious { { opal common. minerals { { silicious { common. { slate { basanite. { { petrosilex { { common. { mica { gold yellow. { { { common. { schorl { indicolite. { { feldspar common. { prehnite radiated. { { hornblende { common. { { actynolite. { { woodstone { mineralized wood. { { agatized wood. { { calcareous { { { spar { crystallized. { { { lamellar. { { granular { { limestone { { { { compact { common. { { limestone { earthy. { { { { agaric { { { mineral { common. { carbonate { { fossil farina. { of lime { { { { oolite. { { concreted { { { carbonate { calcareous { stalactite. { { of lime { sinter { stalagmite. { { { { { { calcareous tufa. calcareous { { pseudomorphous carbonate minerals { { of lime. { { marl ludus helmontii. { { fibrous. { sulphate { granular. { of lime gypsum { granularly foliated. { { earthy. { fluate of { lime fluorspar _genus._ _varieties._ { { argillite. { argillaceous slate { bituminous shale. { { chlorite chlorite slate. { stautoride. aluminous minerals { { potters' clay. { { pipe clay. { { variegated clay. { clay { blue sulphated clay. { { green sulphated clay. { opwagunite. { serpentine common serpentine magnesian minerals { steatite steatite. { asbestus com. asbestus. barytic minerals sulphate of barytes lamellar. strontian sulphate of strontian foliated. iii. combustibles. { { petroleum. { bitumen { maltha. bituminous minerals { { asphaltum. { { graphite granular graphite. { coal slate coal. iv. salts. { { native salt. soda { muriate of soda ..... { salt springs. { { alkaline sulphate of alum. { alumina a. _metallic minerals._ . copper. this metal is frequently found, in detached masses, in the diluvial soil along the southern shore of lake superior, and in the high and barren tract included between lakes huron, michigan, and superior, and the mississippi river, as general boundaries. thus, it has been found upon the sources of the menomonie, wisconsin, chippewa, st. croix, and ontonagon rivers, but most constantly, and in the greatest quantity, upon the latter. there are many localities known only to the aborigines, who appear to set some value upon it, and have been in the habit of employing the most malleable pieces in several ways from the earliest times. it occurs mostly in detached masses, resting upon, or imbedded in, diluvial soil. these masses, which vary in size, are sometimes connected with isolated fragments of rock. such is the geognostic position of the great mass of native copper upon the banks of the ontonagon, which has been variously estimated to weigh from two to five tons. this extraordinary mass is situated at the base of a diluvial precipice composed of reddish loam and mixed boulders and pebbles of granite, greenstone, quartz, and sandstone and diallage rocks. the nearest strata, in situ, are red sandstone, grauwacke, and greenstone trap. a company of miners was formerly employed in searching for copper mines upon the banks of this river. they dug down about forty feet into the diluvial soil, at a spot where a green-colored water issued from the hill. in sinking this pit, several masses of native copper were found, and they discovered, as their report indicates, the same metal "imbedded in stone." but the enterprise was abandoned, in consequence of the falling in of the pit. at keweena point, on lake superior, i found native copper along the shore of the lake, constituting small masses in pebbles, and, in one instance, in a mass of several pounds' weight, which was found in the ontonagon valley. i also observed the green carbonate of copper, in several places, in the detritus. the strata of this point appear to be charged with this mineral, particularly in its native forms. hardly a mass of the loose rock is without some trace of the metal, or its oxides or salts. it would be difficult, on any known principles, to resist the testimony which is offered, by every observer, to favor the idea that extensive and very valuable mines exist. the whole lake shore, from this peninsula to the montreal river, is replete with these evidences. there are indications that this mineral pervades the rocks and soils, in a radius of one hundred and fifty miles or more, south and west of this central point. it has been discovered at the sources of the menominee, chippewa, montreal, and st. croix, and even at more distant points. at st. peter's, in digging down for the purpose of quarrying the rock, about eighteen inches depth of dark alluvium was passed; then a deposit of diluvial soil, with large fragments of limestone, greenstone, quartz rock, &c., about six feet; and, lastly, one foot of small pebbles, &c., constituting the copper diluvium. no large mass was found; nor any veins in the rock. . lead. the only ore of lead known to exist within the limits to which these remarks are confined, is the sulphuret. in the year , peosta, a woman of the misquakee, or fox tribe of indians, discovered a lead mine upon the west banks of the mississippi, at the computed distance of twenty-five leagues below prairie du chien, which the indians, in , gave julian dubuque a right to work. this permission was partially confirmed by the baron de carondelet, governor of louisiana, in . no patent was, however, issued; but dubuque continued to prosecute the mining business to the period of his death, which happened in , when the mines were again claimed by the original proprietors. the ore is the common sulphuret of lead, or galena, which dubuque stated to have yielded him seventy-five per cent. in smelting in the large way. he usually made from , to , pounds per annum. i made a cursory visit to these mines, and found them worked by the fox indians, but in a very imperfect manner. they cover a considerable area, commencing at the mouth of the makokketa river, sixty miles below prairie du chien. traces of the ore are found, also, on the east bank of the mississippi at several points. it occurs disseminated in a reddish loam, resting upon limestone rock, and is sometimes seen in small veins pervading the rock; but it has been chiefly explored in diluvial soil. it generally occurs in beds having little width, and runs in a direct course towards the cardinal points. they are sometimes traced into a crevice of the rock. at this stage of the pursuit, most of the diggings have been abandoned. little spar or crystalline matrix is found in connection with the ore. it is generally enveloped by a reddish, compact earth, or marly clay. occasionally, masses of calcareous spar occur; less frequently, sulphate of barytes, green iron earth, and ochrey brown oxide of iron. i did not observe any masses of radiated quartz, which form so conspicuous a trait in the surface of the metalliferous diluvion of the mining district of missouri. sufficient attention does not appear to have been bestowed, by mineralogists, upon the metalliferous soil of the mississippi valley. it is certainly very remarkable that such vast deposits of lead ore, accompanied by veins of sulphate of barytes, calc spar, and other crystallized bodies, should be found in alluvial beds; and it would be very interesting to ascertain whether any analogous formations exist in europe, or in any other part of the earth's surface. it is one of the most striking features of this deposit, that the ore, spars, &c., do not appear as the debris of older formations, and have no marks of having been worn or abraded, like those extraneous masses of rock which are very common in the alluvial soil of our continent. the lead ore and accompanying minerals appear to have been crystallized in the situations where they are now found. we should, perhaps, except from this remark the species of lead called _gravel ore_ by the miners, which is in rounded lumps, and is never accompanied by spars. sulphuret of lead is also found near the spot where the small river sissinaway enters the mississippi, and two leagues south of it, upon the banks of the river aux fevre, at both of which places considerable quantities have been raised, and continue to be raised, for the purposes of smelting, by the fox and sac tribes of indians. at these places, it is most frequently connected with a gangue of heavy spar and calcareous spar, with pyrites of iron. i procured from a trader, at dubuque, several masses of galena crystallized in cubes and octahedrons. in descending the upper mississippi, a specimen of galena was exhibited to me, by a sioux indian, at the village of the red wing, six miles above lake pepin, said to have been procured in that vicinity. galena is also reported to have been discovered in several places on the south side of the wisconsin river, and these localities may be entitled to future notice, as furnishing important hints. . zinc. the sulphuret of zinc (black blende) is found disseminated in limestone rock along the banks of fox river, between the post of green bay and winnebago lake. although frequently seen in small masses, no body of it is known to exist. i also found blende, in small, orbicular masses of calcareous marl, along the east shore of lake michigan, between the rivers st. joseph and kikalemazo. . iron. this mineral is distributed, in several of its forms, throughout the region visited, although but little attention has yet been directed to its exploration. in the basin of lake superior it exists, in valuable masses, in the form of a magnetic oxide, on the coasts of the lake between gitchi sebing (great river), called by the french chocolate river, and granite point. specimens from dead river (riviere du morts) and carp river, the namabin of the indians, in this district, denote the latter to be the chief locality. it is the iron glance, and occurs in mountain masses. _sulphuret of iron._--this variety is found, in limited quantities, in a state of crystallization, in clay beds, on the west shore of lake michigan, between milwaukie and chicago. it is frequently in the form of a cube or an octahedron. some of the crystals are in lumps of several pounds' weight, with a metallic lustre. often the masses, on being broken, are found radiated, sometimes cellular, and occasionally irised. _iron sand._--the breaking-up and prostration of the sandstone and other sedimentary formations, along the shores of lakes michigan, huron, and superior, liberates this ore in considerable quantities. it arranges itself, on the principle of its specific gravities, in separate strata along the sandy shores, where it invariably occupies the lowest position at and below the water's edge. the shores of fond du lac, on lake superior, may be particularly mentioned as an abundant locality. _micaceous oxide of iron._--in detached mass, among the debris of the river st. louis and of fond du lac. it exists in veins in the clay slate which characterizes the banks of this river. _ochrey red oxide of iron._ (red ochre)--is produced near a spot called the big stone, on the head of the river st. peter's. it is said to occur in a loose form, in a stratum of several inches thick, lying below the soil of a level dry prairie or plain. the sioux indians, who employ it as a paint, make this statement. the color of a portion given to me by them is of a bright red; and a considerable proportion of the mass is in a state of minute division. particles of quartz are occasionally mixed with it. this ore of iron is also represented to be found in the prairies north of gros point, along the west shore of lake michigan, between milwaukie and chicago. ochrey red oxide of iron occurs on the shores of big stone lake, at the source of the st. peter's river. a large spring rises from a level, dry plain, a few feet beyond which the mineral occurs. the indians, who employ it as a pigment, take it up with their knives. the stratum is about eight inches thick, but just below the surface it is mixed with common earth. the spring of water is pure and unadulterated. . silver. the belief in the existence of silver ore in the region of the lakes, and particularly on lake superior, seems to have early prevailed. so much confidence was placed in the reports of its existence, that henry tells when a company was formed in england for exploring the copper mines of lake superior (a. d. ), they were impelled to the search more from an expectation of the silver, which it was hoped would be found in connection with it, than from the copper.[ ] [ ] this metal has subsequently (namely, in ) been found to constitute a percentage in the native copper of the eagle river mines of lake superior. traces of it were found in a mass of native copper found on the shores of keweena lake, by mr. moliday, in . a mass of pure silver was discovered in a boulder in the drift of lake huron, west of white rock, in . these discoveries induce the belief that this element will be found to be extensively present in the eventual metallurgic operations of the lake superior basin. b. _silicious minerals._ . quartz. this interesting species being distributed in its numerous varieties throughout the region visited, i shall confine my notices to a few localities. subs. .--_common quartz._ occurs in the form of large water-worn masses along the shores of lakes huron, michigan, and superior. also, in veins in the granite of lake superior, and in the argillite of st. louis river. these localities all consist of the opaque varieties, with a slight degree of translucence in some places. it exists in mass at huron bay, lake superior, and in fragments of red jasper on sugar island, st. mary's river. . _radiated quartz._--in detached masses on the grange, and also at the rapids of the river desmoines, on the upper mississippi. at the grange, the crystals, which are usually minute, sometimes possess a cinnamon color, or pass into a variety of crystallized ferruginous quartz. . _tabular quartz._--in small, flattened masses along the shores of lake pepin. these masses are transparent, or only translucent. their color is generally white, but sometimes yellow. they appear to be closely allied to chalcedony. . _greasy quartz._--in detached masses along the shores of lake superior. . _granular quartz._--at the falls of puckaiguma, on the upper mississippi, in large, compact beds rising through the soil. also, in some conditions of the cliffs commencing at the falls of st. anthony, carrer's cave, &c. . _arenaceous quartz._--this is sometimes the condition of fine, even-grained, translucent sand rock of the preceding localities. valuable as an ingredient of glass. . _pseudomorphous quartz._--on the shores of lake pepin, occasionally. these masses appear to have taken their crystalline _impress_ from rhomboidal crystals of carbonate of lime. . _amethystine quartz._--in the trap-rock of lake superior. subs. .--_amethyst._ this mineral occurs most frequently in the condition of amethystine quartz, in hexahedral prisms, lining the interior of geodes, in the bed of the river desmoines, and on the rock rapids, in the channel of the mississippi. the crystals which i have examined are generally limpid, with a high lustre, and of a pale violet color. sometimes the tinge of color approaches to a full red, or is only apparent in the summit of the crystal. these geodes are sometimes eight or ten inches in diameter, with a rough and dark-colored exterior, often so nearly spherical as to resemble cannon _balls_. some of the finest specimens i have observed from this locality are preserved in the museum of gov. clarke, at st. louis, missouri. subs. .--_ferruginous quartz._ in amorphous masses, of a deep-red, brown, or yellowish-red color, along the southern shore of lake superior. likewise, crystallized, in very minute hexagonal prisms, terminated by six-sided pyramids, of a reddish color, on the summit and declivities of the grange de terre. subs. .--_prase._ in the drift of lake superior. its color is a light green and not fully translucent. it possesses a hardness and a lustre intermediate between waxy and resinous. subs. .--_chalcedony._ . _common chalcedony._--in globular or reniform masses imbedded in trap-rock, on the peninsula of keweena, lake superior. it is found sometimes in association with other quartz minerals. its color is white or gray, sometimes veined or spotted with red. also, constituting the interior lining of geodes at the rapids of rock island and the river desmoines. these geodes, on breaking, often present a mammillary surface. in the form of translucent fragments, with a highly conchoidal fracture, among the debris of the shores of lake pepin. these fragments possess an extremely delicate texture, color, and lustre. . _cacholong._--some loose fragments of this mineral exist along the west shore of lake michigan, between green bay and chicago. these fragments possess small cavities studded over with very minute and perfect crystals of quartz. . _carnelian._--this mineral occurs in fragments in the debris of lake superior; also, in the amygdaloid; also, around the shores of the upper mississippi. its color is various shades of red, or yellowish red, sometimes spotted or clouded, fully translucent, and occasionally presenting a considerable richness and beauty. most commonly, the fragments are too small to be applied to the purposes of jewelry. sometimes it is seen in very regular spheroidal masses, which contain a nucleus of radiated quartz. some of the specimens would be considered as sardonyx. . _agate._--is found with the preceding. it is more frequently found in larger masses, in the rock, which are sometimes spheroidal, reniform, or globular. these agates are chiefly arranged in concentric layers, which are white, red, yellow, &c., according to the colors of the different varieties of chalcedonies, carnelians, &c., of which they are composed. a close inspection would also separate them into several varieties--as onyx, agate, dotted agate, &c. subs. .--_hornstone._ in nodular or angular masses, imbedded in the secondary limestone of the west shores of green bay; and in the beds of argillaceous white clay strata of cape girardeau, of missouri. also, on the hills of white river, arkansas. subs. .--_jasper._ . _common jasper._--in detached fragments, yellow, in the drift of lake superior. . _striped jasper._--with the preceding. most commonly, these specimens consist of alternate bands of red and black, or brown. . _red jasper._--in quartz rock, sugar island, river st. mary's, michigan. masses of this mineral have been met in situ. subs. .--_heliotrope._ a fine specimen of this mineral, now before me, was procured at the mouth of the columbia river, oregon. it is in the form of an indian dart. its color is a deep uniform green, variegated with small spots of red; those parts which are green being fully translucent, the others less so, or nearly opaque. this beautiful mineral is represented to have been in common use by the indian tribes of the northwest coast, for pointing their arrows, previous to the introduction of iron among them. it differs chiefly from the dotted jaspers of lake michigan, in its translucence and green color. subs. .--_opal._ common opal occurs as a constituent of agate, along with chalcedony rarely, in the drift on the south shore of lake superior. . silicious slate. . _common._--in subordinate beds, in the argillite of the river st. louis, northwest of lake superior. . _basanite_ (_touchstone_).--in detached fragments in the drift on lake superior, and along the banks of the upper mississippi generally. . petrosilex. in large isolated masses in the bed of the illinois river, on the shallow rapids between the junction of the fox and vermilion rivers. it is mostly arranged in stripes or circles of white, gray, yellow, &c., resembling certain jaspers, or approaching sometimes to hornstone. the bed of the illinois river, at this place, is a species of gray sandstone. also, in detached fragments, on the south shore of lake superior, intimately mixed with prehnite. in regard to the latter, professor dewey, of williamstown college, writes me: "i have received from dr. torrey, a curious mixture of petrosilex and prehnite, in imperfect radiating crystals, which was sent him by you and collected at the west. he did not tell me the name, but examination showed what it was. the association is singularly curious." the locality of this mineral is keweena point, lake superior. . mica. occurs rarely in the granite of lake superior. it is found in place on the huron islands. also, in minute folia, in the alluvial soil of the upper mississippi. a beautiful aggregate, consisting of plates of gold-yellow mica, connected with very black and shining crystals of schorl, has been dug up from the alluvial soil of the island of michilimackinac. . schorl. . _common schorl._--in crystals, in boulders of granite, at green bay. . _tourmaline._--with the preceding. . feldspar. as an ingredient in the granite of huron islands, lake superior. also, in detached masses of granite along the west shores of lake michigan. also, in the form of prismatic crystals of a light-green color, in the rolled masses of hornblende, porphyry, greenstone, and epidotic boulders of lakes huron, michigan, and superior. . prehnite. this mineral occurs at keweena point, on lake superior. it is found in connection with isolated blocks of amygdaloid, of primitive greenstone, and of petrosilex. sometimes native copper, and carbonate of copper, are also present in the same specimen. in some instances, a partial decomposition has taken place, converting its green color into greenish-white, or perfect white, and rendering it so soft as to be cut with a knife. sometimes the grains or masses of native copper are interspersed among the prehnite, and slender threads of this metal occasionally pass through the aggregated mass of greenstone, prehnite, &c., so that, on breaking it, the fragments are still held together by these metallic fibres. . hornblende. . _common hornblende._--occurs as a constituent of the hornblende rocks near point chegoimegon, lake superior. also, at the peace rock, on the upper mississippi, and in certain granite aggregates, and rolled masses of porphyries, &c., around the shores of lakes huron, michigan, and superior. . _actynolite._--in slender, translucent, greenish crystals, pervading rolled masses of serpentine, on the west shores of lake michigan. . woodstone. . _mineralized wood._--in bed of the river des plaines, illinois. . _agatized wood._--this variety of fossil wood is found along the alluvial shores of the mississippi and of the missouri. c. _calcareous minerals._ . carbonate of lime. of a substance so universally distributed throughout the western country, it will not be necessary to give many localities, and these will be principally confined to its crystalline forms. subs. .--_calcareous spar._ _crystallized calcareous spar._--this mineral occurs, in minute rhomboidal crystals, in the calcareous rock of the island of michilimackinac. sometimes these crystals fill cavities or seams of the rock, or are studded over the angular surfaces of masses of vesicular limestone of that island. i also found this mineral at dubuque's mines, and in small crystals in the metalliferous limestone bordering the fox river, between the post of green bay and winnebago lake, where it is associated with iron pyrites and blende. subs. .--_compact limestone._ in proceeding northwest of detroit, this mineral is first observed, in situ, on an island in lake huron. it is afterwards found to be the prevailing rock along the south and southwest shores of lake huron. in many places, it incloses fossil remains. sometimes it is _earthy_, as at bay de noquet, a part of green bay, on lake michigan, where it contains very perfect remains of the terrebratula. (parkinson.) in other places, no remains whatever are visible, and the structure is firm and compact; or even passes, by a further graduation, into transition-granular, of which, it is believed, the west shores of lake michigan afford an instance. it is most commonly based upon sandstone, which also contains, in many places, the fossil organized remains of various species of crustaceous animals, and of vegetables, sometimes, coal, &c. subs. .--_agaric mineral._ this mineral substance occurs in crevices and cavities in the calcareous rock of the island of michilimackinac, michigan. subs. .--_concrete carbonate of lime._ . _calcareous sinter._--in the form of _stalactites_ and _stalagmites_, in a cave situated near prairie du chien, on the upper mississippi. . _calcareous tufa._--a remarkable formation of tufa is seen on the east banks of the wabash river, near wynemac's village, about ten miles above the junction of the tippecanoe. it extends for several miles, and is deposited to the thickness of thirty or forty feet above the water, forming cliffs which are covered with alluvial soil and sustain a growth of forest trees. the precise points of its commencement and disappearance were not observed. the structure is cellular or vesicular, and resembles, in some places, a coarse dried mortar. it is very light, and possesses a white color in inferior situations, but the surface is somewhat colored by fallen leaves and other decaying vegetation. it imbeds fluvatile shells and some vegetable remains, the species of which have not been ascertained. the opposite, or west side of the river consists of a kind of puddingstone, or caschalo, made up of pebbles of quartz, &c., cemented by carbonate of lime, of a yellow color and translucent. this beautiful aggregate is overlayed by a stratum, of fifteen or twenty feet in thickness, of diluvial soil. these localities fall within the limits of the state of indiana; but on territories still occupied, if not owned, by the aborigines. . _pseudomorphous carbonate of lime._--this form of carbonate of lime occurs in pope county, illinois, a district celebrated for its fluorspar, lead, crystallized quartz, &c., and bearing the unequivocal marks of a secondary formation. scattered in large masses over the soil, we observe compact limestone, with very perfect cubical, octahedral, or other regular cavities, which have manifestly originated from crystals of fluorspar. the most common _impress_ of this kind appears to have resulted from two cubes variously joined--a form of appearance very common to the illinois fluates. some of these cubical cavities exceed three inches square; but in no case is any remaining portion of the spar in these cavities, or anywise connected with the fragments of limestone thus impressed, although, at the same time, the spar is very abundant in the alluvial soil where these curious limestones are found. . sulphate of lime. subs. _gypsum._ . _fibrous gypsum._--in the alluvial soil of the st. martin's islands, lake huron. the fibres are sometimes five or six inches in length, of a white color and delicate crystalline lustre. sometimes these fibrous masses are partially colored yellow or brown, apparently from the clay, or mixed alluvion, in which they are imbedded. . _granular gypsum._ } . _granularly-foliated gypsum._ } with the preceding. . _earthy gypsum._ } . fluate of lime. _fluor-spar._--on the united states mineral reserve, pope county, illinois. this locality is abundant, and the mineral readily and constantly to be obtained. i first obtained specimens in june, , and afterwards visited it in july, . it is disseminated in loose masses throughout the soil, and in veins in the calcareous rocks. the spot most noted and resorted to, and where the original discovery was made, is four miles west of barker's ferry, at cave-in-rock, on the banks of the ohio, and about twenty-six miles, by the course of the river, below shawneetown. it is situated in the midst of a hilly, broken region, called _the knobs_, a tract of highlands intervening between the banks of the ohio and the saline. the distance of this range from north to south, or parallel with the course of the ohio, cannot be stated. it probably extends from near the banks of the wabash river to the little chain of rocks. its breadth--from barker's ferry, west, to ensminger's, at the saline, is about twenty miles. it thus separates, by a rocky border, the prairies of the illinois from the current of the ohio river. these knobs, wherever observed, bear the indubitable marks of secondary formation, and may be stated to consist, essentially, of compact limestone resting on sandstone. the sandstone is sometimes so much colored by iron, and by globular or irregular masses of iron stone, as to give that rock a very singular aspect. this may be particularly instanced in the mural front of the battery rocks on the banks of the ohio. every part of this formation has more or less the appearance of a mineral country; and it is already known as the locality of ores of lead, iron, and zinc, of crystallized quartz, of opal, heavy spar, crystallized pyrites, and of very perfect fossil madrepores. in one place (near the head of hurricane island) this spar forms a very large and compact vein, dipping under the bed of the ohio. where the rock has been explored, it is found in connection with sulphuret of lead, but it has been mostly procured, because most easy of access, in the alluvial soil. i went out about half a mile west of the ohio, where a new locality has been opened, and, in removing about five or six solid feet of earth, procured as many specimens as filled a box of fourteen inches square. none of these were more than two feet below the surface. one of these specimens is an irregular octahedral crystal, eight inches in diameter. the color of these masses is various shades of blue, violet, or red, sometimes perfectly white or yellow; and the form most commonly assumed is a cube, sometimes truncated at two or more angles, or variously clustered. the external lustre of the crystals, raised from alluvial soil, is feeble, but quite brilliant when taken from veins and cavities in the rock. these spars from the alluvion do not appear to exist as rock debris, or fragments worn off from other formations, but as original deposits. there are no marks of attrition. they appear as much in place as the limestone rocks below. it should also be recollected that this mineral tract is terminated by one of the greatest and most valuable salt formations in the western country--that of the illinois saline. _septaria: ludus helmontii._--this variety of calcareous marl is found, in orbicular or flattened masses, along the eastern shores of lake michigan, between the rivers st. joseph's and kalemazo. its original situation appears to be the beds of marly clay which form the banks of lake michigan at these places, from which these masses have been disengaged by the waves, and left promiscuously among the washed and eroded debris of the shore. these masses are penetrated by numerous seams and lines of calcareous spar, sometimes radiating star-like, or intersecting each other irregularly. occasionally, these seams are filled with sulphuret of zinc, and in these cases the spar, if any be present, is rose-colored. d. _aluminous minerals._ . argillaceous slate. . _argillite_, or _common argillaceous slate_.--along the banks of the river st. louis, at the grand portage, &c. it occurs in a vertical position, embracing veins, or subordinate beds, of grauwakke, milky quartz, chlorite slate, and silicious slate, &c. it is bounded on one side by red sandstone, and on the other by an extensive tract of diluvial soil. . _bituminous shale._--in detached masses, along the shores of lake huron, between fort gratiot and thunder bay. it contains amorphous masses of iron pyrites, of a yellow color and metallic brilliancy, which soon tarnishes on exposure to the air. . chlorite. _chlorite slate._--in subordinate strata in the argillite of the river st. louis. . staurotide. in garnet-colored crystals, in detached blocks of mica-slate, in the drift of lake huron. these crystals consist of two intersecting six-sided prisms, truncated at both ends, forming the cross. they are nearly opaque, or feebly translucent on the fractured edge. . clay. . _plastic clay._--very extensive beds of this clay are seen along the west shore of lake michigan, between sturgeon bay portage and chicago. its color is generally a light blue, verging sometimes into deep blue or grayish-white. it is plastic in water, adheres strongly to the tongue, takes a polish from the nail, and emits an argillaceous odor when moistened or breathed upon. these beds of clay frequently contain iron pyrites, both in the crystallized and amorphous state. . _pipe clay._--in the flats of the st. clair and lake george, michigan. a bed of clay, apparently answering to this description, exists at white river, lake michigan. its color is a grayish-white, verging to blue. it is very unctuous and adhesive when first raised, but acquires more or less of a meagre feel as it parts with its moisture, drying in firm and compact masses. . _variegated clay._--on the banks of the river st. peter's, upper mississippi. neither the quantity in which it exists, nor the precise locality is known. its color is white, variegated with stripes, spots, or clouds of red or yellow. . _azure blue clay of st. peter's._--the locality of this substance, as communicated by the indians, is the declivity of a hill, in the rear of the village of sessitongs, one mile above the confluence of the terre blue river with the st. peter's. it is found near the foot of this hill, between two layers of sandstone rock, in a vein about fifteen inches in thickness. this vein is elevated about twenty feet above the waters of the terre bleu, and does not extend far in the direction of the river. having been resorted to by the sioux indians a long time, a considerable excavation has been made, but the supply is constant. the color of this mineral substance (its distinguishing character) is an azure copper blue of more or less intensity. it is ductile and moderately adhesive, when first taken up, or when moistened with water, but acquires an almost stony solidity on drying. it is considerably adulterated with sand or particles of quartz. it parts with its moisture rapidly on exposure to the atmosphere, and dries without much apparent diminution of volume. . _green clay of st. peter's._--this differs little from the preceding, except in its color, which is a deep or verdigris green, admitting some diversity of shades. its composition appears to be, essentially, alumina, silica, carbonate of copper, water, and iron. . _opwagunite_; _calamet stone_; _pipe stone._--the last of these terms is a translation of the first, which is algonquin. under these names, a peculiar kind of stone, which is much employed by the indians for pipes, has been alluded to by travellers and geographers from the earliest times. it appears to be a variety of argillaceous wacke. its color is most commonly a uniform dull red, resembling that of red chalk. sometimes it is spotted with brown or yellow, but these spots are very minute, and the colors usually faint. it is perfectly opaque, very compact in its structure, and possessing that degree of hardness which admits its being cut or scraped with a knife, or sawed without injury to a common hand-saw, when first raised from the quarry; but it acquires hardness by exposure, and even takes a polish. but it is not capable of receiving a polish by the usual process of rubbing with grit-stone and pumice, these substances being too harsh for it. the indian process is to scrape or file it smooth, and give it a polish by rubbing with the scouring rush. its powder is a light red, and emits an argillaceous odor when wetted. this substance is procured at the coteau des prairie, intermediate between the sources of the st. peter's and the great sioux rivers. some other places have been mentioned as affording this mineral, particularly a locality on the waters of chippewa river; but the mineral procured here is chocolate-colored. e. _magnesian minerals._ . serpentine. at presque isle point, lake superior, common and precious, in isolated masses; also, in connection with, and imbedding native copper, along the southern shore of lake superior, at ontonagon river, &c. . steatite. at presque isle, near river au mort, lake superior, in connection with the serpentine formation. also, at the lake of the woods, of a black or very dark color, where it is employed by the indians in carving pipes. . asbestos. _common asbestos._--in serpentine and steatite, at presque isle point, lake superior. also, in minute veins, in detached masses of diallage and serpentine rocks, on the west shore of lake michigan. these veins are no more than a fourth of an inch in width; and the fibres of asbestos occur transversely. they are very flexible, and easily reducible into a flocculent mass. f. _barytic minerals._ sulphate of barytes. _lamellar sulphate of barytes._--in detached masses, imbedded in diluvial soil, at the mines of peosta, or dubuque, on the upper mississippi, where it is accompanied by sulphuret of lead, calcareous spar, &c. also, at the mine au fevre (now galena), and at the mouth of the sissinaway river, on the east banks of the mississippi, between prairie du chien and fort armstrong. its colors are white or yellow, and it is frequently incrusted with a thin coat of yellow oxide of iron. it is most commonly opaque. the only translucent specimen seen was procured at dubuque's mines. g. _strontian minerals._ sulphate of strontian. _foliated sulphate of strontian._--at presque isle (wayne's battle ground), on the maumee river, wood county, ohio. it occurs in veins and cavities, in compact limestone, most commonly in the form of flattened prisms. its color is blue, frequently a very light or sky-blue, and the crystals are fully translucent, or even transparent. in some instances, they appear to have suffered a partial decomposition, and fall into fragments in the act of raising, or are covered with a white powdery crust, frequently visible only on the summits or terminating points of the prisms. the same limestone yields crystallized calcareous spar. both these substances are abundant in the rocky banks and in the bed of the maumee. also, on grosse isle, detroit river, michigan. h. _bituminous minerals._ . bitumen. _petroleum._--occurs in cavities, in loose fragments of limestone rock, along the west shore of lake michigan, between milwaukie and chicago. these masses of rock lie promiscuously among fragments of quartz, granite, sandstone, fossil madrepores, &c., along the alluvial shore of the lake, and appear to have been washed up from its bed. the petroleum is in a free and liquid state; but, where it has suffered an exposure to the atmosphere, it has acquired a stiff and tar-like consistence passing into _maltha_. not unfrequently, fragments of mineral coal are also found scattered along these shores, and there is reason to conclude that a bituminous formation exists in the contiguous inferior strata forming the basin of the lake. . graphite. _granular graphite._--in a small vein, in the clay-slate of the river st. louis, at the head of the nine-mile portage. it is coarse-grained and _gritty_. . coal. _slaty coal._--the only spot where this mineral has been observed, in situ, is at la charbonniére, on the west banks of the illinois river, at the computed distance of one hundred and twenty miles south of the post of chicago. it is here seen in horizontal strata, not exceeding two or three inches in thickness, interposed between layers of sandstone and shale. breaking out on the declivity of the bank of the river, where the overlaying strata are constantly crumbling down, and thus obscuring the seams, no very satisfactory examination could be made in a hasty visit; but the nature and position of the rock strata and soils, and the general aspect of the country, do not justify the conclusion that the bed is of much thickness or extent. valuable beds may be discovered, however, by exploring this formation. this coal has a shining black color, a slaty structure, inflames readily, burning with a bright flame. it is very fragile where exposed to the weather, falling into fine fragments. hence, a very black color has been communicated to the contiguous and overlaying soil, which is manifestly more or less the result of disintegrated coal. detached fragments of coal, corresponding in mineral characters with the above, are occasionally found around the southern shores of lake michigan. the inference, as to the existence of coal around the shores of this lake, is obvious. and we are led to inquire: does the la charbonniére formation of coal exist in the sandstone and limestone strata forming the table-land between the illinois river and lake michigan, and reappearing around the basin of the latter, but at such a depression below its surface as to elude observation? and, if so, does not this coal formation extend quite across the southern portion of the peninsula of michigan? the secondary character of the region alluded to, so far as observed, the horizontal and relative position of the strata, and the general uniformity which is generally observed in the species and order of the coal measures, favor this suggestion. i. _soda._ . muriate of soda. no traces of salt are known to have been discovered in those parts of the territory of the united states situated north of latitude ° ´ (which is that of the sault ste. marie) and _east_ of the mississippi river. the great secondary formations which pervade the western country cease south of this general limit, and with them terminate the salt springs, the gypsum beds, the coal measures, and other connected minerals which are generally found in association. it is one of the most important facts which the science of geology has contributed to the stock of useful information, that, in the natural order of the rocky and earthy deposits, muriate of soda always occupies a position contiguous to that of gypsum. this intimate connection between the sulphate of lime and the muriate of soda, enables us, by the discovery of the one, to predict, with considerable but not unerring certainty, the presence of the other. it adds weight to an observation first made among the salt formations of europe, to find its general correctness corroborated by the relative position of these substances in the united states. these remarks will apply particularly to the salt formations of new york, and to some portions of the muriatiferous region of virginia and the arkansas. there appears to be a salt formation extending from the northwest angle of the ohio through michigan, for a distance of two hundred to three hundred miles. it commences in the seweekly country, passing around the sandusky river of lake erie, where an extensive bed of granular gypsum has recently been discovered, and continues, probably, northwest, so as to embrace the saganaw basin, and reach quite to the end of the peninsula, and embracing, perhaps, the gypsum islands of lake huron, ten miles northeast of michilimackinac. all the brine springs and gypsum beds noticed in the region are situated in the line of this formation. during the fall of , a number of gentlemen at the island of michilimackinac united in the expenses of a tour for exploring the skeboigon river, a stream which originates in the peninsula of michigan, and flows into lake huron opposite the island of bois blanc. the particular object of this party was to ascertain the precise locality of certain salt springs reported to exist upon that stream. they proceeded to the places indicated, and examined several springs more or less impregnated with salt, but reported that, owing to the jealousy and hostility of those bands of indians who were found upon that stream, they were not enabled fully to accomplish the object in view. there are several salt springs reported to exist near the indian village of wendagon, on the sciawassa river, and others on the titabawassa river, the principal tributaries of the sagana. little is, however, known respecting these springs, but the water is represented to be so strongly impregnated, that the indians manufacture from it all the salt necessary for their villages. grand river valley has also been mentioned among the localities of salt water and gypsum rocks. hints may thus be derived of value to the future commerce of the country. scarcely any of the new states are without indications of the existence of salt. every day is adding to the number of localities. in the region _west_ of the mississippi, i was informed that salt occurs, in the crystallized form, in the territories of the yanktons, who inhabit the flat country at the sources of the river st. peter's. in certain parts of these plains, the salt exists on the surface. it is mixed with earth, in specimens brought to me, but crystallized in cubes, very imperfect, of a gray or grayish-white color. the indians scrape it up from certain parts of the prairies or plains, where the salt water is prevented from draining off. . alkaline sulphate of alumina. this salt exists, in the form of efflorescences, in the cavities and fissures of rocks along the southeast parts of the shores of sagana bay, lake huron, and in the argillaceous formations at erie, on lake erie, pennsylvania. * * * * * these positions embrace the principal localities of minerals noticed. in travelling rapidly through a remote wilderness, there was but little opportunity to explore off the track; and the whole observation was confined to the mere surface of the country, which is much obscured by diluvial and alluvial formations. it will be seen that the region of lake superior has been a fruitful field for mineralogical inquiry, and it is one which invites further exploration. its mineralogy affords a variety of interesting substances which are objects of scientific research, and it may be anticipated to be the future theatre of extensive mining operations. the country northwest of lake superior, and the upper mississippi north of the falls of st. anthony--consisting mostly of upheaved primitive rocks and the pebble-drift, or diluvial, formations--has furnished but few subjects of mineralogical remark. the district of country between the falls of st. anthony and prairie du chien, in common with the more southern portions of the mississippi valley, partakes of all the interest which the mineral kingdom presents in a calcareous and metalliferous country of secondary formation. it has added considerably to my collection. it is probable the rivers st. peter's, st. croix, and chippeway would well reward exploration; but the mines of dubuque particularly invite a mineralogical survey. their future importance cannot fail to be duly appreciated. if the country has put on an aspect unfavorable to mineralogy, its geological features have been observed to sustain its interest. much of the interest growing out of the examination, for the first time, of the mineralogy and natural history of the country, is such as to commend itself, in an especial manner, to the consideration of men of science, and of associations devoted to scientific details, rather than the department of a government. to these former, nature is a storehouse of facts, and a perpetual anxiety is felt by this class of observers to know the range, not only of our rock formations, but of our plants, shells, fossils, and other classes of objects in our physical geography. such desires i have endeavored, as far as my means permitted, to gratify. the fresh-water conchology of the lakes and rivers visited was often attractive, when other objects excited little interest. the species collected in this department have been referred to the new york lyceum of natural history. with these remarks, the result of an arduous and interesting journey through a part of the continent hitherto unexplored, i have the honor to conclude my report, and to terminate the trust confided to me. i am, sir, with respect, your obedient servant, henry r. schoolcraft, _geologist, &c. of the ex. exp._ viii. (a.) _a report to the senate of the united states, in answer to a resolution passed by this body, respecting the value and extent of the mineral lands on lake superior._[ ] by henry r. schoolcraft. [ ] _to the senate of the united states:_-- in compliance with a resolution of the senate of the th may last, requesting "information relative to the copper mines on the southern shore of lake superior, their number, value, and position, the names of the indian tribes who claim them, the practicability of extinguishing their titles, and the probable advantage which may result to the republic from the acquisition and working these mines," i herewith transmit a report from the secretary of war, which comprises the information desired in the resolution referred to. james monroe. washington, th december, . department of war, d december, . the secretary of war, to whom was referred the resolution of the senate of the th may last, requesting the president of the united states "to communicate to the senate, at the commencement of the next session of congress, any information which may be in the possession of the government, derived from special agents or otherwise, showing the number, value, and position of the copper mines on the south shore of lake superior, the names of the indian tribes who claim them, the practicability of extinguishing their title, and the probable advantage which may result to the republic from the acquisition and working these mines," has the honor to transmit a report of henry r. schoolcraft, indian agent at the sault of ste. marie, on the copper mines in the region of lake superior, which contains all the information in relation to the subject in this department. all which is respectfully submitted. j. c. calhoun. to the president of the united states. sault ste. marie, october , . sir: in reply to the inquiries, contained in a resolution of the senate of the united states, respecting the existence of copper mines in the region of lake superior, inclosed to me in a note from the war department, dated th may, , i have the honor to submit to you the following facts and remarks:-- . in relation to "_the number, value, and position of the copper mines on the south shore of lake superior_." the remote position of the country alluded to, the infrequency of communication, and the little reliance to be placed on information derived through the medium of the aborigines or of traders, who are wholly engrossed with other objects, presents an embarrassment at the threshold of this inquiry, which must be felt by every person who turns his attention to the subject. the information sought for demands a minute acquaintance with the natural features and mineral structure of the country, which can only be acquired by personal examination; and it is a species of research requiring more leisure, better opportunities, and a freer participation in personal fatigue, than usually falls to the share of tourists and travellers. not only are those difficulties to be encountered which are inseparable from the collection of isolated facts in a new and unsettled country, but those, also, which are peculiar to the subject, connected as it is, at every stage of the inquiry, with the prejudices and superstitions of the indian tribes. [b.] it can, therefore, excite little surprise that, after having been the theme of speculation for more than a century, and obtained the notice of several works of merit in europe,[ ] both the position and value of these mineral beds have continued to the present times to be but partially known. to ascertain more clearly their value and importance to the republic were objects more particularly confided to me as a member of the expedition sent by the indian department, in the year , to traverse and explore those regions. my report of the th of november of that year--a copy of which, marked a, is herewith transmitted--gives the result of that inquiry. after a lapse of two years, little can be added. reflection and subsequent inquiry convince me that the facts advanced in that report will be corroborated by future observation. no circumstance has transpired which is calculated to prove that my suggestions with regard to the fertility and future importance of those mines are fallacious; on the contrary, all information tends to strengthen and confirm those suggestions. specimens of pure and malleable copper continue to be brought in to me by the aborigines from that region, but it is not deemed necessary to particularize in this place the additional localities. it will be sufficient to observe, that the number of these new discoveries justifies the expectations that have been created respecting the metalliferous character of the region of the ontonagon, and the south shore of lake superior. [c.] [ ] _vide_ jameson's mineralogy, parkes's chemical catechism, phillips's elementary introduction to mineralogy. i shall here add the result of an accurate analysis made upon a specimen of this copper at the mint of utrecht, in the netherlands, at the request of mr. eustis, minister plenipotentiary from the united states, who carried samples of the american copper to that country. the report of the inspector of the mint, which communicates the result of this analysis, has the following remarks upon the natural properties of this species of copper, and the mode of its production: "from every appearance, the piece of copper seems to have been taken from a mass that has undergone fusion. the melting was, however, not an operation of art, but a natural effect caused by a volcanic eruption. the stream of lava probably carried along in its course the aforesaid body of copper, that had formed into one collection, as fast as it was heated enough to run, from all parts of the mine. the united mass was probably borne in this manner to the place where it now rests in the soil. the crystallized form, observable everywhere on the original surface of the metal that has been left untouched or undisturbed, leads me to presume that the fusion it has sustained was by a process of nature; since this crystallized surface can only be supposed to have been produced by a slow and gradual cooling, whereby the copper assumed regular figures as its heat passed into other substances, and the metal itself lay exposed to the air. "as to the properties of the copper itself, it may be observed that its color is a clear red; that it is peculiarly qualified for rolling and forging; and that its excellence is indicated by its resemblance to the copper usually employed by the english for plating. the dealers in copper call this sort _peruvian copper_ to distinguish it from that of _sweden_, which is much less malleable. the specimen under consideration is incomparably better than swedish copper, as well on account of its brilliant color as for the fineness of its pores and its extreme ductility. notwithstanding, before it is used in manufactures, or for the coining of money, it ought to be melted anew, for the purpose of purifying it from such earthy particles as it may contain. the examination of the north american copper, in the sample received from his excellency the minister, by the operation of the cupel and test by fire, has proved that it does not contain the smallest particle of silver, gold, or any other metal." it is a coincidence worthy of remark, that the suggestions offered by the assayer respecting the volcanic origin of these masses of copper, are justified by the leading features of the porcupine mountains, and by the melted granites found upon the heights called grande sables and ishpotonga. . the second and third inquiries of the resolution relate to "_the names of the indian tribes who claim the mines, and the practicability of extinguishing their title_." by the treaty concluded at this post on the th of june, , the ojibwai[ ] indians cede to the united states four miles square of territory, bounded by the river st. mary's, and including the portage around the falls.[ ] this is the most northerly point to which the indian title has been extinguished in the united states. the different bands of ojibwais possess all the country northwest of this post, extending through lake superior to the sources of the mississippi, where they are bounded by the assennaboins, the crees, and the chippewyans of the hudson bay colony. their lands extend down the mississippi to the sioux boundary, an unsettled line between the junction of the river de corbeau and the falls of st. anthony. south of lake superior, they claim to the possessions of the winnebagoes, on the ouisconsin and fox rivers, and to those of the pottawatamies and ottoways, on lake michigan. the wild rice, or monomonee indians, are an integral part of the ojibwai nation, deriving their name from the great reliance they place on the zizania aquatica as an article of food. they live in small, dispersed bands between the ojibwais of the lake, and the winnebagoes of fox river. those residing among the ojibwais speak the same language, but with many peculiarities and corruptions on the waters of green bay. they claim the respective tracts upon which they are located. these are, principally, the valleys of the fox and monomonee rivers, and the rice lands contiguous to the fol. avoine, clam lake, and lac de flambeau, which lie on the table-lands between lake superior and the mississippi. [ ] for the different names applied to this tribe of indians, see appendix h. [ ] _vide_ acts passed at the second session of the th congress of the united states, page . the right of soil to all that part of the peninsula of michigan not purchased by the united states is divided between the ojibwais and the ottoways. the former claim all the shores and islands of lake huron situated north of the saganaw purchase, except those in the vicinity of michilimackinac and the st. martin, or gypsum islands, which were ceded by treaty on the th of july, .[ ] their territories continue north, through the river st. mary's, embracing the country on both banks, and the islands in the river, saving drummond's island, which is garrisoned by the british, and the four mile concession at the sault or falls, now occupied by a detachment of the united states' army. it is not deemed necessary to point out the limits of their territories with more precision, or to pursue them into the canadas, where they are also very extensive. it will sufficiently appear, from this outline, that the discoveries of copper on the south shore of lake superior are upon their lands. that some of these discoveries have been made upon, or will be traced to, the possessions of the north monomonees, is also probable. [ ] _vide_ acts passed at the second session of the th congress, p. . with respect to the practicability of extinguishing the indian title, no difficulty is to be apprehended. living in small villages, or tribes of the same mark, scattered over an immense territory, and often reduced to great poverty by the failure of game and fish, it is presumed there would be a disposition among their chiefs and head men to dispose of portions of it. those districts which most abound in minerals, presenting a rough and rocky surface, are the least valuable to them as hunting-grounds; and the goods and annuities which they would receive in exchange must be vastly more important to them than any game which these mineral lands now afford. . "_the probable advantage which may result to the republic from the acquisition and working of these mines._" how far metallic mines, situated upon the public domain, may be considered as a source of national wealth, and what system of management is best calculated to produce the greatest advantages to the public revenue, are inquiries which are not conceived to be presented for consideration in this place; nor should i presume to offer any speculations upon topics which have been so often discussed, and so fully settled. in applying axioms, however, to a species of productive industry, the results of which are so very various under various situations, great caution is undoubtedly necessary; and it must appear manifest, on the slightest reflection, how much the comparative value of metallic mines, equally fertile and productive, ever depends upon situation and local advantages. dismissing, therefore, all questions of abstract policy, i shall here adduce a few facts in relation to the fertility of these mineral beds, and their position with respect to a market--points upon which their value to the nation must ultimately turn. that copper is abundantly found on the south shore of lake superior has been shown. it is unnecessary here to add to, or repeat the instances of its occurrence, or to urge, from an inspection of the surface, the fertility of subterranean beds. all the facts which i possess in relation to this subject are before you, and you will assign to them such importance as they merit. it is a subject upon which i have bestowed some reflection and much inquiry, superadded to limited opportunities of personal observation, and the result has led me to form a favorable estimate of their value and importance. it is not only certain that a prodigious number of masses of metallic copper are found along the borders of the lake, but every appearance authorizes a conclusion that they are only the indications of near and continuous veins. some of these masses are of unexampled size, and all present metallic copper in a state of great purity and fineness. of its ductile and excellent qualities for the purposes of coinage and sheathing, the analysis of utrecht leaves no doubt. it is true that a mistaken idea has prevailed among travellers and geographers respecting the weight of the great mass of copper on the ontonagon river; but it is, nevertheless, of extraordinary dimensions, and i have endeavored to show, from their works, how these errors have originated, and that the metal is disseminated throughout a much greater extent of country, and in masses of every possible form and size. until my facts and data can, therefore, be proved to be fallacious, i must be permitted to consider these mines not only fertile in native copper and its congenerous species, but unparalleled in extent, and to recommend them as such to the notice of the government. but, whatever degree of incertitude may exist respecting the riches of these mines, their situation with respect to a market can admit of no dispute. as little can there be concerning the advantages which this situation presents for the purposes of mining and commerce. let us compare it with that of other mines, and appeal to acknowledged facts for the decision. the value of a coal mine, a stone quarry, or a gypsum bed, often arises as much from its situation as its fertility. but the proposition may be reversed with respect to a metallic mine, the value of which to the proprietor arises more from its fertility and less from its situation. gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, &c., when separated from the matrix of the mine, are so valuable that they can bear to be transported a long journey over land, and the most distant voyage by water. their worth in coined money, produce, or manufactures, is not fixed in the particular circles of country where they are dug up, but depends upon the seaboard market, and embraces all countries. the silver of mexico and peru circulates throughout europe, and is carried to china. it is no objection to those mines that they are situated in the cordilleras, or upon the high table-lands of the american continent, and must be carried a thousand miles upon the backs of mules to the seaside. the very discovery of those mines has rendered many poor silver mines of europe of no value, although possibly situated in the environs of the best silver markets in the world. it is the fertility, and not the situation of such mines, that constitutes their chief value; and it is so with many of the coarser metals. the tin of the island of banka, and the peninsula of siam in asia, and the copper of japan, find their way to europe, and are articles of commerce in the united states. the cobalt of saxony is sent to pekin, and the platina of choco, to all parts of the world. in all these instances, the fertility of the mines compensates for every disadvantage of situation. but this principle is not alone confined to mines of tin, copper, &c.; it even holds true of the heavy and bulky articles of iron, lead, and salt. the lead of missouri finds a market at new york, philadelphia, and boston, and will be carried to europe. it is no objection that it must be conveyed in wagons forty miles from the interior, and sent a voyage of , miles in steamboats and merchant ships. the great fertility of the mines counterbalances the disadvantages of its remote position from the market, and it is the price of the metal in the market which always regulates its price at the mines. the malleable iron of sweden is consumed on the summits of the alleghany, although its strata are replete with iron ore, which is worked at numerous forges along the rivers which proceed from each side of it. it is believed that the salt springs of onondaga, from their copiousness alone, would supply a vast portion of the interior and seaboard of the united states with salt, even if the facilities of water carriage had not been presented by the erie canal. the value of such mines and minerals ever depends as much upon the abundance as upon the favorable position of them. it is far otherwise with quarries of stone, gypsum, marl, fossil coal, &c., whose contiguity to a good market establishes their value. no abundance of these articles would justify a land carriage of one hundred miles. they constitute a species of mining, the profits and value of which increases in the ratio of the surrounding population, and as the country advances in improvements. but this advantage is far less sensibly felt, and cannot be considered essential to the successful working of mines of silver, copper, &c. neither the remote position, therefore, of the lake superior copper mines, nor the want of a surrounding population, present objections of that force which would at first seem to exist; and it is confidently believed that, if their fertility is such as facts indicate, they may be opened and wrought with eminent advantage to the republic. but let us examine their situation with respect to a market, and compare it with that of other mines of the same metal, and of some of the coarser metals, which bear a considerable land, and the most distant water carriage. to favor the inquiry, let it be granted for the moment that proximity of situation to a market, or free water carriage, are indispensable to the success and value of the most fertile mines. assuming the confluence of the ontonagon river with lake superior (which is apparently the centre of the mine district) as the place where the metal is first to be embarked for market, it must be carried down the lake miles to the sault or rapids of st. mary's. here, if it is in barges, it may descend the rapids in perfect safety, as is the invariable practice of the traders on arriving with their annual returns of furs and skins from the north. if in vessels, it must be transferred either into boats or carts, and carried half a mile to the foot of the rapids, where it will again be embarked in vessels, and transported through the lakes huron, st. clair, and erie, and their connecting straits, to buffalo, a distance of miles. the progress made in the construction of the great canal which is to connect the lakes and atlantic, is such as to leave no doubt upon any reasonable mind of the full completion of that work with the close of the year . through this channel, the transportation is to be continued in boats or barges, by a voyage of miles, to the hudson at albany; thence a sloop navigation of miles, which, for speed and freedom from risk, is perhaps unequalled in all america, takes it into the harbor of new york, making the entire distance, from the mouth of the ontonagon, , miles. from new york it is distributed to our naval depots, and to the markets of europe. it is exchanged for the lead of missouri, the iron of sweden, or the silver of mexico; and the same ready communication transports the return cargo to buffalo, from whence the commerce is extended, by means of the lakes, throughout western new york, pennsylvania, ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, and the interminable regions of the north. thus it is seen that, when the erie canal is completed, a free and direct water communication, from the mines to one of the best markets in america, will exist, in which the rapids of st. mary's are the only interruption, and this is only an interruption to large vessels. not only so, but the ontonagon river may be ascended many miles with vessels of light burden, and thus the copper of lake superior, wafted from the heart of the interior, and from the base of the porcupine mountains, into the harbors of new york, philadelphia, &c. of this whole distance, , miles are now navigated by the largest class of river craft and lake schooners; the balance of the distance is the length of the erie canal. (see note d.) let it be recollected that there are no mines of copper situated upon the margin of the sea, and that every quintal of sheet copper, bolts, nails, &c., which we receive from great britain, russia, sweden, or japan, is transported a greater or less distance on turnpikes or canals, before it reaches the place of shipment. the richest copper mines of the russian empire are seated on the summits of the uralian mountains; those of fahlun, in sweden, and cornwall, in england, are scarcely more favored as to position; and, owing to a want of coal, all the ores raised at the latter are transported into wales to be smelted.[ ] but we need not resort to europe for instances. all the lead raised at the fertile mines in missouri is transported an average distance of forty miles in carts and wagons before it reaches the banks of the mississippi. steamboats take it to new orleans, a distance, by the shortest computation, of , miles. but it must still pass through the gulf of mexico, and encounter the perils of the capes of florida, and a voyage of , miles along the coast of the united states, before it reaches its principal marts. the average cost of transporting a hundredweight of lead from mine au breton and potosi to the banks of the mississippi, during the year , was seventy-five cents. the distance is thirty-six miles. the price of conveying the same quantity from the storehouses at herculaneum and st. genevieve to new orleans, by steamboats, was seventy cents. the distance exceeds , miles. hence, it costs more to transport a given quantity thirty-six miles by land than to convey it , by water. these rates have probably varied since, but the proportionate expense of land carriage, compared to that of water, will remain the same. a quintal of copper may, therefore, be transported from the mines of superior to buffalo or lockport, in new york, for the same sum required to convey an equal quantity of lead from potosi to st. genevieve. if we consider the city of new york as the market of both, no hesitancy or doubt can be experienced as to the decided and palpable advantages possessed by the northern mines. it is only necessary to adduce these facts; the conclusions are inevitable. in every point of view, the distance of these mines from the market presents no solid objection to their being explored with profit to the nation. [ ] silliman. pig copper, which is the least valuable form in which this metal is carried to market, is now quoted in the atlantic cities at cents per pound; sheathing, at ; brazier's, at . i have no data at hand to show the amount of these articles consumed in the united states, and for which we are annually transmitting immense sums to enrich foreign states. but those who best appreciate the advantages of commerce will readily supply the estimate. it would be an interesting inquiry to ascertain how much of the sums yearly paid for sheathing copper, bolts, nails, engravers' plates, &c., is contributed to the wealth of the respective foreign states who possess mines of this metal. we can look back to a period in the history of great britain, when that power did not contribute one pound of copper to the commerce of europe. during a period of nine years, closing with the memorable year (in american history) of , the produce of the copper mines of cornwall was , tons of fine copper. (see note e.) since that time, the yearly returns of those mines exhibit a constant increase; and the copper mines of great britain are now the most valuable in the world. the amount produced by the mines of cornwall and devon, after deducting the charges of smelting, for the single year of , was , pounds sterling. (see note f.) the clear profits of the dolgoath mine, one of the richest in cornwall, for a period of five months, during the year , was £ , , which is at the rate of £ , , or $ , , per annum. next to great britain, the most considerable mines of europe are those of russia, austria, sweden, and westphalia, as it was in . of less importance are those of denmark, france, saxony, prussia, and spain. the proportion in which the british mines exceed those of the most favored european nation is as , x , . (see note g.) there is another consideration connected with this subject which is worthy of remark. should it be inquired what would be the effects of the purchase of these mines upon the condition of the indian tribes, the reply is obvious. it would have the most beneficial tendency. they would not only profit by an exchange of their waste lands for goods, implements of husbandry, the stipulated services of blacksmiths, teachers, &c., but the intercourse would have a happy tendency to allay those bitter feelings which, through the instigation of the british authorities in the canadas, they have manifested, and still continue to feel, in degree, towards the united states. the measures which the president has recently directed to be pursued to assuage these feelings of hostility, and to induce them to cherish proper sentiments of friendship and respect, are already in a train of execution that bids fair for success. continued exertions, and the necessary and proper means, are all that seem necessary to confirm and complete the effect; and whatever measures have a tendency to increase the intercourse of american citizens with these "remote tribes," and to give them a true conception of the power and justice, and the pacific and benevolent policy of our government, must favor and hasten such a result. i have the honor to be, sir, with the highest respect, your most obedient servant, henry r. schoolcraft, _u. s. indian agent at the sault ste. marie_. hon john c. calhoun, _secretary of war, washington_. _notes._ (b.) among the numerous superstitions which the indian tribes entertain, that respecting mines is not the least remarkable. they are firmly impressed with a belief that any information communicated to the whites, disclosing the position of mines or metallic treasures situated upon their grounds, is displeasing to their manitos, and even to the great spirit himself, from whom they profess to derive every good and valuable gift; and that this offence never fails to be visited upon them in the loss of property, in the want of success in their customary pursuits or pastimes, in untimely death, or some other singular disaster or untoward event. this opinion, although certainly not a strange one to be cherished by a barbarous people, is, nevertheless, believed to have had its origin in the transactions of an era which is not only very well defined, but must ever remain conspicuous in the history of the discovery and settlement of america. it is very well known that the precious metals were the principal objects which led the spanish invaders to penetrate into the interior of mexico and peru, and ultimately to devastate and conquer the country, to plunder and destroy its temples, and to tax and enslave its ill-fated inhabitants. it is equally certain that, to escape these scenes of cruelty and oppression, many tribes and fragments of tribes, when further resistance became hopeless, fled towards the north, preferring the enjoyment of liberty and tranquillity upon the chilly borders of the northern lakes, to the pains of servitude in the mild and delightful valleys of mexico, and the golden plains of the incas. in this way, many tribes who originally migrated from the north, along the pacific ocean, to the gulf of california, and thence over all new spain, were returned towards the north over the plains of texas and the valley of the mississippi; those tribes nearest the scenes of the greatest atrocities always pressing upon the remoter and less civilized, who, in turn, pressed upon the nations less enlightened than themselves, and finally drove them into the unfrequented forests of the north. among these terrified tribes, the traditions of the ojibwais affirm that their ancestors came, and that they originally dwelt in a country destitute of snows. many tribes who now speak idioms of their language were left upon the way, and have since taken distinctive names. among these, are the pottawatamies, the ottoways, &c. the latter formerly were, as they still remain, the agriculturists. the miamis and shawnees, whose languages bear some affinity, preceded them in their flight. the winnebagoes, speaking a separate and original tongue, came later, and preserve more distinct traditions of their migration. all these tribes carried with them the strong prejudices and fixed hatred excited by the cruelty, rapacity, and cupidity of their european conquerors; and, above all, of that insatiable thirst for gold and silver which led the spaniards to sack their towns, burn their temples, and torture their people. cruelty and injustice of so glaring a character must have made upon their minds too deep an impression ever to be forgotten, or completely erased from their traditions. to that memorable epoch we must, therefore, look for the origin of that cautious and distrustful disposition which these tribes have since manifested with regard to the mines and minerals situated upon their lands; and the circumstance seems to offer an abundant excuse, if not a justification, for those prevarications and evasions which present a continual series of embarrassment to every person who seeks through their aid to develop the mineral resources, or describe the natural productions, of their territories. hence, too, the cause why they are prone to imagine that all mineral or metallic substances obtained or sought upon their lands, are susceptible of being converted or _transmuted_ into the precious metals. (c.) the following _additional_ localities of native copper, derived from sources entitled to respect, and accompanied, in some instances, by specimens of the metal, may here be given:-- . grand menou, or isle royal, lake superior. captain----, of the schooner----, in the employ of the hudson's bay company, on lake superior, describes this island as affording frequent masses of copper. while becalmed off its shores in the spring of , and, afterwards, in coasting along the island for a distance of one hundred miles, his men frequently went ashore, and never failed to bring back with them lumps of metallic copper, which they found promiscuously scattered among the fragments of rock. these were more abundant in approaching its southwestern extremity, where they unite in representing it to exist in a solid vein. specimens of limpid quartz, chalcedony, and striped agate, were also brought to me from this island. [j. s. j. j.] . on the extremity of the great peninsula, called by the natives meenaiewong, or keweena point, which forms so prominent a feature in the physiognomy of lake superior. it occurs in the detached form. [j. h. j. j.] . at point aux beignes, which is the east cape of the entrance into l'ance quewiwenon. a mass from this place was raised from the sandstone rock, which predominates there. [j. y. b.] . at caug wudjieu, or the porcupine mountains, lake superior; in masses, enveloped with a green crust, along the banks of the carp, or neemaibee river, which originates in these mountains. [w. m. g. y. j. j.] . on the banks of lac courterroile. this lake lies near the source of the river broule, or cawesacotai, which enters lake superior near la pointe. it occurs in the alluvial soil, which is a kind of loamy earth, with pebbles intermixed, but of a rich quality, and timbered with beech and maple. it is found mostly in small, flat masses, more or less oxidated. [b. g. j. g. y.] . in a vein on the shore of lake superior, between la riviere de mort and st. john's, a little to the west of presque isle. [j. j.] . on the northeast branch of the ontonagon river. [j. h.] . in the precipitous bluffs called le portail, and the pictured rocks. a green matter oozes from the seams in these rocks, and forms a kind of stalactites, which is apparently a carbonate of copper. [g. y.] these localities embrace a range of more than two hundred miles along the south shore of lake superior, which proves how intimately this metal and its ores are identified with the rocks and the soil of that region. (d.) in all our calculations respecting the position and advantages of these mines, too much stress cannot be laid upon the facilities of the lake navigation. it is believed that a ton of merchandise, or a barrel bulk, can be transported through the lakes at the same rates that are paid in the coasting trade of the united states. nor is the risk greater. the best data which i can command, induce me to conclude that a quintal of copper can be conveyed from the place of shipment on lake superior, to the city of new york, for _one dollar_. the present price of transportation, for a barrel bulk, from buffalo to mackina, may be stated, on the average of freights, at _s._, new york. the mean weight of a barrel bulk, taking flour as the standard, may be safely put down at lbs. gross, being cents per cwt. but it must be recollected that there is no return freight; and, consequently, that this sum covers the expenses not only of the outward and return voyage, but still leaves a profit to the owner. messrs. gray and griswold, sutlers of the d regiment, paid _s._ _d._, new york, per barrel bulk, from buffalo to the sault. this gives a result of cents per cwt. but, if a return cargo could be obtained, one-half of this sum would afford an equal profit on the voyage; and it is believed that the article of bar copper could at all times be conveyed from the sault to buffalo for cents per cwt. being a very convenient species of ballast, it would oftentimes be taken in lieu of stone, and, consequently, cost no greater sum than the price of carrying it on board. but the facilities and cheapness of the lake navigation cannot, perhaps, be better illustrated than by stating the price of provisions at the post of st. mary's, every article of which is carried from to miles through the lakes. the following statement of the assistant commissary has been politely furnished at my request:-- sault ste. marie, october, . dear sir: agreeably to your request, i send you a statement of the actual cost of subsistence stores furnished at this post for the use of troops at present making the military establishment, ordered by the government to this place. the prices of the several articles below enumerated are at a small advance on the stores of the settlers outside of the cantonment. the expenses of subsisting, or rather of maintaining, a garrison at this place will be as small, if not less, per annum, than at any other frontier post in our country. the provisions for the soldier cost as little, i believe, as at any other post, and next year we shall be able to raise all the forage for the use of our beef cattle, and the horses and oxen of the quartermaster's department. i am, dear sir, yours, &c., w. bicker, _a. c. s. u. s. a._ _statement of the cost of united states subsistence stores at the sault de ste. marie, ._ cents. pork, per pound - / flour, per pound - / whiskey, per gallon fresh beef, per pound - / vinegar, per gallon salt, per bushel soap, per pound candles, per pound - / beans, per quart - / the total cost of a soldier's ration is cents and mill per diem. walter bicker, _a. c. s. u. s. a._ h. r. schoolcraft, esq., _u. s. i. agent_. (e.) _statement of the returns of copper ores smelted at the mines of cornwall (eng.) from to .--[rees's cyclopedia.]_ -------------+------------+-------------+---------+--------------- periods. |tons of ore.|average price| amount. |annual quantity | | per ton. | |of fine copper. -------------+------------+-------------+---------+--------------- to | , | £ | £ , | tons to | , | | , | " to | , | | , | , " to | , | | , , | , " to | , | | , , | , " -------------+------------+-------------+---------+--------------- (f.) _statement of the produce of the mines of cornwall and devon (eng.) for a period of four years, ending with ._ ------------------+-------------+------------+----------+--------- | | | | ------------------+-------+-----+------+-----+----------+--------- |corn- |devon|corn- |devon| cornwall | cornwall |wall | |wall | |and devon |and devon ------------------+-------+-----+------+-----+----------+--------- tons of ore. | | | | | | tons. | , | , | , | , | , | , cwt. | | | | | | qrs. | | | | | | ------------------+-------+-----+------+-----+----------+--------- fine copper. | | | | | | tons. | , | | , | | , | , cwt. | | | | | | qrs. | | | | | | lbs. | | | | | | ------------------+-------+-----+------+-----+----------+--------- average | | | | standard £ | | | | per ton. | | | | ------------------+-------+------------+----------------+--------- annual amount £| , | , | , | , after deducting | | | | charges of s.| | | | smelting. | | | | ------------------+-------+------------+----------------+--------- (g.) _table of the annual quantity of copper raised from the earth in different countries, in quintals--the quintal valued at lbs._ . england , . russia , . austria, including bohemia, gallicia, hungary, transylvania, styria, carinthia, carniola, salzburg, and moravia , . sweden , . westphalia, in , . states of denmark , . bavaria, including the tyrol , . france , . saxony, in , . prussia, as left by the treaty of tilsit . spanish european mines -------- total, , (h.) i shall here give the synonoma for this tribe of indians, which appears to have been first recognized by the united states as an independent tribe by wayne's treaty of ,[ ] under the name of chipewa. this name has been retained in all subsequent treaties with them, not, however, without some discrepance in the orthography. these variations are chiefly marked by the introduction of the letter _p_ at the beginning of the second syllable, or the vowel _y_ annexed to the third; producing chip-_pe_-wa, chip-_pe_-wa_y_, and chip-e-_way_. the french missionaries and traders, whose policy it was to discard the names of the aboriginal tribes from their conversations, bestowed upon this tribe, at a very early period, the _nom de guerre_ of _saulteurs_, or _sauteurs_, from the sault or falls of st. mary's, which was the ancient seat of this tribe--a name which is still retained by the canadians, and by many of the american traders. among the early french writers, they were also sometimes denominated _outchipouas_. there is as little uniformity among travellers and geographers. pinkerton, darby, morse, carver, mackenzie, and herriot, either employ the word according to the orthography of wayne's treaty, or with the modifications above noticed. the name of chippewyans, employed by mackenzie, relates to a tribe residing north and west of the sources of the mississippi, who speak a language having no affinity, and are a distinct people. henry, who was well versed in the chippewa language, also conforms to the popular usage, but observes that the true name, as pronounced by themselves, is ojibwa. [ ] this fact is not stated in full confidence. i cannot refer to any authorities to prove that they were formally recognized by the united states before this very recent period. by the french and british governments they were known soon after the first settlements at quebec and albany (a. d. , ), and subsequently treated with. a band of warriors from chegoimegon, on lake superior, under the command of waub ojeag, or the white fisher, was present at the taking of fort niagara by sir w. johnston in . having taken pains to ascertain and fix the pronunciation of this word, i have not hesitated to introduce it into my correspondence and official accounts; but i am aware of my great temerity in so doing. popular prejudices, and several of the authorities above cited, stand opposed to the proposed innovation. the continued use of the word "chippewa" is also sanctioned by a name entitled to conclusive respect. "i write the word in this way," observes the executive of michigan, "because i am apprehensive the orthography is inveterately fixed, and not because i suppose it is correct." still, there are reasons for changing it. justice to this unfortunate race requires it. since the popular apathy to their condition is such that every remembrance of their actual customs, manners, and traditions will probably perish with them, and their _name_, ere long, be all that is left, it is at least incumbent upon us to transmit _that_ to posterity in its true sound--as the fathers and sachems pronounced it. if, then, there is an acknowledged error in this respect, shall we hesitate to correct it? ix. _rapid glances at the geology of western new york, west of the rome summit, in ._[ ] [ ] at the time these sketches were written, no geological observations had been made on this field, which has, at subsequent periods, been so elaborately described; nor had the topic itself attracted much attention. i landed at new york, in the ship arethusa, from new orleans, in the summer of , and published, in that city, in the fall of that year, an account of the lead-bearing rocks of missouri, and their supporting white sandstones, which rest, in horizontal deposits, on the primitive formation of the st. francis; bringing, at the same time, a rich collection of the mineralogy of that region, which soon became known in private cabinets. this became the cause of my employment, by the united states government, to visit the alleged copper mines on lake superior, as a member of the expedition to the sources of the mississippi. i left oneida county, in the district remarked on, on the th of april of that year, and reached the banks of the niagara river on the th of that month. on returning from the sources of the mississippi, i entered the same region on the th of october, and reached oneida on the st of the same month. prior to my visit to the great west, i had dwelt some three years--namely, , ' , ' , ' --in oneida and ontario counties. these were the opportunities enjoyed, up to the period, for acquiring a knowledge of the geography and geology of the country. mr. a. eaton's _index to geology_, published early in , embraces nothing extending to western new york. rock formations.-- . assuming the area of the most eastwardly head of the onondaga valley, the wood creek, and the rome summit, and the valley of the niagara, with an indefinite extent laterally, to form the limits of this inquiry; it is in coincidence with all known facts to say that it is a secondary region, consisting of the sedimentary and semi-crystalline strata, the lines of which are perfectly horizontal. colored sandstone, generally red, forms the lowest observed stratum. wherever streams have worn deep channels, they either disclose this rock or its adjuncts, the grits, or silicious sinter. it is apparent in the chasm at niagara falls, about half a mile below the cataract. it is often seen on the surface of the country, or buried slightly beneath the soil. in color, hardness, and other characters, there is a manifest variety. but, considered as a "formation," no doubt can exist of its unity. its thickness can only be conjectured, as no labor has, so far as we know, penetrated through it. judging from observations made in cattaraugus county, in , the coal measures have been completely swept from this area. . next in point of altitude, is the series of dark, carbonaceous, shelly slate rock. the thickness of this formation, as indicated at niagara, cannot be less than ninety feet. it is also often a surface-rock in the district, forming portions of the banks of lakes, streams, &c. it is characterized by organic remains of nascent species. portions of it also disclose rounded masses of pre-existing rocks. . last in the order of superposition, is the secondary limestone formation. it is, most commonly, of a dark, sedimentary aspect. it is not invariably so, but portions of it have a shining, semi-crystalline fracture. shades of color also vary considerably, but it never, in the scale of colors, exceeds a whitish-gray. viewed at different localities, the mass is either compact, fetid, shelly, or silicious. much of it produces good quicklime. it is often rendered "bastard," as the phrase is, by argillaceous and earthy impurities. organic impressions, and remains of sea shells and coarse corals are frequent. encrinites give some portions of it the appearance of eyed or dotted secondary marble. the occurrence of a hard variety of hornstone, which is not flint, is apparently confined to the compact, fetid variety. this formation, like the two preceding, may be found to consist of separate strata. localities, joining, overlaying, substrata, mineral contents, organic species, &c., require observation. the following notices are added. geological changes.--the evidences which are furnished of ancient submersion, which has "changed and overturned" vast portions of the solid land, are neither few nor equivocal. they are seen as well in the rock strata as the alluvial soils. the most elevated hills and the lowest valleys are equally productive of the evidences of extensive changes. the whole aspect of the country seems to attest to the ancient dominion of water. but the most striking proof of its agency is, perhaps, found in the sea-shells, polypi, and crustacea, which are preserved, in their outlines, in solid strata. some of these are most vivid in their shapes and ray-like markings, particularly the univalve shells. a subsequent change, in the surface of the country, is indicated by the marks of attrition and watery action upon the faces of these rocks, in situations greatly elevated above the present water-levels. this action must, consequently, be referred to a period when extensive submersions, in the nature of lakes or semi-seas, existed; for there is no power in present lakes and streams, however swelled and reinforced by rains or melting snows, to reach even a moiety of the elevation of these ancient water-marks. it is to the era of these last submersions that we are encouraged, by evidences, to look, as the disturbing cause which has buried trees, leaves, and bones in alluvial soils. _action of water._--in examining some portions of the flat lands of ontario county, such as the township of phelps, there are strata of a fine sedimentary soil, such as might be expected to result from the settlings of water not greatly agitated. the bottoms of mill-ponds afford an analogous species of soil. in these level districts, there are also not unfrequently observed fields of bare flat rock, of the limestone species, which is checkered in its surface, conveying the idea of their having formed a flooring to some former lake. an appearance of this kind may be seen a few hundred yards from the meeting-house in phelps. the rock, in this instance, is a carbonate of lime, and affords organic remains. the oak openings, in erie county, are a kind of natural meadows or prairies. many suppose them to have been ancient clearings; but of this the indians have no tradition, and the evidences of such a settlement are by no means satisfactory. in many places, on these extensive openings, there are naked and barren layers of calcareous rock, whose surface exhibits appearances analogous to those in ontario. the limestone is, however, of a darker color, and contains numerous imbedded nodules of hornstone, and it emits a fetid odor on breaking. in crossing the elevated calcareous highlands, between danville and arkport, in steuben county, we perceive in the bluff rocks which bound the valley of the conestoga river, at an elevation of perhaps two hundred feet above its bed, horizontal water-marks, deeply impressed upon the face of the rocks, as if the waters had formerly stood at that level; and it is impossible to resist the conviction, in travelling over this rugged district of country, that it has not been totally submerged by waters, which have been suddenly drawn off, but by gradual or periodical exhaustions, standing for many ages at different levels. slate rocks.--these were, not inaptly, denominated "brittle slate," by dr. mitchell, in . brittleness is their pervading character; and it is owing to this quality, in a formation of great thickness, that the action of the water at niagara falls is of so very striking a character. there is no portion of the niagara slate solid enough to be used for building stone. it is uniformly shelly, and exhibits, even in hand specimens, its reproduced character.[ ] those portions of the general formation which are solid constitute silicious slate. a locality of this variety may be seen at the halfway house, eight miles east of canandaigua. [ ] appropriately pronounced a "secondary graywacke slate," by mr. eaton. seneca lake.--this clear and picturesque lake has its bed in the secondary formations, and may be referred to as exhibiting localities of them. its upper parts afford the compact limestone in quadrangular blocks. large portions of its margin consist of the brittle carbonaceous slate. the shores, from the vicinity of rose's farm to appletown, are little else but a continuous bank of the slate. on the opposite coast, it is also visible at various localities below the crooked lake inlet. cashong creek may be particularly referred to. a short ascent of its valley brings the spectator into a scene where the walled masses of slaty rock assume a character of grandeur. among the recent portions which have been thrown into the valley, may be seen masses having large species of the stem-like organic remains, which indicate its newness as a formation. here are also disclosed orbicular masses, and pebbles of other rocks, imbedded in the slate. these prove it to be--what its texture would, in other places, indicate--a secondary slate. the order of position on the banks of this lake is the same as at niagara; but the sandstone is not apparent above the water line. its existence, in the bed of the lake, may be satisfactorily inferred, from the masses of yellow coarse sand which are driven up at the foot of the lake, and particularly around its outlet. when the winds prevail, the water is driven violently against this part of the shore. as it is an alluvial flat, they soon surmount the stated margin, and produce a partial inundation. on their recession, wreathes of sand remain. diluvial elevations.--bounding the alluvial plain of the seneca outlet westward, there is a series of remarkable wave-like ridges, whose direction is parallel to that of the lake. on the declivity-stop of the first of these ridges, stands the village of geneva, the buildings of which are thus displayed in an amphitheatric manner above the clear expanse of the lake. the substratum of these ridges is an argillaceous, compact soil of the eldest formation. some parts of it are a stiff clay, and yield septaria; but there is no considerable portion of it, which has been examined, wholly destitute of primitive boulders and pebbles. little doubt can remain but that it is the result of the broken-down slaty rock mixed with the extraneous and far-fetched primitive masses. they are conclusive of its diluvial character. i have attentively examined this formation, in the section of it exposed on the shores of the lake between the village of geneva and two-mile point. all its solid, stony contents are piled along the margin of the lake, the soil being completely washed away. granite, quartz, and trap pebble-stones and boulders, are here promiscuously strewn with recent debris. over the argillaceous deposit is spread a mantle of newer soil, of unequal depth and character, which forms, exclusively, the theatre of farming and horticultural labors. white springs.--on the declivity of one of these parallel ridges, at the distance of two miles from the lake, is found an extensive bed of white marl. this deposit, which is on the estate of the late judge nicholas, covers many acres, and yields so copious a spring of pure water that it is sufficient, at the distance of about three hundred yards from its issue, to turn a gristmill. there are to be found in this bed of marl several species of helix and voluta. the marl is generally covered with an alluvial deposit of two feet in depth. the depth of the marl itself is unexplored. is not this marl the result of decomposed sea shells? beds of quartzose sand.--in certain parts of the seneca valley are found limited deposits of a white quartzose sand, in a state of comparative purity. this substance is capable of being readily vitrified by the addition of alkaline fluxes, and is thus converted into glass. its existence, as a local deposit, beneath separate strata of alluvial soil, supporting a growth of trees and shrubs, is such as to render it probable that the present stream, in its exhausted state, could have had no agency in producing these deposits. if we are compelled to look to a former condition of the waters passing off through this valley, as affording the requisite power of deposit, we are then carried back to an era in the geology of the country which we must refer to, to account for by far the greater number of changes in all its recent soils. indeed, wherever we examine these soils, out of the range comprehended between high- and low-water mark, on any existing lake or stream, there will be found occasion to resort to the agency of more general and anterior submersions. a few localities may be appealed to. fossil wood.--in digging a well in the genesee valley, one mile east of the river (at hosmer's), part of the trunk of a tree, of mature growth, was found at the depth of forty-one feet below the surface. the soil was a loose sand mixed with gravel. the position is more elevated than the flats, so called. antlers.--a large pair of elk's horns were discovered in an excavation made for the foundation of a mill at clyde, in seneca county. they were imbedded in alluvial soil, ten feet below the surface. this surface had been cleared of elm and other forest trees of mature growth. near the same place, logs of wood were found at the depth of fourteen feet. these discoveries were made in the valley of clyde river, which is formed by the junction of the canandaigua outlet with mud creek. frogs enclosed in the geological column.--at carthage, on the genesee, twelve or fifteen frogs were found in excavating a layer of compact clay marl, about nine feet below the surface. the position is several hundred feet above the bed of the genesee river, to which elevation no one, after viewing the spot, will deem it probable its waters could have reached, this side of the diluvian era. a frog was dug out of the solid rock, at lockport, niagara county, by the workmen engaged in excavating the canal. it was enveloped by the limestone which abounds in cavities filled with crystals of strontian and dog-tooth spar. it came to life for a few moments, and then expired. there was no aperture by which it could possibly communicate with the atmospheric air. the cavity was only large enough to retain it, without allowing room for motion. the inclosure of animals of the inferior classes in the sedimentary strata, and even in the most solid substance of rock, is a fact which has been frequently noticed, without, however, any very satisfactory theory having been given of the process, at least to common apprehension. _vide_ addenda, for some further notices of this kind. fossil vegetation.--a well was dug in the lower part of the village of geneva, in , which disclosed, at the depth of thirteen feet, the branches and buds of a cedar-tree. they were found lying across the excavation, and in the sides of it; and were in excellent preservation. no one could conjecture in what age they had been buried. but this discovery would seem to establish the position that the catastrophe occurred _in the spring_. madrepore.--a madrepore, measuring eight inches in diameter, was found in the upland soil of caledonia, genesee county. smaller specimens of the same species occur in that township. madrepores of a large size have also been found imbedded in the soil, or lying on the surface, in various places in cattaraugus and alleghany counties. they are locally denominated petrified wasps' nests. the lands containing these loose fossil remains are contiguous to, or based on, secondary rocks at considerable elevations. boulders and primitive gravel.--but the most abundant evidences of diluvial action are furnished by the masses of foreign crystalline rocks which are scattered, in blocks of various sizes, on the surface of the soil, or imbedded at all depths within it. primitive rocks are foreign to the district, and these masses could not, therefore, have resulted from local disintegration. they must have been transported from a distance. they required not only an adequate cause for their removal, but one commensurate with the effects. such a cause cuvier supposes, in discussing the general question, may have existed in eruptions, or in the action of oceanic masses of water, operating at an ancient period. the latter opinion appears to be generally adopted. dr. mitchell, in reference to northwestern boulders, attributes their distribution over secondary regions to the draining of interior seas or lakes. mr. hayden, in his _geological essays_, refers them to the action of oceanic currents setting "from north and east to south and west." subordinate and equivalent strata.--these constitute the most intricate subjects of reference. they are either adjuncts or residuary deposits of leading formations. but their order, as accompanying series, must sometimes be sought for by a previous determination of the formations themselves. could we certainly know, for instance, that the sandstone of western new york is or is not the true coal-sandstone, or the limestone is or is not the carboniferous limestone, it would at once direct to positive eras, and serve to impart confidence in the prediction of unknown deposits of an important character. but, in order to fix the formations, it is often the safest mode of procedure to employ the subordinate and local deposits as evidences of the character of the formations embracing them. gypsum.--a stratum of gypsum of the plaster of paris kind--that is, consisting of an admixture of the carbonate with the sulphate of lime--occurs on the banks of the canandaigua outlet. it has been chiefly explored in the township of phelps, ontario. in visiting the principal bed ( ), i found the following order of deposits composing the banks of the outlet:-- . alluvial soil of a dark, arenaceous, and mellow character, having small stones of the primitive kind sparingly interspersed, two and a half to three feet. cultivated in improved farms. . shelly limestone, of an earthy, dull-gray color and loose texture, in layers, three feet. . limestone of a more firm character, but still shelly, or rather slaty, fissile, and easily quarried, six feet. this stratum contains iron pyrites in a decomposed state. also, nodular or kidney-shaped masses of what the quarrymen call _plaster-eggs_--apparently snowy gypsum. . plaster of paris, ten feet. this stratum yields granular, earthy, fibrous, and foliated gypsum. it is the first two varieties which are quarried. in some places, the mass is firm enough to admit of blasting. in others, it is loose and veiny, and is readily broken up with iron bars and sledges. portions of it appear to consist of a shelly limestone identical with no. . they are rejected in quarrying. . limestone similar to no. , four feet. at this depth it is covered by the waters of the outlet. how deep it extends is uncertain. the rapids at the village of vienna are caused by shelving strata of this limestone. there is a suite character in these strata which appears to constitute them a single deposit. the plaster-bed at canasaraga exists in a ledge more elevated in reference to the local stream, and presents a broader section of the limestone. the shades of difference which are observable in its color and texture, do not appear to indicate a difference of geological era. nor do appearances denote, for the calcareous formation which embraces these beds, much antiquity in the scale of secondary rocks. saliferous red clay-marl.--examinations, at various points, render it a probable supposition that the red clay-marl of western new york is the equivalent for the new red sandstone, in positions where the latter is--as it often is--wanting. it is extensively deposited in the upland soils, in the range of the salt rock and gypsum counties, from the summit grounds of oneida county west. it may be seen in various stages of the decomposition. i have more attentively examined it on the upper parts of the scanado[ ] and oneida creeks. large areas of it exist in westmoreland, verona, and vernon townships, and bordering the valley grounds of the oneida reservation, and the northerly portions of sullivan county. the existence of salt water might, apparently, be searched for with as much probability of success, in the district thus indicated, as at more westerly points. [ ] usually written skenanodoah, but pronounced as above. coal-formation.--with a strong predisposition to regard our leading sandstone and limestone surface-formations as members of the "independent" or true coal-formation, inquiry has led me to relinquish the impression that they will, to any great degree, be found to yield this mineral. if the sandstone is--as facts indicate it to be--the new red or saliferous sandstone, it may be expected to yield thin seams of coal, in distant places, but no deposit of this mineral which will reward exploration in this or its super-incumbent series of rocks, the slates, limestones, &c. it will result, that the coal-measures, properly so denominated, are a prior deposit in the order of series; and, should they hereafter be found, such a discovery must take place above the range of the sandstone, which is the basis rock at niagara and genesee falls. having premised the character of the sandstone, all the series occupying a position above it must derive their character, as secondary deposits, from this. the limestone cannot, therefore, be a part of the carboniferous or "medial." the slates, as shown at cashong, are fragmentary, and rather nearer slaty grauwacks. the arenaceous and calcareous upper deposits assume nearly the position of the oolitic series, and, in fact, ought, in some localities, to be regarded as equivalents. western coal-mines.--much of the data employed in these inquiries is the result of previous examinations of the great coal deposits in the ohio valley, and other parts of the western country. here we have the coal-sandstone and the slate clay, with slate, &c., alternating with the coal-measures. such is the order of deposits at the junction of the alleghany and monongahela, where the formation is well developed, and where there exists, too, in the elevated valley hills, several repetitions of the series. the zechstone, or compact limestone, which is a pervading rock in the mississippi valley, occupies a position next above the great mississippi sandstone.[ ] it may always be distinguished from the shelly, entrochal limestone of the genesee,[ ] by the absence of gypsum and of the fetid odor emitted on fracture. [ ] this formation cannot be called "red sandstone," from its being generally white or gray, but appears to occupy the position of the "horizontal red sandstone" among european rocks. [ ] the cornutiferous lime-rock of mr. eaton. alleghany valley.--a question of interest, in connection with the extent of the ohio valley coal-formation, arises from the attempt to fix the point to which this formation ascends the alleghany valley--being the direct avenue into western new york. i have examined this valley in its entire length between pittsburg and olean, in cattaraugus county, and have not been able to observe that there are any evidences of its termination below the latter point. the general order and parallelism of strata remain the same. the coal stratum is apparently present. the qualities of the coal at armstrong, and at various points below french creek--the first primary fork of the river--are not distinguishable from the products of the pittsburg galleries. less search has been made above that point, but wherever the hills have been penetrated, they have--as at brokenstraw--produced the bituminous coal. above the conawango valley, which brings in the redundant waters of chatauque lake, the alleghany discloses frequent rapids. the effect of parallelism upon the strata is to sink the coal-measures deeper as they ascend the alleghany; and this cause may, in connection with the unexplored character of the country, be referred to in accounting for the absence of coal along this part of the line. the reappearance of traces of this mineral at potato creek, forty miles above olean, is a proof, however, that the coal-formation extends to that point. this locality is a few miles within the limits of pennsylvania. it occurs in a valley. coal in western new york.--the coal-bed above olean is south of the summit of the genesee, and not remote from its primary source. the expectation may be indulged that the western coal-formation embraces portions of cattaraugus and alleghany or steuben counties. the noted spring of naphtha, called seneca oil, is on oil creek in this county. as this substance, in the class of bitumens, is nearly allied to the coal series, it may be deemed favorable to the existence of the formation in the substrata.[ ] fragments of carbonized wood are frequently found in the large tracts of marine sand,[ ] as well as in some of the mixed alluvions of these counties; and it needs but an examination, as cursory as it has fallen to my lot to make, of this portion of the country, to render it one of high geological interest, and to denote that the coal-measures probably extend into some portions of western new york.[ ] [ ] these tracts bear a valuable growth of pines, which constitute the source of a profitable lumber trade with the ohio valley. [ ] this mineral oil also occurs in several of the lower tributaries of the alleghany river, within the coal district. [ ] a discovery of coal has been announced in alleghany county, new york, as these sheets are going through the press, more than thirty years after these lines were penned. addenda. _animals inclosed in rock, &c._ toads.--in , a toad was brought to mr. grignon inclosed in two hollow shells of stone; but, on examining it nicely, mr. g. discovered that the cavity bore the impression of a shell-fish, and, of consequence, he concluded it to be apocryphal. in , another instance occurred, and was the subject of a curious memoir read by mr. guettard to the royal academy of sciences at paris. it was thus related by that famous naturalist:-- in pulling down a wall, which was known to have existed upwards of a hundred years, a toad was found without the smallest aperture being discoverable by which it could have entered. upon inspecting the animal, it was apparent that it had been dead but a very little time; and in this state it was presented to the academy, which induced mr. guettard to make repeated inquiries into the subject, the particulars of which will be read with pleasure in the excellent memoir we have just cited. worms.--two living worms were found, in spain, in the middle of a block of marble which a sculptor was carving into a lion, of the natural color, for the royal family. these worms occupied two small cavities to which there was no inlet that could possibly admit the air. they subsisted, probably, on the substance of the marble, as they were the same color. this fact is verified by captain ulloa, a famous spaniard, who accompanied the french academicians in their voyage to peru to ascertain the figure of the earth. he asserts that he saw these two worms. adder.--we read in the _affiches de provence_, june, , that an adder was found alive in the centre of a block of marble thirty feet in diameter. it was folded nine times round, in a spiral line. it was incapable of supporting the air, and died a few minutes after. upon examining the stone, not the smallest trace was to be found by which it could have glided in or received air. crawfish.--misson, in his _travels through italy_, mentions a crawfish that was found alive in the middle of a marble in the environs of tivoli. frogs.--m. peyssonel, king's physician at guadaloupe, having ordered a pit to be dug in the back part of his house, live frogs were found by the workmen in beds of petrifaction. m. p., suspecting some deceit, descended into the pit, dug the bed of the rock and petrifactions, and drew out himself green frogs, which were alive, and perfectly similar to what we see every day. we are informed by the _european magazine_, february , , that m. herissan inclosed three live toads in so many cases of plaster, and shut them up in a deal box, which he also covered with thick plaster. on the th of april, , having taken away the plaster, he opened the box, and found the cases whole and two of the toads alive. the one that died was larger than the others, and had been more compressed in its case. a careful examination of this experiment convinced those who had witnessed it, that the animals were so inclosed that they could have no possible communication with the external air, and that they must have existed during this lapse of time without the smallest nourishment. the academy prevailed upon m. herissan to repeat the experiment. he inclosed again the two surviving toads, and placed the box in the hands of the secretary, that the society might open it whenever they should think proper. but this celebrated naturalist was too strongly interested in the subject to rest satisfied with a single experiment; he made, therefore, the two following:-- . he placed, april, , two live toads in a basin of plaster, which he covered with a glass case that he might observe them frequently. on the th of the following month, he presented the apparatus to the academy. one of the toads was still living; the other had died the preceding night. . the same day, april , he inclosed another toad in a glass bottle, which he buried in sand, that it might have no communication with the external air. this animal, which he presented to the academy at the same time, was perfectly well, and even croaked whenever the bottle was shook in which he was confined. it is to be lamented that the death of m. herissan put a stop to these experiments. we beg leave to observe upon this subject, that the power which these animals appear to possess of supporting abstinence for so long a time, may depend upon a very slow digestion, and, perhaps, from the singular nourishment which they derive from themselves. m. grignon observes that this animal sheds its skin several times in the course of a year, and that it always swallows it. he has known, he says, a large toad shed its skin six times in one winter. in short, those which, from the facts we have related, may be supposed to have existed many centuries without nourishment, have been in a total inaction, in a suspension of life, or a temperature that has admitted of no dissolution; so that it was not necessary to repair any loss, the humidity of the surrounding matter preserving that of the animal, who wanted only the component parts not to be dried up, to preserve it from destruction. the results of modern chemistry and philosophy have proved the number of elementary substances to be far greater than was admitted in the preceding century. and this discovery is progressive, and will probably go on a long time; after which, it is not improbable a new race of chemical and philosophical observers will spring up, who will be able to decompose many substances we now consider elementary, and thus again reduce the number of elements of which all external matter is composed. it would not be wonderful if posterity should reduce the number of elements even as low as the ancients had them. such a result would throw new light on the mysterious and intricate connection which seems to exist between animal, vegetable, and mineral matter. we should then, perhaps, have less cause to wonder that toads, &c., are capable of supporting life in stone, that birds should exist in solid blocks of wood, &c. but toads are not the only animals which are capable of living for a considerable length of time without nourishment and communication with the external air. the instances of the oysters and dactyles, mentioned at the beginning of this article, may be advanced as a proof of it. but there are other examples.--_european magazine_, march, . a beetle, of the species called capricorn, was found in a piece of wood in the hold of a ship at plymouth. the wood had no external mark of any aperture.--_european magazine_. a bug eat itself out of a cherry table at williamstown, mass. see an account of this phenomenon, by professor dewey, in the _lit. and philos. repertory_. these phenomena remind us of others of a similar nature and equally certain. in a trunk of an elm, about the size of a man's body, three or four feet above the root, and precisely in the centre, was found, in , a live toad, of a moderate size, thin, and which occupied but a very small space. as soon as the wood was cut, it came out and slipped away very alertly. no tree could be more sound. no place could be discovered through which it was possible for the animal to have penetrated, which led the recorder of the fact to suppose that the spawn from which it originated must, from some unaccountable accident, have been in the tree from the very moment of its first vegetation. the toad had lived in the tree without air, and, what is still more surprising, had subsisted on the substance of the wood, and had grown in proportion as the tree had grown. this fact was attested by m. hebert, ancient professor of philosophy at caen. in , m. leigne wrote to the academy of sciences at paris an account of a phenomenon exactly similar to the preceding one, except that the tree was larger, and was an oak instead of an elm, which makes the instance the more surprising. from the size of the oak, m. leigne judged that the toad must have existed in it without air or any external nourishment, for the space of eighty or a hundred years. we shall cite a third instance, related in a letter the th feb. , written from the neighborhood of saint mexent, of which the following is a copy. "a few days ago, i ordered an oak tree of a tolerable size to be cut down, and converted into a beam that was wanting for a building i was then constructing. having separated the head from the trunk, three men were employed in squaring it to the proper size. about four inches were to be cut away on each side. i was present during the transaction. conceive what was their astonishment when i saw them throw aside their tools, start back from the tree, and fix their eyes on the same point with a kind of amazement and terror. i instantly approached, and looked at that part of the tree which had fixed their attention. my surprise equalled theirs, on seeing a toad, about the size of a large pullet's egg, incrusted, in a manner, in the tree, at the distance of four inches from the diameter and fifteen from the root. it was cut and mangled by the axe, but still moved. i drew it with difficulty from its abode, or rather prison, which it filled so completely that it seemed to have been compressed. i placed it on the grass; it appeared old, thin, languishing, decrepit. we afterwards examined the tree with the nicest care, to discover how it had glided in; but the tree was perfectly whole and sound."--_european magazine._ bat.--a woodman engaged in splitting timber for rail-posts in the woods close by the lake in haming (a seat of mr. pringle's in selkirkshire), lately discovered, in the centre of a large wild cherry tree, a living bat, of a bright scarlet color, which he foolishly suffered to escape, from fear, being fully persuaded it was (with the characteristic superstition of the inhabitants of that part of the country) a "being not of this world." the tree presented a small cavity in the centre, where the bat was inclosed, but is perfectly sound and solid on each side.--_n. y. lit. journ. and belles-lettres repository_, taken from the _london semi-monthly magazine_. skull in wood.--a tenant of the rev. j. cattle, of warwick, lately presented to him a part of the solid butt of an oak tree, containing within it the skull of some animal (unknown). it was in the part of the tree nine feet above the ground, and was perfectly inclosed in solid timber.--_n. y. lit. journ. and belles-lettres repository_, from _european magazine_. x. _a memoir on the geological position of a fossil-tree in the series of the secondary rocks of the illinois._ the spirit of inquiry which has been excited in this country in regard to objects of natural history, while it has enlarged the boundaries of our knowledge of existing species, has directed some of its more valuable researches to those organized forms which have perished and become embalmed in the shape of petrifactions, in the body of solid rocks. a petrified tree of this kind has recently been discovered in the secondary[ ] rocks at the source of the illinois river. having recently visited this evidence of former changes in the flora of the west, i embrace the occasion, while my recollections are fresh, to give an account of it. [ ] this term is superseded, in geological discussions of the present day, by the term _silurian_, which embraces all strata of the era between the _palæozoic_ and _tertiary_ formations. the tract of country separating the southern shores of lake michigan from the illinois river, is a plat of table-land composed of compact limestone, based on floetz or horizontal sandstone. this formation embraces the contiguous parts of illinois, and spreads through indiana, ohio, and the peninsula of michigan. it is overspread with a deposit of the drift era, covered with a stratum of alluvial soil, presenting a pleasing surface of prairies, forests, and streams. these features may be considered as peculiarly characteristic of the junction of the rivers kankakee and des plaines, which constitute the illinois river. this junction is effected about forty miles south of chicago. the fossil in question occurs about forty rods above the junction of the kankakee. the sandstone embracing it is deposited in perfectly horizontal layers, of a gray color and close grain. it lies in the bed of the des plaines. the action of this stream has laid bare the trunk of the tree to the extent of fifty-one feet six inches. the part at the point where it is overlaid in the western bank is two feet six inches in diameter. its mineralization is complete. the trunk is simple, straight, scabrous, without branches, and has the usual taper observed in the living specimen. it lies nearly at right angles to the course of the river, pointing towards the southeast, and extends about half the width of the stream. notwithstanding the continual abrasion to which it is exposed by the volume of passing water, it has suffered little apparent diminution, and is still firmly imbedded in the rock, with the exception of two or three places where portions of it have been disengaged and carried away; but no portion of what remains is elevated more than a few inches above the surface of the rock. it is owing, however, to those partial disturbances that we are enabled to perceive the columnar form of the trunk, its cortical layers, the bark by which it is enveloped, and the peculiar cross fracture, which unite to render the evidence of its ligneous origin so striking and complete. from these characters and appearances, little doubt can remain that it is referable to the species juglans nigra, a tree very common to the forest of the illinois, as well as to most other parts of the immense region drained by the waters of the mississippi. the woody structure is most obvious in the outer rind of the trunk, extending to a depth of two or three inches, and these appearances become less evident as we approximate the heart. indeed, the traces of organic structure in its interior, particularly when viewed in the hand specimen, are almost totally obliterated and exchanged, the vegetable matter being replaced by a mixed substance, analogous, in its external character, to some of the silicated and impure calcareous carbonates of the region. like those carbonates, it is of a brownish-gray color and compact texture, effervesces slightly in the nitric and muriatic acids, yields a white streak under the knife, and presents solitary points, or facets, of crystals resembling calc spar. all parts of the tree are penetrated by pyrites of iron of a brass yellow color, disseminated through the most solid and stony parts of the interior, filling interstices in the outer rind, or investing its capillary pores. there are also the appearances of rents or seams between the fibres of the wood, caused by its own shrinkage, which are now filled with a carbonate of lime, of a white color and crystallized. from an effect analogous to carbonization, the exterior rind and bark of the tree have acquired a blackish-hue, while the inclosing rock is of a light-gray color, characters which are calculated to arrest attention. there is reason to conclude that the subject under consideration is the joint result, partly of the infiltration of mineral matter into its pores and crevices, prior to inclosure in the rock, and partly to the chemical action educed by the great catastrophe by which it was translated from its parent forest, and suddenly enveloped in a bed of solidifying sand. at the time of my visit (august , ), the depth of water upon the floetz rocks forming the bed of the river des plaines, would vary from one to two feet; but it was at a season when these higher tributaries, and the illinois itself, are generally at their lowest stage. like most of the confluent rivers of the mississippi and their tributaries, the des plaines is subject to great fluctuations, and during its periodical floods may be estimated to carry a depth of eight or ten feet of water to the junction of the kankakee. at those periods, the water is also rendered turbid by the quantity of alluvial matter it carries down, and a search for this organic fossil must prove unsuccessful. but during the prevalence of the summer droughts, in an atmosphere of little humidity, when the waters are drained to the lowest point of depression, and acquire the greatest degree of transparency, it forms a very conspicuous trait in the geology of the stream, and no person, seeking the spot, can fail to be directed to it. the sand-rock containing this petrifaction is found in a horizontal position, differing only with respect to hardness and color. the remains of fossil organized bodies in this stratum are not abundant, or have not been successfully sought. it is probable that future observations will prove that its organic conservata are chiefly referable to the vegetable kingdom. it is certain, that this inference is justified by the facts which are before me, and particularly by the characteristic appearances of the strata in the bed of the river des plaines, where the imbedded walnut is the representative of the ancient flora. at a short distance above, where the bed of the des plaines approaches nearer the summit level, limestone ensues, and continues from that point northward to the shores of lake michigan. in the vicinity of chicago, where this limestone is quarried for economical purposes, it is characterized by the fossil remains of molluscous species. lake erie lies at an elevation of five hundred and sixty-five feet above the atlantic.[ ] [ ] public documents relating to the new york canals, with an introduction, &c., by colonel haines. there exists a water communication between the head of lake michigan, at chicago, and the river des plaines, during the periodical rises of the latter, but its summer level is about seven feet lower, at the termination of the chicago portage, than the surface of the lake. from this point to its junction with the kankakee, a computed distance of fifty miles, the bed of the des plaines may be considered as having a mean southern depression of ten inches per mile, so that the floetz rocks at its mouth, lying on a level of forty-eight feet eight inches below the surface of lake michigan, have an altitude which cannot vary far from five hundred and fifty feet above the atlantic. there are no mountains for a vast distance either east or west of this stream. it is a country of plains, in which are occasionally to be seen alluvial hills of moderate elevation; but the most striking inequalities of surface proceed from the streams which have worn their deep-seated channels through it; and an oceanic overflow capable of covering the country, and producing these strata by deposition, would also submerge all the immense tracts of secondary and alluvial country between the alleghany and the rocky mountains, converting into an arm of the sea the great valley of the mississippi, from the gulf of mexico north to the canadian lakes. we find in the alluvial soil along the illinois and des plaines blocks of granite, hornblende, and gneiss, of the drift stratum, exhibiting the same appearances of attrition, and of having been transported from their parent beds, which characterize the secondary tablelands along the margin of the great american lakes, the prairies of illinois, and the western parts of new york. there is nothing, perhaps, in the progress of modern science, which has tended to facilitate geological research so much as the study and investigation of fossil organic remains. they teach, with unerring lights, how extensively the ancient flora and fauna of this continent have been prostrated, leaving their exact impressions, in all their minuteness, in the newly-formed stratifications. that these impressions, fresh and vivid as we find them, should mark the eras of depositions and crystallization of rocks from the suspension of their elements in water, is the observation of werner, and it is to him we owe the elements of the neptunian hypothesis. his general recognition of the epochs of the primitive, transition, and secondary rocks, appears too probable not to commend itself to adoption with regard to all strata which can be conceived to be the products of watery menstrua. but it remained for werner, who was the first to perceive an order in strata, also to point out the important application of fossil organic bodies in elucidating their eras, and the natural order of their superposition. to adopt the words of dr. thomas cooper:-- "there appears to be a series of strata, or, as werner calls them, formations, that may be considered as surrounding the nucleus of the earth. the first formed, or lowest series, always preserve the same situation to each other, except where occasional eruptions, or circumstances not of a general nature, make a variety in their situations. these strata are not only the deepest, but they are also the highest that are observable in the crust of the earth; forming the tops of the highest mountains. they are characterized by an appearance of crystallization, and by containing no remains of organic matter, animal or vegetable. the strata or formations that in general constitute this first, deepest, highest, and crystallized series, are granite, gneiss, mica-slate, clay-slate, primitive greenstone, granular limestone, serpentine, porphyry, and sienite. these formations are so generally found, and in the same situations as incumbent upon or subtending each other relatively, that they may be considered as universal. their crystallized appearance shows that their particles have either been dissolved or very finely suspended in water, so that the attraction of crystallization has been free to operate; that this water has been deep, so that the lowermost parts of it have not been much agitated during the crystallization, which would otherwise have been more confused than it is; and, indeed, the oldest formations are the best crystallized. a part of the water covering the nucleus must have been taken up, as water of crystallization, in the primitive formations. when these were deposited, there were no vegetables formed; of course, no animals; nay, even the sea was unpeopled, for there is no trace of any organic remains in these strata. even the belemnites, the asteriæ, the echini, the entrochi, the most simple forms of oceanic animal life, do not occur until the transition strata appear. hence the propriety of denominating these formations _primitive_. "by processes of nature, besides the consumption of water by the new crystallized masses, to us unknown, the waters appear to have diminished. the highest parts of the primitive formations became the shores to the water superincumbent on their bases and middle regions; the simplest forms of oceanic animals came into existence; the mosses and lichens of high latitude would generally occupy the surface of the primitive strata, gradually decomposed by the alternate action of air and water after many ages. during this period, while the strata were in a state of _transition_ from the chaotic to the habitable state, other deposits would gradually be made from the waters, now decreased in quantity, and take their place below the summits of the primitive range. those summits being exposed to the action of the atmosphere, of rains, of frost probably, and to the action also of the waters with their contents still incumbent on the earliest strata, would furnish masses and particles washed away, which would mingle with the deposits of the transition series. this series, therefore, will exhibit appearances of mechanical and chemical intermixture of earths and stones, such as are found in the silicious porphyries, the graywackes, the silicious and argillaceous hornblende rocks, the elder red sandstone, &c. during the period when these transition formations were deposited, there would be no land animals, for there would be no vegetables for them to feed upon. there would be no vegetables unless some few lichens, mosses, or ericas, that would find foothold upon the slight decomposition that, after the lapse of some ages, would take place on the surface of the primitive rocks. the sea only would be peopled, and that but sparingly; for, in that mass of muddy water, none but the lowest and most inferior grades of animal life, and such as do not inhabit deep water, could exist. hence, we find the transition formations contain in their substances some belemnites, asteriæ, entrochi, echini, &c., but no organized vegetable substance except, very rarely, in the latest rocks of this series, and no remains whatever of terrestrial animals. indeed, in the high latitudes of the outgoings or summits of the primitive strata, very few vegetables, even at the present day, can live. no vegetation fit for animal life could take place until the transition, and most of the next series of _secondary_ or _floetz_ formations had subsided. these would occupy lower and lower situations, till a rich soil, from every kind of intermixture of earth mechanically deposited, would afford a proper temperature of region, and an easily decomposed soil, wherein vegetables could grow. "next to the transition series, come the _secondary_, or, as the german mineralogists call them, the _floetz_ rocks; so called, because they appear to be more floated or horizontal, though i confess the appellation does not appear to me peculiarly appropriate. these strata consist principally of sandstone, limestone--sometimes fetid from bituminous impregnations, sometimes shelly--secondary greenstone, graphite, coal, gypsum, rock salt. i have observed that the alpine heights of the primitive mountains could at no time furnish much food. the same remark, but in a less degree, will apply to the transition range; the low and kindly climates occupied by the secondary series. the soft and decomposable nature of these depositions would furnish the true theatre of vegetable life, and, until these regions were filled with vegetables, the race of animals could not have been produced; for on what could they subsist? graminivorous animals, therefore, must have succeeded the various forms of vegetable existence; and carnivorous, the graminivorous. the vegetable matter imbedded in the substance of the secondary strata will consist of the remains of vegetables that grow in the transition strata; and the animal remains will consist chiefly of such animals as were produced in the early stages of animal existence, particularly the smaller aquatic animals; and, of these, chiefly shell-fish, as shells are not so soon decomposed as mere animal substance." it is to the latter class of depositions--to the secondary series--that we must refer the sandstone of the river des plaines, in which we find a walnut, of mature growth, enveloped by, and imbedded in the rock, in the most complete state of mineralization; and, since all geological writers who subscribe to the neptunian theory are constrained to employ the agency of oceanic depositions of different eras, in explaining the structure of the earth's surface, it is one of the most obvious and important conclusions, to be drawn from the fact that such submersions and depositions of rock matter have taken place subsequent to the existence of forests of mature growth, and that the rock strata and beds composing the exterior of the earth are the result of different geological epochs, and of successive subsidences of chaotic matter--positions which have been so severely attacked and so often denied, particularly by the disciples of the huttonian school, that it is not without a feeling of lively interest, i communicate a discovery which appears so conclusive on the subject. considerations arising from the frontier position of the country, and the infrequency of the communication, have also induced me to draw from incidental sources, a corroboration of the facts advanced. in a letter to governor cass, of michigan, dated september , , i made the following observations on the subject under review:-- "i consider the petrified tree discovered during our recent journey up the illinois, so extraordinary an object in the natural history of the country, and calculated to lead to conclusions so important to the science of geology, that i am anxious to avail myself of your concurrent testimony as to the fact of the existence of the tree in a mineralized state, and the natural appearances of the spot where it lies imbedded. i feel the more solicitude on this subject, as i am aware that any description of this phenomenon which i may be induced to communicate to the public, will be received with a degree of caution and scrutiny which it is the province of the naturalist to exercise whenever any discovery is announced affecting the existing theories of the natural sciences, or tending to increase the volume of facts upon which their advancement and perfection depend. i am aware, also, that whatever degree of caution and vigilance it may be proper to exercise to prevent errors from mingling with the sound doctrines of the physical and other sciences, still more care and circumspection is requisite in examining facts which affect the progress of geology." i quote an extract from governor cass's reply on the subject:-- "the appearance of the wood and bark indicates that it was a black walnut, the juglans nigra of our forests. we computed its original diameter, at the place where it is concealed in the earth, to have been three feet, and at the other end eighteen inches. the texture of the wood, and the bark and knots, are nearly as distinct as in the living subject, and the process of decay had not commenced previous to the commencement of this wonderful conversion. every part of the mass which we could examine is solid stone, and readily yields fire by the collision with steel. "when we visited the spot, the water of the river was at the lowest stage; but there was no part of the tree within some inches of the surface. the rocky bed of the stream was formed round and upon it. we raised from it pieces of the rock, which were evidently _in situ_, and which had been formed upon the tree posterior to the period of its deposit in its present situation. this rock is a species of sandstone, whose characteristic features must be well known to you. "there are no mineralized substances of vegetable origin in the vicinity of this specimen, nor are there any appearances which indicate that its present condition has been caused by any peculiar property in the waters of the des plaines." addenda. the publication of the foregoing memoir led to several letters being addressed to the author on topics connected with it. some of these were from gentlemen eminent in science or politics, whose opinions are entitled to the highest respect. extracts are given from such only as introduce new data, either of fact or opinion. geological theories.--professor dewey, of williams college, observes: "a friend has just lent me your 'memoir on a fossil-tree.' though the account is very interesting, i do not perceive its exact bearing on the neptunian and plutonian hypotheses. the fault is doubtless in me, and you will excuse my remarks and set me right. i had supposed the huttonians and wernerians did not dispute about the manner in which the _secondary_ rocks were formed. macculloch, and others before him, led me into this opinion, though it may be erroneous. but bakewell, who is referred to as authority in _rees's cyclopædia_, says, p. : 'geologists are agreed that secondary rocks have been formed by the agency of water.' if this be so, they would agree generally with the account of dr. cooper respecting the formation of petrifactions, and especially those of vegetables, and the fossil-tree would be treated of in a similar manner by both." hutton's original hypothesis, and not the modifications of it introduced by the neptu-vulcanists, were adverted to in reply. subsequently, professor dewey writes:-- "i was greatly obliged by your letter in various respects, and i write you now to make my acknowledgments for it, as well as to maintain the correctness of your notions on the huttonian hypothesis. as you had seen a scotch mineralogist directly from the mint of playfair, i had every reason to suppose you had received correct views of playfair's notions on the subject. i have been led, therefore, to examine the matter, and, as i may have set you on the search, i wish to prevent your continuing it on my account, or from what i wrote. "playfair's illustrations i have never seen. occasional extracts, or allusions to its points, have fallen in my way. but i have before me a very full abstract of hutton's paper on the subject, from the _transactions of the royal society of edinburgh_. it is from the very paper in which he announces his hypothesis. in that paper he mentions that the consolidation of all the hard crust of the globe has been effected by _heat_ and _fusion_, extending it to secondary as well as primitive rocks, and mentioning particularly spanish marble, shell limestone, oolite, and chalk. "this operation of heat, he says, is exemplified by _chalk, which is to be found in all gradations, from marble to loose chalk_. this is his precise notion, but not his words. i had once looked at this paper before, and thought much of this theory; but this thought had been obliterated from my mind by thoughts advanced by others, as i thought in consistency with the sentence i quoted from bakewell. at least, one objection to hutton's views would be removed by modifying his theory in the manner it seems to be by bakewell. though hutton does not think this to be necessary; for he appears to feel no difficulty in accounting for petrifactions of wood on his hypothesis, for he mentions that _we have many proofs of the penetration of flinty matter, in a state of fusion, in other bodies, such as insulated pieces of flint in chalk or sand, and fossil wood penetrated with silicious matter_. "still, the grand reasons of hutton for employing heat as the agent of consolidation are opposed to the above modification of his theory. these reasons, as you know, are the insolubility of most mineral substances in water, and the disappearance of the water from the cavities of minerals which have been consolidated. the first is, indeed, the great one for hutton; for the crystallization of salts in water, and the existence of liquids, in some cases, in the cavities of the most solid minerals, show well enough that the water might or might not disappear, as the circumstances were different. "if the huttonians maintain, as he did, the formation of petrifactions by heat, which consistency requires, i concede, indeed, to you that that fossil-tree stands as a grand monument of some different process; and yet, we can hardly suppose that they do not see great difficulty in the common notion on the subject. the rapidity with which the petrifactions must have taken place--a point well illustrated in hayden's _geological essays_--seems to require some new notions on the subject. what these may be, i cannot tell; but i believe that neither of these two hypotheses will be adopted exclusively, half a century hence, on this point, or on geology generally. i think, with you, that our countrymen need illumination on the subject of hutton's hypothesis, and i wish some one would attempt it." trap-rocks of europe and america.--"i suspect the greenstone of our country, when examined as it ought to be, will be found, in its geological relations, much to resemble the basalt of europe; and that the same difficulties will attend it, on werner's hypothesis, as now attend the basalt. indeed, i know not how we can account for what bakewell and macculloch state on this hypothesis." sandstone of virginia.--"i have seen a piece of a petrified tree, about eight inches through, found in the sandstone of virginia, but could get none of it. the petrifaction was far finer than the stone in which it lay, and was, like it, silex." sandstone of ohio.--c. atwater, esq., in a letter to the author, observes:-- "i can assure you that the finding of whole trees in sandstone is nothing strange in this state. some of these trees are imbedded in sandstone one hundred feet below the surface. zanesville and gallipolis are the best spots to find these fossils. "there is no part of the tree but what i have in my cabinet, not excepting their leaves, fruit, and even fungi attached to them." mosaical history of the creation.--b. irvine, esq., in adverting to remarks on the illinois fossil, observes:-- "they may yet awaken some ideas in the minds of the people on the wonders of physics--and i had almost said, the _slow miracles of creation_; for, if ever there was a time when matter existed not, it is pretty evident that _millions of years_, instead of six days, were necessary to establish order in chaos, let cuvier, &c. temporize as they may. however, it is the humble allotment of the herd to believe or stare; it is the glory of intelligent men to inquire and admire." the doctrine of materialism, adverted to by mr. irvine, it is the province of divines to controvert. one remark may be predicted on the biblical era of the six days. it is now believed to be generally conceded by eminent geologists and ecclesiastics, that the term "day," employed by the translators of the english version of the scriptures, is used in gen. ch. i. in a sense synonymous with "era" or "time," as it is emphatically used in gen. ch. ii. ver. . for an able exposition of the present views on this subject, see the _american journal of science_, vol. xxv. no. . . botany. xi. a descriptive list of the plants collected on the expedition, drawn up by dr. john torrey, has been published in the fourth volume of the _american journal of science_. references to this standard work may be conveniently made by botanists. . zoology. no professed zoologist was attached to the expedition, the topic being left to such casual attention as members of it might find it convenient to bestow. of the fauna of the region, it was not believed that there were any of the prominent species which were improperly classed in the _systema naturæ_ of linnæus. it was doubtless desirable to know something more particularly of the character and habitat of the american species of the reindeer (_c. sylvestris_) and hyena, or glutton. perhaps something new was to be gleaned respecting the extent of the genera arctomys and sciurus, among the smaller quadrupeds, and in the departments of birds and reptilia. the mode of travel gave but little opportunity of meeting the larger species in their native haunts, but it afforded opportunities of examining the skins of the quadrupeds at the several trading stations, and of listening to the narrations of persons who had engaged in their capture. in effect, the crustacea of the streams furnished the most constant and affluent subject for enlarging the boundaries of species and varieties. the collections in this department were referred to members of the lyceum of natural history at new york, and of the academy of natural sciences at philadelphia. the results of their examinations have been published in two of the principal scientific journals of the country. it had been originally proposed to republish these papers in this appendix, together with that on the botanical collections, and some other topics; but the long time that has elapsed, renders it, on second thought, inexpedient. distinct references to the several papers are given. xii. _a letter embracing notices of the zoology of the northwest._ by henry r. schoolcraft. vernon, n.y., october , . dear sir: i reached this place, on my return from the sources of the mississippi river, on the st instant, having left the canal at oneida creek at four o'clock in the morning, whence i footed it three miles through the forest, by a very muddy road, to the ancient location of oneida castle, while my baggage was carried by a man on horseback. the plan of the expedition embraced the circumnavigation of the coasts of lakes huron, michigan, and superior. from the head of the latter, we ascended the rapid river of st. louis to a summit which descends west to the upper mississippi, the waters of which we entered about five hundred miles above the falls of st. anthony, and some three hundred miles above the ulterior point reached with boats by lieutenant pike in december, . from this point we ascended the mississippi, by its involutions, to its upper falls at pakagama, where it dashes over a rock formation. a vast plateau of grass and aquatic plants succeeds, through which it winds as in a labyrinth. on this plateau we encountered and passed across the southern lake winnipek. beyond this, the stream appears to be but little diminished, unless it be in its depth. it is eventually traced to a very large lake called upper lac ceder rouge, but to which we applied the name of cass lake. this is the apparent navigable source of the river, and was our terminal point. it lies in latitude ° ´ ´´. the whole of this summit of the continent is a vast formation of drift and boulders, deposited in steps. in descending it, we found the river crossed by the primitive rocks in latitude about °, and it enters the great limestone formation by the cataract of st. anthony's falls, in latitude ° ´ ´´. we descended the river below this point, by its windings among high and picturesque cliffs, to the influx of the wisconsin, estimated to be three hundred miles. thence we came through the wisconsin and fox valleys to green bay, on an arm of lake michigan, and, having circumnavigated the latter, returned through lakes huron and st. clair to detroit. the line of travel is about four thousand two hundred miles. such a country--for its scenery, its magnificence, and resources, and the strong influence it is destined ultimately to have on the commerce, civilization, and progress of the country--the sun does not shine on! its topography, latitudes and longitudes, heights and distances, have been accurately obtained by captain douglass, of west point, who will prepare an elaborate map and description of the country. personally, i have not been idle. if i have sat sometimes, in mute wonder, gazing on such scenes as the pictured rocks of lake superior, or the sylvan beauty and mixed abruptness of the falls of st. anthony, it has been but the idleness of admiration. i have kept my note book, my sketch-book, and my pencil in my hands, early and late; nor have once, during the whole journey, transferred myself, at an early hour, from the camp-fire or pallet to the canoe, merely to recompose myself again to sleep. if the mineralogy or geology of the country often presented little to note, the scenery, or the atmosphere, or that lone human boulder, the american indian, did. the evidences of the existence of copper in the basin of lake superior are ample. there is every indication of its abundance that the geologist could wish. nature here has operated on a grand scale. by means of volcanic fires, she has infused into the trap-rocks veins of melted metal, which not inaptly represent the arteries of the human system; for wherever the broken-down shores of this lake are examined, they disclose, not the sulphurets and carbonates of this ore, but fragments and lumps of virgin veins. these, the winds and waves have scattered far and wide. but what, you will ask, can be reported of its quadrupeds, birds, reptilia, and general zoology? have you measured the height and length of the mastodon--"the great bull"--who the indians told mr. jefferson resisted the thunderbolts, and leaped over the great lakes?[ ] truly, i beg you to spare me on this head. you are aware that we had no professed zoologist. [ ] notes on virginia. i herewith inclose you a list of such animals as came particularly under our notice. imperfect as it is, it will give you the general facts. the dried and stuffed skins of such species as were deemed to be undescribed, or were otherwise worthy attention, will be transmitted for description. among these is a species of squirrel, of peculiar character, from the vicinity of st. peter's, together with a species of mus, a burrowing animal, which is very destructive to vegetation. this appears to be the hamster of georgia. of the larger class of quadrupeds, we met, in the forest traversed, the black bear, deer, elk, and buffalo. the latter we encountered in large numbers, about one hundred and fifty miles above the falls of st. anthony, about latitude °, on the east bank of the river. we landed for the chase, and had a full opportunity of observing its size, color, gait, and general appearance. great interest was imparted to portions of the tour by the ornithology of the country, and it only required the interest and skill in this line of a wilson or an audubon, to have not only identified, but also added to the list of species.[ ] [ ] the only addition to ornithology which it fell to my lot to make, was in the grosbeck family, and this occurred after i came to return to st. mary's. mr. wm. cooper has called the new species fringilia vespertina, from the supposition that it sings during the evening. the chippewas call this species paushkundame, from its thick and penetrating bill. the geological character of the country has been found highly interesting. the primitive rocks rise up in high orbicular groups on the banks of lake superior. the interstices between groups are filled up with coarse red, gray, or mottled sandstone, which lies, generally, in a horizontal position, but is sometimes waved or raised up vertically. volcanic fires have played an important part here. i have been impressed with the fact that the granitical series are generally deficient in mica, its place being supplied by hornblende. indeed, the rock is more truly sienite, very little true granite being found, and, in these cases, it is in the form of veins or beds in the sienite. there have also been great volcanic fires and upliftings under the sources of the mississippi. greenstone and trap are piled up in huge boulders. the most elevated rock, in place, on the sources of the mississippi, is found to be quartzite. this is at the falls of pakagama. in coming down the mississippi, soon after passing the latitude of °, the river is found to have its bed on greenstones and sienites, till reaching near to the falls of st. anthony, where the great western horizontal limestone series begins. to facilitate the study of the latter, opportunities were sought of detecting its imbedded forms of organic life, but their infrequency, and the rapid mode of our journeying, was averse to much success in this line without the boundaries of the great lake basins. in the department of mineralogy, i have not as brilliant a collection as i brought from potosi in --but, nevertheless, one of value--the country explored being a wilderness, and very little labor having been applied in excavations. among the objects secured, i have fine specimens of the various forms of native copper and its ores, together with crystallized sulphurets of lead, zinc, and iron; native muriate of soda, graphite, sulphate of lime, and strontian, and the attractive forms which the species of the quartz family assume, in the shore debris of the lakes, under the names of agate, carnelian, &c. the whole will be prepared and elaborately reported to the department. i found the freshwater shells of this region to be a very attractive theme of observation in places "where the tiger steals along, and the dread indian chants his dismal song;" where, indeed, there was scarcely anything else to attract attention; and i have collected a body of bivalves, which will be forwarded to our mutual friend, dr. mitchell, for description. indeed, the present communication is designed, after you have perused it, to pass under his eye. no one in our scientific ranks is more alive to the progress of discovery in all its physical branches. governor clinton, in one of his casual letters, has very happily denominated him the delphic oracle, for all who have a question to ask come to him, and his scientific memory and research, in books, old and new, are such, that it must be a hard question indeed which he cannot solve. next to him, as an expounder of knowledge, you, my dear sir, as the representative of the _corps editorial_, take your place. for, if it is the writer of books who truly increases information, every decade's experience more and more convinces me that it is the editor of a diurnal journal who diffuses it, by his brief critical notices, or by giving a favorable or unfavorable impetus to public opinion. i am expected, i find, to publish my private narrative of the expedition, to serve at least--if i may say so--as a stay to popular expectation, until the more matured results can be duly elaborated. i am taking breath here, among my friends, for a few days, and shall be greatly governed by your judgment in the matter, after my arrival at albany. i am, sir, with sincere respect, your obedient servant, henry r. schoolcraft. to nathaniel h. carter, esq., albany. _list of quadrupeds, birds, &c. observed._ the identification of species in this list, by giving the indian name, is herein fixed. english name. indian (algonquin) scientific name. name. buffalo, pe-zhík-i,[ ] bos americanus. _gm._ elk, mush-kos, cervus canadensis. _l._ deer (common), wa-wash-ká-shi, cervus virginianus. _gm._ moose, möz, cervus alces. _l._ black bear, muk-wah, ursus americanus. _gm._ wolf (gray), my-een-gan, canis vulpes. _l._ wolverine, gwin-gwe-au-ga,[ ] ursus luscus. _l._ fox (red), waú-goosh canis vulpes. _l._ badger, ak-kuk-o-jeesh, meles labradoria. _c._ fox (black), muk-wau-goosh, canis argenteus. _c._ muskrat, wau-zhusk, fiber vulgaris. _c._ martin, wau-be-zha-si, mustela mortes. _l. & b._ fisher, o-jeeg, mustela pennanti. _c. am._ ed., app. v. beaver, am-ik, castor fiber. _b._ otter, ne-gik, lutra vulgaris. _l._ porcupine, kaug, hystrix cristata. _c._ [ ] this animal was found grazing the prairies on the east bank of the mississippi, about latitude ° ´. [ ] means under-ground drummer. english name. indian (algonquin) name. scientific name. raccoon, ais-e-bun (from _ais_, a shell, and _bun_, past tense), procyon lotor. _c._ hare, wau-bose, lepus americanus. _gm._ polecat, she-kaug, mephites putorius. _cu._ squirrel (red), ad-je-dah-mo, sciurus vulgaris. _c._ squirrel (ground or striped), ah-gwing-woos, sciurus striatus. _c._ squirrel (an apparently new species). pouched rat or hamster, no-naw-pau-je-ne-ka-si, mus busarius. _shaw._ weasel, shin-gwoos, mustela vulgaris. _l._ mink, shong-waish-ke, mustela lutreola. _c._ jerboa, called the jumping mouse,[ ] dipus. _c._ eagle (bald), mik-a-zi,[ ] f. lucocephulus. _l._ fork-tailed hawk, ca-niew, f. furcatus. _l._ chicken hawk, cha-mees, f. communis. _c._ pigeon hawk, pe-pe-ge-wa-zains, f. columbarius. _wilson._ raven, kaw-gaw-ge, corvus corax. _l._ crow, on-daig, c. corone. _l._ magpie, wau-bish-kau-gau-gi (white raven),[ ] c. pica. _l._ cormorant, kau-kau-ge-sheeb (raven-duck), p. carbe. _brin._ pelican, shay-ta, p. onocrotalus. _illig._ goose, wa-wa, an. anser. _l._ brant, ne-kuh, an. bernicla. _wilson._ duck (d. and m.), shee-sheeb (a generic term), anas. duck (saw-bill), on-zig, a. tadorna. _c._ duck (red-head or misquon-dib, a. rufus. _gm._ fall), duck (alewives), ah-ah-wa. swan, wau-bis-si, a. cygnus. _c._ heron, moosh-kow-e-si, ardea. _c._ plover, tchwi-tchwish-ke-wa, charadriûs. _c._ turkey, mis-is-sa, meleagris. _c._ blackbird, os-sig-in-ok, the red-winged species. rail, muk-ud-a-pe-nais, jay (blue), dain-da-si,[ ] garrulus. _c._ whippoorwill, paish-kwa, caprimulgas. _l._ robin, o-pee-chi, t. migratorius. _l._ [ ] found at lapointe, lake superior. [ ] this is a generic term for the eagle family. it is believed the kanieu, or black eagle, is regarded by them as the head of the family. the feathers of the falco furcatus are highly valued by warriors. [ ] the meaning is white raven. [ ] the term is from dain-da, a bullfrog. english name. indian (algonquin) name. scientific name. kingfisher, me-je-ge-gwun-a, alcedo. _c._ pigeon, o-mee-mi, columba emigratoria. partridge, pe-na,[ ] tetrao. _c._ crane, ad-je-jawk, crane family. gull, ky-aushk, gull family. woodpecker, ma-ma, picus. _c._ snipe, pah-dus-kau-unzh-i, scolipax. _c._ owl, ko-ko-ko-o,[ ] } generic terms for the loon, mong, } species. mocking-bird (seen as far north as michilimackinac), t. polyglotis. _wilson._ sturgeon, na-ma, acipenser. _l._ sturgeon (paddle-nose), ab-we-on-na-ma, acipenser spatularia. _c._ white-fish, ad-ik-um-aig[ ] (means deer of the water). salmon trout, na-ma-gwoos, } salmo. _l._ trout (speckled), na-zhe-ma-gwoos, } carp, nam-a-bin, denotes the red fin. catfish, miz-zi, silurus. _c._ bass, o-gau. the striped species. tulibee, o-dön-a-bee (wet-mouth). eel, pe-miz-zi (a specific term). a specific term. snake, ke-ná-bik (a generic), } snake, a species supposed } ophidia. _c._ peculiar, turtle (lake), mik-e-nok, } turtle (small } chelonia. _c._ land), mis-qua-dais, } [ ] this is the prairie grouse of the west. [ ] the name is generic for the owl family. [ ] this term arises from _adik_, a reindeer, and _gumaig_, waters. philological note.--three of these fifty-seven terms of indian nomenclature are monosyllables, and twenty-four dissyllables. the latter are compounds, as in _muk-wah_ (black animal), and _wau-bose_ (white little animal); and it is inferable that all the names over a single syllable are compounds. thus, aisebun (raccoon), is from _ais_, a shell, and the term past tense of verbs in _bun_. xiii. _species of bivalves collected in the northwest, by mr. schoolcraft and captain douglass, on the expedition to the sources of the mississippi, in ._ by d. h. barnes. this paper, by which a new impulse was given to the study of our freshwater conchology, and many species were added to the list of discoveries, was published in two papers, to be found in the pages of _silliman's american journal of science_, vol. vi. pp. , . xiv. _freshwater shells collected in the valleys of the fox and wisconsin, in , by mr. schoolcraft._ by isaac lea, member american philosophical society. a description of these shells, in which several new species are established, was published by the ingenious conchologist, mr. i. lea, of philadelphia, in the _transactions of the american philosophical society_, vol. v. p. , plate iii., &c. xv. _summary remarks respecting the zoology of the northwest noticed by the expedition to the sources of the mississippi in ._ by dr. samuel l. mitchell. the squirrel [from the vicinity of the falls of st. anthony], is a species not heretofore described, and has been named _sciurus tredecem striatus_, or the federation squirrel. (a.) the pouched rat, or _mus busarius_, has been seen but once in europe. this was a specimen sent to the british museum from canada, and described by dr. shaw. but its existence is rather questioned by chev. cuvier. both animals have been described, and the descriptions published in the st vol. of the _medical repository_, of new york, pp. , . the specimens [from the west] are both preserved in my museum. drawings have been executed by the distinguished artist milbert, and forwarded by him, at my request, to the administrators of the king's museum, at paris, of which he is a corresponding member. my descriptions accompany them. the animals are retained as too valuable to be sent out of the country. [b.] the paddle-fish is the _spatularia_ of shaw, and _polydon_ of lacepede. it lives in the mississippi only, and the skeleton, though incomplete, is better than any other person here possesses. it is carefully preserved in my collection. the serpent is a species of the ophalian genus anguis, the oveto of the french, and the blind worm of the english. the loss of the tail of this fragile creature renders an opinion a little dubious; but it is supposed to be _opthiosaureus_ of dandrige, corresponding to the _anguis ventralis_ of linnæus, figured by catesby. the shells afford a rich amount of an undescribed species. the whole of the univalves and bivalves received from messrs. schoolcraft and douglass have been assembled and examined, with all i possessed before, and with mr. stacy collins's molluscas brought from the ohio. mr. barnes is charged with describing and delineating all the species not contained in mr. say's _memoir of the productions of the land and fresh waters of north america_. the finished work will be laid before the lyceum, and finally be printed in mr. silliman's _new haven journal_. the species by which geology will be enriched will amount, probably, to nine or ten. (c.) we shall endeavor to be just to our friends and benefactors. s. l. mitchell. for gov. cass. _notes._ (a.) an animal similar, in some respects, has been subsequently found on the straits of st. mary's, michigan, a specimen of the dried skin of which i presented to the national institute at washington; but, from the absence of the head bones and teeth, it is not easy to determine whether it is a sciurus, or arctomys. (b.) the duplicature of the cheeks of this animal having been extended _outwardly_ in drying the skin, was left in its rigid state, giving it an unnatural appearance, which doubtless led to the incredulity of cuvier when he saw the figure and description of dr. shaw. dr. mitchell was led to a similar error of opinion, at first, as to the natural position of these bags; but afterwards, when the matter was explained to him, corrected this mistaken notion. (c.) by reference to the descriptions of mr. barnes and mr. lea, recited above, the number will be seen to have exceeded this estimate. xvi. mus busarius. vide _medical repository_, vol. xxi. p. . xvii. sciurus tredecem striatus. _medical repository_, vol. xxi. xviii. proteus. _american journal of science_, vol. iv. . meteorology. xix. _memoranda of climatic phenomena and the distribution of solar heat in ._ by henry r. schoolcraft. the influence of solar heat on the quantity of water which is discharged from the great table lands which give origin to the sources of the mississippi was such, during the summer months of , that, on reaching those altitudes in latitude but a few minutes north of °, on the st of july, it was found impracticable to proceed higher in tracing out its sources. attention had been directed to the phenomena of temperatures, clouds, evaporations, and solar influences, from the opening of the year, but they were not prosecuted with all the advantages essential to generalization. still, some of the details noticed merit attention as meteorological memoranda which may be interesting in future researches of this kind, and it is with no higher view that these selections are made. _observations made at geneva, n. y._ . a.m. p.m. p.m. remarks. april ° ° ° clear. " clear. " clear. " clear. " clear. " clear. " cloudy, with rain. " rainy. " ... ... clear. _observations made at buffalo, n. y._ . a.m. p.m. remarks. april ° ° clear. may clear. " clear. " clear. " cloudy. " cloudy, with rain. " ... cloudy. these places are but ninety miles apart, yet such is the influence of the lake winds on the temperature of the latter position, that it denotes an atmospheric depression of temperature of °. at the same time, the range between the maximum and minimum was exactly the same. _observations made at detroit._ . a.m. m. p.m. remarks. wind. may , ° ° ° fair. n. e. " , fair. n. e. " , fair. n. e. " , fair. n. e. " , fair. n. e. " , fair. n. e. " , fair. s. w. " , fair. s. w. " , cloudy, some rain w. n. w. " , ... cloudy. n. w. the average temperature of this place for may is denoted to be some five or six degrees higher while the wind remained at n.e., but on its changing to s.w. (on the st), the temperature ran up four degrees at once. as soon as it changed to n.w. (on the th), the thermometer fell from its range on the st fourteen degrees. the uncommon beauty and serenity of the michigan autumns, and the mildness of its winters, have often been the subject of remark. by a diary of the weather kept by a gentleman in detroit, in the summer and fall of , from the th of july to the d of october, making eighty-nine days, it appears that were fair, cloudy, and showery and rainy. by a diary kept at the garrison of detroit (fort shelby), agreeable to orders from the war department, from the th of nov. , to the th of feb. , making days, of them are marked "clear," "cloudy," "clear and cloudy," and "cloudy, with rain or snow." by fahrenheit's thermometer, kept at the same place, and under the same direction, it appears that the medium temperature of the atmosphere was agreeable to the following statement:-- a.m. p.m. p.m. average. lowest deg. highest deg. nov. to , ° ° ° ° ° ° december, january, february, prevailing winds, s. w. and n. w. _observations on lake and river st. clair, michigan._ . a.m. a.m. m. p.m. p.m. p.m. remarks. may , ... ... ... ... ... ° " , ° ° ° ... ° ... clear. wind n. w. " , ... ° ... clear. wind n. w. " , ... ... ... clear. wind n. w. _temperature of the water of lake and river st. clair._ may , at a. m., ° at m., ° " , at a. m., at p. m., " , at a. m., at m., at p. m., ° _observations on lake huron._ --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- may| | | | |june | | | | | --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- a.m. | .. | .. | .. | .. | ° | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- a.m. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | °| | | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- a.m. | ° | | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- a.m. | .. | .. | .. | °| | .. | .. | | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- a.m.| .. | .. | .. | .. | ° | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- m. | ° | .. | | .. | .. | | .. | .. | | --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | .. | .. | ° | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | °| .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | .. | .. | °| .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | °| .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | °| .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | .. | .. | °| | | | | | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+---- p.m. | °| .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+-------+-------- average | °| | | | | -½| -½| | -½| -½ | - temp. | | | | | | | | | | | --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+-------+-------- remarks.|[a] |[b] |[c] | | | | |[d] |[e] | [f] | [g] --------+----+----+----+----+-------+----+----+----+----+-------+-------- [note a: clear. wind n. w.] [note b: clear in the morning; in the afternoon high wind from n. w. with thunder and lightening.] [note c: clear. wind high; n. w.] [note d: cloudy, with rain. winds strong; n. w.] [note e: flying clouds. wind strong; n. w.] [note f: clear. wind strong; n. w.] [note g: average temperature] _water at lake huron._ average. may , at a.m., ° at a.m., ° at p.m., ° ° " , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., june , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at p.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., -½ _observations at michilimackinac and on the straits of st. mary's._ ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+--------+----------------- .| | | | | | | | | |a.m.|a.m.|a.m.|p.m.|p.m.|p.m.|p.m.|average.| weather. ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+--------+----------------- june |... |... | °| ° |... |... | ° | -½° |clear. " |... |... | |... | ° |... | | |clear. " |... |... | |... |... | ° |... | -½ |cloudy with rain. " |... | ° | ...|... | |... | | |cloudy with rain. " |... | | ...|... | |... | | |clear. " |... | | ...| |... |... | | |clear. " | ° |... | ...| |... |... | | |fair. " | |... | ...| |... |... | | |cloudy. " |... | | ...|... | | |... | |clear. " |... | | | |... | |... | |clear. " |... | | ...|... | |... | | |clear. " | |... | ...| |... |... | | |cloudy; rain. ------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+--------+----------------- ------+--------------- . | wind. ------+--------------- june | w. n. w. " | w. n. w. " | " | w. " | s. e. " | s. e. " | s. w. " | s. w. " | s. w. } " | s. w. } st. " | s. w. } mary's " | n. w. ------+--------------- the chief conclusion to be drawn, is the extreme fluctuations of winds and temperatures, in these exposed positions on the open lakes. _observations on lake superior._ --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ . | | | | | | | | | | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. | a.m. --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ june | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | | | | | | | | | " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | " | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | " | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | july | | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. " | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | | | | | | | | " | .. | .. | .. | | .. | | .. | .. | .. --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ . | | | | | | | | | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. | p.m. --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ june | | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | | | .. | .. | | | | | | | | " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | .. | .. | | .. | .. | .. | | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | | .. " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. | .. " | | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | | .. " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | july | .. | | .. | | .. | | .. | .. " | .. | | .. | .. | .. | | .. | " | .. | .. | | .. | .. | | .. | | | | | | | | | " | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. --------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------ --------+------+------+---------+------------------------------ . | | | average | remarks. | p.m. | p.m. | temp. | --------+------+------+---------+------------------------------ june | .. | .. | -½ | stormy and rain. wind n. w. " | .. | .. | -½ | stormy and rain. wind n. w. | | | | hurricane at night. " | | .. | | calm. " | .. | .. | -½ | clear. wind light from n. w. " | .. | | -½ | clear. wind s. e. " | .. | .. | | clear. high wind, n. w. " | | .. | -½ | clear. wind n. w. " | .. | .. | | rainy. wind w. n. w. " | .. | .. | | clear. wind e. n. e. (fair!) " | .. | .. | -½ | sky clear. wind n. w. " | .. | .. | | clear. wind n. w. " | .. | .. | | clear. wind n. w. july | .. | .. | -½ | misty. wind light at n. n. w. " | .. | .. | | clear. wind w. s. w. " | .. | .. | | cloudy, mist, and rain. wind | | | | s. s. w. " | .. | .. | | wind s. s. w. --------+------+------+---------+------------------------------ _temperature of lake superior._ lake average. june , at p.m., ° ° " , at a.m., at p.m., ° at p.m., ° " , at a.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., " , at p.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., superior ° at p.m., lake } ontonagon river } " , at a.m., lake river at p.m., river at p.m., ° " , at p.m., river july , at a.m., at p.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at a.m., at p.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., at p.m., at p.m., " , at a.m., it will be observed that the fluctuations of temperature noticed at lower points on the lake chain, about the latitude of michilimackinac, have also characterized the entire length of lake superior. the atmosphere observed at three separate times, during twenty-four days, by fahrenheit's thermometer, during the months of june and july, has varied from an average temperature of ° to °, agreeable to masses of clouds interposed to the rays of the sun, and to shifting currents of wind, which have often suddenly intervened. its waters, spreading for a length of five hundred miles from e. to w., observed during the same time by as many immersions of the instrument, has not varied more than two degrees below or above the average temperature of ° in mere surface observations. _observations on the sources of the mississippi river._ --------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-------+-------+------- | | | | | | | | a. m. | a. m. | a. m. | m. | p. m. | p. m. | p. m. --------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-------+-------+------- july | ... | ... | ... | ° | ° | ° | ° " | ... | ... | ° | | | | " | ... | ... | | | | | ... " | ... | ... | | | | | ... " | ... | ... | | | | | " | ... | ... | | | | | ... " | ... | ... | | | | | ... " | ... | ... | | | | | ... " | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | ... " | ° | ... | ... | ... | | | ... " | | ... | ... | ... | | | ... " | | ... | ... | ... | | | ... " | | ... | ... | ... | | | ... " | ... | ° | ... | ... | | ... | " | ... | | ... | ... | | ... | aug. | ... | | ... | ... | | | ... " | ... | | ... | ... | [ ]| ... | ... --------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-------+-------+------- --------+--------------------------------- | remarks. | --------+--------------------------------- july | morning rainy, then fair. " | fair. " | night rainy, morning cloudy, | then fair. " | " | " | cloudy, some thunder. " | night and morning rain, | afternoon thunder. " | fair. " | fair. " | morning fair, evening cloudy | and rain, clear. " | morning fair, evening fair. " | morning fair, rain in afternoon. " | clear. " | wind n. w., weather clear. " | wind w., weather clear. aug. | fair. " | fair. --------+--------------------------------- [ ] broke instrument. _observations at st. peter's (now minnesota)._ . a.m. p.m. . a.m. winds. weather. july , ° ° ° s. clear; fair. " , s. clear; rain towards morning. " , w. cloudy; rain, thunder and lightning. " , e. clear. " , s. cloudy; rain p.m. " , s. clear. " , s. clear. " , w. clear; cloudy p.m., rain, thunder and lightning during the night. " , w. clear, cloudy; rain and fair weather alternately. " , w. clear; calms. " , w. clear; high winds at night. " , w. clear; calm. " , w. clear. " , s. e. clear; fresh winds. " , n. e. clear. " , n. w. clear. " , w. clear. _meteorological journal kept at chicago by dr. a. wolcott._ . daylight. a. m. p. m. p. m. wind. weather. jan. , ° ° ° ° w. n. w. cloudy; light snow; first ice in the river, inches thick; none in the lake. " , w. n. w. clear. " , w. s. w. clear. " , w. clear. " , w. n. w. clear. " , s. s. w. clear. " , s. w. cloudy. " , n. n. e. cloudy. " , n. e. cloudy. " , n. e. snow-storm. " , n. clear. " , s. s. w. clear. " , w. s. w. clear. " , n. snow-squalls. " , n. n. w. clear; lake covered with moving ice, as far as the eye can see. " , e. n. e. snow-storm. " , w. n. w. clear. " , w. cloudy. " , w. n. w. clear. " , w. clear. " , e. n. e. snow-storm. " , n. w. clear. " , w. clear. " , w. clear. " , w. clear. " , e. s. e. snow-storm. " , s. w. cloudy. " , w. n. w. clear. " , w. cloudy; ice inches on river. " , w. clear. " , w. n. w. clear; snow inches deep. feb. , s. e. cloudy. " , e. n. e. snow-storm; ice -¾ inches on river. " , w. clear. " , e. s. e. clear. " , s. w. clear. " , s. clear. " , w. s. w. clear. " , e. cloudy and mist; snow during the night fell six inches. " , e. clear. feb. , e. cloudy. " , s. clear. " , n. e. cloudy. " , w. s. w. clear. " , e. cloudy; some rain with thunder. " , e. cloudy; some rain with thunder. " , s. w. clear. " , w. light clouds. " , e. cloudy. " , w. clear. " , w. clear. " , s. w. clear. " , w. clear. " , s. w. cloudy; rain and hail with thunder. " , e. clear. " , s. w. clear. " , s. w. cloudy; tempest of wind with flurries of rain and hail. " , w. n. w. clear. " , s. e. clear. " , s. w. clear. mar. , n. n. w. clear. " , n. n. w. clear. " , w. n. w. cloudy. " , s. w. clear. " , n. e. cloudy. " , n. n. w. clear. " , e. n. e. cloudy; light snow. " , n. e. cloudy. " , n. n. e. cloudy. " , n. n. e. cloudy. " , e. n. e. cloudy. " , e. s. e. cloudy; light snow. " , e. n. e. cloudy. " , e. n. e. cloudy; light snow. " , ... ... agreeable to a register kept at council bluffs during the month of january, , the highest and lowest temperature at that place were, respectively, ° and °, the month giving a mean of . . compared with the observed temperature, for the same month, at the following positions in the united states, both east and west of the alleghanies, the missouri valley reveals the fact of its being adapted to the purposes of a profitable agriculture.[ ] [ ] in europe, the mean annual temperature necessary for the production of certain plants is-- for the sugar-cane ° " coffee " orange " olive " vine (vitis vinifera) mean temperature highest. lowest. of the month. council bluffs . ° ° ° wooster . zero zanesville . zero marietta . zero chillicothe . cincinnati . jeffersonville . shawneetown . huntsville . tuscaloosa . cahaba . ouachita . new orleans . portsmouth, n. h. . [ ] washington city . council bluffs, lat. ° ´, long. ° ´ w. of the capitol. new orleans, " " w. " portsmouth, " " e. " difference of lat. ° ´. difference of long. °. [ ] below zero. nor does it appear that the same quantity of snow falls in the missouri valley which is common east of the alleghany mountains. at the council bluffs, on the last of january, snow was but twelve inches deep; at the same period, it was three feet or more throughout the eastern states. a snow-storm fell over the middle and eastern latitudes of the united states, for the first time, during the autumn of the year ( ), in the first half of november. as a precursor to this, slight drifts and gusts of snow had showed themselves at albany on the th, th, and th of october.[ ] [ ] meteorological journal kept at the albany academy for october, . "montreal, canada, october , .--on wednesday last we had the first fall of snow this season. it commenced in the forenoon, and continued slightly during the remainder of the day. although expected to disappear, the frosts in the nights have been pretty severe, and a considerable quantity still remains (saturday) at the moment we are writing." "salem, n. y. october .--on saturday last ( th), we had our first snow for the season. it fell during most of the forenoon, and for an hour or two the atmosphere was quite filled with it. some cool and shaded spots still remain whitened, though yesterday was one of our pleasant autumnal days, with a mild west wind." _early sleighing._--the _burlington_ (vt.) _sentinel_ of the th ult. says: "on tuesday night and wednesday, the snow fell in this place about eight inches deep on the level. it is said to be twelve inches deep in some of the adjoining towns."--_october, ._ at philadelphia, it began on saturday, th (morning), snow-storm from the east, and continued all day. at night a hurricane, accompanied by torrents of rain and snow, which did not subside until the th in the morning. weather unsettled on the th. at worcester, a severe snow-storm, from northeast, on the th and th. on the th, snow was ten inches deep, the weather cold, and sleighing good. snow in poughkeepsie fell twelve inches deep, and produced excellent sleighing. at new haven (conn.), it began with snow, hail, and rain, on saturday evening, th. the day before was wintery cold. the storm continued, without intermission, till monday, th. at boston, it also began on saturday, th, from the northeast, and fell six inches. on sunday, rain and snow. monday cold, and indifferent sleighing in the _streets_.--_boston paper_, nov. th. in vernon, oneida county, it began on the th, in the evening, and continued, in all, till monday, th, giving us snow, rain, hail, and wind, alternately. on the th, the snow, which lay six inches deep, began to thaw, and this was the beginning of our indian summer. the buffalo papers, of november th, say that several vessels were lost in the gale and snow-storm, or driven ashore. the storm closed up on the th, at new york city; the wind at northwest, and very cold. the rain, snow, and hail which had fallen gave good sleighing a part of that day. these notices cover an area of about five hundred miles square, proving, the universality of our autumnal phenomena. _indian summer._ this season appears to be produced by the settling of a thin azure vapor. it is supposed to arise from the partial decomposition of the foliage of the forest after the autumnal rains are past. "what is called the indian summer," says an observer at albany, "usually gives us fifteen or twenty days of uncommonly pleasant fall weather, commencing in the early part of october. the present season it set in as usual, and we had a week or ten days of very fine weather, when a northeast storm commenced, and continued for part of two days; within which time more rain is supposed to have fallen than during the whole of the preceding summer and fall. most of the streams and springs were filled, and the hudson river, in many places, overflowed its banks. it however again cleared off pleasant, and remained so till tuesday evening, when another storm of rain commenced, which continued the whole night. in the morning, there was some fall of hail accompanying the rain, and about o'clock a slight flurry of snow, and another on thursday evening; since which the weather has set in cold, and has the appearance of the closing in of fall or the setting in of winter. we however expect to put off winter and cold weather for some time yet, and anticipate many pleasant days in november." indian summer, in oneida, commenced on the th november. the weather had previously been cold, with snow and rain and a murky atmosphere. wednesday, nov. . the snow, which lay six inches deep, began to thaw, and the sky was clear and sunny. thursday, " . was a clear and pleasant day throughout; snow continued to melt. friday, " . the same, and smoky; warm sunshine; not a cloud to be seen; snow melts. saturday, " . the same. sunday, " . the same; full moon; cloudy, with wind in the evening; snow gone. monday, " . the same; sky clear and warm. tuesday, " . weather cloudy; wind s. e.; prepares for a change; a little snow during the previous night, but melts from the roofs this morning; no sun appears. wednesday, " . cloudy, dull morning; rain afternoon; sun appeared a few moments about p. m. thursday, " . cloudy, with alternate sunshine and rain. friday, " . clear and pleasant. saturday, " . clear and pleasant. dr. freeman, of boston, in one of his occasional sermons, employs the following poetic language in relation to this american phenomenon:-- "the southwest is the pleasantest wind which blows in new england. in the month of october, in particular, after the frosts which commonly take place at the end of september, it frequently produces two or three weeks of fair weather, in which the air is perfectly transparent, and clouds, which float in a sky of the purest azure, are adorned with brilliant colors. if at this season a man of an affectionate heart and ardent imagination should visit the tombs of his friends, the southwestern breezes, as they breathe through the glowing trees, would seem to him almost articulate. though he might not be so wrapped in enthusiasm as to fancy that the spirits of his ancestors were whispering in his ear, yet he would at least imagine that he heard 'the still small voice' of god. this charming season is called the indian summer, a name which is derived from the natives, who believe that it is caused by a wind which comes immediately from the court of their great and benevolent god cantantowan, or the southwestern god; the god who is superior to all other beings, who sends them every blessing which they enjoy, and to whom the souls of their fathers go after their decease." . indian hieroglyphics, or picture writing, languages, and history. xx. _pictographic mode of communicating ideas among the northwestern indians, observed during the expedition to the sources of the mississippi in , in a letter to the secretary of war._ by hon. lewis cass. detroit, february , . sir: an incident occurred upon my recent tour to the northwest, so rare in itself, and which so clearly shows the facility with which communications may be opened between savage nations, without the intervention of letters, that i have thought it not improper to communicate it to you. the chippewas and sioux are hereditary enemies, and charlevoix says they were at war when the french first reached the mississippi. i endeavored, when among them, to learn the cause which first excited them to war, and the time when it commenced. but they can give no rational account. an intelligent chippewa chief informed me that the disputed boundary between them was a subject of little importance, and that the question respecting it could be easily adjusted. he appeared to think that they fought because their fathers fought before them. this war has been waged with various success, and, in its prosecution, instances of courage and self-devotion have occurred, within a few years, which would not have disgraced the pages of grecian or of roman history. some years since, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of both nations met and agreed upon a truce. but the sioux, disregarding the solemn compact which they had formed, and actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the chippewas, and murdered a number of them. the old chippewa chief who descended the mississippi with us was present upon this occasion, and his life was saved by the intrepidity and generous self-devotion of a sioux chief. this man entreated, remonstrated, and threatened. he urged his countrymen, by every motive, to abstain from any violation of their faith, and, when he found his remonstrances useless, he attached himself to this chippewa chief, and avowed his determination of saving or perishing with him. awed by his intrepidity, the sioux finally agreed that he should ransom the chippewa, and he accordingly applied to this object all the property he owned. he then accompanied the chippewa on his journey until he considered him safe from any parties of the sioux who might be disposed to follow him. i subjoin an extract from the journal of mr. doty, an intelligent young gentleman who was with the expedition. this extract has already been published, but it may have escaped your observation, and the incident which it describes is so heroic in itself, and so illustrative of the indian character, that i cannot resist the temptation of transmitting it to you. extract from mr. doty's journal.--"the indians of the upper country consider those of the fond du lac as very stupid and dull, being but little given to war. they count the sioux their enemies, but have heretofore made few war excursions. "having been frequently reprimanded by some of the more vigilant indians of the north, and charged with cowardice, and an utter disregard for the event of the war, thirteen men of this tribe, last season, determined to retrieve the character of their nation by making an excursion against the sioux. accordingly, without consulting the other indians, they secretly departed, and penetrated far into the sioux country. unexpectedly, at night, they came upon a party of the sioux, amounting to near one hundred men, and immediately began to prepare for battle. they encamped a short distance from the sioux, and, during the night, dug holes in the ground into which they might retreat and fight to the last extremity. they appointed one of their number (the youngest) to take a station at a distance and witness the struggle, and instructed him, when they were all slain, to make his escape to their own land, and state the circumstances under which they had fallen. "early in the morning, they attacked the sioux in their camp, who, immediately sallying out upon them, forced them back to the last place of retreat they had resolved upon. they fought desperately. more than twice their own number were killed before they lost their lives. eight of them were tomahawked in the holes to which they had retreated; the other four fell on the field! the thirteenth returned home, according to the directions be had received, and related the foregoing circumstances to his tribe. they mourned their death; but, delighted with the bravery of their friends, unexampled in modern times, they were happy in their grief. "this account i received of the very indian who was of the party and had escaped." the sioux are much more numerous than the chippewas, and would have overpowered them long since had the operations of the former been consentaneous. but they are divided into so many different bands, and are scattered over such an extensive country, that their efforts have no regular combination. believing it equally consistent with humanity and sound policy that these border contests should not be suffered to continue; satisfied that you would approve of any plan of pacification which might be adopted, and feeling that the indians have a full portion of moral and physical evils, without adding to them the calamities of a war which had no definite object, and no probable termination; on our arrival at sandy lake, i proposed to the chippewa chiefs that a deputation should accompany us to the mouth of the st. peter's, with a view to establish a permanent peace between them and the sioux. the chippewas readily acceded to this proposition, and ten of their principal men descended the mississippi with us. the computed distance from sandy lake to the st. peter's is six hundred miles, and, as i have already had the honor to inform you, a considerable proportion of the country has been the theatre of hostile enterprises. the mississippi here traverses the immense plains which extend to the missouri, and which present to the eye a spectacle at once interesting and fatiguing. scarcely the slightest variation in the surface occurs, and they are entirely destitute of timber. in this debatable land, the game is very abundant; buffaloes, elks, and deer range unharmed, and unconscious of harm. the mutual hostilities of the chippewas and sioux render it dangerous for either, unless in strong parties, to visit this portion of the country. the consequence has been a great increase of all the animals whose flesh is used for food, or whose fur is valuable for market. we found herds of buffaloes quietly feeding upon the plains. there is little difficulty in approaching sufficiently near to kill them. with an eagerness which is natural to all hunters, and with an improvidence which always attends these excursions, the animal is frequently killed without any necessity, and no other part of them is preserved but the tongue. there is something extremely novel and interesting in this pursuit. the immense plains, extending as far as the eye can reach, are spotted here and there with droves of buffaloes. the distance and the absence of known objects render it difficult to estimate the size or the number of these animals. the hunters approach cautiously, keeping to the leeward, lest the buffaloes, whose scent is very acute, should observe them. the moment a gun is fired, the buffaloes scatter and scour the field in every direction. unwieldy as they appear, they move with considerable celerity. it is difficult to divert them from their course, and the attempt is always hazardous. one of our party barely escaped with his life from this act of temerity. the hunters, who are stationed upon different parts of the plain, fire as the animals pass them. the repeated discharge of guns in every direction, the shouts of those who are engaged in the pursuit, and the sight of the buffaloes at full speed on every side, give an animation to the scene which is rarely equalled. the droves which we saw were comparatively small. some of the party whom we found at st. peter's, and who arrived at that place by land from the council bluffs, estimated one of the droves which they saw to contain two thousand buffaloes. as we approached this part of the country, our chippewa friends became cautious and observing. the flag of the united states was flying upon all our canoes, and, thanks to the character which our country acquired by the events of the last war, i found in our progress through the whole indian country, after we had once left the great line of communication, that this flag was a passport which rendered our journey safe. we consequently felt assured that no wandering party of the sioux would attack even their enemies, while under our protection. but the chippewas could not appreciate the influence which the american flag would have upon other nations, nor is it probable that they estimated with much accuracy the motives which induced us to assume the character of an umpire. the chippewas landed occasionally to examine whether any of the sioux had recently visited that quarter. in one of these excursions, a chippewa found in a conspicuous place, a piece of birch bark, made flat by being fastened between two sticks at each end, and about eighteen inches long by fifteen broad. this bark contained the answer of the sioux nation to the proposition which had been made by the chippewas for the termination of hostilities. so sanguinary has been the contest between these tribes, that no personal communication could take place. neither the sanctity of the office, nor the importance of the message, could protect the ambassadors of either party from the vengeance of each other. some time preceding, the chippewas, anxious for the restoration of peace, had sent a number of their young men into these plains with a similar piece of bark, upon which they had represented their desire. the bark had been left hanging to a tree in an exposed situation, and had been found and taken away by a party of the sioux. the propositions had been examined and discussed in the sioux villages, and the bark which we found contained their answer. the chippewa who had prepared the bark for his tribe was with us, and on our arrival at st. peter's, finding it was lost, i requested him to make another. he did so, and produced what i have no doubt was a perfect _fac-simile_. we brought with us both of these _projets_, and they are now in the hands of capt. douglass. he will be able to give a more intelligible description of them than i can from recollection, and they could not be in the possession of one more competent to the task. the chippewas explained to us with great facility the intention of the sioux, and apparently with as much readiness as if some common character had been established between them. the junction of the st. peter's with the mississippi, where a principal part of the sioux reside, was represented, and also the american fort, with a sentinel on duty, and the flag flying. the principal sioux chief is named the six, alluding, i believe, to the bands or villages under his influence. to show that he was not present at the deliberations upon the subject of peace, he was represented upon a smaller piece of bark, which was attached to the other. to identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a large medal. another sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding the pipe of peace in his right hand, and his weapons in his left. even we could not misunderstand that. like our own eagle with the olive-branch and arrows, he was desirous of peace, but prepared for war. the sioux party contained fifty-nine warriors, and this number was indicated by fifty-nine guns, which were drawn upon one corner of the bark. the only subject which occasioned any difficulty in the interpretation of the chippewas, was owing to an incident, of which they were ignorant. the encampment of our troops had been removed from the low grounds upon the st. peter's, to a high hill upon the mississippi; two forts were therefore drawn upon the bark, and the solution of this enigma could not be discovered till our arrival at st. peter's. the effect of the discovery of this bark upon the minds of the chippewas was visible and immediate. their doubts and apprehensions appeared to be removed, and during the residue of the journey, their conduct and feelings were completely changed. the chippewa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and sandy lake, the principal place of their residence, was represented with much accuracy. to remove any doubt respecting it, a view was given of the old northwest establishment, situated upon its shore, and now in the possession of the american fur company. no proportion was preserved in their attempt at delineation. one mile of the mississippi, including the mouth of the st. peter's, occupied as much space as the whole distance to sandy lake; nor was there anything to show that one part was nearer to the spectator than another; yet the object of each party was completely obtained. speaking languages radically different from each, for the sioux constitute one of three grand divisions into which the early french writers have arranged the aborigines of our country, while the chippewas are a branch of what they call algonquins, and without any conventional character established between them, these tribes thus opened a communication upon the most important subject which could occupy their attention. propositions leading to a peace were made and accepted, and the simplicity of the mode could only be equalled by the distinctness of the representations, and by the ease with which they were understood. an incident like this, of rare occurrence at this day, and throwing some light upon the mode of communication before the invention of letters, i thought it not improper to communicate to you. it is only necessary to add, that on our arrival at st. peter's, we found col. leavenworth had been as attentive and indefatigable upon this subject, as upon every other which fell within the sphere of his command. during the preceding winter, he had visited a tribe of the chippewas upon this pacific mission, and had, with the aid of the agent, mr. talliafero, prepared the minds of both tribes for a permanent peace. the sioux and chippewas met in council, at which we all attended, and smoked the pipe of peace together. they then, as they say in their figurative language, buried the tomahawk so deep that it could never be dug up again, and our chippeway friends departed well satisfied with the result of their mission. i trust that mr. bolvin, the agent at prairie du chien, has been able before this to communicate to you a successful account of the negotiation which i instructed him to open between the sacs and foxes, forming one party, and the sioux. hostilities were carried on between these tribes, which, i presume, he has been able to terminate. we discovered a remarkable coincidence, as well in the sound as in the application, between a word in the sioux language and one in our own. the circumstance is so singular that i deem it worthy of notice. the sioux call the falls of st. anthony ha ha, and the pronunciation is in every respect similar to the same words in the english language. i could not learn that this word was used for any other purpose, and i believe it is confined in its application to that place alone.[ ] the traveller in ascending the mississippi turns a projecting point, and these falls suddenly appear before him at a short distance. every man, savage or civilized, must be struck with the magnificent spectacle which opens to his view. there is an assemblage of objects which, added to the solitary grandeur of the scene, to the height of the cataract, and to the eternal roar of its waters, inspire the spectator with awe and admiration. [ ] iha ha [iha-ikiha] are words given as equivalent to laugh, _v._ in riggs's dictionary of the dakota language, published by the smithsonian institution in . ihapi, _n._, is laughter. the letter _h_, with a dot, represents a strong guttural, resembling the arabic _kha_. iha, by the same authority, is the lips or cover to anything; it is also an adverb of doubt. the vowel _i_ has the sound of _i_ in marine, or _e_ in me. in his _anecdotes of painting_, it is stated by horace walpole, that "on the invention of fosses for boundaries, the common people called them ha ha's! to express their surprise on finding a sudden and unperceived check to their walk." i believe the word is yet used in this manner in england. it is certainly not a little remarkable that the same word should be thus applied by one of the most civilized and by one of the most barbarous people, to objects which, although not the same, were yet calculated to excite the admiration of the observer. nothing can show more clearly how fallacious are those deductions of comparative etymology, which are founded upon a few words carefully gleaned here and there from languages having no common origin, and which are used by people who have neither connection nor intercourse. the common descent of two nations can never be traced by the accidental consonance of a few syllables or words, and the attempt must lead us into the regions of fancy. the sioux language is probably one of the most barren which is spoken by any of our aboriginal tribes. colonel leavenworth, who made considerable proficiency in it, calculated, i believe, that the number of words did not exceed one thousand. they use more gestures in their conversation than any indians i have seen, and this is a necessary result of the poverty of their language. i am well aware, that the subject of this letter is not within the ordinary sphere of official communications. but i rely for your indulgence upon the interest which you have shown to procure and disseminate a full knowledge of every subject connected with the internal condition of our country. i am preparing a memoir upon the present state of the indians, agreeably to the intimation in my letter of september last. i shall finish and transmit it to you as soon as my other duties will permit. very respectfully, sir, i have, &c., lewis cass. hon. john c. calhoun, _secretary of war_. xxi. _inquiries respecting the history of the indians of the united states._ by lewis cass. these queries were published at detroit in separate pamphlets, about the era of , and communicated to persons in the indian country supposed to be capable of furnishing the desired information. the results became the topic of several critical disquisitions, which appeared in the pages of the _north american review_ in and ; disquisitions the spirit and tone of which created, as the reader who is posted up on the topic will remember, a sensation among philological and philosophical readers. whether we are most to admire the bold tone of inquiry assumed by gen. cass, the acumen displayed in the discussions, the eloquence of the language, or the general soundness of the positions taken, is the only question left for decision. certainly, nobody can arise from the perusal of these papers without becoming wiser or better informed on the subjects discussed. the mere luxury of high-toned and eloquent language is a gratification to the inquirer. but he cannot close these investigations into a subject of deep historical and philological interest without feeling established in the principles of historic truth, or warmed in his literary ardor. prominent among the topics of the initial discussion, was the work of john dunn hunter, a singular adventurer in the indian country, or, perhaps, an early captive, who, after wandering to the atlantic cities, where his harmless inefficiency of character gained no favorable attention, found his way to london, where the booksellers concocted a book of travels from him, in which the united states is unscrupulously traduced for its treatment of the indians. the scathing which this person and his book received arises from its having fallen in the way of the business journeys of the critic to visit some of the principal scenes referred to; and among others, the residence of john dunn, of missouri, after whom he professed to be named, who utterly denied all knowledge of the man or of his purported adventures. the question of the authenticity of the indian traditions of mr. heckewelder, derived from a single tribe, and that tribe telling stories to salve up its own disastrous history, and the mere literary capacities of the man to put his materials in order, is propounded and examined in connection with the contemporary traditions and languages of other tribes. these traditions had been communicated to the pennsylvania historical society, in , and were published under the special auspices of mr. duponceau, in . from the internal evidence of the letters themselves, the critic pronounces them to be reproductions of mr. duponceau himself; and it is an evidence of the aptness of this deduction to be told that mr. gallatin admitted (_vide_ my _personal memoirs_, p. ), that the letters of mr. heckewelder had all been rewritten previous to publication. it could no longer be a subject of admiration to philologists, that from such imperfect sources of information, that distinguished scholar should have pronounced the opinion that the delaware language rather exceeds than falls short of the greek and latin in the affluence of syntactical forms and capacities of expression. _trans. hist. and lit. com., am. philo. soc._, vol. i. p. . xxii. _a letter on the origin of the indian race of america, and the principles of their mode of uttering ideas; addressed to john johnston, esq., late of st. mary's falls, michigan._ by dr. j. mcdonnell, of belfast, ireland. belfast, april , . my dear j.: i feel always as if i am guilty of some great crime, in not writing to you. an account came to sir joseph banks, of very curious rocks, with odd stripes and colors, having been seen, this last war, by sailors on the lakes, i think on lake superior.[ ] pray keep up your thoughts to the geography of rocks. i got some lately from bombay, exactly ditto with our causeway.[ ] [ ] most probably this idea arose from the very marked precipices of the coast denominated pictured rocks. h. r. s. [ ] the giant's causeway, on the coast of antrim. i shall ever regret the not having seen your daughter. i think it likely that mingling the european blood and character with the indian might bring out some superior traits of character. lest my letter should altogether fail of presenting any useful point, i must put some questions to you that would be worth something if answered. a man has published, in , an octavo volume in trenton (united states), the author's name boudinot, to explain some things about the indian nations, and, among other things, he fancies some resemblance between their languages and hebrew. baron von humboldt, a prussian, was in spanish america lately, and he found the natives had hebrew opinions and usages, evidently things borrowed from jewish doctrines. i don't want you to inquire much about their being of this extraction, but observe, for me, whether their languages have no pronouns, as one author, colden, stated fifty years ago; and whether they are defective in the prepositions, as this boudinot states; and whether those near you have any words, idioms, or traditions that are expressive of their early origin, or their connection with european nations. in fact, i think you are better circumstanced, in most respects, than any other man that i ever heard of, to do something worth notice in that way; for, although you have not books, nor knowledge of many tongues, yet you could collect lists of great and radical words, expressed with proper letters, so that others could compare those words with asiatic, and african, and european tongues, so as to enable mankind to judge of similitudes or dissimilitudes. the words most apt to pervade different nations, and to pass from one people to another, are articles, pronouns, auxiliary verbs, prepositions; next to these, numerals; next to these, whatever terms are expressive of striking, useful, hurtful, or very clear and definite objects and ideas; for, if the conceptions we have of things be not very definite, clear, and distinct, the idea and the word are not likely to float down the stream of time together, they will be jostled and separated. be very careful in spelling the indian words; spell them in different ways, where our letters don't square exactly with their sounds. take notice of their musical tones, and whether these tones get in, as essential parts, into their speech; and, above all, remember that a _word_ is a _thing_, and that it may be examined as a _record_, or considered like a coin or medal, as well as if it had the stamp of a king or mint upon it. i will write more if this vessel does not sail to-day. god bless you and yours, and believe me, in haste, your affectionate cousin. j. mcdonnell. xxiii. _difficulties of studying the indian tongues of the united states._ by dr. alexander wolcott, jr. dr. wolcott will be remembered by the early inhabitants of chicago, when that place was still a military post and the site of an indian agency, the latter of which trusts he filled. in , the pottowattomie tribe of indians and their confederates--the illinois--chippewas, and ottowas--possessed the whole surrounding regions, roving as lords of the prairies. these numerous and fierce hunter-tribes, who traded their peltries for fineries, had many horses, loved rum and fine clothes, and despised all restraints, came in to him, at his agency, as the mouthpiece of the president, to transact their affairs, and they often lingered for days and weeks around the place, which gave him a good opportunity of becoming familiar with their manners, customs, and history. dr. wolcott was a man of education, of high morals, dignified manners, and noble sentiments, with decidedly saturnine feelings, and a keen perception of the ridiculous. constitutionally averse to much or labored personal effort, his leisure hours, in this seclusion from society, were hours devoted to reading and social converse, and his attention was appropriately called by gen. cass to the "inquiries," no. , above referred to. the reply which he at length communicated was written in so happy a vein, that i obtained permission to publish the substance of it, in , in my _travels in the central portions of the mississippi valley_, p. . it declares an important truth, which all must concur in, who have attempted the study of the indian languages, for they are required to perform the prior labor of ascertaining and generalizing the principles of their accidence and concord. when i first came to st. mary's, in , and began the study of the chippewa, i asked in vain the simple question how the plural was formed. it was formed, in truth, in twelve different ways, agreeably to the vowels of terminal syllables; but this could not be declared until quires of paper had been written over, the whole vocabulary explored, and days and nights devoted to it. my first interpreter could not tell a verb from a noun, and was incapable of translating the simplest sentence literally. besides his ignorance, he was so great a liar that i never knew when to believe him. he sometimes told the indians the reverse of what i said, and often told me the reverse of what they said. xxiv. _examination of the elementary structure of the algonquin language as it appears in the chippewa tongue._ by henry r. schoolcraft. introductory note. sault ste. marie, may , . sir: in order to answer your inquiries, i have improved my leisure hours, during the part of the summer following our arrival here ( th july last), and the entire winter and spring, in examining the words and forms of expression of the chippewa, or (as the indians pronounce it) odjibwa, tongue. i have found, as i anticipated, my most efficient aid, in this inquiry, in mr. johnston, and the several members of his intelligent family; my public interpreter being too unprecise and profoundly ignorant of the rules of grammar to be of much use in the investigation. mr. johnston, as you are aware, perhaps, came from the north of ireland, where his connections are highly respectable, during the first term of general washington's administration. he brought letters from high sources to the governor-general of canada; but having, while at montreal, fallen in with don andrew tod, a countryman, who had the monopoly of the fur trade of louisiana, in a spirit of enterprise and adventure, he threw himself into that, at the time, fascinating pursuit, and visited michilimackinac. circumstances determined him to fix his residence at st. mary's, where he has resided, making frequent visits to montreal and great britain, about thirty years. his children have been carefully instructed in the english language and literature, and the whole family are familiar with the indian. without such proficient aid, i should have labored against serious impediments at every step; and, with them, i have found the inquiry, in a philological point of view, involved in many, and some of them insuperable difficulties. the results i communicate to you, rather as an earnest of what may be hereafter done in this matter, than as completely fulfilling inquiries which it would require horne tooke himself, with the aid of the bodleian library, to unravel. with respect, &c., henry r. schoolcraft. his excellency gov. lewis cass. examination of the odjibwa. , . _simple sounds._--the language is one of easy enunciation. it has sixteen simple consonental and five vowel sounds. of these, two are labials, _b_ and _p_; five dentals, _d_, _t_, _s_, _z_, _j_, and _g_ soft; two nasals, _m_ and _n_; and four gutturals, _k_, _q_, _c_, and _g_ hard. there is a peculiar nasal combination in _ng_, and a peculiar terminal sound of _g_, which may be represented by _gk_. of the mixed dipthongal and consonental sounds, those most difficult to english organs are the sounds in _aiw_ and _auw_. . _letters not used._--the language is wholly wanting in the sound of _th_. it drops the sound of _v_ entirely, substituting _b_, in attempts to pronounce foreign words. the sound of _l_ is sometimes heard in their necromantic chants; but, although it appears to have been known to the old algonquin, it is supplied, in the odjibwa of this day, exclusively by _n_. it also eschews the sounds of _f_, _r_, and _x_, leaving its simple consonental powers of utterance, as above denoted, at sixteen. in attempts to pronounce english words having the sound of _f_, they substitute _p_, as in the case of _v_. the sound of _r_ is either dropped, or takes the sound of _au_. of the letter _x_ they make no use; the nearest approach i have succeeded in getting from them is _ek-is_, showing that it is essentially a foreign sound to them. the aspirate _h_ begins very few words, not exceeding five in fifteen hundred, but it is a very frequent sound in terminals, always following the slender or latin sound of _a_, but never its broad sound in _au_, or its peculiarly english sound as heard in the _a_ of _may_, _pay_, _day_. the terminal syllable of the tribal name (odjibwa), offers a good evidence of this rule, this syllable being never sounded by the natives either _wah_ or _wau_, but always _wa_. these rules of utterance appear to be constant and imperative, and the natives have evidently a nice ear to discriminate sounds. _rule of euphony._--in the construction of words, it is required that a consonant should _precede_ or _follow_ a vowel. in dissyllables wherein two consonants are sounded in juxtaposition, it happens from the joining of two syllables, the first of which ends and the last begins with a consonant, as _muk-kuk_, a box, and _os-sin_, a stone; the utterance in these cases being confluent. but in longer compounds this juxtaposition is generally avoided by throwing in a vowel for the sake of euphony, as in the term _assinebwoin_, the _e_ in which is a mere connective, and has no meaning by itself. nor is it allowable for vowels to follow each other in syllabication, except in the restricted instances where the being or existence of a thing or person is affirmed, as in the vowel-words _i-e-e_ and _i-e-a_, the animate and inanimate forms of this declaration. in these cases, there is a distinct accent on each vowel. . _accent._--the accent generally falls on full or broad vowels, and never on short vowels; such accented vowels are always significant, and if they are repeated in a compound word, the accents are also repeated, the only difference being that there are primary and secondary accents. thus, in the long descriptive name for a horse, _pa-bá-zhik-ó-ga-zhé_, which is compounded of a numeral term and two nouns, meaning, the animal with solid hoofs; there are three accents, the first of which is primary, while the others succeed each other with decreased intensity. by a table of words which i have constructed, and had carefully pronounced over by the natives, it is denoted that dissyllables are generally accented on the final syllable, trisyllables on the second, and words of four syllables on the second and fourth. but these indications may not be constant or universal, as it is perceived that the accents vary agreeably to the distribution of the full and significant vowels. . _emphasis._--stress is laid on particular words in sentences to which the speaker designs to impart force, and the whole tone of the entire sentiment and passages is often adapted to convey particular impressions. this trait more frequently comes out in the private narrative of real or imaginary scenes, in which the narrator assumes the very voice and tone of the real or supposed actor. generally, in their dealings and colloquial intercourse, there is a significant stress laid on the terms, _meenungaika_, certainly; _kaigait_, truly; _kaugaigo_, nothing at all; _tiau_, behold; _woh-ow_, who; _auwanain_, were; and other familiar terms of inquiry, denial, or affirmation in daily use. . _conjugation._--the simplest form in which their verbs are heard, is in the third person singular of the indicative, as _he speaks_, _he says_, _he loves_, _he dances_, or in the first person present of the imperative. the want of a distinction between the pronouns _he_ and _she_, is a defect which the language shares, i believe, with other very ancient and rude tongues. conjugations are effected for persons, tenses, and number, very much as they are in other rude languages, particularly those of the transpositive class. the verb is often a single root, or syllable, as _saug_, love; but owing to the tendency of adding qualifying particles, their verbs are cluttered up with other meanings. the word _saug_ is therefore never heard as an element by itself. in the first place, it takes before it the pronoun, and in the second place, the object of action; so that _nesaugeau_, i love him, or her, or a person, is one of the simplest of their colloquial phrases. and of this term, the e, being the fourth syllable, is mere verbiage, means nothing by itself, and is thrown in for euphony. tenses are formed by adding _gee_ to the pronoun for the perfect, and _gah_ for the future, and _gahgee_ for the second future. these terms play the part, and supply the want of, auxiliary verbs. the imperative is made in _gah_, and the potential in _dau_ where the second future is _daugee_. the subjunctive is made by prefixing the word _kishpin_, meaning if. the inflection _nuh_, asks a question, and as it can be put to all the forms of the conjugation, it establishes an interrogative mood. the particle see, negatives the verb, and thus all verbs can be conjugated positively and negatively. to constitute the plural, the letter _g_ is added to the conjugations; thus, _nesaugeaug_ means, i love them. but this is an animate plural, and can only be added to words of the vital class. besides, if the verb or noun to be made plural does not end in a vowel, but in a consonant, the _g_ cannot be added without interposing a vowel. it results, therefore, that the vowel class of words have their plurals in _äg_, _eeg_, _ig_, _og_, or _ug_. but, if the class of words be non-vital and numerical, the plural is made in the letter _n_. but this letter cannot, as in the other form, be added, unless the word terminate in a vowel, when the regular plurals are _än_, _een_, _in_, _on_, or _un_. this simple principle clears up one cause of perplexity in the conjugations, and denotes a philosophical method, which divides the whole vocabulary into two classes; while this provision _supersedes_, it answers the purpose of _gender_. there is, in fact, no gender required by the conjugations, it being sufficient to denote the _vitality_ or _non-vitality_ of the class. nothing can be clearer. this is one of the leading traits of the grammar of the language, upon the observance of which the best speakers pride themselves. it does not, however, result that, because there is no gender required in the conjugations, the idea of sexuality is unknown to the nomenclature. quite the contrary. the tenses for male and female, in the chief orders of creation, are _iaba_ and _nozha_. these words prefixed to the proper names of animals, produce expressions of precisely the same meaning, and also the same inelegance; as if we should say, male goose, female goose, male horse, and female horse, male man and female man. the term for man (_inini_) is masculine, and that for woman (_equa_) feminine in its construction. it is only in the conjugations that the principle of gender becomes lost in that of vitality. . _active and passive voices._--the distinction between these two classes of verbs is made by the inflection _ego_. by adding this form to the active verb, its action is reversed, and thrown back on the nominative. thus, the verb to carry is _nim bemön_, i carry; _nim bemön-ego_, i am carried. _adowawa_ is the act of thumping, as a log by the waves on the shore._ adowawa-ego_ is a log that is thumped by the waves on shore. _nesaugeah_, i love; _nesaugeigo_, i am loved. in the latter phrase, the personal term _au_ is dropped, and the long sound of _e_ slips into _i_, which converts the inflection into _igo_ instead of _ego_. . _participles._--my impression is, that the indians are in the habit of using participles, often to the exclusion of other proper forms of the verb. the vocabulary contains abundantly the indicative forms of the verb. to run, to rise, to see, to eat, to tie, to burn, to strike, to sing, to cry, to dance, are the common terms of parlance; but as soon as these terms come to be connected with the action of particular persons, this action appears to be spoken of as if existing--both the past and future tenses being thrown away; and the senses appear to be, i, you, he, or they; running, rising, seeing, eating, tying, burning, striking, singing, crying, dancing. at least, i have not been able to convince myself that the action is not referred to as existing. when the participles should be used, they, on the contrary, employ the indicative forms, by which such sentences are made as, he run, he walk, for running, walking. the general want of the substantive verb, in their colloquial phrases, constantly leads to imperfect forms of syntax. thus, _nëbä_ is the indicative, first person of the verb to sleep; but if the term, i am sleeping, be required, the phrase is _ne nëbä_, simply, i sleep. so, too, _tshägiz_ is the first person indicative to burn; but the colloquial phrase, i am burned, or burning, is _nen tshägiz_--the verb remaining in the indicative, and not taking the participle form. it is not common to address persons by their familiar names, as with us--as john, or james. the very contrary is the usage of indian society, the object being to conceal all personal names, unless they be forced out. if it be required to express this sentence, namely: adario has gone out (or temporarily departed), but will soon return; the equivalent is _ogima_, _ke mahjaun_, _panema_, _ke takooshin_. this sentence literally retranslated is, chief, he gone; by and by, he (will) return--the noun chief being put for the personal noun adario. it will be perceived that the pronoun _ke_ is repeated after the noun, making, chief, he gone. _panema_ is an adverb which is undeclinable under all circumstances, and _tahkooshin_, the future tense of the verb to arrive, or come (by land). the phraseology is perfectly loaded with local or other particulars, which constantly limit the action of verbs to places, persons, and things. xxv. _a vocabulary of the odjibwa algonquin language._ by h. r. schoolcraft. on referring to the manuscript of this vocabulary, it is found to fill a large folio volume, which puts it out of my power to insert it in this connection. it is hoped to bring it into the series of the ethnological volumes, now in the process of being published at philadelphia, under the auspices of congress. appendix no. . the expedition to itasca lake in . synopsis. . indian languages. i. ii. observations on the grammatical structure and flexibility of the odjibwa substantive. by henry r. schoolcraft. iii. principles governing the use of the odjibwa noun-adjective. by henry r. schoolcraft. iv. some remarks respecting the agglutinative position and properties of the pronoun. by henry r. schoolcraft. . natural history. v. zoology. . limits of the range of the cervus sylvestris in the northwestern parts of the united states. by henry r. schoolcraft.--_northwest journal._ . description of the fringilia vespertina, discovered by mr. schoolcraft in the northwest. by william cooper.--_annals of the new york lyceum of natural history._ . a list of shells collected by mr. schoolcraft during his expedition to the sources of the mississippi in . by william cooper. vi. botany. . list of species and localities of plants collected during the exploratory expeditions of mr. schoolcraft in and . by douglass houghton, m. d., _surgeon to said expeditions_. vii. mineralogy and geology. . a report on the existence of deposits of copper in the trap rocks of upper michigan. by dr. douglass houghton. . remarks on the occurrence of native silver, and the ores of silver, in the stratification of the basins of lakes huron and superior. by henry r. schoolcraft. . a general summary of the localities of minerals observed in the northwest. by henry r. schoolcraft. . geological outlines of the valley of takwymenon in the basin of lake superior. by henry r. schoolcraft. . suggestions respecting the geological epoch of the deposit of red sandstone of st. mary's falls, michigan. by henry r. schoolcraft. . indian tribes. viii. condition and disposition. . official report to the war department, of an expedition through upper michigan and northern wisconsin in . by henry r. schoolcraft. . brief notes of a tour in , from galena, in illinois, to fort winnebago, on the source of fox river, wisconsin. by henry r. schoolcraft. . official report of the expedition to itasca lake in . by henry r. schoolcraft. . report of the vaccination of the indians in , under the authority of an act of congress. by dr. douglass houghton. . topography and geography. ix. astronomical and barometrical observations. . table of geographical positions observed in . by j. n. nicollet. . scenery. x. letters on the scenery of lake superior. by melancthon woolsey. _vide_ southern literary messenger, . appendix. . indian language. i. _observations on the grammatical structure and flexibility of the odjibwa substantive._[ ] [ ] mr. du ponceau did me the honor, in , to translate these two inquiries on the substantive in full, for the prize paper on the algonquin, before the national institute of france. inquiry . observations on the ojibwai substantive. . the provision of the language for indicating gender--its general and comprehensive character--the division of words into animate and inanimate classes. . number--its recondite forms, arising from the terminal vowel in the word. . the grammatical forms which indicate possession, and enable the speaker to distinguish the objective person. most of the researches which have been directed to the indian languages, have resulted in elucidating the principles governing the use of the verb, which has been proved to be full and varied in its inflections. either less attention has been paid to the other parts of speech, or results less suited to create high expectations of their flexibility and powers have been attained. the indian verb has thus been made to stand out, as it were in bold relief, as a shield to defects in the substantive and its accessories, and as, in fact, compensating, by its multiform appendages of prefix and suffix--by its tensal, its pronominal, its substantive, its adjective, and its adverbial terminations, for barrenness and rigidity in all other parts of speech. influenced by this reflection, i shall defer, in the present inquiry, the remarks i intend offering on the verb, until i have considered the substantive, and its more important adjuncts. palpable objects, to which the idea of sense strongly attaches, and the actions or condition, which determine the relation of one object to another, are perhaps the first points to demand attention in the invention of languages. and they have certainly imprinted themselves very strongly, with all their materiality, and with all their local, and exclusive, and personal peculiarities upon the indian. the noun and the verb not only thus constitute the principal elements of speech, as in all languages; but they continue to perform their first offices, with less direct aid from the auxiliary parts of speech, than would appear to be reconcilable with a clear expression of the circumstances of time and place, number and person, quality and quantity, action and repose, and the other accidents, on which their definite employment depends. but to enable the substantives and attributives to perform these complex offices, they are provided with inflections, and undergo changes and modifications, by which words and phrases become very concrete in their meaning, and are lengthened out to appear formidable to the eye. hence the polysyllabic, and the descriptive character of the language, so composite in its aspect and in its forms. to utter succinctly, and in as few words as possible, the prominent ideas resting upon the mind of the speaker, appear to have been the paramount object with the inventors of the language. hence, concentration became a leading feature. and the pronoun, the adjective, the adverb, and the preposition, however they may be disjunctively employed in certain cases, are chiefly useful as furnishing materials to the speaker, to be worked up into the complicated texture of the verb and the substantive. nothing, in fact, can be more unlike, than the language, viewed in its original, elementary state--in a vocabulary, for instance, of its primitive words, so far as such a vocabulary can now be formed, and the same language as heard under its oral, amalgamated form. its transpositions may be likened to a picture, in which the copal, the carmine, and the white lead, are no longer recognized as distinct substances, but each of which has contributed its share towards the effect. it is the painter only who possesses the principle, by which one element has been curtailed, another augmented, and all, however seemingly discordant, made to coalesce. such a language may be expected to abound in derivatives and compounds; to afford rules for giving verbs substantive, and substantives verbal qualities; to concentrate the meaning of words upon a few syllables, or upon a single letter, or alphabetical sign; and to supply modes of contraction and augmentation, and, if i may so say, _short cuts_, and _by-paths_ to meanings, which are equally novel and interesting. to arrive at its primitives, we must pursue an intricate thread, where analogy is often the only guide. we must divest words of those accumulated syllables, or particles, which, like the molecules of material matter, are clustered around the primitives. it is only after a process of this kind, that the _principle of combination_--that secret wire, which moves the whole machinery can be searched for, with a reasonable prospect of success. the labor of analysis is one of the most interesting and important, which the subject presents. and it is a labor which it will be expedient to keep constantly in view, until we have separately considered the several parts of speech, and the grammatical laws by which the language is held together; and thus established principles and provided materials wherewith we may the more successfully labor. . in a general survey of the language as it is spoken, and as it must be written, there is perhaps no feature which obtrudes itself so constantly to view, as the principle which separates all words, of whatever denomination, into animates and inanimates, as they are applied to objects in the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom. this principle has been grafted upon most words, and carries its distinctions throughout the syntax. it is the gender of the language; but a gender of so unbounded a scope, as to merge in it the common distinctions of a masculine and feminine, and to give a twofold character to the parts of speech. the concords which it requires, and the double inflections it provides, will be mentioned in their appropriate places. it will be sufficient here to observe, that animate nouns require animate verbs for their nominatives, animate adjectives to express their qualities, and animate demonstrative pronouns to mark the distinctions of person. thus, if we say, "i see a man; i see a house," the termination of the verb must be changed. what was in the first instance _wâb imâ_, is altered to _wâb indân_. _wâb_, is here the infinitive, but the root of this verb is still more remote. if the question occurs "is it a good man, or a good house," the adjective, which, in the inanimate form is _onishish-í_, is, in the animate _onishish-i[n']_. if the question be put, "is it this man, or this house," the pronoun _this_, which is _mâ bum_, in the animate, is changed to _mâ ndun_, in the inanimate. nouns animate embrace the tribes of quadrupeds, birds, fishes, insects, reptiles, crustacæ, the sun, and moon, and stars, thunder, and lightning, for these are personified; and whatever either possesses animal life, or is endowed, by the peculiar opinions and superstitions of the indians, with it. in the vegetable kingdom, their number is comparatively limited, being chiefly confined to trees, and those only while they are referred to, as whole bodies, and to the various species of fruits, and seeds, and esculents. it is at the option of the speaker to employ nouns, either as animates or inanimates: but it is a choice seldom resorted to, except in conformity with stated exceptions. these conventional exceptions are not numerous, and the more prominent of them, may be recited. the cause of the exceptions it is not always easy to perceive. it may, however, generally be traced to a particular respect paid to certain inanimate bodies, either from their real or fancied properties--the uses to which they are applied, or the ceremonies to which they are dedicated. a stone, which is the altar of sacrifice to their manitoes; a bow, formerly so necessary in the chase; a feather, the honored sign of martial prowess; a kettle, so valuable in the household; a pipe, by which friendships are sealed and treaties ratified; a drum, used in their sacred and festive dances; a medal, the mask of authority; vermilion, the appropriate paint of the warrior; wampum, by which messages are conveyed, and covenants remembered. these are among the objects, in themselves inanimates, which require the application of animate verbs, pronouns, and adjectives, and are thereby transferred to the animate class. it is to be remarked, however, that the names for animals, are only employed as animates, while the objects are referred to as whole and complete species. but the gender must be changed, when it becomes necessary to speak of separate numbers. man, woman, father, mother, are separate nouns, so long as the individuals are meant; but hand, foot, head, eye, ear, tongue, are inanimates. buck, is an animate noun, while his entire carcass is referred to, whether living or dead; but neck, back, heart, windpipe, take the inanimate form. in like manner, eagle, swan, dove, are distinguished as animates; but beak, wing, tail, are arranged with inanimates. so oak, pine, ash, are animate; branch, leaf, root, inanimates. reciprocal exceptions, however, exist to this rule--the reasons for which, as in the former instance, may generally be sought, either in peculiar opinions of the indians, or in the peculiar qualities or uses of the objects. thus the talons of the eagle, and the claws of the bear, and of other animals, which furnish ornaments for the neck, are invariably spoken of, under the animate form. the hoofs and horns of all quadrupeds, which are applied to various economical and mystic purposes; the castorum of the beaver, and the nails of man, are similarly situated. the vegetable creation also furnishes some exceptions of this nature; such are the names for the outer bark of all trees (except the birch), and the branches, the roots, and the resin of the spruce, and its congeners. in a language, which considers all nature as separated into two classes of bodies, characterized by the presence or absence of life; neuter nouns will scarcely be looked for, although such may exist without my knowledge. neuters are found amongst the verbs and the adjectives, but it is doubtful whether they render the nouns to which they are applied neuters, in the sense we attach to that term. the subject in all its bearings is interesting, and a full and minute description of it would probably elicit new light respecting some doubtful points in the language, and contribute something towards a curious collateral topic--the history of indian opinions. i have stated the principle broadly, without filling up the subject of exceptions as fully as it is in my power, and without following its bearings upon points which will more properly come under discussion at other stages of the inquiry. a sufficient outline, it is believed, has been given, and having thus met, at the threshold, a principle deeply laid at the foundation of the language, and one which will be perpetually recurring, i shall proceed to enumerate some other prominent features of the substantive. . no language is perhaps so defective, as to be totally without number. but there are, probably, few which furnish so many modes of indicating it, as the odjibwa. there are as many modes of forming the plural, as there are vowel sounds, yet there is no distinction between a limited and unlimited plural; although there is, in the pronoun, an _inclusive_ and an _exclusive_ plural. whether we say _man_ or _men_, _two men_ or _twenty men_, the singular _inin´i_, and the plural _nin´iwug_, remains the same. but if we say _we_, or _us_, or _our men_ (who are present), or _we_, or _us_, or _our indians_ (in general), the plural _we_, and _us_, and _our_--for they are rendered by the same form--admit of a change to indicate whether the objective person be _included_ or _excluded_. this principle, of which full examples will be given under the appropriate head, forms a single and anomalous instance of the use of particular plurals. and it carries its distinctions, by means of the pronouns, separable and inseparable, into the verbs and substantives, creating the necessity of double conjugations and double declensions, in the plural forms of the first person. thus, the term for "our father," which, in the inclusive form is _kósinân_, is, in the exclusive, _nósinân_. the particular plural, which is thus, by the transforming power of the language, carried from the pronoun into the texture of the verb and substantive, is not limited to any fixed number of persons or objects, but arises from the operations of the verb. the general plural is variously made. but the plurals making inflections take upon themselves an additional power or sign, by which substantives are distinguished into animate and inanimate. without this additional power, all nouns plural would end in the vowels _a_, _e_, _i_, _o_, _u_. but to mark the gender, the letter _g_ is added to animates, and the letter _n_ to inanimates, making the plurals of the first class terminate in _âg_, _eeg_, _ig_, _ôg_, _ug_, and of the second class in _ân_, _een_, _in_, _ôn_, _un_. ten modes of forming the plural are thus provided, five of which are animate, and five inanimate plurals. a strong and clear line of distinction is thus drawn between the two classes of words; so unerring, indeed, in its application, that it is only necessary to inquire how the plural is formed, to determine whether it belonged to one or the other class. the distinctions which we have endeavored to convey will, perhaps, be more clearly perceived, by adding examples of the use of each of the plurals. animate plural. a. odjibwâi, a chippewa. odjibwaig, chippewas. e. ojee, a fly. oj-eeg, flies. i. kosénan, our father, (in.) kosenân-ig, our fathers, (in.) o. ahmô, a bee. ahm-ôg, bees. u. ais, a schell. ais-ug, shells. inanimate plural. a. ishkôdai, fire. ishkôdain, fires. e. wadôp, alder. wadôp-een, alders. i. adetaig, fruit. adetaig-in, fruits. o. nôdin, wind. nôdin-ôn, winds. u. meen, berry. meen-un, berries. where a noun terminates with a vowel in the singular, the addition of the _g_, or _n_, shows at once, both the plural and the gender. in other instances, as in _peenai_, a partridge--_seebi_, a river--it requires a consonant to precede the plural vowel, in conformity with a rule previously stated. thus, _peenai_, is rendered _peenai-wug_--and _seebi_, _seebi-wun_. where the noun singular terminates in the broad, instead of the long sound of _a_, as in _ogimâ_, a chief, _ishpatinâ_, a hill, the plural is _ogim-ag_, _ishpatinân_. but these are mere modifications of two of the above forms, and are by no means entitled to be considered as additional plurals. comparatively few substances are without number. the following may be enumerated:-- missun´, firewood. ussáimâ, tobacco. pinggwi, ashes. naigow, sand. méjim, food. ahwun, mist. kôn, snow. kimmiwun, rain. mishk´wi, blood. ossâkumig, moss. ukkukkuzhas, coals. unitshimin, peas. others may be found, and indeed, a few others are known. but it is less an object, in this lecture, to pursue exceptions into their minutest ramifications, than to sketch broad rules, applicable, if not to every word, to at least a majority of words in the language. there is, however, one exception from the general use of number, so peculiar in itself, that not to point it out would be an unpardonable remissness in giving the outlines of a language, in which it is an object neither to extenuate faults nor to overrate beauties. this exception consists in the want of number in the _third person_ of the declensions of animate nouns, and the conjugation of animate verbs. not that such words are destitute of number, in their simple forms, or when used under circumstances requiring no change of these simple forms--no prefixes and no inflections. but it will be seen, at a glance, how very limited such an application of words must be, in a transpositive language. thus _mang_ and _kâg_ (loon and porcupine) take the plural inflection _wug_, becoming _mang wug_ and _kâg wug_ (loons and porcupines). so, in their pronominal declension:-- my loon ni mang oom thy loon ki mang oom my porcupine ni gâg oom thy porcupine ki gâg oom my loons ni mang oom ug thy loons ki mang oom ug my porcupines ni gâg oom ug thy porcupines ki gâg oom ug but his loon, or loons (_o many oom un_), his porcupine or porcupines (_o gâg oom un_), are without number. the rule applies equally to the class of words in which the pronouns are inseparable. thus, my father and thy father, _nôs_ and _kôs_, become my fathers and thy fathers, by the numerical inflection _ug_, forming _nôsug_ and _kôsug_. but _ôsun_, his father or fathers, is vague, and does not indicate whether there be one father or twenty fathers. the inflection _un_, merely denotes the _object_. the rule also applies equally to sentences in which the noun is governed by or governs the verb. whether we say, "i saw a bear," _ningi wâbumâ mukwah_, or "a bear saw me," _mukwah ningi wâbumig_, the noun, itself, undergoes no change, and its number is definite. but _ogi wâbumân muk-wun_, "he saw bear," is indefinite, although both the verb and the noun have changed their endings. and if the narrator does not subsequently determine the number, the hearer is either left in doubt, or must resolve it by a question. in fine, the whole acts of the third person are thus rendered questionable. this want of precision, which would seem to be fraught with so much confusion, appears to be obviated in practice, by the employment of adjectives, by numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence, by the use of the indefinite article, _paizhik_, or by demonstrative pronouns. thus, _paizhik mukwun ogi wâbumân_, conveys with certainty the information "he saw _a_ bear." but in this sentence both the noun and the verb retain the objective inflections, as in the former instances. these inflections are not uniformly _un_, but sometimes _een_, as in _ogeen_, his mother, and sometimes _ôn_, as in _odakeek-ôn_, his kettle, in all which instances, however, the number is left indeterminate. it may hence be observed, and it is a remark which we shall presently have occasion to corroborate, that the plural inflection to inanimate nouns (which have no objective form), forms the objective inflection to animate nouns, which have no number in the third person. . this leads us to the consideration of the mode of forming possessives, the existence of which, when it shall have been indicated by full examples, will present to the mind of the inquirer, one of those tautologies in grammatical forms, which, without imparting additional precision, serve to clothe the language with accumulated verbiage. the strong tendency to combination and amalgamation, existing in the language, renders it difficult, in fact, to discuss the principles of it in that elementary form which could be wished. in the analysis of words and forms we are constantly led from the central point of discussion. to recur, however, from these collateral unravellings to the main thread of inquiry, at as short and frequent intervals as possible, and thus to preserve the chain of conclusions and proofs, is so important, that, without keeping the object distinctly in view, i should despair of conveying any clear impressions of those grammatical features which impart to the language its peculiar character. it has been remarked that the distinctions of number are founded upon a modification of the five vowel sounds. possessives are likewise founded upon the basis of the vowel sounds. there are five declensions of the noun to mark the possessive, ending in the possessive in _âm_, _eem_, _im_, _ôm_, _um_, _oom_. where the nominative ends with a vowel, the possessive is made by adding the letter _m_, as in _maimai_, a woodcock, _ni maimaim_, my woodcock, &c. where the nominative ends in a consonant, as in _ais_, a shell, the full possessive inflection is required, making _nin daisim_, my shell. in the latter form, the consonant _d_ is interposed between the pronoun and noun, and sounded with the noun, in conformity with a general rule. where the nominative ends in the broad in lieu of the long sound of _a_, as in _ogimâ_, a chief, the possessive is _âm_. the sound of _i_, in the third declension, is that of _i_ in pin, and the sound of _u_, in the fifth declension, is that of _u_ in bull. the latter will be uniformly represented by _oo_. the possessive declensions run throughout both the animate and inanimate classes of nouns, with some exceptions in the latter, as knife, bowl, paddle, &c. inanimate nouns are thus declined. nominative. ishkôdai, fire. possessive. my, nin dishkod-aim. thy, ki dishkod-aim. his, o dishkod-aim. our, ki dishkod-aim-inân. (in.) -- ni dishkod-aim-inân. (ex.) your, ki dishkod-aim-iwâ. their, o dishko-aim-iwâ. those words which form exceptions from this declension, take the separable pronouns before them as follows:-- môkoman, a knife. ni môkoman, my knife. ki môkoman, thy knife. o môkoman, his knife, &c. animate substantives are declined precisely in the same manner as inanimate, except in the third person, which takes to the possessive inflections, _aim_, _eem_, _im_, _ôm_, _oom_, the objective particle _un_, denoting the compound inflection of this person, both in the singular and plural, _aimun_, _eemun_, _imun_, _ômun_, _oomun_, and the variation of the first vowel sound, _âmun_. thus, to furnish an example of the second declension, _bizhiki_, a bison, changes its forms to _nim_, _bizhik-im_, my bison--_ke bizhik-im_, thy bison, _o bizhik-imun_, his bison, or bisons. the cause of this double inflection in the third person, may be left for future inquiry. but we may add further examples in aid of it. we cannot simply say, "the chief has killed a bear," or, to reverse the object upon which the energy of the verb is exerted, "the bear has killed a chief." but, _ogimâ ogi nissân muk-wun_, literally, "chief he has has killed him bear," or, _mukwah ogi_ _nissân ogimân_, "bear he has killed him chief." here the verb and the noun are both objective in _un_, which is sounded _ân_, where it comes after the broad sound of _a_, as in _nissân_, objective of the verb to kill. if we confer the powers of the english possessive (_'s_), upon the inflections _aim_, _eem_, _im_, _ôm_, _oom_, and _âm_, respectively, and the meaning of _him_, and of course _he_, _her_, _his_, _hers_, _they_, _theirs_ (as there is no declension of the pronoun, and no number to the third person), upon the objective particle _un_, we shall then translate the above expression, _o bizhik-eemum_, his bison's hisn. if we reject this meaning, as i think we should, the sentence would read, "his bison," him, a mere tautology. it is true, it may be remarked, that the noun possessed, has a corresponding termination, or pronominal correspondence, with the pronoun possessor, also a final termination indicative of its being the _object_ on which the verb exerts its influence--a mode of expression, which, so far as relates to the possessive, would be deemed superfluous, in modern languages; but may have some analogy in the latin accusatives _am_, _um_, _em_. it is a constant and unremitting aim in the indian languages to distinguish the actor from the object, partly by prefixes, and partly by inseparable suffixes. that the termination _un_, is one of these inseparable particles, and that its office, while it confounds the number, is to designate the object, appears probable from the fact, that it retains its connection with the noun, whether the latter follow or precede the verb, or whatever its position in the sentence may be. thus we can, without any perplexity in the meaning say, _waimittigôzhiwug ogi sagiân pontiac-un_, "frenchmen, they did love pontiac him." or to reverse it, _pontiac-un waimittigôzhiwug ogi sagiân_, "pontiac, he did frenchmen he loved." the termination _un_, in both instances, clearly determines the object beloved. so in the following instance, _sagunoshug ogi sagiân tecumseh-un_, "englishmen, they did love tecumseh," or _tecumseh-un sagunoshug oji sagiân_, "tecumseh, he did englishmen he loved." in tracing the operation of this rule, through the doublings of the language, it is necessary to distinguish every modification of sound, whether it is accompanied or not accompanied by a modification of the sense. the particle _un_, which thus marks _the third person and persons_, is sometimes pronounced _wun_, and sometimes _yun_, as the harmony of the word to which it is suffixed may require. but not the slightest change is thereby made in its meaning. wâbojeeg ogi meegân-ân nâdowaisi-wun. wâbojeeg fought his enemies. l.[ ] w. he did fight them, his enemy, or enemies. o sâgi-ân inini-wun. he, or she, loves a man. l. he, or she, loves him-man, or men. kigo-yun waindji pimmâdizziwâd. they subsist on fish. l. fish or fishes, they upon them, they live. ontwa o sagiân odi-yun. ontwa loves his dog. l. o. he loves him, his dog, or dogs. [ ] l. for _literally_. in these sentences, the letters _w_ and _y_ are introduced before the inflection _un_, merely for euphony's sake, and to enable the speaker to utter the final vowel of the substantive, and the inflective vowel, without placing both under the accent. it is to be remarked in these examples, that the verb has a corresponding inflection with the noun, indicated by the final consonant _n_, as in _sagiâ-n_, objective of the verb _to love_. this is merely a modification of _un_, where it is requisite to employ it after broad _a_ (_aw_), and it is applicable to nouns as well as verbs whenever they end in that sound. thus, in the phrase, "he saw a chief," _o wâbumâ-n o gimâ-n_, both noun and verb terminate in _n_. it is immaterial to the sense, which precedes. and this leads to the conclusion, which we are in some measure compelled to state in anticipation of our remarks on the verb: that verbs must not only agree with their nominatives in number, person, and _gender_ (we use the latter term for want of a more appropriate one), but also with their objectives. hence, the objective sign _n_ in the above examples. sometimes this sign is removed from the ending of the verb, to make room for the plural of the nominative person, and is subjoined to the latter. thus, o sagiâ(wâ)n. they love them (him or them). in this phrase, the interposed syllable (_wâ_) is, apparently, the plural--it is a reflective plural--of _he_--the latter being indicated, as usual, by the sign _o_. it has been observed, above, that the deficiency in number, in the third person, is sometimes supplied "by numerical inflections in the relative words of the sentence," and this interposed particle (_wâ_) affords an instance in point. the number of the nominative pronoun appears to be thus rendered precise, but the objective is still indefinite. when two nouns are used without a verb in the sentence, or when two nouns compose the whole matter uttered, being in the third person, both have the full objective inflection. thus, os-(un). odi-(yun). his father's dog. l. his father--his dog or dogs. there are certain words, however, which will not admit the objective _un_, either in its simple or modified forms. these are rendered objective in _een_, or _ôn_. o wâbumâ-(n), ossin-(een). he sees the stone. l. he sees him--stone or stones. o wâbumâ-(n) mittig o mizh-(een). l. he sees him, tree or trees. he sees an oak tree. o mittig wâb (een), gyai o bikwuk-(ôn). his bow and his arrows. l. his bow him, and his arrows, him or them. odyâ | wâ | wâ (n), akkik-(ôn). they possess a kettle. l. they own them, kettle or kettles. the syllable _wâ_, in the verb of the last example included between bars (instead of parentheses), is the reflective plural _they_ pointed out in a preceding instance. i shall conclude these remarks, with full examples of each pronominal declension. _a._ first declension, forming the first and second persons in _aim_, and the third in _aimun_. nominative. pinâi, a partridge. pinâi-wug, partridges. first and second person. my, nim bin-aim. thy, ki bin-aim. our, ki bin-aim inân. inclusive plural. our, ni bin-aiminân. exclusive plural. your, ki bin-aim wâ. third person. his, o bin-aim (un). their, o bin-aim iwâ (n). _e._ second declension forming the first and second persons in eem, and the third in _eemun_. nominative. ossin, a stone. ossineen, stones. first and second persons. my, nin dossin-eem. thy, ki dossin-eem. our, ki dossin-eeminân. (in.) our, ni dossin-eeminân. (ex.) your, ke dossin-eemewâ. third person. his, o dossin-eem(un). their, o dossin-eemewâ (n). _i._ third declension forming the first and second persons in _im_, and the third in _imun_. nominative. ais, a shell. aisug, shells. first and second persons. my, nin dais-im. thy, ki dais-im. our, ki dais-iminân. (in.) our, ni dais-iminân. (ex.) your, ki dais-imiwâ. third person. his, o dais-im (un). their, o dais-imewâ (n). _o._ fourth declension forming the first and second persons in _ôm_, and the third in _ômun_. nominative. monidô, a spirit. monidôg, spirits. first and second persons. my, ni monid-ôm. thy, ki monid-ôm. our, ki monid-ôminân. (in.) our, ni monid-ôminân. (ex.) your, ki monid-ômiwâ. third person. his, o monid-ôm (un). their, o monid-ômewâ (n). _u._ (_oo_) fifth declension forming the first and second persons in _oom_, and the third in _oomun_. nominative. môz, a moose. môzôg, moose. first and second persons. my, ni môz-oom. thy, ki môz-oom. our, ki môz-oominân. (in.) our, ni môz-oominân. (ex.) your, ki môz-oomiwu. third person. his, o môz oom (un). their, o môz oomiwâ (n). _aw._ additional declension, required when the noun ends in the broad, instead of the long sound of a, forming the possessive in _âm_, and the objective in _âmun_. nominative. ogimâ, a chief. ogimâg, chiefs. first and second persons. my, ni dôgim âm. thy, ki dôgim âm. our, ki dôgim âminân. (in.) our, ni dôgim âminân. (ex.) your, ki dôgim âmiwâ. third person. his, o dôgim âm (un). their, o dôgim âmiwâ (n). the abbreviations, _in._, and _ex._, in these declensions, mark the inclusive and exclusive forms of the pronoun plural. the inflection of the third person, as it is superadded to the first and second, is included between parentheses, that the eye, unaccustomed to these extended forms, may readily detect it. where the inseparable, instead of the separable pronoun is employed, the possessive inflection of the first and second person is dispensed with, although the inflection of the third is still retained. os: father. _s. singular._ nos. my father. kos. thy father. os-un. his father. _sing. and plural._ nos-inân. our father. (ex.) kos-inân. our father. (in.) kos-iwâ. your father. os-iwân. their father. _sing. and plural._ _s. plural._ nos-ug. my fathers. kos-ug. thy fathers. os-un. his fathers. _sing. and plural._ nos.-inân ig. our fathers. (ex.) kos.-inân ig. our fathers. (in.) kos-iwâg. your fathers. os-iwân. their fathers. _sing. and plural._ the word dog, and this word alone, is declined in the following manner. annimoosh: a dog. _s. singular._ nin dy (or di) my dog. ki dy thy dog. o dy-un his dog or dogs. ki dy-inân our dog. (in.) ni dy-inân our dog. (ex.) ki dy-iwâ your dog. o dy-iwân their dog, &c. _s. plural._ nin dy-ug my dogs. ki dy-ug thy dogs. o dy-un his dogs, &c. ki dy-inânig our dogs. (in.) ni dy-inânig our dogs. (ex.) ki dy-iwâg your dogs. o dy-iwân his dogs, &c. the word _dy_, which supplies this declension, is derived from _indyiâm_ mine. _pron. an._--a derivative form of the word, which is, however, exclusively restricted, in its meaning, to the dog. if the expression _nin dy_ or _n' dy_, is sometimes applied to the horse, it is because it is thereby intended to call him, my dog, from his being in a state of servitude similar to that of the dog. it must be borne in mind, as connected with this subject, that the dog, in high northern latitudes, and even as far south as degrees, is both a beast of draught and of burden. he is compelled during the winter season to draw the _odâban_, or indian sleigh; and sometimes to support the burden upon his back, by means of a kind of drag constructed of slender poles. a review of the facts which have been brought together respecting the substantive, will show that the separable or inseparable pronouns under the form of prefixes, are throughout required. it will also indicate, that the inflections of the first and second persons which occupy the place of possessives, and those of the third person, resembling objectives, pertain to words, which are either primitives, or denote but a single object, as _moose_, _fire_. there is, however, another class of substantives, or substantive expressions, and an extensive class--for it embraces a great portion of the compound descriptive terms--in the use of which no pronominal prefixes are required. the distinctions of person are, exclusively, supplied by pronominal suffixes. of this character are the words descriptive of country, place of dwelling, field of battle, place of employment, &c. the following example will furnish the inflections applicable to this entire class of words:-- aindâd: home, or place of dwelling. _s. singular._ aindâ-yân. my home. aindâ-yun. thy home. aindâ-d. his home. aindâ-yâng. our home. (ex.) aindâ-yung. our home. (in.) aindâ-yaig. your home. aindâ-wâd. their home. _s. plural._ aindâ-yân-in. my homes. aindâ-yun-in. thy homes. aindâ-jin. his homes. aindâ-yâng-in. our homes. (ex.) aindâ-yung-in. our homes. (in.) aindâ-yaig-in. your homes. aindâ-wâdjin. their homes. by these examples, it is perceived that the final _d_ in _aindâd_ is not essential to its primitive meaning; and that the place of the pronoun is, in respect to this word, invariably a suffix. _aindâd_ means, truly, not home, but his home. the plural is formed by the inflection _in_, except in the third person, where the sound of _d_ sinks in _j_. inquiry . further remarks on the substantive--local, diminutive, derogative, and tensal inflections--mode in which the latter are employed to denote the disease of individuals, and to indicate the past and future seasons--restricted or sexual terms--conversion of the substantive into a verb, and the reciprocal character of the verb by which it is converted into a substantive--derivative and compound substantives--summary of the properties of this part of speech. in the view which has been taken of the substantive in the preceding inquiry, it has been deemed proper to exclude several topics, which, from their peculiarities, it was believed could be more satisfactorily discussed in a separate form. of this character are those modifications of the substantive by which locality, diminution, a defective quality, and the past tense are expressed; by which various adjective and adverbial significations are given; and, finally, the substantives themselves converted into verbs. such are also the mode of indicating the masculine and feminine (both merged, as we have shown, in the animate class), and those words which are of a strictly _sexual_ character, or are restricted in their _use_ either to males or females. not less interesting is the manner of forming derivatives, and of conferring upon the derivatives so formed a _personality_, distinguished as either animate or inanimate, at the option of the speaker. much of the flexibility of the substantive is derived from these properties, and they undoubtedly add much to the figurative character of the language. some of them have been thought analogous to case, particularly that inflection of the noun which indicates the locality of the object. but if so, then there would be equally strong reasons for establishing an _adjective_, and an _adverbial_, as well as a _local_ case, and a plurality of forms in each. but it is believed that no such necessity exists. there is no regular declension of these forms, and they are all used under limitations and restrictions incompatible with the true principles of case. it is under this view of the subject, that the discussion of these forms has been transferred, together with the other accidents of the substantive just adverted to, and reserved as the subject-matter of a separate inquiry. and in now proceeding to express the conclusions at which we have arrived touching these points, it will be an object so to compress and arrange the materials before us, as to present within a small compass the leading facts and examples upon which each separate position depends. . that quality of the noun which, in the shape of an inflection, denotes the relative situation of the object, by the contiguous position of some accessory object, is expressed in the english language by the prepositions _in_, _into_, _at_, or _on_. in the indian, they are denoted by an inflection. thus, the phrase "in the box," is rendered in the indian by one word, _mukukoong_. of this word, _mukuk_, simply, is box. the termination, _oong_, denoting the locality, not of the box, but of the object sought after. the expression appears to be precise, although there is no definite article in the language. the substantive takes this form, most commonly, after a question has been put, as _anindi ni môkoman-ais?_ "where is my penknife?" _mukukoong_ (in the box), _addôpowin-ing_ (on the table), are definite replies to this question. but the form is not restricted to this relation. _chimân-ing n'guh pôz_, "i shall embark in the canoe;" _wakyigum n'ghu izhâ_, "i shall go into the house," are perfectly correct, though somewhat formal expressions, when the canoe or the house are present to the speaker's view. the meaning of these inflections has been restricted to _in_, _into_, _at_, and _on_, but they are the more appropriate forms of expressing the first three senses, there being other modes besides these of expressing the preposition _on_. these modes consist in the use of prepositions, and will be explained under that head. the choice of the one or the other is, however, with the speaker. generally, the inflection is employed when there is some circumstance or condition of the noun either concealed or not fully apparent. thus, _muzzinyigun-ing_, is the appropriate term for "in the book," and _may_ also be used to signify "on the book." but if it is meant only to signify _on_ the book, something visible being referred to, the preposition _ogidj_ would be used, that word indicating with certainty _on_, and never _in_. _wakyigun-ing_ indicates with clearness "in the house;" but if it is necessary to say "on the house," and it be meant at the same time to exclude any reference to the interior, the expression would be changed to _ogidj wakyigun_. it will be proper further to remark in this place, in the way of limitation, that there is also a separate preposition signifying _in_. it is _pinj_. but the use of this word does not, in all cases, supersede the necessity of inflecting the noun. thus, the expression _pindigain_, is literally walk in, or enter. but if it is intended to say, "walk in the house," the local, and not the simple form of house must be used; and the expression is, _pindigain waky'igun-ing_, "enter in the house," the verbal form which this preposition _pinj_ puts on, having no allusion to the act of _walking_, but merely implying position. the local inflection, which, in the above examples, is _ing_ and _oong_, is further changed to _aing_ and _eeng_, as the ear may direct--changes which are governed chiefly by the terminal vowel of the noun. examples will best supply the rule, as well as the exceptions to it. simple form. local form. a. first inflection in _aing_. ishkodai fire ishkod-aing in, &c. the fire. muskodai prairie muskod-aing in, &c. the prairie. mukkuddai powder mukkud-aing in, &c. the powder. pimmedai grease pimmid-aing in, &c. the grease. e. second inflection in _eeng_.[ ] [ ] the double vowel is here employed to indicate the long sound of _i_, as _i_ in machine. seebi river seeb-eeng in, &c. the river. neebi water neeb-eeng in, &c. the water. miskwi blood miskw-eeng in, &c. the blood. unneeb elm unneeb-eeng in, &c. the elm. i. third inflection in _ing_. kôn snow kôn-ing in, &c. the snow. min berry meen-ing in, &c. the berry. chimân canoe chimân-ing in, &c. the canoe. muzziny´egun book muzziny´egun-ing in, &c. the book. o. fourth inflection in _oong_. azhibik rock azhibik-oong in, &c. the rock. gizhig sky gizhig-oong in, &c. the sky. kimmiwun rain kimmiwun-oong in, &c. the rain. akkik kettle akkik-oong in, &c. the kettle. throw it in the fire. . puggidôn ishkod-aing. go into the prairie. . muskôdaing izhân. he is in the elm. . unnib-eeng iâ. it is on the water. . nib-eeng attai. put it on the table. . addôpôwin-ing attôn. look in the book. . enâbin muzziny´igun-ing. you stand in the rain. . kimmiwun-oong ki nibow. what have you in that box? . waigonain aitaig mukuk-oong? put it in the kettle. . akkik-oong attôn, or pôdawain. my bow is not in the lodge; neither is it in the canoe, nor on the rock. . kâwin _pindiq_ iâsi ni mittigwâb; kâwiuh gyai chimân-_ing_; kâwin gyai âzhibik-_oong_. an attentive inspection of these examples will show that the local form pertains either to such nouns of the animate class as are in their nature inanimate, or at most possessed of vegetable life. and here another conclusion presses upon us; that where these local terminations, in all their variety, are added to the names of animated beings, when such names are the nominatives of adjectives or adjective-nouns, these words are converted into terms of qualification, indicating _like_, _resembling_, _equal_. thus, if we wish to say to a boy, "he is like a man," the expression is, _inin-ing izzhinâgozzi_; or, if to a man, "he is like a bear," _mukk-oong izzhinâgozzi_; or, to a bear, "he is like a horse, _pabaizhikogâzh-ing izzhinâgozzi_. in all these expressions, the word _izzhi_ is combined with the pronominal inflection _â_ (or _nâ_) and the animate termination _gozzi_. and the inflection of the nominative is merely an adjective corresponding with _izzhi_--a term indicative of the general qualities of persons or animated beings. where a comparison is instituted, or a resemblance pointed out, between inanimate instead of animate objects, the inflection _gozzi_ is changed to _gwud_, rendering the expression, which was, in the animate form, _izzhinâ_gozzi, in the inanimate form _izzhinâ_zgwud. there is another variation of the local form of the noun, in addition to those above instanced, indicative of locality in a more general sense. it is formed by _ong_ or _nong_--frequent terminations in geographical names. thus, from _ojibwai_, chippewa, is formed _ojibwai_nong, "place of the chippewas." from _wamattigozhiwug_, frenchmen, is formed _wamittigozhi_nong, "place of frenchmen." from _ishpatinâ_, hill, _ishpatinong_, "place of the hill," &c. the termination _ing_, is also sometimes employed in this more general sense, as in the following names of places:-- monomonikâ_ning_. in the place of wild rice. moninggwunikâ_ning_. in the place of sparrows. ongwashagoosh_ing_. in the place of the fallen tree, &c. . the diminutive forms of the noun are indicated by _ais_, _eas_, _ôs_, and _aus_, as the final vowel of the word may require. thus, _ojibwai_, a chippewa, becomes _ojibw-ais_, a little chippewa: _inin´i_, a man, _inin-ees_, a little man: _amik_, a beaver, _amik-ôs_, a young beaver: _ogimâ_, a chief, _ogim-âs_, a little chief, or a chief of little authority. further examples may be added. simple form. diminutive form. --ais. a woman eekwâ eekwâz-ais. a partridge pinâ pin-ais. a woodcock mâimâi mâim-ais. an island minnis minnis-ais. a grape shômin shômin-ais. a knife môkoman môkoman-ais. --ees. a stone ossin ossin-ees. a river seebi seeb-ees. a pigeon omimi omim-ees. a bison pizhiki pizhik-ees. a potato opin opin-ees. a bird pinâisi pinâish-ees. --ôs. a moose môz môz-ôs. an otter nigik nigik-ôs. a reindeer addik addik-ôs. an elk mushkôs mushkôs-ôs. a hare wâbôs wâbôs-ôs. a box mukuk mukuk-ôs. --aus. a bass ogâ og-âs. a medal shôniâ shôni-âs. a bowl onâgun onâg-âns. a bed nibâgun nibâg-aûns. a gun pâshkizzigun pâshkizzig-âns. a house wakyigun wakyig-âns. in the last four examples, the letter _n_, of the diminutive, retains its full sound. the use of diminutives has a tendency to give conciseness to the language. as far as they can be employed they supersede the use of adjectives, or prevent the repetition of them. and they enable the speaker to give a turn to the expression, which is often very successfully employed in producing ridicule or contempt. when applied to the tribes of animals, or to inorganic objects, their meaning, however, is, very nearly, limited to an inferiority in size or age. thus, in the above examples, _pizhik-ees_, signifies a calf; _omim-ees_, a young pigeon; and _ossin-ees_, a pebble, &c. but _inin-ees_, and _ogim-âs_, are connected with the idea of mental or conventional as well as bodily inferiority. . i saw a little chief, standing upon a small island, with an inferior medal abouthis neck. ogimâs n'gi wâbumâ nibowid minnisainsing onâbikowân shoniâsun. . yamoyden threw at a young pigeon. ogi pukkitaiwun omimeesun yamoyden. . a buffalo calf stood in a small stream. pizhikees ki nibowi sibeesing. . the little man fired at a young moose. ininees ogi pâshkizwân môzôsun. . several diminutive-looking bass were lying in a small bowl, upon a small table. addôpowinaising attai onâgâns abbiwâd ogâsug. some of these sentences afford instances of the use, at the same time, of both the local and diminutive inflections. thus, the word _minnisainsing_, signifies literally, "in the little island;" _seebees-ing_, "in the little stream;" _addôpowinais ing_, "on the small table." . the preceding forms are not the only ones by which adjective qualities are conferred upon the substantive. the syllable _ish_, when added to a noun, indicates a bad or dreaded quality, or conveys the idea of imperfection or decay. the sound of this inflection is sometimes changed to _eesh_, _oosh_, or _aush_. thus, _chimân_, a canoe, becomes _chimânish_, a bad canoe; _ekwai_, a woman, _ekwaiwish_, a bad woman; _nibi_, water, becomes _nibeesh_, turbid or strong water; _mittig_, a tree, becomes _mittigoosh_, a decayed tree; _akkik_, a kettle, _akkikoosh_, a worn-out kettle. by a further change, _wibid_, a tooth, becomes _wibidâsh_, a decayed or aching tooth, &c. throughout these changes the final sound of _sh_ is retained, so that this sound alone, at the end of a word, is indicative of a faulty quality. in a language in which the expressions _bad-dog_ and _faint-heart_ are the superlative terms of reproach, and in which there are few words to indicate the modifications between positively good and positively bad, it must appear evident that adjective inflections of this kind must be convenient, and sometimes necessary modes of expression. they furnish a means of conveying censure and dislike, which, though often mild, is sometimes severe. thus, if one person has had occasion to refuse the offered hand of another--for it must be borne in mind that the indians are a hand-shaking people as well as the europeans--the implacable party has it at his option, in referring to the circumstance, to use the adjective form of hand, not _onindj_, but _oninjeesh_, which would be deemed contemptuous in a high degree. so, also, instead of _odâwai winini_, a trader, or man who sells, the word may be changed to _odâwai winini_wish, implying a bad or dishonest trader. it is seldom that a more pointed or positive mode of expressing personal disapprobation or dislike is required; for, generally speaking, more is implied by these modes than is actually expressed. the following examples are drawn from the inorganic as well as organic creation, embracing the two classes of nouns, that the operation of these forms may be fully perceived. simple form. adjective form. --ish. a bowl onâgun onâgun-ish. a house wakyigun wakyigun-ish. a pipe opwâgun opwâgun-ish. a boy kweewizais kweewizais-ish. a man inini ininiw-ish. --eesh. water neebi neeb-ish. a stone ossin ossin-eesh. a potato opin opin-eesh. a fly ojee oj-eesh. a bow mittigwâb mittigwâb-eesh. --oosh. an otter neegik neegik-oosh. a beaver ahmik ahmik-oosh. a reindeer addik addik-oosh. a kettle akkeek akkeek-oosh. an axe wagâkwut wagâkwut-oosh. --aush. a foot ozid ozid-âsh. an arm onik onik-âsh. an ear otowug otowug-âsh. a hoof wunnussid wunnussid-âsh. a rush mat appukwa appukw-âsh. these forms cannot be said, strictly, to be without analogy in the english, in which the limited number of words terminating in _ish_, as saltish, blackish, furnish a correspondence in sound with the first adjective form. it may subserve the purposes of generalization to add, as the result of the foregoing inquiries, that substantives have a diminutive form, made in _ais_, _ees_, _ôs_, or _âs_; a derogative form, made in _ish_, _eesh_, _oosh_, or _âsh_; and a local form, made in _aing_, _eeng_, _ing_, or _oong_. by a principle of accretion, the second or third may be added to the first form, and the third to the second. example. serpent, s. kinai´bik. ---- s. diminutive. ----ôns, implying little serpent. ---- s. derogative. ----ish, " bad serpent. ---- s. local. ----ing, " in (the) serpent. ---- s. dim. and der. ----ônsish, " little bad serpent. ---- s. dim. and lo. ----ônsing, " in (the) little serpent. ---- s. dim. der. and lo. ----ônsishing, " in (the) little bad serpent. . more attention has, perhaps, been bestowed upon these points than their importance demanded; but, in giving anything like a comprehensive sketch of the substantive, they could not be omitted; and, if mentioned at all, it became necessary to pursue them through their various changes and limitations. another reason has presented itself. in treating of an unwritten language, of which others are to judge chiefly from examples, it appeared desirable that the positions advanced should be accompanied by the data upon which they respectively rest--at least, by so much of the data employed as to enable philologists to appreciate the justice or detect the fallacy of our conclusions. to the few who take any interest in the subject at all, minuteness will not seem tedious, and the examples will be regarded with deep interest. as much of our time as we have already devoted to these lesser points of inquiry, it will be necessary, at this place, to point out other inflections and modifications of the substantive, to clear it from obscurities, that we may go into the discussion of the other parts of speech unincumbered. of these remaining forms, none is more interesting than that which enables the speaker, by a simple inflection, to denote that the individual named has ceased to exist. this delicate mode of conveying melancholy intelligence, or alluding to the dead, is effected by placing the object in the past tense. aiekid-ôpun aieko garrangula-bun. so the deceased garrangula spoke. the syllable _bun_, in this sentence, added to the noun, and _ôpun_ added to the verb, place both in the past tense. and, although the death of the indian orator is not mentioned, that fact would be invariably inferred. names which do not terminate in a vowel sound, require a vowel prefixed to the tensal inflection, rendering it _ôbun_ or _ebun_. inanimate as well as animate nouns take these inflections. present. past form. tecumseh, tecumsi-bun. tammany, tamani-bun. skenandoah, skenandoa-bun. nôs (my father), nos-êbun. pontiac, pontiac-ibun. waub ojeeg, waub ojeeg-ibun. tarhe, tarhi-bun. mittig (a tree), mittig-ôbun. akkik (a kettle), akkik-ôbun. môz (a moose), môz-ôbun. by prefixing the particle _tah_ to these words, and changing the inflection of the animate nouns to _iwi_, and the inanimates to _iwun_, they are rendered future. thus, _tah pontiac-iwi_; _tah mittig-iwun_, &c. the names for the seasons only come under the operation of these rules, when the year before the last, or the year after the next, is referred to. the last and the ensuing season are indicated as follows:-- present. last. next. spring, seegwun, seegwun-oong, seegwung. summer, neebin, neebin-oong, neebing. autumn, tahgwâgi, tahgwâg-oong, tahgwâgig. winter, peebôn, peebôn-oong, peebông. i spent last winter in hunting. ning´i nunda-wainjigai peebônoong. i shall go to detroit next spring. ninjah izhâ wâwiâ´tunong seegwung. . _sexual nouns.--_the mode of indicating the masculine and feminine having been omitted in the preceding inquiry, as not being essential to any concordance with the verb or adjective, is, nevertheless, connected with a striking peculiarity of the language--the exclusive use of certain words by one or the other sex. after having appeared to the founders of the language a distinction not necessary to be engrafted in the syntax, there are yet a limited number of words to which the idea of sex so strongly attaches, that it would be deemed the height of impropriety in a female to use the masculine, and in a male to use the feminine expressions. of this nature are the words _neeji_ and _nindongwai_, both signifying my friend, but the former is appropriated to males and the latter to females. a chippewa cannot, therefore, say to a female, my friend; nor a chippewa woman to a male, my friend. such an interchange of the terms would imply arrogance or indelicacy. nearly the whole of their interjections--and they are numerous--are also thus exclusively appropriated; and no greater breach of propriety in speech could be committed, than a woman's uttering the masculine exclamation of surprise, _tyâ!_ or a man's descending to the corresponding female interjection, _n'yâ!_ the word _neenimoshai_, my cousin, on the contrary, can only be applied, like husband and wife, by a male to a female, or a female to a male. if a male wishes to express this relation of a male, the term is _neetowis_; and the corresponding female term _neendongwooshai_. the terms for uncle and aunt are also of a twofold character, though not restricted like the preceding in their use. _neemishomai_, is my uncle by the father's side; _neezhishai_, my uncle by the mother's side. _neezigwoos_, is my paternal aunt; _neewishai_, my maternal aunt. there are also exclusive words to designate elder brother and younger brother; but, what would not be expected after the fore going examples, they are indiscriminately applied to younger brothers and sisters. _neesgai_, is my elder brother, and _neemissai_, my elder sister. _neeshemai_, my younger brother or younger sister, and may be applied to any brother or sister except the eldest. the number of words to which the idea of sex is attached, in the usual acceptation, is limited. the following may be enumerated. masculine. feminine. inin´i, a man. ekwai´, a woman. kwee´wizais, a boy. ekwa´zais, a girl. oskinahwai, a young man. oskineegakwai, a young woman. akiwaizi, an old man. mindimô´ed, an old woman. nôsai, my father. nin gah, my mother. ningwisis, my son. nin dânis, my daughter. ni ningwun, my son-in-law. nis sim, my daughter-in-law. masculine. feminine. ni nâbaim, my husband. nimindimôimish, my wife. nimieshomiss, my grandfather. nôkômiss, my grandmother. ogimâ, a chief. ogemâkwâ, a chiefess. addik, a reindeer. neetshâni, a doe. annimoosh, a dog. kiskisshâi, a bitch. the sex of the brute creation is most commonly denoted by prefixing the words _iâbai_, male, and _nôzhai_, female. . _reciprocal changes of the noun._--the pronominal particles with which verbs as well as substantives are generally encumbered, and the habit of using them in particular and restricted senses, leave but little occasion for the employment of either the present or past infinitive. most verbs are transitives. a chippewa does not say i love, without indicating, by an inflection of the verb, the object beloved: and thus the expression is constantly, i love him, or her, &c. neither does the infinitive appear to be generally the ultimate form of the verb. in changing their nouns into verbs, it will not, therefore, be expected that the change should uniformly result in the infinitive, for which there is so little use, but in such of the personal forms of the various moods as circumstances may require. most commonly, the third person singular of the indicative, and the second person singular of the imperative, are the simplest aspects under which the verb appears; and hence these forms have been sometimes mistaken for, and reported as the present infinitive. there are some instances in which the infinitive is employed. thus, although an indian cannot say i love, thou lovest, &c., without employing the objective forms of the verb to love, yet he can say i laugh, i cry, &c.; expressions in which, the action being confined to the speaker himself, there is no transition demanded. and in all similar instances the present infinitive, with the proper pronoun prefixed, is employed. there are several modes of transforming a substantive into a verb. the following examples will supply the rules, so far as known, which govern these changes:-- indicative. imperative. chimân, a canoe. chimai, he paddles. chimain, paddle thou. pashkizzigun, a gun. pashkizzigai, he fires. pashkizzigain, fire thou. jeesidyigun, a broom. jeesidyigai, he sweeps. jeesidyigain, sweep thou. weedjeeagun, a helper. weedôkagai, he helps. weedjeei-wain, help thou. ojibwâi, a chippewa. ojibwâmoo, he speaks ojibwâmoon, speak thou chippewa. chippewa. another class of nouns is converted into the first person, indicative, of a pseudo-declarative verb, in the following manner:-- monido, a spirit. ne monidôw, i (am) a spirit. wassaiâ, light. ne wassaiâw, i (am) light. ishkodai, fire. nin dishkodaiw, i (am) fire. weendigô, a monster. ni weendigôw, i (am) a monster. addik, a deer. nin daddikoow, i (am) a deer. wakyigun, a house. ni wakyiguniw, i (am) a house. pinggwi, dust, ashes. nim binggwiw, i (am) dust, &c. the word _am_, included in parenthesis, is not in the original, unless we may suppose the terminals _ow_, _aw_, _iw_, _oow_, to be derivatives from _iaw_. these changes are reciprocated by the verb, which, as often as occasion requires, is made to put on a substantive form. the particle _win_, added to the indicative of the verb, converts it into a substantive. thus-- keegido, he speaks. keegidowin, speech. pâshkizzigai, he fires. pashkizzigaiwin, ammunition. agindasoo, he counts. agindasoowin, numbers. wahyiâzhinggai, he cheats. wahyiâzhinggaiwin, fraud. minnikwâi, he drinks. minnikwâiwin, drink. kubbâshi, he encamps. kubbâishiwin, an encampment. meegâzoo, he fights. meegâzoowin, a fight. ojeengai, he kisses. ojeendiwin, a kiss. annôki, he works. annôkiwta, work. pâpi, he laughs. pâpiwin, laughter. pimâdizzi, he lives. pimâdoiziwin, life. onwâibi, he rests. onwâibiwin, rest. annamiâ, he prays. annamiâwin, prayer. nibâ, he sleeps. nibâwin, sleep. odâwai, he trades. odâwaiwin, trade. adjectives are likewise thus turned into substantives:-- keezhaiwâdizzi, he generous. keezhaiwâdizziwin, generosity. minwaindum, he happy. minwaindumowin, happiness. keezhaizeâwizzi, he industrious. keezhaizhâwizziwin, industry. kittimâgizzi, he poor. kittimâgizziwin, poverty. aukkoossi, he sick. aukkoossiwin, sickness. kittimishki, he lazy. kittimishkiwin, laziness. nishkâdizzi, he angry. nishkâdizziwin, anger. baikâdizzi, she chaste. baikâdizziwin, chastity. in order to place the substantives thus formed in the third person, corresponding with the indicative from which they were changed, it is necessary only to prefix the proper pronoun. thus, _ogeezhaiwâdizziwin_, his generosity, &c. . _compound substantives._--the preceding examples have been given promiscuously from the various classes of words, primitive and derivative, simple and compound. some of these words express but a single idea, as, _ôs_, father--_gah_, mother--_môz_, a moose--_kâg_, a porcupine--_mang_, a loon--and appear to be incapable of further division. all such words may be considered as primitives, although some of them may be contractions of dissyllabic words. there are also a number of dissyllables, and _possibly_ some trisyllables, which, in the present state of our analytical knowledge of the language, may be deemed both simple and primitive. such are _neebi_, water; _ossin_, a stone; _geezis_, the sun; _nodin_, wind. but it may be premised, as a principle which our investigations have rendered probable, that all polysyllabic words, all words of three syllables, _so far as examined_, and most words of two syllables, are compounds. the application of a syntax, formed with a view to facilitate the rapid conveyance of ideas by consolidation, may, it is presumable, have early led to the coalescence of words, by which all the relations of object and action, time and person, were expressed. and in a language which is only spoken, and not written, the primitives would soon become obscured and lost in the multiform appendages of time and person, and the recondite connection of actor and object. and this process of amalgamation would be a progressive one. the terms that sufficed in the condition of the simplest state of nature, or in a given latitude, would vary with their varying habits, institutions, and migrations. the introduction of new objects and new ideas would require the invention of new words, or what is much more probable, existing terms would be modified or compounded to suit the occasion. no one who has paid much attention to the subject, can have escaped noticing a confirmation of this opinion, in the extreme readiness of our western indians to bestow, on the instant, names, and appropriate names--to any new object presented to them. a readiness not attributable to their having at command a stock of generic polysyllables--for these it would be very awkward to wield--but, as appears more probable, to the powers of the syntax, which permits the resolution of new compounds from existing roots, and often concentrates, as remarked in another place, the entire sense of the parent words, upon a single syllable, and sometimes upon a single letter. thus it is evident that the chippewas possessed names for a living tree, _mittig_, and a string, _aiâb_, before they named the bow _mittigwâb_--the latter being compounded under one of the simplest rules from the two former. it is further manifest that they had named earth _akki_, and (any solid, stony, or metallic mass) _âbik_, before they bestowed an appellation upon the kettle, _akkeek_, or _akkik_, the latter being derivatives from the former. in process of time these compounds became the bases of other compounds, and thus the language became loaded with double, and triple, and quadruple compounds, concrete in their meaning and formal in their utterance. when the introduction of metals took place, it became necessary to distinguish the clay from the iron pot, and the iron from the copper kettle. the original compound, _akkeek_, retained its first meaning, admitting the adjective noun _piwâbik_ (itself a compound) iron, when applied to a vessel of that kind, _piwâbik akkeek_, iron kettle. but a new combination took place to designate the copper kettle, _mishwâkeek_, red metal kettle; and another expression to denote the brass kettle, _ozawâbik akkeek_, yellow metal kettle. the former is made up from _miskôwâbik_, copper (literally _red-metal_--from _miskwâ_, red, and _âbik_, the generic above mentioned), and _akkeek_, kettle. _ozawâbik_, brass, is from _ozawâ_, yellow, and the generic _âbik_--the term _akkeek_ being added in its separate form. it may, however, be used in its connected form of _wukkeek_, making the compound expression _ozawâbik wukkeek_. in naming the horse _paibâizhikôgazhi, i. e._ the animal with solid hoofs, they have seized upon the feature which most strikingly distinguished the horse from the cleft-footed animals, which were the only species known to them at the period of the discovery. and the word itself affords an example, at once, both of their powers of concentration, and brief, yet accurate description, which it may be worth while to analyze. _paizhik_ is one, and is also used as the indefinite article--the only article the language possesses. this word is further used in an adjective sense, figura-tively indicating, united, solid, undivided. and it acquires a plural signification by doubling, or repeating the first syllable, with a slight variation of the second. thus, _pai-baizhik_ denotes not _one_, or _an_, but several; and when thus used in the context, renders the noun governed plural. _oskuzh_ is the nail, claw, or horny part of the foot of beasts, and supplies the first substantive member of the compound _gauzh_. the final vowel is from _ahwaisi_, a beast; and the marked _o_, an inseparable connective, the office of which is to make the two members coalesce, and harmonize. the expression thus formed becomes a substantive, specific in its application. it may be rendered plural like the primitive nouns, may be converted into a verb, has its diminutive, derogative, and local form, and, in short, is subject to all the modifications of other substantives. most of the modern nouns are of this complex character. and they appear to have been invented to designate objects, many of which were necessarily unknown to the indians in the primitive ages of their existence. others, like their names for a copper-kettle and a horse, above mentioned, can date their origin further back than the period of the discovery. of this number of nascent words, are most of their names for those distilled or artificial liquors, for which they are indebted to europeans. their name for water, _neebi_, for the fat of animals, _weenin_, for oil or grease, _pimmidai_, for broth, _nâbôb_, and for blood, _miskwi_, belong to a very remote era, although all but the first appear to be compounds. their names for the tinctures or extracts derived from the forest, and used as dyes, or medicines, or merely as agreeable drinks, are mostly founded upon the basis of the word _âbo_, a liquid, although this word is never used alone. thus-- shomin-âbo, wine, from shomin, a grape, âbo, a liquor. ishkôdâi-wâbo, spirits, from ishkôdâi, fire, &c. mishimin-âbo, cider, from mishimin, an apple, &c. tôtôsh-âbo, milk, from tôtôsh, the female breast, &c. sheew-âbo, vinegar, from sheewun, sour, &c. annibeesh-âbo, from annibeeshun, leaves, &c. ozhibiegun-aubo, from ozhibiêgai, he writes, &c. in like manner their names for the various implements and utensils of civilized life, are based upon the word _jeegun_, one of those primitives, which, although never disjunctively used, denotes, in its modified forms, the various senses implied by our words instrument, contrivance, machine, &c. and by prefixing to this generic a substantive, verb, or adjective, or parts of one or each, an entire new class of words is formed. in these combinations, the vowels e and o are sometimes used as connectives. keeshkeebô-jeegun, a saw, from keeshkeezhun, v. a. to cut. seeseebô-jeegun, a file, from seesee, to rub off, &c. wassakoonen-jeegun, a candle, from wassakooda, bright, biskoona, flame, &c. beeseebô-jeegun, a coffee-mill, from beesâ, fine grains, &c. minnikwâd-jeegun, a drinking-vessel, from minnekwâi, he drinks, &c. tâshkeebôd-jeegun, a saw-mill, from taushkâ, to split, &c. mudwâiabeed-jeegun, a violin, from mudwâwâi, sound, âiâb, a string, &c. sometimes this termination is shortened into _gun_, as in the following instances:-- onâ-gun, a dish. tikkina-gun, a cradle. neeba-gun, a bed. puddukkyi-gun, a fork. puggimmâ-gun, a war-club. opwâ-gun, a pipe. wassâitshie-gun, a window. wakkyi-gun, a house. pôdahwâ-gun, a fire-place. sheema-gun, a lance. another class of derivatives is formed from _wyân_, indicating, generally, an undressed skin. thus-- muk-wyân, a bear skin, from mukwah, a bear, and wyaun, a skin. wazhusk-wyân, a muskrat skin, from wazhusk, a muskrat, &c. wabôs-wyân, a rabbit skin, from wabôs, a rabbit, &c. neegik-wyân, an otter skin, from neegih, an otter, &c. ojeegi-wyân, a fisher skin, from ojeeg, a fisher, &c. wabizhais-ewyân, a martin skin, from wabizhais, a martin, &c. _wâbiwyân_, a blanket, and _bubbuggiwyân_, a shirt, are also formed from this root. as the termination _wyân_, is chiefly restricted to undressed skins, or peltries, that of _waigin_ is, in like manner, generally applied to dressed skins or to cloths. thus-- monido-waigin, blue cloth, shrouds, from monido, spirits, &c. misk-waigin, red cloth, from miskwâ, red, &c. nondâ-waigin, scarlet. peezhiki-waigin, a buffalo robe, from peezhiki, a buffalo, &c. addik-waigin, a cariboo skin, from addik, a cariboo, &c. ozhauwushk-waigin, green cloth, from ozhâwushkwâ, green. an interesting class of substantives is derived from the third person singular of the present indicative of the verb, by changing the vowel sound of the first syllable, and adding the letter d to that of the last, making the terminations in _aid_, _âd_, _eed_, _id_, _ood_. thus, _pimmoossâ_, he walks, becomes _pâmmoossâd_, a walker. aid. munnissai, he chops. mânissaid, a chopper. ozhibeigai, he writes. wâzhibeigaid, a writer. nundowainjeegai, he hunts. nândowainjeegaid, a hunter. âd. neebâ, he sleeps. nâbâd, a sleeper. kwâbahwâ, he fishes (with kwyâbahwâd, a fisher (with scoop net). scoop net). puggidowâ, he fishes (with pâgidowâd, a fisher (with seine). seine). eed. annokee, he works. anokeed, a worker. jeessakea, he juggles. jossakeed, a juggler. munnigobee, he pulls bark. mainigobeed, a bark puller. id. neemi, he dances. nâmid, a dancer. weesinni, he eats. wâssinid, an eater. pimâdizzi, he lives. paimaudizzid, a living being. ood. nugamoo, he sings. naigumood, a singer. keegido, he speaks. kâgidood, a speaker. keewonimoo, he lies. kâwunimood, a liar. this class of words is rendered plural in _ig_--a termination, which, after _d_ final in the singular, has a soft pronunciation, as if written _jig_. thus, _nâmid_, a dancer, _nâmidjig_, dancers. the derogative form is given to these generic substantives by introducing _ish_, or simply _sh_, in place of the _d_, and changing the latter to _kid_, making the terminations in _ai_, _aishkid_, in _â_, _âshkid_, in _e_, _eeshkid_, in _i_, _ishkid_, and in _oo_, _ooshkid_. thus, _naindowainjeegaid_, a hunter, is changed to _naindowainjeegaishkid_, a bad or unprofitable hunter. _naibâd_, a sleeper, is changed to _naibâshkid_, a sluggard. _jossakeed_, a juggler, to _jossakeeshkid_, a vicious juggler. _wâsinnid_, an eater, to _wâssinishkid_, a gormandizer. _kâgidood_, a speaker, _kâgidooshkid_, a babbler. and in these cases the plural is added to the last educed form, making _kâgidooshkidjig_, babblers, &c. the word _nittâ_, on the contrary, prefixed to those expressions, renders them complimentary. for instance, _nittâ naigumood_, is a fine singer, _nittâ kâgidood_, a ready speaker, &c. flexible as the substantive has been shown to be, there are other forms of combination that have not been adverted to--forms, by which it is made to coalesce with the verb, the adjective, and the preposition, producing a numerous class of compound expressions. but it is deemed most proper to defer the discussion of these forms to their several appropriate heads. enough has been exhibited to demonstrate its prominent grammatical rules. it is not only apparent that the substantive possesses number and gender, but it also undergoes peculiar modifications to express locality and diminution, to denote adjective qualities and to indicate tense. it exhibits some curious traits connected with the mode of denoting the masculine and feminine. it is modified to express person and to distinguish living from inanimate masses. it is rendered possessive by a peculiar inflection, and provides particles, under the shape either of prefixes or suffixes, separable or inseparable, by which the actor is distinguished from the object--and all this, without changing its proper substantive character, without putting on the aspect of a pseudo adjective, or a pseudo verb. its changes to produce compounds are, however, its most interesting, its most characteristic trait. syllable is heaped upon syllable, word upon word, and derivative upon derivative, until its vocabulary is crowded with long and pompous phrases, most formidable to the eye. so completely transpositive do the words appear, that like chessmen on a board, their elementary syllables can be changed at the will of the player, to form new combinations to meet new contingencies, so long as they are changed in accordance with certain general principles and conventional rules; in the application of which, however, much depends upon the will or the skill of the player. what is most surprising, all these changes and combinations, all these qualifications of the object, and distinctions of the person, the time, and the place, do not supersede the use of adjectives, and pronouns, and verbs, and other parts of speech woven into the texture of the noun, in their elementary and conjunctive forms. iii. _principles governing the use of the odjibwa noun-adjective._ inquiry . observations on the adjective--its distinction into two classes denoted by the presence or absence of vitality--examples of the animates and inanimates--mode of their conversion into substantives--how pronouns are applied to these derivatives, and the manner of forming compound terms from adjective bases to describe the various natural phenomena--the application of these principles in common conversation, and in the description of natural and artificial objects--adjectives always preserve the distinction of number--numerals--arithmetical capacity of the language--the unit exists in duplicate. . it has been remarked that the distinction of words into animates and inanimates, is a principle intimately interwoven throughout the structure of the language. it is, in fact, so deeply imprinted upon its grammatical forms, and is so perpetually recurring, that it may be looked upon, not only as forming a striking peculiarity of the language, but as constituting the fundamental principle of its structure, from which all other rules have derived their limits, and to which they have been made to conform. no class of words appears to have escaped its impress. whatever concords other laws impose, they all agree, and are made subservient in the establishment of this. it might appear to be a useless distinction in the adjective, when the substantive is thus marked; but it will be recollected that it is in the plural of the substantive only that the distinction is marked; and we shall, presently have occasion to show that redundancy of forms is, to considerable extent, obviated in practice. for the origin of the principle itself, we need look only to nature, which endows animate bodies with animate properties and qualities, and _vice versâ_. but it is due to the tribes who speak this language, to have invented one set of adjective symbols to express the ideas peculiarly appropriate to the former, and another set applicable exclusively to the latter; and to have given the words good and bad, black and white, great and small, handsome and ugly, such modifications as are practically competent to indicate the general nature of the objects referred to, whether provided with, or destitute of, the vital principle. and not only so, but, by the figurative use of these forms, to exalt inanimate masses into the class of living beings, or to strip the latter of its properties of life--a principle of much importance to their public speakers. this distinction is shown in the following examples, in which it will be observed that the inflection _izzi_ generally denotes the personal, and _au_, _un_, or _wud_, the impersonal forms. adj. inanimate. adj. animate. bad, monaudud, monaudizzi. ugly, gushkoonaugwud, gushkoonaugoozzi. beautiful, bishegaindaugwud, bisheguindaugoozzi. strong, söngun, söngizzi. soft, nökun, nökizzi. hard, mushkowau, mushkowizzi. smooth, shoiskwau, shoiskoozzi. black, mukkuddäwau, mukkuddäwizzi. white, waubishkau, waubishkizzi. yellow, ozahwau, ozahwizzi. red, miskwau, miskwizzi. blue, ozhahwushkwau, ozhahwushkwizzi. sour, sheewun, sheewizzi. sweet, weeshköbun, weeshköbizzi. light, naugun, naungizzi. it is not, however, in all cases, by mere modifications of the adjective that these distinctions are expressed. words totally different in sound, and evidently derived from radically different roots, are, in some few instances, employed; as in the following examples:-- adj. inanimate. adj. animate. good, onisheshin, minno. bad, monaudud, mudjee. large, mitshau, mindiddo. small, pungee, uggaushe. old, geekau, gitizzi. it may be remarked of these forms, that, although the impersonal will, in some instances, take the personal inflections, the rule is not reciprocated, and _minno_, and _mindiddo_, and _gitizzi_, and all words similarly situated, remain unchangeably animates. the word _pungee_ is limited to the expression of quantity, and its correspondent, _uggaushi_, to size or quality. _kishedä_ (hot) is restricted to the heat of a fire; _keezhautä_, to the heat of the sun. there is still a third term to indicate the natural heat of the body; _kizzizoo_. _mitshau_ (large) is generally applied to countries, lakes, rivers, &c.; _mindiddo_, to the body; and _gitshee_, indiscriminately. _onishishin_, and its correspondent, _onishishshä_, signify handsome or fair, as well as good. _kwonaudy_, a. a., and _kwonaudyewun_, a. i., mean, strictly, handsome, and imply nothing further. _minno_ is the appropriate personal form for good. _mudjee_ and _monaudud_ may reciprocally change genders, the first by the addition of _iee_, and the second by altering _ud_ to _izzi_. distinctions of this kind are of considerable importance in a practical point of view, and their observance or neglect is noticed with scrupulous exactness by the indians. the want of inanimate forms to such words as happy, sorrowful, brave, sick, &c., creates no confusion, as inanimate nouns cannot, strictly speaking, take upon themselves such qualities; and when they do--as they sometimes do--by one of those extravagant figures of speech which are used in their tales of transformations, the animate form answers all purposes; for in these tales the whole material creation may be clothed with animation. the rule, as exhibited in practice, is limited, with sufficient accuracy, to the boundaries prescribed by nature. to avoid a repetition of forms, were the noun and the adjective both to be employed in their usual relation, the latter is endowed with a pronominal or substantive inflection; and the use of the noun in its separate form is thus wholly superseded. thus, _onishishin_, a. i., and _onishishsha_, a. a., become _wänishishing_, "that which is good or fair," and _wänishishid_, "he who is good or fair." the following examples will exhibit this rule under each of its forms:-- compound or noun-adjective animate. black, mukkuddawizzi, mäkuddäwizzid. white, waubishkizzi, wyaubishkizzid. yellow, ozahwizzi, wäzauwizzid. red, miskwizzi, mäskoozzid. strong, söngizzi, swöngizzid. noun-adjective inanimate. black, mukkuddäwau, mäkuddäwaug. white, waubishkau, wyaubishkaug. yellow, ozahwau, wäzhauwaug. red, miskwau, maiskwaug. the animate forms, in these examples, will be recognized as exhibiting a further extension of the rule, mentioned in the preceding inquiry, by which substantives are formed from the indicative of the verb by a permutation of the vowels; and these forms are likewise rendered plural in the manner there mentioned. they also undergo changes to indicate the various persons. for instance, _onishisha_ is thus declined to mark the person:-- wänishish-eyaun, i (am) good or fair. wänishish-eyun, thou (art) good or fair. wänishish-id, he (is) good or fair. wänishish-eyaung, we (are) good or fair. (ex.) wänishish-eyung, we (are) good or fair. (in.) wänishish-eyaig, ye (are) good or fair. wänishish-idjig, they (are) good or fair. the inanimate forms, being without person, are simply rendered plural by _in_, changing _maiskwaug_ to _maiskwaug-in_, &c. &c. the verbal signification which these forms assume, as indicated in the words am, art, is, are, is to be sought in the permutative change of the first syllable. thus, _o_ is changed to _wä_, _muk_ to _mäk_, _waub_ to _wy-aub_, _ozau_ to _wäzau_, _misk_ to _maisk_, &c. the pronoun, as is usual in the double compounds, is formed wholly by the inflections _eyaun_, _eyun_, &c. the strong tendency of the adjective to assume a personal or pronomico-substantive form, leads to the employment of many words in a particular or exclusive sense; and, in any future practical attempts with the language, it will be found greatly to facilitate its acquisition, if the adjectives are arranged in distinct classes, separated by this characteristic principle of their application. the examples we have given are chiefly those which may be considered strictly animate or inanimate, admit of double forms, and are of general use. many of the examples recorded in the original manuscripts employed in these inquiries, are of a more concrete character, and, at the same time, a more limited use. thus, _shaugwewe_ is a weak person; _nökaugumme_, a weak drink; _nökaugwud_, a weak or soft piece of wood. _sussägau_ is fine, but can only be applied to personal appearance; _beesau_, indicates fine grains. _keewushkwä_ is giddy, and _keewushkwäbee_, giddy with drink--both being restricted to the third person. _söngun_ and _songizzi_ are the personal and impersonal forms of strong, as given above, but _mushkowaugumme_ is strong drink. in like manner, the two words for hard, as above, are restricted to solid substances. _sunnuhgud_ is hard (to endure). _waindud_ is easy (to perform). _söngodää_ is brave; _shaugedää_, cowardly; _keezhinghowizzi_, active; _kizheekau_, swift; _onaunegoozzi_, lively; _minwaindum_, happy; _gushkaindum_, sorrowful; but all these forms are confined to the third person of the indicative, singular. _pibbigwun_ is a rough or knotted substance; _pubbiggozzi_, a rough person. _keenwau_ is long or tall (any solid mass). _kaynozid_ is a tall person. _tahkozid_ a short person. _wassayau_ is light; _wassaubizzoo_, the light of the eye; _wasshauzhä_, the light of a star or any luminous body. _keenau_ is sharp; _keenaubikud_, a sharp knife or stone. _keezhaubikeday_ is hot metal, a hot stove, &c. _keezhaugummeday_ is hot water. _uubudgeetön_ is useful, a useful thing. _wauweeug_ is frivolous, anything frivolous in word or deed. _tubbushish_ appears to be a general term for low. _ishpimming_ is high in the air. _ishpau_ is applied to any high fixture, as a house, &c. _ishpaubikau_ is a high rock. _taushkaubikau_, a split rock. these combinations and limitations meet the inquirer at every step; they are the current phrases of the language; they present short, ready, and often beautiful modes of expression; and, as they shed light both upon the idiom and genius of the language, i shall not scruple to add further examples and illustrations. ask a chippewa the name for a rock, and he will answer _awzhebik_. the generic import of _awbik_ has been explained. ask him the name for red rock, and he will answer _miskwaubik_; for white rock, and he will answer _waubaubik_; for black rock, _mukkuddäwaubik_; for yellow rock, _ozahwaubik_; for green rock, _ozhahwushkwaubik_; for bright rock, _wassayaubik_; for smooth rock, _shoishkwaubik_, &c.--compounds in which the words red, white, black, yellow, &c., unite with _aubik_. pursue this inquiry, and the following forms will be elicited:-- impersonal. miskwaubik-ud, it (is) a red rock. waububik-ud, it (is) a white rock. mukkudäwaubik-ud, it (is) a black rock. ozahwaubik-ud, it (is) a yellow rock. wassayaubik-ud, it (is) a bright rock. shoiskwaubik-ud, it (is) a smooth rock. personal. miskwaubik-izzi, he (is) a red rock. waububik-izzi, he (is) a white rock. mukkudäwaubik-izzi, he (is) a black rock. ozahwaubik-izzi, he (is) a yellow rock. wassayaubik-izzi, he (is) a bright rock. shoiskwaubik-izzi, he (is) a smooth rock. add _bun_ to these terms, and they are made to have passed away; prefix _tah_ to them, and their future appearance is indicated. the word "is" in the translations, although marked with parentheses, is not deemed wholly gratuitous. there is, strictly speaking, an idea of existence given to these compounds, by the particle _au_, in _aubic_, which seems to be indirectly a derivative from that great and fundamental root of the language _iau_. _bik_ is apparently the radix of the expression for "rock." let this mode of interrogation be continued, and extended to other adjectives, or the same adjectives applied to other objects, and results equally regular and numerous will be obtained. _minnis_, we shall be told is an island; _miskominnis_, a red island; _mukkuddäminnis_, a black island; _waubeminnis_, a white island, &c. _annokwut_, is a cloud; _miskwaunakwut_, a red cloud; _mukkuddawukwut_, a black cloud; _waubahnokwut_, a white cloud; _ozahwushkwahnakwut_, a blue cloud, &c. _neebe_ is the specific term for water; but is not generally used in combination with the adjective. the word _guma_, like _aubo_, appears to be a generic term for water, or potable liquids. hence, the following terms:-- gitshee, great. gitshiguma, great water. nokun, weak. nökauguma, weak drink. mushkowau, strong. mushkowauguma, strong drink. weeshkobun, sweet. weeshkobauguma, sweet drink. sheewun, sour. sheewauguma, sour drink. weesugun, bitter. weesugauguma, bitter drink. minno, good. minwauguma, good drink. monaudud, bad. mahnauguma, bad drink. miskwau, red. miskwauguma, red drink. ozahwau, yellow. ozahwauguma, yellow drink. weenun, dirty. weenauguma, dirty water. peenud, clean. peenauguma, clean water. from _minno_, and from _monaudud_, good and bad, are derived the following terms: _minnopogwud_, it tastes well; _minnopogoozzi_, he tastes well; _mawzhepogwud_, it tastes bad; _mawzhepogoozzi_, he tastes bad. _minnomaugwud_, it smells good; _minnomaugoozzi_, he smells good;_ mauzhemaugud_, it smells bad; _mauzhemaugoozzi_, he smells bad. the inflections _gwud_, and _izzi_, here employed, are clearly indicative, as in other combinations, of the words _it_ and _him_. _baimwa_, is sound; _baimwäwa_, the passing sound; _minwäwa_, a pleasant sound; _maunwäwa_, a disagreeable sound; _mudwayaushkau_, the sound of waves dashing on the shore; _mudwayaunnemud_, the sound of winds; _mudwayaukooshkau_, the sound of falling trees; _mudwäkumigishin_, the sound of a person falling upon the earth; _mudwaysin_, the sound of any inanimate mass falling on the earth. these examples might be continued _ad infinitum_. every modification of circumstances, almost every peculiarity of thought, is expressed by some modification of the orthography. enough has been given to prove that the adjective combines itself with the substantive, the verb, and the pronoun, that the combinations thus produced are numerous, afford concentrated modes of conveying ideas, and oftentimes, happy turns of expression. numerous and prevalent as these forms are, they do not, however, preclude the use of adjectives in their simple forms. the use of the one or the other appears to be generally at the option of the speaker. in most cases brevity or euphony dictates the choice. usage results from these applications of the principles. there may be rules resting upon a broader basis; but if so, they do not appear to be very obvious. perhaps the simple adjectives are often employed before verbs and nouns, in the first and second persons singular. ningee minno neebau-nabun, i have slept well. ningee minno weesin, i have eaten a good meal. ningee minno pimmoossay, i have walked well, or a good distance. kägät minno geezhigud, it (is) a very pleasant day. kwanaudy ningödahs, i have a handsome garment. ke minno iau nuh, are you well? auneende ain deyun, what ails you? keezhamonedo aupädush shäwainemik, god prosper you. aupädush shäwaindaugoozzegun, good luck attend you. aupädush nau kinwainzh pimmaudizziyun, may you live long. onauneegoozzin, be (thou) cheerful. ne minwaindum waubumenaun, i (am) glad to see you. kwanaudj kweeweezains, a pretty boy. kägät söngedää, he (is) a brave man. kägät onishishsha, she (is) handsome. gitshee kinözee, he (is) very tall. uggausau bäwizzi, she (is) slender. gitshee sussaigau, he (is) fine dressed. bishegaindaugoozzi-wug meegwunug, they (are) beautiful feathers. ke daukoozzinuh, are you sick? monaudud muundun muskeekee, this (is) bad medicine. monaudud aindauyun, my place of dwelling (is) bad. aindauyaun mitshau, my place of dwelling (is) large. ne mittigwaub onishishsha, my bow (is) good. ne bikwukön monaududön, but my arrows (are) bad. ne minwaindaun appaukoozzegun, i love mild or mixed tobacco. kauweekau neezhikay ussämau ne but i never smoke pure tobacco. suggus-wannausee, monaudud maishkowaugumig, strong drink (is) bad. keeguhgee budjeëgonaun, it makes us foolish. gitshee monedo neebe ogee özhetön, the great spirit made water. ininewug dush ween ishködäwaubo ogee but man made whiskey. oz-hetönahwau, these expressions are put down promiscuously, embracing verbs and nouns as they presented themselves, and without any effort to support the opinion, which may or may not be correct, that the elementary forms of the adjectives are most commonly required before verbs and nouns in the first and second persons. the english expression is thrown into indian in the most natural manner, and, of course, without always giving adjective for adjective or noun for noun. thus, god is rendered, not _monedo_, but _geezha monedo, merciful spirit_. good luck is rendered by the compound phrase, _shäwaindaugoozzegun_, indicating in a very general sense, the influence of kindness or benevolence on _success in life_. _söngedää_ is, alone, _a brave man_, and the word _kägät_ prefixed, is an adverb. in the expression "mild tobacco," the adjective is entirely dispensed with in the indian, the sense being sufficiently rendered by the compound noun _appaukoozzegun_, which always means the indian weed or smoking mixture. _ussämau_, on the contrary, without the adjective, signifies pure tobacco. _bikwukön_, signifies blunt or lumpy-headed arrows; _assowaun_, is the barbed arrow. _kwonaudj kweeweezains_ means, not simply "pretty boy," but _pretty little boy_; and there is no mode of using the word boy but in this diminutive form, the word itself being a derivative _kewewe coryugal_, with the regular diminutive in _ains_. _onauneegoozzin_, embraces the pronoun, verb, and adjective, _be thou cheerful_. in the last phrase of the examples, "man" is rendered men (_inineewuy_) in the translation, as the term _man_ cannot be employed in the general plural sense it conveys in this connection in the original. the word "whiskey" is rendered by the compound phrase, _ishködawaubo_, literally _fire-liquor_, a generic for all kinds of ardent spirits. these aberrations from the literal terms will convey some conceptions of the difference of the two idioms, although, from the limited nature and object of the examples, they will not indicate the full extent of the difference. in giving anything like the spirit of the original, much greater deviations in the written forms must appear. and in fact, not only the structure of the language, but the mode and _order of thought_ of the indians is so essentially different, that any attempts to preserve the english idiom, to give letter for letter, and word for word, must go far to render the translation pure nonsense. . varied as the adjective is in its changes, it has no comparative inflection. a chippewa cannot say that one substance is hotter or colder than another, or of two or more substances unequally heated, that this or that is the hottest or coldest, without employing adverbs or accessory adjectives; and it is accordingly by adverbs and accessory adjectives that the degrees of comparison are expressed. _pimmaudizziwin_, is a very general substantive expression, indicating the _tenor of being or life_. _izzhewäbizziwin_, is a term near akin to it, but more appropriately applied to the _acts_, _conduct_, _manner_, or _personal deportment_ of life. hence the expressions-- nem bimmaudizziwin, my tenor of life. ke bimmaudizziwin, thy tenor of life. o pimmaudizziwin, his tenor of life, &c. nin dizhewäbizziwin, my personal deportment. ke dizhewäbizziwin, thy personal deportment. o izzhewäbizziwin, his personal deportment, &c. to form the positive degree of comparison from these terms, _minno_, good, and _mudjee_, bad, are introduced between the pronoun and verb, giving rise to some permutations of the vowels and consonants, which affect the sound only. thus-- ne minno pimmaudizziwin, my good tenor of life. ke minno pimmaudizziwin, thy good tenor of life. minno pimmaudizziwin, his good tenor of life. ne mudjee pimmaudizziwin, my bad tenor of life. ke mudjee pimmaudizziwin, thy bad tenor of life. mudjee pimmaudizziwin, his bad tenor of life. to place these forms in the comparative degree, _nahwudj_, _more_, is prefixed to the adjective; and the superlative is denoted by _mahmowee_, an adverb or an adjective as it is variously applied, but the meaning of which is, in this connection, _most_. the degrees of comparison may be, therefore, set down as follows:-- positive, kishedä. hot (restricted to the heat of a fire), comparative, nahwudj kishedä. more hot, superlative, mahmowee kishedä. most hot. your manner of life is good, ke dizzhewäbizziwin onishishin. your manner of life is better, ke dizzhewäbizziwin nahwudj onishishin. your manner of life is best, ke dizzhewäbizziwin mahwoweé onishishin. his manner of life is best, odizzhewäbizziwin mahmowee onishishinine. little turtle was brave, mikkenoköns söngedääbun. tecumseh was braver, tecumseh nahwudj söngedääbun. pontiac was bravest, pontiac mahmowee söngedääbun. . the adjective assumes a negative form when it is preceded by the adverb. thus, the phrase _songedää_, he is brave, is changed to _kahween söngedääsee_, he is not brave. positive. neebwaukah, he is wise. kwonaudjewe, she is handsome. oskineegee, he is young. shaugweewee, he is feeble. geekkau, he is old. mushkowizzi, he is strong. negative. kahween neebwaukah-see, he is not wise. kahween kwonaudjewee-see, she is not handsome. kahween oskineegee-see, he is not young. kahween shaugweewee-see, he is not feeble. kahween geekkau-see, he is not old. kahween mushkowizzi-see, he is not strong. from this rule the indeclinable adjectives, by which is meant those adjectives which do not put on the personal and impersonal forms by inflection, but consist of radically different roots, form exceptions. are you sick? ke dahkoozzi nuh? you are not sick! kahween ke dahkoozzi-see. i am happy, ne minwaindum. i am unhappy, kahween ne minwainduz-see. his manner of life is bad, mudjee izzhewabizzi. his manner of life is not bad, kahween mudjee izzhewabizzi-see. it is large, mitshau muggud. it is not large, kahween mitshau-seenön. in these examples, the declinable adjectives are rendered negative in _see_; the indeclinable, remain as simple adjuncts to the verbs; and the _latter_ put on the negative form. . in the hints and remarks which have now been furnished respecting the chippewa adjective, its powers and inflections have been shown to run parallel with those of the substantive, in its separation into animates and inanimates; in having the pronominal inflections; in taking an inflection for tense--a topic which, by the way, has been very cursorily passed over--and in the numerous modifications to form the compounds. this parallelism has also been intimated to hold good with respect to number--a subject deeply interesting in itself, as it has its analogy only in the ancient languages--and it was therefore deemed best to defer giving examples, till they could be introduced without abstracting the attention from other points of discussion. _minno_ and _mudjee_, good and bad, being of the limited number of personal adjectives which modern usage permits being applied, although often improperly applied to inanimate objects, they, as well as a few other adjectives, form exceptions to the use of number. whether we say "a good man" or "a bad man," "good men" or "bad men," the words _minno_ and _mudjee_ remain the same. but all the declinable and coalescing adjectives--adjectives which join on, and, as it were, _melt into_ the body of the substantive--take the usual plural inflections, and are governed by the same rules in regard to their use, as the substantive; personal adjectives requiring personal plurals, &c. adjectives animate. singular. onishishewe mishemin, good apple. kwonaudjewe eekwä, handsome woman. songedää inine, brave man. bishegaindaugoozzi peenasee, beautiful bird. ozahwizzi ahmo, yellow bee. plural. onishishewe-wug mishemin-ug, good apples. kwonaudjewe-wug eekwä-wug, handsome women. songedää-wug inine-wug, brave men. bishegaindaugoozzi-wug peenasee-wug, beautiful birds. ozahwizzi-wug ahm-ög, yellow bees. adjectives inanimate. singular. onishishin mittig, good tree. kwonaudj tshemaun, handsome canoe. monaudud ishkoda, bad fire. weeshkobun aidetaig, sweet fruit. plural. onishishin-ön mittig-ön, good trees. kwonaudjewun-ön tshemaun-un, handsome canoes. monaudud-ön ishkod-än, bad fires. weeshkobun-ön aidetaig-in, sweet fruits. peculiar circumstances are supposed to exist in order to render the use of the adjective, in this connection with the noun, necessary and proper. but, in ordinary instances, as the narration of events, the noun would precede the adjective; and oftentimes, particularly where a second allusion to objects previously named became necessary, the compound expressions would be used. thus, instead of saying "the yellow bee," _wazzahwizzid_ would distinctly convey the idea of that insect, _had the species been before named_. under similar circumstances, _kain-waukoozzid_, _agausheid_, _söngaunemud_, _mushkowaunemud_, would respectively signify, "a tall tree," "a small fly," "a strong wind," "a hard wind." and these terms would become plural in _jig_, which, as before mentioned, is a mere modification of _ig_, one of the five general animate plural inflections of the language. _kägät wahwinaudj abbenöjeeug_, is an expression indicating they are _very handsome children_. but _beeweezheewug monetösug_ denotes _small insects_. _minno neewugizzi_, is "good tempered," "he is good tempered." _mawshininewugizzi_, is "bad tempered," both having their plural in _wug_. _nin nuneenahwaindum_, "i am lonesome." _nin nuneenahwaindaumin_, "we (excluding you) are lonesome." _waweea_, is a term generally used to express the adjective sense of round. _kwy_, is the scalp; _weewikwy_, his scalp. hence, _weewukwon_, "hat," _wayweewukwonid_, "a wearer of the hat;" and its plural, _wayweewukwonidjig_, "wearers of the hats"--the usual term applied to europeans, or white men generally. these examples go to prove that under every form in which the adjective can be traced, whether in its simplest or most compound state, it is susceptible of number. the numerals of the language are converted into adverbs by the inflection _ing_, making one, _once_, &c. the unit exists in duplicate. päzhik, one, _general unit_. } aubeding, once. ingoot, one, _numerical unit_. } neesh, two. neeshing, twice. niswee, three. nissing, thrice. neewin, four. neewing, four times. naunun, five. nauning, five times. n'goodwaswä, six. n'goodwautsking, six times. neeshwauswä, seven. neeshwautshing, seven times. shwauswe, eight. shwautshing, eight times. shongusswe, nine. shongutshing, nine times. metauswe, ten. meetaushing, ten times. these inflections can be carried as high as they can compute numbers. they count decimally. after reaching ten, they repeat, ten and one, ten and two, &c. to twenty. twenty is a compound signifying two tens; thirty, three tens, &c.; a mode which is carried up to one hundred--_n'goodwak_. _wak_ then becomes the word of denomination, combining with the names of the digits until they reach a thousand, _meetauswauk_, literally _ten hundred_. here a new compound term is introduced, made by prefixing twenty to the last denominator, _neeshtonnah duswak_, which doubles the last term, thirty triples it, forty quadruples it, &c. till the computation reaches to ten thousand, _n'goodwak dushing n'goodwak_, one hundred times one hundred. this is the probable extent of all certain computation. the term _gitshee_ (great), prefixed to the last denomination, leaves the number indefinite. there is no form of the numerals corresponding to second, third, fourth, &c. they can only further say, _nittum_, first, and _ishkwaudj_, last. iv. _some remarks respecting the agglutinative position and properties of the pronoun._ inquiry . nature and principles of the pronoun--its distinction into preformative and subformative classes--personal pronouns--the distinction of an inclusive and exclusive form in the number of the first person plural--modifications of the personal pronouns to imply existence, individuality, possession, ownership, position, and other accidents--declension of pronouns to answer the purpose of the auxiliary verbs--subformatives, how employed to mark the persons--relative pronouns considered--their application to the causative verbs--demonstrative pronouns--their separation into two classes, animates and inanimates--example of their use. pronouns are buried, if we may so say, in the structure of the verb. in tracing them back to their primitive forms, through the almost infinite variety of modifications which they assume, in connection with the verb, substantive, and adjective, it will facilitate analysis to group them into preformative and subformative, which include the terms that have already been made use of--pronominal prefixes, and suffixes--and which admit of the further distinction of separable and inseparable. by separable, is intended those forms which have a meaning by themselves, and are thus distinguished from the inflective and subformative pronouns, and pronominal particles, significant only in connection with another word. . of the first class, are the personal pronouns _neen_ (i), _keen_ (thou), and _ween_ or _o_ (he or she). they are declined, to form the plural persons, in the following manner:-- i, neen. we, keen owind. (in.) we, neen owind. (ex.) thou, keen. ye, keen owau. he or she, ween or o. they, ween owau. here the plural persons are formed by a numerical inflection of the singular. the double plural of the first person, of which both the rule and examples have been incidentally given in the remarks on the substantive, is one of those peculiarities of the language which may, perhaps, serve to aid in a comparison of it with other dialects, kindred and foreign. as a mere conventional agreement for denoting whether the person addressed be included or excluded, it may be regarded as an advantage to the language. it enables the speaker, by the change of a single consonant, to make a full and clear discrimination, and relieves the narration from doubts and ambiguity, where doubts and ambiguity would otherwise often exist. on the other hand, by accumulating distinctions, it loads the memory with grammatical forms, and opens a door for improprieties of speech. we are not aware of any inconveniences in the use of a general plural; but, in the indian, it would produce confusion. and it is, perhaps, to that cautious desire of personal discrimination, which is so apparent in the structure of the language, that we should look for the reason of the duplicate forms of this word. once established, however, and both the distinction, and the necessity of a constant and strict attention to it, are very obvious and striking. how shall he address the deity? if he say, "our father who art in heaven," the inclusive form of _our_ makes the almighty one of the suppliants, or family. if he use the exclusive form, it throws him out of the family, and may embrace every living being but the deity. yet, neither of these forms can be used very well in prayer, as they cannot be applied directly _to_ the object addressed. it is only when speaking _of_ the deity, under the name of father, to other persons, that the inclusive and exclusive forms of the word _our_ can be used. the dilemma may be obviated by the use of a compound descriptive phrase, _wä ö se mig o yun_, signifying, "thou, who art the father of all," or "universal father." in practice, however, the question is cut short by those persons who have embraced christianity. it has seemed to them that, by the use of either of the foregoing terms, the deity would be thrown into too remote a relation to them; and i have observed that in prayer they invariably address him by the term used by children for the father of a family--that is, _nosa_, "my father." the other personal pronouns undergo some peculiar changes when employed as preformatives before nouns and verbs, which it is important to remark. thus _neen_, is sometimes rendered _ne_, or _nin_, and sometimes _nim_. _keen_, is rendered _ke_, or _kin_. in compound words, the mere signs of the first and second pronouns, _n_ and _k_, are employed. the use of _ween_ is limited; and the third person, singular and plural, is generally indicated by the sign _o_. the particle _suh_, added to the complete forms of the disjunctive pronouns, imparts a verbal sense to them; and appears, in this instance, to be a succedaneum for the substantive verb. thus _neen_, i, becomes _neensuh_, it is i. _keen_, thou, becomes _keensuh_, it is thou; and _ween_, he or she, _weensuh_, it is he or she. this particle may be also added to the plural forms. keenowind suh, it is we. (in.) neenowind suh, it is we. (ex.) keenowau suh, it is ye, or you. weenowau suh, it is they. if the word _aittah_, be substituted for _suh_, a set of adverbial phrases are formed:-- neen aittah, i only. neen aittah wind, we, &c. (ex.) keen aittah wind, we, &c. (in.) keen aittah, thou only. keen aittah wau, you, &c. ween aittah, he or she only. ween aittah wau, they, &c. in like manner, _nittum_, first, and _ishkwaudj_, last, give rise to the following arrangement of the pronoun:-- neen nittum, i first. keen nittum, you or thou first. ween nittum, he or she first. keen nittum ewind, we first. (in.) neen nittum ewind, we first. (ex.) keen nittum ewau, ye or you first. ween nittum ewau, they first. ishkwaudj. neen ishkwaudj, i last. keen ishkwaudj, thou last. ween ishkwaudj, he or she last. keenowind ishkwaudj, we last. (in.) neenowind ishkwaudj, we last. (ex.) keenowau ishkwaudj, ye or you last. weenowau ishkwaudj, they last. the disjunctive forms of the pronoun are also sometimes preserved before verbs and adjectives. neezhika. alone, (_an._) neen neezhika, i alone. keen neezhika, thou alone. ween neezhika, he or she alone. keenowind neezhika, we alone. (in.) neenowind neezhika, we alone. (ex.) keenowau neezhika, ye or you alone. weenowau neezhika, they alone. to give these expressions a verbal form, the substantive verb, with its pronominal modifications, must be superadded. for instance, _i am_ alone, &c. is thus rendered:-- neen neezhika nindyau, i am alone + aumin. keen neezhika keedyau, thou art alone + aum. ween neezhika iyau, he or she is alone, &c. + wug. in the subjoined examples, the noun ow, body, is changed to a verb, by the permutation of the vowel, changing ow, to auw; which last takes the letter _d_ before it when the pronoun is prefixed:-- i am a man, neen nin dauw. thou art a man, keen ke dauw. he is a man, ween ah weeh. we are men, (in.) ke dauw we min. we are men, (ex.) ne dauw we min. ye are men, ke dauw mim. they are men, weenowau ah weeh wug. in the translation of these expressions, "man" is used as synonymous with "person." if the specific term _inine_ had been introduced, in the original, the meaning thereby conveyed would be, in this particular connection, "i am a man," with respect to _courage_, &c. in opposition to effeminacy. it would not be simply declarative of _corporeal existence_, but of existence in a _particular state or condition_. in the following phrases, the modified forms, or the signs only, of the pronouns are used: n'debaindaun, i own it. ke debaindaun, thou ownst it. o debaindaun, he or she owns it. n'debaindaum-in, we own it. (ex.) ke debaindaum-in, we own it. (in.) ke debaindaun-ewau, ye own it. o debaindaun-ewau, they own it. these examples are cited as exhibiting the manner in which the _prefixed_ and preformative pronouns are employed, both in their full and contracted forms. to denote possession, nouns specifying the things possessed are required; and, what would not be anticipated had not full examples of this species of declension been given in another place, the purposes of distinction are not affected by a simple change of the pronoun, as _i_ to _mine_, &c., but by a subformative inflection of the _noun_, which is thus made to have a reflective operation upon the pronoun speaker. it is believed that sufficient examples of this rule, in all the modifications of inflection, have been given under the head of the substantive. but as the substantives employed to elicit these modifications were exclusively _specific_ in their meaning, it, may be proper here, in further illustration of an important principle, to present a generic substantive under their compound forms. i have selected for this purpose one of the primitives. ie-au´, is the abstract term for matter. it is in the animate form. its inanimate correspondent is ie-ee´. these are two important roots. and they are found in combination, in a very great number of derivative words. it will be sufficient here, to show their connection with the pronoun, in the production of a class of terms in very general use. animate forms. possessive. singular. plural. nin dyë aum, mine. nin dyë auminaun, ours. (ex.) ke dyë auminaun, ours. (in.) ke dyë aum, thine. ke dyë aumewau, yours. objective. o dyë aum-un, his or hers. o dyë aumewaun, theirs. inanimate forms. possessive. singular. plural. nin dyë eem, mine. nin dyë eeminaun, ours. (ex.) ke dyë eeminaun, ours. (in.) ke dyë eem, thine. ke dyë eemewau, yours. objective. o dyë eem. his or hers. o dyë eemewau, theirs. (pos. in.) in these forms the noun is singular throughout. to render it plural, as well as the pronoun, the appropriate general plurals _ug_ and _un_, or _ig_ and _in_, must be superadded. but it must be borne in mind, in making these additions, "that the plural inflection to inanimate nouns (which have no objective case), forms the objective case to animate, which have no number in the third person." (p. .) the particle _un_, therefore, which is the appropriate plural for the inanimate nouns in these examples, is only the objective mark of the animate. the plural of i, is _naun_, the plural of thou and he, _wau_. but as these inflections would not coalesce smoothly with the possessive inflections, the connective vowels _i_ and _e_ are prefixed, making the plural of i, _inaun_, and of thou, &c., _ewau_. if we strike from these declensions the root ie, leaving its animate and inanimate forms au and ee, and adding the plural of the noun, we shall then, taking the _animate_ declension as an instance, have the following formula of the pronominal declensions: ---+---+-----+----+---+------+---+---- pronoun singular. | place of the noun. | | possessive inflection. | | | objective inflection to the noun singular. | | | | connective vowel. | | | | | plural inflection of the | | | | | pronoun. | | | | | | objective inflection, | | | | | | noun plural. | | | | | | | plural of the noun. ---+---+-----+----+---+------+---+---- ne | | aum | | i | naun | | ig ke | | aum | | e | wau | | g o | | aum | un | | | | o | | aum | | e | wau | n | ---+---+-----+----+---+------+---+---- to render this formula of general use, six variations (five in addition to the above) of the possessive inflection are required, corresponding to the six classes of substantives, whereby _aum_ would be changed to _äm_, _eem_, _im_, _öm_, and _oom_, conformably to the examples heretofore given in treating of the substantive. the objective inflection would also be sometimes changed to _een_, and sometimes to _oan_. having thus indicated the mode of distinguishing the person, number, relation, and gender, or what is deemed its technical equivalent, the mutations words undergo, not to mark the distinctions of _sex_, but the presence or absence of _vitality_, i shall now advert to the inflections which the pronouns take for _tense_, or rather to form the auxiliary verbs, have, had, shall, will, may, &c.; a very curious and important principle, and one which clearly demonstrates that no part of speech has escaped the transforming genius of the language. not only are the three great modifications of time accurately marked in the verbal form of the chippewas, but, by the inflection of the pronoun, they are enabled to indicate some of the oblique tenses, and thereby to conjugate their verbs with accuracy and precision. the particle _gee_ added to the first, second, and third person singular, of the present tense, changes them to the perfect past, rendering i, thou, he, i did, have, or had; thou didst, hast, or hadst; he or she did, have, or had. if _gah_ be substituted for _gee_, the first future tense is formed, and the perfect past added to the first future, forms the conditional future. as the eye may prove an auxiliary in the comprehension of forms which are not familiar, the following tabular arrangement of them is presented. first person, i. nin gee, i did, have, had. nin gah, i shall, will. nin gah gee, i shall have, will have. second person, thou. ke gee, thou didst, hast, hadst. ke gah, thou shalt, wilt. ke gah gee, thou shalt have, wilt have. third person, he or she. o gee, he or she did, have, had. o gah, he or she did, have, had. o gah gee, he or she shall have, will have. the present and imperfect tense of the potential mood is formed by _dau_, and the perfect by _gee_ suffixed, as in other instances. first person, i. nin dau, i may, can, &c. nin dau gee, i may have, can have, &c. second person, thou. ke dau, thou mayst, canst, &c. ke dau gee, thou mayst have, canst have, &c. third person, he or she. o dau, he or she may, can, &c. o dau gee, he or she may have, can have, &c. in conjugating the verbs through the plural person, the singular terms for the pronoun remain, and they are rendered plural by a retrospective action of the pronominal inflections of the verb. in this manner the pronoun-verb auxiliary has a general application, and the necessity of double forms is avoided. the preceding observations are confined to the formative or _prefixed_ pronouns. the inseparable suffixed or subformative are as follows:-- yaun, my. yun, thy. id or d, his or hers. yaung, our. (ex.) yung, our. (in.) yaig, your. waud, their. these pronouns are exclusively employed as suffixes, and as suffixes to the descriptive compound substantives, adjectives, and verbs. both the rule and examples have been stated under the head of the substantives, p. , and adjectives, p. . their application to the verb will be shown as we proceed. . _relative pronouns._--in a language which provides for the distinction of person by particles prefixed or suffixed to the verb, it will scarcely be expected that separate and independent relative pronouns should exist, or if such are to be found, their use, as separate parts of speech, must, it will have been anticipated, be quite limited; limited to simple interrogatory forms of expression, and not applicable to the indicative or declaratory. such will be found to be the fact in the language under review; and it will be perceived from the subjoined examples, that in all instances requiring the relative pronoun _who_, other than the simple interrogatory forms, this relation is indicated by the inflections of the verb, or adjective, &c. nor does there appear to be any declension of the separate pronoun corresponding to _whose_ and _whom_. the word _ahwaynain_, may be said to be uniformly employed in the sense of _who_, under the limitations we have mentioned. for instance-- who is there? ahwaynain e-mah ai-aud? who spoke? ahwaynain kau keegoedood? who told you? ahwaynain kau weendumoak? who are you? ahwaynain iau we yun? who sent you? ahwaynain waynönik? who is your father? ahwaynain kös? who did it? ahwaynain kau tödung? whose dog is it? ahwaynain way dyid? whose pipe is that? ahwaynain döpwaugunid en-eu? whose lodge is it? ahwaynain way weegewomid? whom do you seek? ahwaynain nain dau wau bumud? whom have you here? ahwaynain oh-amau _ai_ auwaud? not the slightest variation is made in these phrases between who, whose, and whom. should we wish to change the interrogative, and to say he who is there, he who spoke, he who told you, &c., the separable personal pronoun _ween_ (he) must be used in lieu of the relative; and the following forms will be elicited:-- ween, kau unnönik, he (who) sent you. ween, kau geedood, he (who) spoke. ween, _ai_-aud e-mah, he (who) is there. ween, kau weendumoak, he (who) told you. ween, kau tödung, he (who) did it, &c. if we object that, in these forms, there is no longer the relative pronoun _who_, the sense being simply he sent you, he spoke, &c., it is replied that, if it be intended only to say he sent you, &c., and not he _who_ sent you, &c., the following forms are used:-- ke gee unnönig, he (sent) you. ainnözhid, he (sent) me. ainnönaud, he (sent) him. iau e-mau, he is there. ke geedo, he (spoke). ke gee weendumaug, he (told) you. ke to dum, he did it. we reply to this answer of the native speaker, that the particle _kau_ prefixed to a verb, denotes the past tense; that in the former series of terms in which this particle appears, the verbs are in the perfect indicative, and in the latter, they are in the present indicative, marking the difference only between _sent_ and _send_, _spoke_ and _speak_, &c.; and that there is absolutely no relative pronoun in either series of terms. we further observe, that the personal pronoun _ween_, prefixed to the first set of terms, may be prefixed, with equal propriety, to the second set, and that its use or disuse is perfectly optional with the speaker, as he may wish to give additional energy or emphasis to the expression. to these positions, after reflection, discussion, and examination, we receive an assent, and thus the uncertainty is terminated. we now wish to apply the principle thus elicited to verbs causative, and to other compound terms--to the adjective verbs, for instance--and to the other verbal compound expressions, in which the objective and the nominative persons are incorporated as a part of the verb, and are not prefixes to it. this may be shown in the causative verb-- to make happy. mainwaindumëid, he (who) makes _me_ happy. mainwaindumëik, he (who) makes _thee_ happy. mainwaindumëaud, he (who) makes _him_ happy. mainwaindumëinung, he (who) makes _us_ happy. (in.) mainwaindumëyaug, he (who) makes _us_ happy. (ex.) mainwaindumëinnaig, he (who) makes _ye_ or _you_ happy. mainwaindumëigowaud, he (who) makes _them_ happy. and so the forms might be continued throughout all the objective persons-- mainwaindum ë yun, _thou_ (who) makest me happy, &c. the basis of these compounds is _minno_, "good," and _aindum_, "the mind." hence, _minwaindum_, "he happy." the adjective, in this connection, cannot be translated "good," but its effect upon the noun is to denote that state of the mind which is at rest with itself. the first change from this simple compound, is to give the adjective a verbal form; and this is effected by a permutation of the vowels of the first syllable--a rule of very extensive application--and by which, in the present instance, the phrase "he happy," is changed to "he makes happy," (_mainwaindum_.) the next step is to add the suffix personal pronouns, _id_, _ik_, _aud_, &c., rendering the expressions, "he makes _me_ happy," &c. but, in adding these increments, the vowel _e_ is thrown between the adjective-verb and the pronoun suffixed, making the expression, not _mainwaindum-yun_, but _mainwaindum ëyun_. generally, the vowel e, in this situation, is a connective, or introduced merely for the sake of euphony. and those who maintain that it is here employed as a personal pronoun, and that the relative _who_ is implied by the final inflection, overlook the inevitable inference, that if the marked _e_ stands for _me_ in the first phrase, it must stand for _thee_ in the second, _he_ in the third, _us_ in the fourth, &c. as to the meaning and office of the final inflections _id_, _ik_, &c., whatever they may, in an involuted sense, _imply_, it is quite clear, by turning to the list of _suffixed personal pronouns_, and _animate plurals_, that they mark the persons, i, thou, he, &c., we, ye, they, &c. take, for example, _minwaindumëigowaud_, "he (who) makes them happy." of this compound, _minwaindum_, as before shown, signifies "he makes happy." but as the verb is in the singular number, it implies that but _one person_ is made happy; and the suffixed personal pronouns _singular_, mark the distinctions between _me_, _thee_, and _he_, or _him_. _minwaindum-e-ig_ is the verb plural, and implies that several persons are made happy; and, in like manner, the suffixed personal pronouns _plural_, mark the distinctions between we, ye, they, &c.; for it is a rule of the language, that a strict concordance must exist between the number of the verb and the number of the pronoun. the termination of the verb consequently always indicates whether there be one or many objects to which its energy is directed. and as animate verbs can be applied only to animate objects, the numerical inflections of the verb are understood to mark the number of persons. but this number is indiscriminate, and leaves the sense vague until the pronominal suffixes are superadded. those who, therefore, contend for the _sense_ of the relative pronoun "who" being given in the last-mentioned phrase, and all phrases similarly formed by a succedaneum, contend for something like the following form of translation: "he makes them happy--him!" or "him--he (meaning 'who') makes them happy." the equivalent for _what_, is _waygonain_. what do you want? waygonain wau iauyun? what have you lost? waygonain kau wonetöyun? what do you look for? waygonain nain dahwau bundahmun? what is this? waygonain ewinain maundun? what will you have? waygonain kad iauyun? what detained you? waygonain kau oon dahme egöyun? what are you making? waygonain wayzhetöyun? what have you there? waygonain e-mau iauyun? the use of this pronoun, like the preceding, appears to be confined to simple interrogative forms. the word _auneen_, which sometimes supplies its place, or is used for want of the pronoun _which_, is an adverb, and has considerable latitude of meaning. most commonly, it may be considered as the equivalent for _how_, in what manner, or at what time. what do you say? auneen akeedöyun? what do you call this? auneen aizheneekaudahmun maundun?(i.) what ails you? auneen aindeeyun? what is your name? auneen aizheekauzoyun? which do you mean, this or that? (an.) auneen ah-ow ainud, woh-ow gämau ewaidde? which do you mean, this or that? (in.) auneen eh-eu ewaidumun oh-oo gämau ewaidde? which boy do you mean? auneen ah-ow-ainud? by adding to this word the particle _de_, it is converted into an adverb of place, and may be rendered _where_. where do you dwell? auneende aindauyun? where is your son? auneende ke gwiss? where did you see him? auneende ke waubumud? where did you see it? auneende ke waubundumun? where are you going? auneende azhauyun? where did you come from? auneende ka oonjeebauyun? where is your pipe? auneende ke döpwaugun? where is your gun? auneende ke baushkizzigun? by a still further modification, it is rendered an adverb of inquiry of the cause or motive. why do you do so? auneeshween eh eu todumun? why do you say so? auneeshween eh eu ekeedoyun? why are you angry? auneeshween nishkaudizzeyun? why will you depart? auneeshween wee matyauyun? why will you not depart? auneeshween matyauseewun? why have you come? auneeshween ke peëzhauyun? tell me why? weendumowishin auneeshween? wherefore is it so? auneeshween eh-eu izzhewaibuk? (in.) wherefore did you strike him? auneeshween ke pukketaywud? . demonstrative pronouns are either animate or inanimate, and may be arranged as follows:-- animate. inanimate. mau-bum (impersonal), } this. maun-dun (inanimate proper). woh-ow (personal), } oh-oo (inanimate conventional). ah-ow, that. eh-eu. mau-mig, these. mau-min. ig-eu (personal), } those. in-eu (inanimate proper). i-goo (impersonal), } o-noo (inanimate conventional). these words are not always used merely to ascertain the object, but often, perhaps always, when the object is present to the sight, have a substantive meaning, and are used without the noun. it creates no uncertainty, if a man be standing at some distance to say, _ah-ow_; or if a canoe be lying at some distance, to say, _eh-eu_; the meaning is clearly, that _person_, or that _canoe_, whether the noun be added or not. or, if there be two animate objects standing together, or two inanimate objects lying together, the words _maumig_ (a.), or _maumin_ (i.), if they be near, or _ig-eu_, (a.), or _in-eu_ (i.), if they be distant, are equally expressive of the _materiality_ of the objects, as well as their relative position. under other circumstances the noun would be required, as where two animate objects of diverse character--a man and a horse for instance--were standing near each other; or a canoe and a package of goods were lying near each other--and, in fact, under all circumstances--the noun _may_ be used after the demonstrative pronoun, without violating any rule of grammar, although not without the imputation, in many instances, of being over-formal and unnecessarily minute. what is deemed redundant, however, in oral use, and amongst a people who supply much by sight and gesticulation, becomes quite necessary in writing the language; and, in the following sentences, the substantive is properly employed after the pronoun:-- this dog is very lean, gitshee bukaukuddoozo woh-ow annemoosh. these dogs are very lean, gitshee bukaukuddoozowug o-goo annemooshug. those dogs are fat, ig-eu annemooshug ween-in-oowug. that dog is fat, ah-ow annemoosh ween-in-oo. this is a handsome knife, gagait onishishin maundun mokomahn. these are handsome knives, gagait wahwinaudj o-noo mokomahnun. those are bad knives, monaududön in-euwaidde mokomahnun. give me that spear, meezhishin eh-eu ahnitt. give me those spears, meezhishin in-eu unnewaidde ahnitteen. that is a fine boy, gagait kwonaudj ah-ow kweewezains. those are fine boys, gagait wahwinaudj ig-euwaidde kweewezainsug. this boy is larger than that, nahwudj mindiddo woh-ow kweewezains ewaidde dush. that is what i wanted, meeh-eu wau iauyaumbaun. this is the very thing i wanted, mee-suh oh-oo wau iauyaumbaun. in some of these expressions, the pronoun combines with an adjective, as in the compound words _ineuwaidde_ and _igeuwaidde_, _those yonder_ (in.), and _those yonder_ (an.). compounds which exhibit the full pronoun in coalescence with the adverb _ewaidde_, yonder. . natural history. v. zoology. . _limits of the range of the cervus sylvestris in the northwestern parts of the united states._ by henry r. schoolcraft. (northwest journal.) . _description of the fringilia vespertina, discovered by mr. schoolcraft in the northwest._ by william cooper. (annals of the new york lyceum of natural history.) . conchology.--_list of shells collected by mr. schoolcraft, in the western and northwestern territory._ by william cooper. helix. . helix albolabris, _say_. near lake michigan. . helix alternata, _say_. banks of the wabash, near and above the tippecanoe. mr. say remarks, that these two species, so common in the atlantic states, were not met with in major long's second expedition, until their arrival in the secondary country at the eastern extremity of lake superior. planorbis. . planorbis campanulatus, _say_. itasca (or la biche) lake, the source of the mississippi. . planorbis trivolvis, _say_. lake michigan. these two species were also observed by mr. say, as far east as the falls of niagara. lymneus. . lymneus umbrosus, _say_, am. con. iv. pl. xxxi. fig. . lake winnipec, upper mississippi, and rainy lake. . lymneus reflexus, _say_, l. c. pl. xxxi. fig. . rainy lake, seine river, and lake winnipec. . lymneus stagnalis. lake a la crosse, upper mississippi. paludina. . paludina ponderosa, _say_. wisconsin river. . paludina vivipara, _say_, am. con. i. pl. x. the american specimens of this shell are more depressed than the european, but appear to be identical in species. melania. . melania virginica, _say_. lake michigan. anodonta. . anodonta cataracta, _say_. chicago, lake michigan. this species, mr. lea remarks, has a great geographical extension. . anodonta corpulenta, _nobis_. shell thin and fragile, though less so than others of the genus; much inflated at the umbones, margins somewhat compressed; valves connate over the hinge in perfect specimens; surface dark brown, in old shells; in younger, of a pale dingy green, and without rays, in all i have examined; beaks slightly undulated at the tip. the color within is generally of a livid coppery hue, but sometimes, also, pure white. length of a middling sized specimen, four and a half inches, breadth, six and a quarter. it is often eighteen inches in circumference round the border of the valves, with a diameter through the umbones of three inches. inhabits the upper mississippi, from prairie du chien to lake pepin. this fine shell, much the largest i have seen of the genus, was first sent by mr. schoolcraft, to the lyceum, several years ago. so far as i am able to discover, it is undescribed, and a distinct and remarkable species. it may be known by its length being greater in proportion to its breadth than in the other american species, by the subrhomboidal form of the posterior half, and generally, by the color of the nacre, though this is not to be relied on. it appears to belong to the genus symphynota of mr. lea. alasmodonta. . alasmodonta complanata, _barnes_. symphynota complanata, _lea_. shell lake, river st. croix, upper mississippi. many species of shells found in this lake grow to an extraordinary size. some of the present collected by mr. schoolcraft, measure nineteen inches in circumference. . alasmodonta rugosa, _barnes_. st. croix river, and lake vaseux, st. mary's river. . alasmodonta marginata, _say_. lake vaseux, st. mary's river; very large. . alasmodonta edentula? _say_. anodon areolatus? _swainson_. lake vaseux. the specimens of this shell are too old and imperfect to be safely determined. unio. . unio tuberculatus, _barnes_. painted rock, upper mississippi. . unio pustulosus, _lea_. upper mississippi, prairie du chien, to lake pepin. . unio verrucosus, _barnes_, _lea_. st. croix river of the upper mississippi. . unio plicatus, _le sueur_, _say_. prairie du chien, and river st. croix. the specimens of u. plicatus sent from this locality by mr. schoolcraft have the nacre beautifully tinged with violet, near the posterior border of the shell, and are also much more ventricose than those found in more eastern localities, as pittsburg, for example; at the same time, i believe them to be of the same species. similar variations are observed in other species; the specimens from the south and west generally exhibiting a greater development. . unio trigonus, _lea_. from the same locality as the last, and like it unusually ventricose. . unio ebenus, _lea_. upper mississippi, between prairie du chien and lake pepin. . unio gibbosus, _barnes_. st. croix river, upper mississippi, . unio rectus, _lamarck_. u. prÆlongus, _barnes_. upper mississippi, from prairie du chien to lake pepin, and the river st. croix. the specimens collected by mr. schoolcraft, vary much in the color of the nacre. some have it entirely white, others rose purple, and others entirely of a very fine dark salmon color. this species inhabits the st. lawrence as far east as montreal. . unio siliquoideus, _barnes_, and u. inflatus, _barnes_. upper mississippi, between prairie du chien and lake pepin. large, ponderous, and the epidermis finely rayed. . unio complanatus, _lea_. u. purpureus, _say_. lake vaseux, st. mary's river. lake vaseux is an expansion of the river st. mary, a tributary of the upper lakes. this shell does not appear to exist in any of the streams flowing into the mississippi. . unio crassus, _say_. upper mississippi, prairie du chien. . unio radiatus, _barnes_. lake vaseux. the specimen is old and imperfect, but i believe it to be the u. radiatus of our conchologists, which is common in lake champlain and also inhabits the st. lawrence. . unio occidens, _lea_. u. ventricosus, _say_, am. con. u. ventricosus, _barnes?_ wisconsin and st. croix rivers, and shell lake. epidermis variously colored, and marked with numerous rays. . unio ventricosus, _barnes_. upper mississippi, from prairie du chien to lake pepin and shell lake. the varieties of this, and the preceding pass insensibly into each other. those from shell lake are of extraordinary size. . unio alatus, _say_. symphynota alata, _lea_. upper mississippi, and shell lake. found also in lake champlain, by the late mr. barnes. . unio gracilis, _barnes_. symphynota gracilis, _lea_. upper mississippi, and shell lake. the specimens brought by mr. schoolcraft are larger and more beautiful than i have seen from any other locality. vi. botany. . _a list of species and localities of plants collected in the northwestern expeditions of mr. schoolcraft of and ._ by douglass houghton, m. d., surgeon to the expeditions. the localities of the following plants are transcribed from a catalogue kept during the progress of the expeditions, and embrace many plants common to our country, which were collected barely for the purpose of comparison. a more detailed account will be published at some future day. _aster tenuifolius_, willdenow. upper mississippi. " _sericea_, nuttall. river de corbeau, missouri ter. " _lævis?_ willdenow. st. croix river, northwest ter. " _concolor_, willdenow. fox river, northwest ter. " (_n. spec._). sources of yellow river, northwest ter. _andropogon furcatus_, willdenow. sources of yellow river, northwest ter. _alopecurus geniculatus_, linnæus. sault ste. marie, m. t. _aira flexuosa._ sault ste. marie, m. t. _allium tricoccum_, aiton. ontonagon river of lake superior. " _cernuum_, roth. river de corbeau to the sources of the miss. " (_n. spec._). st. louis river of lake superior. _amorpha canescens_, nuttall. upper mississippi. _artemisia canadensis_, mx. lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _sericea_, nuttall. keweena point, lake superior. " _gnaphaloides_, nuttall. fox river, northwest ter. _arabis hirsuta_, de candolle. upper mississippi. " _lyrata_, linn. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _arundo canadensis_, mx. lake superior. _arenaria lateriflora_, linn. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _alnus glauca_, mx. st. croix river to the sources of the miss. _alliona albida_, walter. yellow river, northwest ter. _aronia sanguinea._ lake superior to the sources of the miss. _alectoria jubata._ lake superior to the sources of the miss. _aletris farinosa._ prairies of michigan ter. _bidens beckii_, torrey. st. croix river to the sources of the miss. _bunias maritima_, willdenow. lake michigan. _baptisia coerulea_, michaux. fox river, northwest ter. _blitum capitatum._ northwest ter. _betula papyracea_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _glandulosa._ savannah river, northwest ter. _bartramia fontana._ lake superior. _bromus canadensis_, michaux. upper mississippi. _batschia canescens._ plains of the mississippi. " " var. (or _n. spec._). lake superior. _carex paucifolia._ sault ste. marie, mich. ter. " _scirpoides_, schkuhr. sault ste. marie, mich. ter. " _limosa_, linn. sault ste. marie, mich. ter. " _curata_, gmelin. sault ste. marie, mich. ter. " (apparently _n. spec._ allied to _c. scabrata_.) sources of the miss. " _washingtoniana_, dewy. lake superior. " _lacustris_, willdenow. lake superior. " _oedere_, ehrhart. leech lake. " _logopodioides_, schkuhr. savannah river, northwest ter. " _rosea_, var. lake superior. " _festucacea_, schkuhr. st. louis river of lake superior. _cyperus mariscoides_, elliott. upper mississippi. " _alterniflorus_, schwinitz. river st. clair, mich. ter. _cnicus pitcheri_, torrey. lakes michigan and superior. _coreopsis palmata_, nuttall. prairies of the upper mississippi. _cardamine pratensis._ lake superior to the sources of the miss. _calamagrostis coarctata_, torrey. lake winnipec. _cetraria icelandica._ lakes superior and michigan. _corydalis aurea_, willdenow. cass lake, upper mississippi. " _glauca_, persoon. lake superior. _cynoglossum amplexicaule_, michaux. sault ste. marie. _cassia chamoecrista._ upper mississippi. _corylus americana_, walter. lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _rostrata_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _cistus canadensis_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _cornus circinata_, l'heritier. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _cypripedium acaule_, aiton. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _cymbidium pulchellum_, swartz. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _corallorhiza multiflora_, torrey. lake superior. _convallaria borealis_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the mississippi. " _trifolia_, linn. lake superior. _cenchrus echinatus_, linn. upper mississippi. _cerastium viscosum_, linn. lake superior. " _oblongifolium_, torrey. michigan ter. _campanula acuminata_, michaux. st. louis river of lake superior. _chrysosplenium oppositifolium._ lake superior to the mississippi. _cinna arundinacea_, willdenow. upper mississippi. _drosera linearis_, hooker. lake superior. " _rotundifolia._ lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _americana_, muhlenberg. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _dracocephalum virginicum_, willdenow. red cedar river, northwest territory. _delphinium virescens_, nuttall. upper mississippi. _danthonia spicata_, willdenow. mauvais river of lake superior. _dirca palustris_, willdenow. ontonagon river of lake superior. _equisetum limosum_, torrey. lake superior. " _palustr_e, willdenow. lake superior. " _variegatum_, smith. lake michigan. _erigeron integrifolium_, bigelow. falls of peckagama, upper miss. " _purpureum_, willdenow. falls of peckagama, upper miss. " (_n. spec._). sources of st. croix river, northwest ter. _erigeron heterophyllum_, var. or (_n. spec._). sources of st. croix river, northwest ter. _eryngium aquaticum_, jussieu. galena, ill. _euphorbia corollata_, willdenow. red cedar river. _eriophorum virginicum_, linn. lake superior. " _alpinum_, linn. lake superior. " _polystachyon_, linn. lake superior. _empetrum nigrum_, michaux. lake superior. _erysimum chiranthoides_, linn. lake superior: _eriocaulon pellucidum_, michaux. lake superior. _euchroma coccinea_, willdenow. lake superior to the mississippi. _elymus striatus_, willdenow. st. croix river, northwest ter. " _virginicus_, linn. st. croix river, northwest ter. _festuca nutans_, willdenow. lake winnipec. _glycera fluitans_, brown. savannah river, northwest ter. _gyrophora papulosa_. lake superior. _gentiana crinita_, willdenow. lake michigan. _geranium carolinianum_. lake superior to the mississippi. _galium lanceolatum_, torrey. red cedar river to the mississippi. _gerardia pedicularis_. fox river, northwest ter. " _maritima_, rafinesque. lake michigan. _galeopsis tetrahit_, var. falls of st. mary, mich. ter. _gnaphalium plantaginium_, var. sources of the mississippi. _goodyera pubescens_, willdenow. lake superior. _hippophæ canadensis_, willdenow. lake superior. " _argentea_, pursh. lake superior. _hedeoma glabra_, persoon. lake michigan to the sources of the miss. _hydropeltis purpurea_, michaux. northwest ter. _hippuris vulgaris_. yellow river to sources of the mississippi. _hudsonia tomentosa_, nuttall. lake superior. _hypericum canadense_. lake superior. " _prolificum_, willdenow. lake michigan. _hieracium fasciculatum_, pursh. pukwàewa lake, northwest ter. _hierochloa borealis_, roemer & schultes. lake superior. _holcus lanatus_. savannah river, northwest ter. _houstonia longifolia_, willdenow. st. louis river of lake superior. _heuchera americana_, linn. st. louis river of lake superior. _hypnum crista-castrensis._ sources of the mississippi. _hordeum jubatum._ upper red cedar lake. _helianthus decapetalis._ northwest ter. " _gracilis_, torrey. upper lake st. croix, northwest ter. _hyssopus anisatus_, nuttall. upper mississippi. " _scrophularifolius_, willdenow. upper mississippi. _inula villosa_, nuttall. upper mississippi. _ilex canadensis_, michaux. lake superior. _juncus nodosus._ st. mary's river. " _polycephalus_, michaux. lake superior. _koeleria nitida_, nuttall. lake winnipec. _lycopodium dendroideum_, michaux. lake superior to the sources of the mississippi. " _annotinum_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the mississippi. _lonicera hirsuta_, eaton. lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _sempervirens_, aiton. lake superior. _lechea minor._ upper mississippi. _linhea borealis_, willdenow. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _lathyrus palustris._ lake superior. " _decaphyllus_, pursh. leech lake. " _maritimus_, bigelow. lake superior. _lobelia kalmii_, linnæus. lake superior. " _claytoniana_, michaux. upper mississippi. " _puberula?_ michaux. yellow river, northwest ter. _liatris scariosa_, willdenow. upper mississippi. " _cylindrica_, michaux. upper mississippi. _lysimachia revoluta_, nuttall. lake superior. " _thyrsifolia_, michaux. lake superior. _ledum latifolium_, aiton. lake superior to the sources of the miss. _myrica gale_, willdenow. lake superior. _malva (n. spec.)._ upper mississippi. _monarda punctata_, linnæus. upper mississippi. " _oblongata_, aiton. upper mississippi. _microstylis ophioglossoides_, willdenow. lac la biche [itasca]. _myriophyllum spicatum._ lake superior. _mitella cordifolia_, lamarck. lake superior. _menyanthes trifoliata._ lake superior to the sources of the miss. _myosotis arvensis_, sibthorp. st. clair river, mich. ter. _nelumbium luteum_, willdenow. upper mississippi. _oenothera biennis_, var. bois brulé river of lake superior. " _serrulata_, nuttall. upper mississippi. _psoralea argophylla_, pursh. falls of st. anthony. _primula farinosa_, var. _americana_, torrey. lakes huron and superior. " _mistassinica_, michaux. keweena point, lake superior. _pingwicula_ (_n. spec._). presque isle, lake superior. _parnassia americana_, muhlenberg. lake michigan. _pedicularis gladiata_, michaux. fox river. _pinus nigra_, lambert. lake superior. " _banksiana_, lambert. lake superior. _populus tremuloides_, michaux. northwest ter. " _lævigata_, willdenow. upper mississippi. _prunus depressa_, pursh. lakes superior and michigan. _petalostemon violaceum_, willdenow. upper mississippi. " _candidum_, willdenow. upper mississippi. _potentilla tridentata_, aiton. lake superior. " _fruticosa_, linnæus. lakes superior and michigan. _pyrola uniflora_, mauvais river of lake superior. _polygonum amphibium_, linnæus. st. croix river. " _cilinode_, michaux. lake superior. " _articulatum_, linnæus. lake superior. " _coccinium_, willdenow. st. croix river. _polygala polygama_, walter. northwest ter. _phlox aristata_, michaux. upper mississippi. _poa canadensis._ upper mississippi. _pentstemon gracile_, nuttall. upper red cedar lake. " _grandiflorum_, nuttall. falls of st. anthony. _physalis lanceolata_, var. (or _n. spec._). lac la biche [itasca]. _quercus coccinea_, wangenheim. upper red cedar lake. " _obtusiloba_, michaux. upper mississippi. _ranunculus filiformis_, michaux. falls of st. mary, mich. ter. " _pusillus_, pursh. mich. ter. " _prostratus_, lamarck. lake superior to the mississippi. " _lacustris_, beck & tracy. upper mississippi. _rudbeckia hirta_, linnæus. upper mississippi and michigan ter. " _digitata_, aiton. upper mississippi. _rubus parviflorus_, nuttall. lake superior to the sources of the miss. " _hispidus_, linnæus. lake superior. " _saxatilis_, var. _canadensis_, michaux. lake superior. _rosa gemella_, willdenow. lake superior. " _rubifolia_, brown. michigan ter. _ribes albinervum_, michaux. sources of the st. croix river. _saururus cernuus_, linnæus. upper mississippi. _streptopus roseus_, michaux. lake superior. _sisymbrium brachycarpum_, richardson. lake superior. " _chiranthoides_, linnæus. lake superior. _swertia deflexa_, smith. bois brulé river of lake superior. _silphium terebinthinaceum_, elliott. michigan territory to the miss. " _gummiferum_. fox river to the mississippi. _stachys aspera_, var. michaux. lake superior. _sterocaulon paschale._ lake superior. _struthiopteris pennsylvanica_, willdenow. lake superior. _scirpus frigetur?_ lake of the isles, northwest ter. " _palustris_, linnæus. lake superior to the mississippi. _salix prinoides_, pursh. mauvais river of lake superior. " _longifolia_, muhlenberg. upper mississippi. _spiræa opulifolia_, var. _tomentella_, de candolle. lake superior. _sorbus americana_, willdenow. lake huron to the head of lake superior. _smilax rotundifolia_ linnæus. lake superior to the mississippi. _silene antirrhina_, linnæus. lac la biche. _saxifraga virginiensis_, michaux. lake superior. _scutellaria ambigua_, nuttall. upper mississippi. _solidago virgaurea_, var. _alpina._ lake superior. _stipa juncea_, nuttall. usawa r. _symphora racemosa_, michaux. source of the miss. r. _senecio balsamitæ_, var. falls of peckagama, upper miss. _sagittaria heterophylla_, pursh. upper miss. _tanacetum huronensis_, nuttall. lakes michigan and superior. _tussilago palmata_, willdenow. lake michigan. _tofeldia pubens_, michaux. lake superior. _triglochin maritimum_, linnæus. lake superior. _thalyctrum corynellum_, de candolle. st. louis river. _triticum repens_, linnæus. leech lake. _troximon virginicum_, pursh. lake winnipec. _talinum teretifolium_, pursh. st. croix river. _tradescantia virginica._ upper mississippi. _utricularia cornuta_, michaux. lake superior. " _purpurea_, walter. lac chetac, n. w. ter. _uraspermum canadense_, lake superior to the miss. _viola lanceolata_, linnæus. sault ste. marie. " _pedata_, var. (or _n. spec._). lac la biche, sources of the miss. _viburnum oxycoccus_, pursh. lake superior. " _lentago._ lake superior. _vernonia novoboracensis_, willdenow. upper miss. _verbena bracteosa_, michaux. upper miss. " _stricta_, ventenat. upper miss. _zapania nodiflora_, michaux. galena, illinois. _zigadenus chloranthus_, richardson. sandy shores of lake michigan. _zizania aquatica_, pursh. illinois to the sources of the miss. vii. mineralogy and geology. . _a report on the existence of deposits of copper in the geological basin of lake superior._ by dr. d. houghton. fredonia, n. y., november , . sir: in fulfilment of the duties assigned to me in the late expedition into the indian country, under the direction of h. r. schoolcraft, esq., indian agent, i would beg leave to transmit to you the following observations relative to the existence of copper in the country bordering on the southern shore of lake superior. it is without doubt true that this subject has long been viewed with an interest far beyond its actual merit. each mass of native copper which this country has produced, however insulated, or however it may have been separated from its original position, appears to have been considered a sure indication of the existence of that metal in beds; and hence we occasionally see, upon maps of that section of our country, particular portions marked as containing "copper mines," where no copper now exists. but, while it is certain that a combination of circumstances has served to mislead the public mind with regard to the geological situation and existing quantity of that metal, it is no less certain that a greater quantity of insulated native copper has been discovered upon the borders of lake superior, than in any other equal portion of north america. among the masses of native copper which have engaged the attention of travellers in this section of country, one, which from its great size was early noticed, is situated on the ontonagon river, a stream which empties its waters into the southern part of lake superior, miles above the falls of the ste. marie. the ontonagon river is, with some difficulty, navigable by batteaux miles, at which place, by the union of two smaller streams--one from an easterly and the other from a westerly direction--the main stream is formed. the mass of copper is situated on the western fork, at a distance of six or eight miles from the junction. the face of the country through the upper half of the distance from lake superior is uneven, and the irregularity is given it by hills of marly clay, which occasionally rise quite abruptly to the height of one or two hundred feet. no rock was observed _in situ_, except in one place, where, for a distance, the red sandstone was observed, forming the bed of the river. the mass of copper lies, partly covered by water, directly at the foot of a clay hill, from which, together with numerous boulders of the primitive rocks, it has undoubtedly been washed by the action of the water of the river. although it is completely insulated, there is much to interest in its examination. its largest surface measures three and a half by four feet, and this, which is of malleable copper, is kept bright by the action of the water, and has the usual appearance of that metal when worn. to one surface is attached a small quantity of rock, singularly bound together by threads of copper, which pass through it in all directions. this rock, although many of its distinctive characters are lost, is evidently a dark colored serpentine, with small interspersed masses of milky quartz. the mass of copper is so situated as to afford but little that would enable us to judge of its original geological position. in examining the eastern fork of the river, i discovered small water-worn masses of trap-rock, in which were specks of imbedded carbonate of copper and copper black; and with them were occasionally associated minute specks of serpentine, in some respects resembling that which is attached to the large mass of copper; and facts would lead us to infer that the trap formation which appears on lake superior east of the ontonagon river, crosses this section of country at or near the source of that river, and at length forms one of the spurs of the porcupine mountains. several smaller masses of insulated native copper have been discovered on the borders of lake superior, but that upon ontonagon river is the only one which is now known to remain. at as early a period as before the american revolution, an english mining company directed their operations to the country bordering on lake superior, and ontonagon river was one point to which their attention was immediately directed. traces of a shaft, sunk in the clay hill, near a mass of copper, are still visible--a memento of ignorance and folly. operations were also commenced on the southern shore of lake superior, near the mouth of a small stream, which, from that circumstance, is called miners' river. parts of the names of the miners, carved upon the sandstone rock at the mouth of the river, are still visible. what circumstance led to the selection of this spot does not now appear. no mineral traces are at this day perceptible, except occasional discolorations of the sandstone rock by what is apparently a mixture of the carbonates of iron and copper; and this is only to be observed where water, holding in solution an extremely minute portion of these salts, has trickled slowly over those rocks. it does not, in fact, appear that the red sandstone, which constitutes the principal rock formation of the southern shore of lake superior, is in any instance metalliferous in any considerable degree. if this be true, it would require but little reflection to convince one of the inexpediency of conducting mining operations at either of the points selected for that purpose; and it is beyond a doubt true, that the company did not receive the least inducement to continue their labors. in addition to these masses of native copper, an ore of that metal has long been known to the lake traders as the green rock, in which the characteristic substances are the green and blue carbonates of copper, accompanied by copper black. it is situated upon keweena point, miles above the falls of the ste. marie. the ore is embraced by what is apparently a recently formed crag; and, although it is of a kind and so situated as to make an imposing appearance, there is little certainty of its existence in large quantities in this formation. the ore forms a thin covering to the pebbles of which the body of the rock is composed, and is rarely observed in masses separate from it. the crag is composed of angular fragments of trap-rock, and the formation is occasionally traversed by broad and continuous belts of calc. spar, here and there tinged with copper. although the ore was not observed in any considerable quantity, except at one point, it apparently exists in minute specks through a greater part of the crag formation, which extends several miles, forming the shore of the lake. this examination of the crag threw new interest upon the trap formation, which had been first observed to take the place of the sandstone at the bottom of a deep bay, called montreal bay, on the easterly side of keweena point. the trap-rock continues for a few miles, when the crag before noticed appears to lie directly upon it, and to form the extremity of the point; the crag, in turn, disappears, and the trap-rock is continued for a distance of six or eight miles upon the westerly side of the point, when the sandstone again reappears. the trap-rock is of a compact granular texture, occasionally running into the amygdaloid and toadstone varieties, and is rich in imbedded minerals, such as amethystine quartz, smoky quartz, carnelian, chalcedony, agate, &c., together with several of the ores of copper. traces of copper ore in the trap-rock were first noticed on the easterly side of keweena point, and near the commencement of the trap formation. this ore, which is an impure copper black, was observed in a vein of variable thickness, but not in any part exceeding two and a half inches. it is sufficiently compact and hard to receive a firm polish, but it is rather disposed to break into small irregular masses. a specimen furnished, upon analysis, . per cent. of pure copper. on the western side of keweena point, the same ore appears under different circumstances, being disseminated through the body of the trap-rock, in grains varying in size from a pin's head to a pea. although many of these grains are wholly copper black, they are occasionally only depositions of the mineral upon specks of carnelian, chalcedony, or agate, or are more frequently composed, in part, of what is apparently an imperfect steatite. the ore is so connected with, and so much resembles in color the rock, of which it may be said to be a constituent part, that they might easily, during a hasty examination, be confounded. a random specimen of the rock furnished, upon analysis, . per cent. of pure copper. the rock continues combined with that mineral for nearly the space of three miles. extremely thin veins of copper black were observed to traverse this same rock; and in enlargements of these were discovered several masses of amorphous native copper. the latter mineral appeared in two forms--the one consisting of compact and malleable masses, varying from four to ten ounces each; and the other, of specks and fasciculi of pure copper, binding together confused masses of copper green, and partially disintegrated trap-rock; the latter was of several pounds' weight. each variety was closely embraced by the rock, although the action of the water upon the rock had occasionally exposed to view points of the metal. in addition to the accompanying copper green, which was in a disintegrated state, small specks of the oxide of copper were associated in most of the native specimens. circumstances would not permit an examination of any portion of the trap formation, except that bordering directly upon the lake. but facts would lead us to infer that that formation extends from one side of keweena point to the other, and that a range of thickly wooded hills, which traverses the point, is based upon, if not formed of that rock. an indian information, which, particularly upon such a subject, must be adopted with caution, would sanction the opinion that the prominent constituents are the same wherever the rock is observed. after having duly considered the facts which are presented, i would not hesitate to offer, as an opinion, that the trap-rock formation was the original source of the masses of copper which have been observed in the country bordering on lake superior; and that, at the present day, examinations for the ores of copper could not be made in that country with hopes of success, except in the trap-rock itself; which rock is not certainly known to exist upon any place upon lake superior, other than keweena point. if this opinion be a correct one, the cause of, failure of the mining company in this region is rendered plain. having considered each insulated mass of pure metal as a true indication of the existence of a bed in the vicinity, operations were directed to wrong points; when, having failed to realize their anticipations, the project was abandoned without further actual investigation. we would be induced to infer that no attempts were made to learn the original source of the metal which was discovered, and thus, while the attention was drawn to insulated masses, the ores, ordinary in appearance, but more important _in sitû_, were neglected; and perhaps, from the close analogy in appearance to the rock with which they were associated, no distinction was observed. what quantity of ore the trap-rock of keweena point may be capable of producing, can only be determined by minute and laborious examination. the indications which were presented by a hasty investigation are here embodied, and with deference submitted to your consideration. i have the honor to be, sir, your obedient, servant, douglass houghton. hon. lewis cass, _secretary of war_. . _remarks on the occurrence of native silver and ores of silver in the stratification of the basins of lakes huron and superior._ by henry r. schoolcraft. traces of this metal which have been found in the drift and boulder stratum of both lakes huron and superior, indicate the existence of the metal in place. during my residence at st. mary's, two specimens of its occurrence were brought to my notice. the first of these consisted of points of native silver in a moderately large mass of native copper, found in , near the entrance of the _nama_ or sturgeon river into keweena lake, of the large peninsula of that name, in lake superior. like the majority of such masses of the region, it had no adhering portion of rock or vein stone, from which a judgment might be formed of its original position. i had, the prior year, set up my mineralogical cabinet in my office, and stated to the indians, who roved over large tracts, my solicitude to collect specimens of the mineral productions of the country of every description, and, indeed, of its zoology, always acknowledging their comity, in bringing me specimens in any department of natural history, by some small present; and i found this to be a means of extending my inquiries. subsequently, i received a boulder specimen from the shores of lake huron, containing veins of native silver. part of the metal had been detached. i submitted these specimens to the lyceum of natural history at new york, in . the following remarks are taken from their annals. _mineralogical and chemical characters._--by examining this mineral, it will be perceived to possess the color, lustre, malleability, and other obvious characters of native silver. it is so soft as to be easily cut by the knife; and in a state of purity which permits it to spread under the hammer. these characters serve to distinguish it from antimonial silver, which is not _malleable_; from native antimony which tarnishes on exposure, &c. the metal occurs in thin, massive veins in the rock. these veins sometimes intersect, but never cross each other. it is also disseminated in small particles through the stone, or spread in flattened masses over its surface. some of these masses were detached by the discoverer, but have been preserved, and are presented to the lyceum with the more solid and undisturbed portions. by submitting a small portion of the metal to the action of nitric acid, i obtained an imperfect solution. on repeating the experiment, and adding a little sulphuric acid, the action was more brisk, and a clear and apparently perfect solution effected. by standing, however, a pulpy, white precipitate appeared at the bottom of the glass. this was collected and submitted to the action of the blowpipe, on a basis of charcoal. the result gave a number of minute, metallic globules, possessing greater lustre, malleability, and ductility, than the original mass. i repeated the latter experiment, adding to the nitro-sulphuric solution muriate of soda. a more perfect precipitation of the white powder was effected; but the results with the blowpipe remained the same. _geognostic position._--it is a rolled mass. an opinion of the specific character of the rock may be dubious, from the smallness of the specimen. it appears to have been detached from a stratum of gneiss, and is essentially composed of quartz. the blackish color of some parts of this latter mineral would, at first glance, lead us to attribute this color to the presence of hornblende; but, on closer examination, it will be perceived to be owing to a dark-colored steatite, which, in certain parts of the rock, is well developed, soft, and easily cut. a little calcspar is intermingled with the steatite. _locality._--i am indebted to the politeness of lieut. lewis s. johnston, of the british indian department, at malden (u. c.), for the opportunity of adding this specimen to the mineralogical cabinet of the lyceum. this gentleman, as he informed me, obtained it from an indian, who picked it up on the southeastern shores of lake huron, near point aux barques, in michigan territory. that part of lake huron was cursorily examined by me, in the year , in the course of the expedition conducted by gov. cass, through the upper lakes, &c. i consider it remarkable, even in a region abounding in rolled rocks, for the great number and variety of granite, gneiss, hornblende, and trap boulders, scattered along the shores of the lake. the water here is generally shallow and dangerous to approach in vessels; these boulder stones sometimes extending and presenting themselves above water for a mile or more from land. but we could not satisfy ourselves by an examination necessarily partial, that either of the primitive species mentioned, existed there in any other condition than as rolled masses, or displacements of rock strata, contiguous, perhaps, but not observed. dr. bigsby has informed me, that he observed the gneiss _in sitû_, on the northwestern shores of this lake. the nearest rock in place, and that which in fact constitutes the abraded and caverned promontory of point aux barques, is gray sandstone. the occurrence of this metal in the copper-bearing and other metalliferous rocks of this region, may be confidently affirmed.[ ] [ ] at the date of this publication, it is known that this metal occurs, both as a constituent of the mass copper in lake superior, and is also developed in veins in the stratification. . _a general summary of the localities of minerals observed in the northwest in and ._ by henry r. schoolcraft. class i. _bodies not metallic, containing an acid._ . calcareous spar. keweena point, lake superior. imbedded in small globular masses, in the trap-rock; also forming veins in the same formation. some of the masses break into rhombic forms, and possess a certain but not perfect degree of transparency; others are opaque, or discolored by the green carbonate of copper. also in the trap-rock between fond du lac and old grand portage, lake superior, in perfect, transparent rhombs, exhibiting the property of double refraction. also, at the lead mines, in iowa county, in the marly clay formation, often exhibiting imperfect prisms, variously truncated. . calcareous tufa. mouth of the river brulé, of lake superior. in small, friable, broken masses, in the diluvial soil. also, in the gorge below the falls of st. anthony. in detached, vesicular masses, amidst debris. . compact carbonate of lime. in the calcareous cliffs of horizontal formation, commencing at the falls of st. anthony. carboniferous. . septaria. in the reddish clay soil, between montreal river and lapointe, lake superior. . gypsum. in the sandstone rock at the point of grand sable west, lake superior. in orbicular masses, firmly imbedded. not abundant. granular, also imperfectly foliated. . carbonate of magnesia. serpentine rock, at presque isle, lake superior. compact. . hydrate of magnesia? with the preceding. class ii. _earthy compounds, amorphous or crystalline._ . common quartz. huron islands, lake superior; also the adjoining coast. in very large veins or beds. white, opaque. . granular quartz. falls of peckagama, upper mississippi. _in sitû._ . smoky quartz. in the trap-rock, keweena point, lake superior, crystallized. in connection with amethystine quartz. . amethyst. with the preceding. also, at the pic bay, and at gargontwa, north shore of lake superior, in the trap-rock, in perfect crystals, of various intensity of color. . chalcedony. keweena point, lake superior. in globular or orbicular masses, in amygdaloid rock. often, in detached masses along the shores. . carnelian. with the preceding. . hornstone. in detached masses, very hard, on the shores of lake superior. also, at dodgeville, iowa county, mich. ter., in fragments or nodular masses in the clay soil. . jasper. in the preceding locality. common and striped, exceedingly difficult of being acted on by the wheel. not observed _in sitû_. . agate. imbedded in the trap-rocks of lake superior, and also detached, forming a constituent of its detritus. variously colored. often made up of alternate layers of chalcedony, carnelian, and cacholong. sometimes zoned, or in fortification points. specimens not taken from the rock are not capable of being scratched by quartz or flint, and are incapable of being acted on by the file; consequently, _harder_ than any of the described species. . cyanite. specimens of this mineral, in flat, six-sided prisms, imbedded in a dark primitive rock, were brought out from lac du flambeau outlet, where the rock is described as existing _in sitû_. the locality has not been visited, but there are facts brought to light, within the last two or three years, to justify the extension of the primitive to that section of country. . pitchstone. a detached mass of this mineral, very black and lava-like, was picked up in the region of lake superior, where the volcanic mineral, trachyte, is common among the rolled masses. neither of these substances have been observed _in sitû_. . mica. huron islands, lake superior. in granite. . schorl. common. outlet of lac du flambeau. also, in a detached mass of primitive rock at green bay. . feldspar. porcupine mountains, lake superior. . basalt. amorphous. granite point, lake superior. . stilbite. amygdaloid rock, keweena point, lake superior. . zeolite. mealy. with the preceding. . zeolite. radiated. lake superior. this mineral consists of fibres, so delicate and firmly united as to appear almost compact, radiating from a centre. some of the masses produced by this radiation measure . inches in diameter. they are of a uniform, pale, yellowish red. this mineral has not been traced _in sitû_, being found in detached masses of rock, and sometimes as water-worn portions of radii. its true position would seem to be the trap-rock. . asbestus. presque isle, lake superior. in the serpentine formation. . hornblende. very abundant as a constituent of the primitive rocks on the upper mississippi, and in the basin of lake superior. often in distinct crystals. . diallage, green. lake superior. in detached masses, connected with primitive boulders. _harder_ than the species. . serpentine, common. presque isle, lake superior. . serpentine, precious. with the preceding. color, a light pistachio green, and takes a fine polish. exists in veins in the common variety. . pseudomorphous serpentine. with the preceding. this beautiful green mineral constitutes a portion of the veins of the precious serpentine. its crystalline impressions are very distinct. . argillite. river st. louis, northwest of lake superior. nearly vertical in its position. class iii. _combustibles._ . peat. marine sand formation composing the shore of lake superior, between white-fish point and grand marais. also, on the island of michilimackinac. class iv. _ores and metals._ . native copper. west side of keweena point, lake superior. imbedded in a vein with carbonate of copper, and copper black, in the trap-rock. . copper black. with the preceding. . carbonate of copper, green. with the preceding. these two minerals ( and ) characterize the trap-rock of the peninsula of keweena, lake superior, from montreal bay, extending to and around its extremity, west, to sand-hill bay. the entire area may be estimated to comprise a rocky, serrated coast of about seventy-five miles in length, and not to exceed seven or eight miles in width. the principal veins are at a point called roche verd, and along the coast which we refer to as the black rocks. at the latter, native copper is one of the constituents of the vein. green and blue carbonate of copper was also observed in limited quantity, in small rounded masses, at one of the lead diggings near mineral point, iowa county. . chromate of iron. presque isle, lake superior. . sulphuret of lead. lead mines of iowa county, michigan territory. . earthy carbonate of lead. brigham's mine, iowa county, mich. ter. also, in small masses, of a yellowish white, dirty color, and great comparative weight, at several of the lead mines (diggings) in the more westerly and southern parts of the county. . _geological outline of the taquimenon valley of lake superior._ by henry r. schoolcraft. the river takquimenon originates on a plateau between the northern shores of lake michigan and the southeastern coast of lake superior. at a central point on this plateau, there lies a lake of moderate size, which, in the translated indian phrase, is called heartsblood lake. a little to the west of this lake, and, perhaps, connected with it, originates the head stream of the north manistic river of lake michigan, running southwest. towards the northeast the takwymenon takes its way, winding through level grassy plains, till it reaches the rim of the geological basin that circumscribes lake superior. the height of this point is conjectural. it is probably one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the lake. to comprehend the geography of the region, it is necessary to advert to the fact that the sandstone formation, which appears in the picturesque form of the pictured rocks, is last seen in its range eastward at la pointe des grande sable, where its surface is of a compact structure and dull red color. between this locality and the bold cape of point iroquois, at the head of st. mary's river, there intervenes an extensive formation of gravel, boulders, and sand. the length of this line of coast is about ninety miles, its breadth to the basinic rim, perhaps thirty. it is covered with small pines, spruce, birch, and poplar, with frequent sphagnous tracts and ponds; the lake shore, where the sands are continually accumulated, being higher than the interior portions. it has, from early days, been a favorite resort for beaver, from which it is called by the natives, namikong, meaning, excellent place of beavers. this tract of the namikong is primarily due to diluvial formations, with a comparatively recent hem of lake action, consisting of sands and pebbles pushed up by the waves of lake superior. through this tract, from the plateaux, four small rivers make their way to the lake. they are, in their order, from west to east, the river of grand mauvais, the twin river, the shelldrake, and the tacquimenon, which enters the lake fifteen miles from point iroquois. of these streams, the tacquimenon carries the largest body of water into the lake. it is already a stream of seventy feet wide, and three feet deep, when it reaches the rim of sandstone rocks referred to. over these, it is plunged, at a single perpendicular leap, forty feet, falling like a curtain. it drops into a vast concavity in the sand rock, where the water is of unfathomable depth, black and still. i had reached this point in a canoe manned by indians. they had urged their way up a very rapid brawling bed for six miles above the lower falls, and when we reached this still, deep, and dark basin, they said that care was required to keep from under the suction of the falling sheet. the lower falls of the stream are probably twelve or fourteen feet. they are broken into several fan-shaped cascades, and present a picturesque appearance--an idea which has also impressed the chippewas, for they refer to it as a favorite locality of fairies. hence their name for it. immediately below these falls the river winds about, making a peninsula, which is covered with deciduous trees and a fertile soil. the amount of water power at this point is such as must command attention whenever the country justifies settlement. . _suggestions respecting the geological epoch of the deposit of sandstone rock at st. mary's falls._ by henry r. schoolcraft. lake superior presents to the eye the singular spectacle of a body of pure translucent water, five hundred miles in length from east to west, and one hundred and eighty or two hundred miles wide. this vast mass of water is thought to have an extreme depth--i know not on what principles--of nine hundred feet deep. it lies at an elevation of six hundred feet above the atlantic ocean, at high water. from this depth there has been protruded from its bottom two species of formations, which were thus elevated by volcanic forces, namely, the trap and the granitical series. cones and high mural cliffs, with large rents, make this basis one of great inequalities. to fill up these, the sedimentary rocks, by a natural law of gravitation, let fall the dissolved and suspended matter which constitutes the horizontal strata, such as the neutral and deep-colored sandstones. this process also gives origin to grauwackes and the grauwacke slates and the argillites. but these horizontal deposits do not all retain their horizontality. they were tilted up by other volcanic forces, after the deposition and hardening of the sandstones, as we see them at the north foot of the porcupine mountains and along the rugged valley of the st. louis river. this secondary upheaval or series of upheavals, is conceived to furnish proof of epochs. strata of the same mineral constitution and system of formation which are upheaved, are clearly of posterior age to the horizontal. some of these strata of the secondary, epoch have only had their horizontality disturbed, while others are quite vertical. yet, the disturbances of an epoch are only relative, and it remains true that any disturbance, however slight, in the fundamental series, throws the epoch beyond the newer fletz and tertiary formations. some theory of this kind is necessary in scrutinizing the position of the st. mary's sandstone, which is manifestly of the palaozoic era. it has felt the impulse of disturbance, although it appears to be little. evidences of this are most perceptible in the british channel, on the north side of the island of st. joseph. this channel, and, indeed, the entire course of the river up to lake superior, is the line of juxtaposition between the rocks of elder and the secondary epoch. at the extreme foot of sugar island occurs the remains of a stratum of the sandstone era, consisting of white quartz filled with coarse red jasper pebbles. i observed remains of this stratum of remarkable rock, which have been broken off and swept away in the basin of lake huron, deposited in boulder masses on its southern shores. the sandstone of st. mary's is, structurally, brittle, fissile, and worthless, as a building material. its substructure is complicated and made up of thin layers exactly deposited, as if from watery suspension, but deposited without disturbance. these sub-layers of construction, are sometimes cut off by parallel lines at right angles, or by new series of layers diagonally formed, or in echelon. . indian tribes. viii. condition and disposition. . _official report of an expedition through upper michigan and northern wisconsin in ._ sault ste. marie, sept. , . sir: in compliance with instructions to endeavor to terminate the hostilities between the chippewas and sioux, i proceeded into the chippewa country with thirteen men in two canoes, having the necessary provisions and presents for the indians, an interpreter, a physician to attend the sick, and a person in charge of the provisions and other public property. the commanding officer of fort brady furnished me with an escort of ten soldiers, under the command of a lieutenant; and i took with me a few chippewas, in a canoe provided with oars, to convey a part of the provisions. a flag was procured for each canoe. i joined the expedition at the head of the portage, at this place, on the th of june; and, after visiting the chippewa villages in the belt of country between lake superior and the mississippi, in latitudes ° to °, returned on the th of september, having been absent seventy-two days, and travelled a line of country estimated to be two thousand three hundred and eight miles. i have now the honor to report to you the route pursued, the means employed to accomplish the object, and such further measures as appear to me to be necessary to give effect to what has been done, and to insure a lasting peace between the two tribes. reasons existed for not extending the visit to the chippewa bands on the extreme upper mississippi, on red lake, and red river, and the river de corbeau. after entering lake superior, and traversing its southern shores to point chegoimegon, and the adjacent cluster of islands, i ascended the mauvaise river to a portage of -¾ miles into the kaginogumac, or long water lake. this lake is about eight miles long, and of very irregular width. thence, by a portage of yards, into turtle lake; thence, by a portage of , yards, into clary's lake, so called; thence, by a portage of yards, into lake polyganum; and thence, by a portage of , yards, into the namakagon river, a branch of the river st. croix of the upper mississippi. the distance from lake superior to this spot is, by estimation, miles. we descended the namakagon to the pukwaewa, a rice lake, and a chippewa village of eight permanent lodges, containing a population of persons, under a local chief called odabossa. we found here gardens of corn, potatoes, and pumpkins, in a very neat state of cultivation. the low state of the water, and the consequent difficulty of the navigation, induced me to leave the provisions and stores at this place, in charge of mr. woolsey, with directions to proceed (with part of the men, and the aid of the indians) to _lac courtorielle_, or ottowa lake, and there await my arrival. i then descended the namakagon in a light canoe, to its discharge into the st. croix, and down the latter to yellow river, the site of a trading-post and an indian village, where i had, by runners, appointed a council. in this trip i was accompanied by mr. johnson, sub-agent, acting as interpreter, and by dr. houghton, adjunct professor of the rensselaer school. we reached yellow river on the st of august, and found the indians assembled. after terminating the business of the council (of which i shall presently mention the results), i reascended the st. croix and the namakagon, to the portage which intervenes between the latter and lac courtorielle. the first of the series of carrying-places is about three miles in length, and terminates at the lake of the isles (_lac des isles_); after crossing which, a portage of yards leads to _lac du gres_. this lake has a navigable outlet into ottowa lake, where i rejoined the advanced party (including lieutenant clary's detachment) on the th of august. ottowa lake is a considerable expanse of water, being about twelve miles long, with irregular but elevated shores. a populous chippewa village and a trading-post are located at its outlet, and a numerous indian population subsists in the vicinity. it is situated in a district of country which abounds in rice lakes, has a proportion of prairie or burnt land, caused by the ravages of fire, and, in addition to the small fur-bearing animals, has several of the deer species. it occupies, geographically, a central situation, being intermediate, and commanding the communications between the st. croix and chippewa rivers, and between lake superior and the upper mississippi. it is on the great slope of land descending towards the latter, enjoys a climate of comparative mildness, and yields, with few and short intervals of extreme want, the means of subsistence to a population which is still essentially erratic. these remarks apply, with some modifications, to the entire range of country (within the latitudes mentioned) situated west and south of the high lands circumscribing the waters of lake superior. the outlet of this lake (ottowa) is a fork of chippewa river, called ottowa river. i had intended to proceed from this lake, either by following down the ottowa branch to its junction with the main chippewa, and then ascending the latter into lac du flambeau, or by descending the ottowa branch only to its junction with the northwest fork, called the ochasowa river; and, ascending the latter to a portage of sixty _pauses_, into the chippewa river. by the latter route time and distance would have been saved, and i should, in either way, have been enabled to proceed from lac du flambeau to green bay by an easy communication into the upper ouisconsin, and from the latter into the menomonie river, or by plover portage into wolf river. this was the route i had designed to go on quitting lake superior; but, on consulting my indian maps, and obtaining at ottowa lake the best and most recent information of the distance and the actual state of the water, i found neither of the foregoing routes practicable, without extending my time so far as to exhaust my supplies. i was finally determined to relinquish the lac du flambeau route, by learning that the indians of that place had dispersed, and by knowing that a considerable delay would be caused by reassembling them. the homeward route by the mississippi was now the most eligible, particularly as it would carry me through a portion of country occupied by the chippewas, in a state of hostility with the sioux, and across the disputed line at the mill. two routes, to arrive at the mississippi, were before me--either to follow down the outlet of ottowa lake to its junction with the chippewa, and descend the latter to its mouth, or to quit the ottowa lake branch at an intermediate point, and, after ascending a small and very serpentine tributary, to cross a portage of , yards into lake chetac. i pursued the latter route. lake chetac is a sheet of water about six miles in length, and it has several islands, on one of which is a small chippewa village and a trading-post. this lake is the main source of red cedar river (called sometimes the _folle avoine_), a branch of the chippewa river. it receives a brook at its head from the direction of the portage, which admits empty canoes to be conveyed down it two _pauses_, but is then obstructed with logs. it is connected by a shallow outlet with weegwos lake, a small expanse which we crossed with paddles in twenty-five minutes. the passage from the latter is so shallow that a portage of , yards is made into balsam of fir or _sapin_ lake. the baggage is carried this distance, but the canoes are brought through the stream. sapin lake is also small; we were thirty minutes in crossing it. below this point, the river again expands into a beautiful sheet of water, called red cedar lake, which we were an hour in passing; and afterward into _bois françois_, or rice lake. at the latter place, at the distance of perhaps sixty miles from its head, i found the last fixed village of chippewas on this stream, although the hunting camps, and other signs of temporary occupation, were more numerous below than on any other part of the stream. this may be attributed to the abundance of the virginia deer in that vicinity, many of which we saw, and of the elk and moose, whose tracks were fresh and numerous in the sands of the shore. wild rice is found in all the lakes. game, of every species common to the latitude, is plentiful. the prairie country extends itself into the vicinity of rice lake; and for more than a day's march before reaching the mouth of the river, the whole face of the country puts on a sylvan character, as beautiful to the eye as it is fertile in soil, and spontaneously productive of the means of subsistence. a country more valuable to a population having the habits of our northwestern indians could hardly be conceived of; and it is therefore cause of less surprise that its possession should have been so long an object of contention between the chippewas and sioux. about sixty miles below rice lake commences a series of rapids, which extend, with short intervals, miles. the remainder of the distance, to the junction of this stream with the chippewa, consists of deep and strong water. the junction itself is characterized by commanding and elevated grounds, and a noble expanse of waters. and the chippewa river, from this spot to its entrance into the mississippi, has a depth and volume, and a prominence of scenery, which mark it to be inferior to none, and superior to most of the larger tributaries of the upper mississippi. before its junction, it is separated into several mouths, from the principal of which the observer can look into lake pepin. steamboats could probably ascend to the falls. the whole distance travelled, from the shores of lake superior to the mouth of the chippewa, is, by estimation, miles, of which should be deducted for the trip to yellow river leaving the direct practicable route miles. the length of the mauvaise to the portage is ; of the namakagon, from the portage, ; of the red cedar, ; of the chippewa, from the entrance of the latter, . our means of estimating distances was by time, corrected by reference to the rapidity of water and strength of wind, compared with our known velocity of travelling in calm weather on the lakes. these estimates were made and put down every evening, and considerable confidence is felt in them. the courses were accurately kept by a canoe compass. i illustrate my report of this part of the route by a map protracted by dr. houghton. on this map, our places of encampment, the sites and population of the principal indian villages, the trading-posts, and the boundary lines between the sioux and chippewa, are indicated. and i refer you to it for several details which are omitted in this report. the present state of the controversy between the sioux and the chippewas will be best inferred from the facts that follow. in stating them, i have deemed it essential to preserve the order of my conferences with the indians, and to confine myself, almost wholly, to results. along the borders of lake superior, comparatively little alarm was felt from the hostile relation with the sioux. but i found them well informed of the state of the difficulties, and the result of the several war-parties that had been sent out the last year. a system of information and advice is constantly kept up by runners; and there is no movement meditated on the sioux borders, which is not known and canvassed by the lake bands. they sent warriors to the scene of conflict last year, in consequence of the murder committed by the sioux on the st. croix. their sufferings from hunger during the winter, and the existence of disease at torch lake (_lac du flambeau_), and some other places, together with the entire failure of the rice crop, had produced effects, which were depicted by them and by the traders in striking colors. they made these sufferings the basis of frequent and urgent requests for provisions. this theme was strenuously dwelt upon. whatever other gifts they asked for, they never omitted the gift of food. they made it their first, their second, and their third request. at chegoimegon, on lake superior (or _la pointe_, emphatically so called), i held my first and stated council with the indians. this is the ancient seat of the chippewa power in this quarter. it is a central and commanding point, with respect to the country lying north, and west, and south of it. it appears to be the focus from which, as radii from a centre, the ancient population emigrated; and the interior bands consequently look back to it with something of the feelings of parental relation. news from the frontiers flies back to it with a celerity which is peculiar to the indian mode of express. i found here, as i had expected, the fullest and most recent information from the lines. mozojeed, the principal man at ottowa lake, had recently visited them for the purpose of consultation; but returned on the alarm of an attack upon his village. the indians listened with attention to the message transmitted to them from the president, and to the statements with which it was enforced. pezhickee, the venerable and respected chief of the place, was their speaker in reply. he lamented the war, and admitted the folly of keeping it up; but it was carried on by the chippewas in self-defence, and by volunteer parties of young men, acting without the sanction of the old chiefs. he thought the same remark due to the elder sioux chiefs, who probably did not sanction the crossing of the lines, but could not restrain their young men. he lived, he said, in an isolated situation, did not mingle in the interior broils, and did not deem himself responsible for acts done out of his own village, and certainly not for the acts of the villages of torch lake, ottowa lake, and the st. croix. he had uniformly advised his people to sit still and remain at peace, and he believed that none of his young men had joined the war-parties of last year. the government, he said, should have his hearty co-operation in restoring peace. he referred to the sub-agency established here in , spoke of its benefits, and wished to know why the agent had been withdrawn, and whether he would be instructed to return? in the course of his reply, he said that formerly, when the indians lived under the british government, they were usually told what to do, and in very distinct terms; but they were now at a loss. from what had been said and done at the treaty of fond du lac, he expected the care and protection of the american government, and that they would advance towards, instead of (as in the case of the sub-agency) withdrawing from them. he was rather at a loss for our views respecting the chippewas, and he wished much for my advice in their affairs. i thought it requisite to make a distinct reply to this point. i told him that when they lived under the british government, they were justified in shaping their course according to the advice they received; but that, on the transfer of the country, their allegiance was transferred with it. and when our government hoisted its flag at mackinac ( ), it expected from the indians living within our boundaries the respect due to it; and it acknowledged, at the same time, the reciprocal obligations of care and protection. that it always aimed to fulfil these obligations, of which facts within his own knowledge and memory would afford ample proofs. i referred him to the several efforts the government had made to establish a lasting peace between the chippewas and sioux; for which purpose the president had sent one of his principal men (alluding to gov. cass), in , who had visited their most extreme northwestern villages, and induced themselves and the sioux to smoke the pipe of peace together at st. peter's. in accordance with these views, and acting on the information then acquired, the president had established an agency for their tribe at sault ste. marie, in . that, in , he had assembled at prairie du chien all the tribes who were at variance on the upper mississippi, and persuaded them to make peace, and, as one of the best means of insuring its permanency, had fixed the boundaries of their lands. seeing that the chippewas and sioux still continued an harassing and useless contest, he had sent me to remind them of this peace and these boundaries, which, i added, you, perikee, yourself agreed to, and signed, in my presence. i come to bring you back to the terms of this treaty. are not these proofs of his care and attention? are not these clear indications of his, views respecting the chippewas? the chief was evidently affected by this recital. the truth appeared to strike him forcibly; and he said, in a short reply, that he was now _advised_; that he would hereafter feel himself to be advised, &c. he made some remarks on the establishment of a mission school, &c., which, being irrelevant, are omitted. he presented a pipe, with an ornamented stem, as a token of his friendship, and his desire of peace. i requested him to furnish messengers to take belts of wampum and tobacco, with three separate messages, viz: to yellow river, to ottowa lake, and to lac du flambeau, or torch lake; and also, as the water was low, to aid me in the ascent of the mauvaise river, and to supply guides for each of the military canoes, as the soldiers would here leave their barge, and were unacquainted with the difficulties of the ascent. he accordingly sent his oldest son (che-che-gwy-ung) and another person, with the messages, by a direct trail, leading into the st. croix country. he also furnished several young chippewas to aid us on the mauvaise, and to carry baggage on the long portage into the first intermediate lake west of that stream. after the distribution of presents, i left chegoimegon on the th of july. the first party of indians met at the namakagon, belonging to a chippewa village called pukwaewa; having, as its geographical centre and trading-post, ottowa lake. as i had directed part of the expedition to precede me there, during my journey to yellow river, i requested these indians to meet me at ottowa lake, and assist in conveying the stores and provisions to that place--a service which they cheerfully performed. on ascending the lower part of the namakagon, i learned that my messenger from lake superior had passed, and, on reaching yellow river, i found the indians assembled and waiting. they were encamped on an elevated ridge, called pekogunagun, or the hip bone, and fired a salute from its summit. several of the neighboring indians came in after my arrival. others, with their chiefs, were hourly expected. i did not deem it necessary for all to come in, but proceeded to lay before them the objects of my visit, and to solicit their co-operation in an attempt to make a permanent peace with the sioux, whose borders we then were near. kabamappa, the principal chief, not being a speaker, responded to my statements and recommendations through another person (sha-ne-wa-gwun-ai-be). he said that the sioux were of bad faith; that they never refused to smoke the pipe of peace with them, and they never failed to violate the promise of peace thus solemnly made. he referred to an attack they made last year on a band of chippewas and half-breeds, and the murder of four persons. perpetual vigilance was required to meet these inroads. yet he could assert, fearlessly, that no chippewa war-party from the st. croix had crossed the sioux line for years; that the murder he had mentioned was committed within the chippewa lines; and although it was said, at the treaty of prairie du chien, that the first aggressor of territorial rights should be punished, neither punishment was inflicted by the government, nor had any atonement or apology thus far been made for this act by the sioux. he said his influence had been exerted in favor of peace; that he had uniformly advised both chiefs and warriors to this effect; and he stood ready now to do whatever it was reasonable he should do on the subject. i told him it was not a question of recrimination that was before us. it was not even necessary to go into the inquiry of who had spilt the first blood since the treaty of prairie du chien. the treaty had been violated. the lines had been crossed. murders had been committed by the chippewas and by the sioux. these murders had reached the ears of the president, and he was resolved to put a stop to them. i did not doubt but that the advice of the old chiefs, on each side, had been pacific. i did not doubt but that his course had been _particularly_ so. but rash young men, of each party, had raised the war-club; and when they could not go openly, they went secretly. a stop must be put to this course, and it was necessary the first movement should be made _somewhere_. it was proper it should be made here, and be made at this time. nothing could be lost by it; much might be gained; and if a negotiation was opened with the sioux chiefs while i remained, i would second it by sending an explanatory message to the chiefs and to their agent. i recommended that kabamappa and shakoba, the war-chief of snake river, should send jointly wampum and tobacco to the petite corbeau and to wabisha, the leading sioux chiefs on the mississippi, inviting them to renew the league of friendship, and protesting their own sincerity in the offer. i concluded by presenting him with a flag, tobacco, wampum, and ribbons, to be used in the negotiation. after a consultation, he said he would not only send the messages, but, as he now had the protection of a flag, he would himself go with the chief shakoba to the petite corbeau's village. i accompanied these renewed offers of peace with explanatory messages, in my own name, to petite corbeau and to wabisha, and a letter to mr. taliaferro, the indian agent at st. peter's, informing him of these steps, and soliciting his co-operation. a copy of this letter is hereunto annexed. i closed the council by the distribution of presents; after which the indians called my attention to the conduct of their trader, &c. information was given me immediately after my arrival at yellow river, that neenaba, a popular war-leader from the red cedar fork of chippewa river, had very recently danced the war-dance with thirty men at rice lake of yellow river, and that his object was to enlist the young men of that place in a war-party against the sioux. i also learned that my message for ottowa lake had been promptly transmitted through neenaba, whom i was now anxious to see. i lost not an hour in reascending the st. croix and the namakagon. i purchased two additional canoes of the indians, and distributed my men in them, to lighten the draught of water, and facilitate the ascent; and, by pushing early and late, we reached ottowa lake on the fifth day in the morning. neenaba had, however, delivered his message, and departed. i was received in a very friendly and welcome manner, by mozojeed, of the band of ottowa lake; wabezhais, of the red devil's band of the south pukwaewa; and odabossa, of the upper namakagon. after passing the usual formalities, i prepared to meet them in council the same day, and communicate to them the objects of my mission. in the course of the conference at this place, i obtained the particulars of a dispute which had arisen between the chippewas of this quarter, which now added to their alarm, as they feared the latter would act in coincidence with their ancient enemies, the sioux. the reports of this disturbance had reached me at the sault, and they continued, with some variations, until my arrival here. the following are the material facts in relation to this new cause of disquietude: in the summer of , okunzhewug, an old woman, the wife of kishkemun, the principal chief of torch lake, a man superannuated and blind, attended the treaty of butte des morts, bearing her husband's medal. she was treated with the respect due to the character she represented, and ample presents were directed to be given to her; among other things, a handsome hat. the latter article had been requested of her by a young menomonie, and refused. it is thought a general feeling of jealousy was excited by her good reception. a number of the menomonies went on her return route as far as the clover portage, where she was last seen. having never returned to her village, the chippewas attributed her death to the menomonies. her husband died soon after; but she had numerous and influential relatives to avenge her real or supposed murder. this is the account delivered by the chippewas, and it is corroborated by reports from the traders of that section of the country. her singular disappearance and secret death at the clover portage, is undisputed; and whether caused or not by any agency of the menomonies, the belief of such agency, and that of the most direct kind, is fixed in the minds of the chippewas, and has furnished the basis of their subsequent acts in relation to the menomonie hunting-parties who have visited the lower part of chippewa river. two women belonging to one of these parties were killed by a chippewa war-party traversing that part of the country the ensuing year. the act was disclaimed by them as not being intentional, and it was declared they supposed the women to be sioux. on a close inquiry, however, i found the persons who committed this act were relatives of okunzewug, which renders it probable that the murder was intentionally perpetrated. this act further widened the breach between the two hitherto fraternal tribes; and the chippewas of this quarter began to regard the menomonie hunting-parties, who entered the mouth of the chippewa river, as intruders on their lands. among a people whose means of verbal information is speedy, and whose natural sense of right and wrong is acute, the more than usual friendship and apparent alliance which have taken place between the menomonies and sioux, in the contest between the sacs and foxes, and the murder by them jointly of the fox chief white skin and his companions at a smoking council, in , have operated to increase the feeling of distrust; so much so, that it was openly reported at chegoimegon, at yellow river, and ottowa lake, that the menomonies had formed a league with the sioux against the chippewas also, and they were fearful of an attack from them. a circumstance that had given point to this fear, and made it a subject of absorbing interest, when i arrived at ottowa lake, was the recent murder of a menomonie chief by a chippewa of that quarter, and the demand of satisfaction which had been made (it was sometimes said) by the indian agent at prairie du chien, and sometimes by the commanding officer, with a threat to march troops into the country. this demand, i afterward learned from the indians at rice lake, and from a conversation with general street, the agent at prairie du chien, had not been made, either by himself or by the commanding officer; and the report had probably arisen from a conversation held by a subaltern officer in command of a wood or timber-party near the mouth of the chippewa river, with some chippewas who were casually met. its effects, however, were to alarm them, and to lead them to desire a reconciliation with the menomonies. i requested them to lose no time in sending tobacco to the menomonies, and adjusting this difference. mozojeed observed that the murder of the menomonie had been committed by a person _non compos_, and he deplored the folly of it, and disclaimed all agency in it for himself and his band. the murderer, i believe, belonged to his band; he desired a reconciliation. he also said the measures adopted at yellow river, to bring about a firm peace with the sioux, had his fullest approbation, and that nothing on his part should be wanting to promote a result in every view so wise and so advantageous to the indians. in this sentiment, wabezhais and odabossa, who made distinct speeches, also concurred. they confirmed their words by pipes, and all the assembly made an audible assent. i invested mozojeed with a flag and a medal, that he might exert the influence he has acquired among the indians beneficially for them and for us, and that his hands might thus be officially strengthened to accomplish the work of pacification. i then distributed presents to the chiefs, warriors, women, and children, in the order of their being seated, and immediately embarked, leaving them under a lively and enlivened sense of the good-will and friendship of the american government, on this first official visit to them, and with a sincere disposition, so far as could be judged, to act in obedience to its expressed and known wishes. the indians at torch lake being dispersed, and my message to them not having been delivered, from this uncertainty of their location, i should have found reasons for not proceeding in that direction, independent of the actual and known difficulties of the route at that time. i was still apprehensive that my appearance had not wholly disconcerted the war-party of neenaba, and lost no time in proceeding to his village on the red cedar fork. we found the village at lake chetac, which in was strong, almost totally deserted, and the trading-house burnt. scattering indians were found along the river. the mutual fear of interruption was such that mr. b. cadotte, sen., the trader at ottowa lake, thought it advisable to follow in our train for the purpose of collecting his credits at rice lake. while at breakfast on the banks of sapin lake, a returning war-party entered the opposite side of it; they were evidently surprised, and they stopped. after reconnoitring us, they were encouraged to advance, at first warily, and afterward with confidence. there were eight canoes, with two men in each; each man had a gun, war-club, knife, and ammunition-bag: there was nothing else except the apparatus for managing the canoe. they were all young men, and belonged to the vicinity of ottowa lake. their unexpected appearance at this place gave me the first information that the war-party at neenaba had been broken up. they reported that some of their number had been near the mill, and that they had discovered signs of the sioux being out, in the moose having been driven up, &c. in a short conference, i recited to them the purpose of the council at ottowa lake, and referred them to their chiefs for particulars, enjoining their acquiescence in the proposed measures. i found at rice lake a band of chippewas, most of them young men, having a prompt and martial air, encamped in a very compact form, and prepared at a moment's notice, for action. they saluted our advance with a smartness and precision of firing that would have done honor to drilled troops. neenaba was absent on a hunting-party; but one of the elder men pointed out a suitable place for my encampment, as i intended here to put new bottoms to my bark canoes. he arrived in the evening, and visited my camp with forty-two men. this visit was one of ceremony merely; as it was late, i deferred anything further until the following day. i remained at this place part of the th, the th, and until o'clock on the th of august. and the following facts present the result of several conferences with this distinguished young man, whose influence is entirely of his own creation, and whose endowments, personal and mental, had not been misrepresented by the indians on my route, who uniformly spoke of him in favorable terms. he is located at the most advanced point towards the sioux borders, and, although not in the line of ancient chiefs, upon him rests essentially the conduct of affairs in this quarter. i therefore deemed it important to acquire his confidence and secure his influence, and held frequent conversations with him. his manner was frank and bold, equally free from servility and repulsiveness. i drew his attention to several subjects. i asked him whether the saw-mill on the lower part of the red cedar, was located on chippewa lands? he said, yes. whether it was built with the consent of the chippewas? he said, no; it had been built, as it were, by stealth. i asked him if anything had been subsequently given them in acknowledgment of their right to the soil? he said, no; that the only acknowledgment was their getting tobacco to smoke when they visited the mill; that the sioux claimed it to be on their side of the line, but the chippewas contended that their line ran to a certain bluff and brook below the mill. i asked him to draw a map of the lower part of chippewa river, with all its branches, showing the exact lines as fixed by the treaty at prairie du chien, and as understood by them. i requested him to state the facts respecting the murder of the menomonie, and the causes that led to it; and whether he, or any of his band, received any message from the agent or commanding officer at prairie du chien, demanding the surrender of the murderer? to the latter inquiry he answered promptly, no. he gave in his actual population at ; but it is evident that a very considerable additional population, particularly men, resort there for the purpose of hunting a part of the year. the day after my arrival, i prepared for and summoned the indians to a council, with the usual formalities. i opened it by announcing the objects of my visit. neenaba and his followers listened to the terms of the message, the means i had adopted to enforce it, and, finally, to the request of co-operation on the part of himself and band, with strict attention. he confined his reply to an expression of thanks, allusions to the peculiarity of his situation on an exposed frontier, and general, sentiments of friendship. he appeared to be mentally embarrassed by my request to drop the war-club, on the successful use of which he had relied for his popularity, and whatever of real power he possessed. he often referred to his young men, over whom he claimed no superiority, and who appeared to be ardently attached to him. i urged the principal topic upon his attention, presenting it in several lights. i finally conferred on him, personally, a medal and flag, and directed the presents intended for his band to be laid, in gross, before him. after a pause, neenaba got up, and spoke to the question, connecting it with obvious considerations, of which mutual rights, personal safety, and the obligation to protect the women and children, formed the basis. the latter duty was not a slight one. last year, the sioux had killed a chief on the opposite shore of the lake, and, at the same time, decoyed two children, who were in a canoe, among the rice, and killed and beheaded them. he said, in allusion to the medal and flag, that these marks of honor were not necessary to secure his attention to any requests made by the american government. and after resuming his seat awhile (during which he overheard some remarks not pleasing to him, from an indian on the opposite side of the ring), he finally got up and declined receiving them until they were eventually pressed upon him by the young warriors. everything appeared to proceed with great harmony, and the presents were quickly distributed by one of his men. it was not, however, until the next day, when my canoes were already put in the water, that he came with his entire party, to make his final reply, and to present the peace-pipe. he had thrown the flag over one arm, and held the war-club perpendicularly in the other hand. he said that, although he accepted the one, he did not drop the other; he held fast to both. when he looked at the one, he should revert to the counsels with which it had been given, and he should aim to act upon those counsels; but he also deemed it necessary to hold fast the war-club; it was, however, with a determination to use it in defence, and not in attack. he had reflected upon the advice sent to the chippewas by the president, and particularly that part of it which counselled them to sit still upon their lands; but while they sat still, they also wished to be certain that their enemies would sit still. and the pipe he was now about to offer, he offered with a request that it might be sent to the president, asking him to use his power to prevent the sioux from crossing the lines. the pipe was then lit, handed round, the ashes knocked out, and a formal presentation of it made. this ceremony being ended, i shook hands with them, and immediately embarked. on the second day afterward, i reached the saw-mill, the subject of such frequent allusion, and landed there at o'clock in the morning. i found a mr. wallace in charge, who was employed, with ten men, in building a new dam on a brook of the red cedar, the freshet of last spring having carried away the former one. i inquired of him where the line between the sioux and chippewas crossed. he replied that the line crossed above the mill, he did not precisely know the place; adding, however, in the course of conversation, that he believed the land in this vicinity originally belonged to the chippewas. he said it was seven years since any sioux had visited the mill; and that the latter was owned by persons at prairie du chien. the rapids of the red cedar river extend (according to the estimates contained in my notes) about twenty-four miles. they commence a few miles below the junction of meadow river, and terminate about two miles below the mills. this extension of falling water, referred to in the treaty as a fixed point, has led to the existing uncertainty. the country itself is of a highly valuable character for its soil, its game, its wild rice, and its wood. we found the butternut among those species which are locally included under the name of _bois franc_, by the traders. the land can, hereafter, be easily brought into cultivation, as it is interspersed with prairie; and its fine mill privileges will add to its value. indeed, one mile square is intrinsically worth one hundred miles square of chippewa country, in some other places. the present saw-mills (there are two), are situated miles from the banks of the mississippi. they are owned exclusively by private citizens, and employed for their sole benefit. the boards are formed into rafts; and these rafts are afterward attached together, and floated down the mississippi to st. louis, where they command a good price. the business is understood to be a profitable one. for the privilege, no equivalent has been paid either to the indians or to the united states. the first mill was built several years ago, and before the conclusion of the treaty of prairie du chien, fixing boundaries to the lands. a permit was given for building, either verbal or written, as i have been informed, by a former commanding officer at prairie du chien. i make these statements in reference to a letter i have received from the department since my return, but which is dated june th, containing a complaint of one of the owners of the mill, that the chippewas had threatened to burn it, and requesting me to take the necessary precautionary measures. i heard nothing of such a threat, but believe that the respect which the chippewas have professed, through me, for the american government, and the influence of my visit among them, will prevent a resort to any measures of violence; and that they will wait the peaceable adjustment of the line on the rapids. i will add that, _wherever_ that line may be determined, in a reasonable probability, to fall, the mill itself cannot be supplied with logs for any length of time, if _it is now so supplied_, without cutting them on chippewa lands, and rafting them down the red cedar. many of the logs heretofore sawed at this mill, have been rafted _up stream_, to the mill. and i understood from the person in charge of it, that he was now anxious to ascertain new sites for chopping; that his expectations were directed up the stream, but that his actual knowledge of the country, in that direction, did not embrace a circumference of more than five miles. the line between the chippewa and sioux, as drawn on the ms. map of neenaba, strikes the rapids on red cedar river at a brook and bluff a short distance below the mill. it proceeds thence, across the point of land between that branch of the main chippewa, to an island in the latter; and thence, up stream, to the mouth of clearwater river, as called for by the treaty, and from this point to the bluffs of the mississippi valley (where it corners on winnebago land), on black river, and not to the "_mouth_" of black river, as erroneously inserted in the th article of the treaty; the chippewas never having advanced any claims to the lands at the mouth of black river. this map, being drawn by a chippewa of sense, influence, and respectability, an exact copy of it is herewith forwarded for the use of the department, as embracing the opinions of the chippewas on this point. the lines and geographical marks were drawn on paper by neenaba himself, and the names translated and written down by mr. johnston. it is obvious that the adjustment of this line must precede a permanent peace on this part of the frontiers. the number of chippewas particularly interested in it is, from my notes, , ; to which, may be added for certain bands on lake superior. it embraces villages, and the most influential civil and war chiefs of the region. the population is enterprising and warlike. they have the means of subsistence in _comparative_ abundance. they are increasing in numbers. they command a ready access to the mississippi by water, and a ready return from it by land. habits of association have taught them to look upon this stream as the theatre of war. their young men are carried into it as the natural and almost only means of distinction. and it is in coincidence with all observation to say that they are now, as they were in the days of captain carver, the terror of the east bank of this river, between the st. croix and chippewa rivers. no other tribe has now, or has had, within the memory of man, a village or permanent possession on this part of the shore. it is landed on in fear. it is often passed by other nations by stealth, and at night. such is not an exaggerated picture. and with a knowledge of their geographical advantages, and numbers, and distribution, on the tributary streams, slight causes, it may be imagined, will often excite the young and thoughtless portion of them to raise the war-club, to chant the war-song, and follow the war-path. to remove these causes, to teach them the folly of such a contest, to remind them of the treaty stipulations and promises solemnly made to the government, and to the sioux, and to induce them to renew those promises, and to act on fixed principles of political faith, were the primary objects committed to me; and they were certainly objects of exalted attainment, according as well with the character of the government as with the spirit and moral and intellectual tone of the age. to these objects i have faithfully, as i believe, devoted the means at my command. and the chippewas cannot, hereafter, err on the subject of their hostilities with the sioux, without knowing that the error is disapproved by the american government, and that a continuance in it will be visited upon them in measures of severity. without indulging the expectation that my influence on the tour will have the effect to put an end to the spirit of predatory warfare, it may be asserted that this spirit has been checked and allayed; and that a state of feeling and reflection has been produced by it, which cannot fail to be beneficial to our relations with them, and to their relations with each other. the messages sent to the sioux chiefs, may be anticipated to have resulted in restoring a perfect peace during the present fall and ensuing winter, and will thus leave to each party the undisturbed chase of their lands. the meditated blow of steenaba was turned aside, and his war-party arrested and dispersed at the moment it was ready to proceed. every argument was used to show them the folly and the insecurity of a continuance of the war. and the whole tenor and effect of my visit has been to inform and reform these remote bands. it has destroyed the charm of their seclusion. it has taught them that their conduct is under the super-vision of the american government; that they depend on its care and protection; that no other government has power to regulate trade and send traders among them; finally, that an adherence to foreign counsels, and to anti-pacific maxims, can be visited upon them in measures of coercion. that their country, hitherto deemed nearly inaccessible, can be penetrated and traversed by men and troops, with baggage and provisions, even in midsummer, when the waters are lowest; and that, in proportion as they comply with political maxims, as benevolent as they are just, will they live at peace with their enemies, and have the means of subsistence for an increased population among themselves. the conduct of the traders in this quarter, and the influence they have exerted, both moral and political, cannot here be entered upon, and must be left to some other occasion, together with statistical details and other branches of information not arising from particular instructions. it may be said that the indians upon the st. croix and chippewa rivers, and their numerous branches, have been drawn into a close intercourse with government. but it will be obvious that a perseverance in the system of official advice and restraints, is essential to give permanence to the effects already produced, and to secure a firm and lasting peace between them and the sioux. to this end, the settlement of the line upon the red cedar fork is an object which claims the attention of the department; and would justify, in my opinion, the calling together the parties interested, at some convenient spot near the junction of the red cedar river with the chippewa. indeed, the handsome elevation, and the commanding geographical advantages of this spot, render it one which, i think, might be advantageously occupied as a military post. such an occupancy would have the effect to keep the parties at peace; and the point of land, on which the work is proposed to be erected, might be purchased from the sioux, together with such part of the disputed lands near the mills as might be deemed necessary to quiet the title of the chippewas. by acquiring this portion of country for the purposes of military occupancy, the united states would be justified in punishing any murders committed upon it; and i am fully convinced that no measure which could, at this time, be adopted, would so certainly conduce to a permanent peace between the tribes. i therefore beg leave, through you, to submit these subjects to the consideration of the honorable the secretary of war, with every distrust in my own powers of observation, and with a very full confidence in his. i have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, h. r. schoolcraft. to elbert herring, esq., _com. ind. affairs._ . _brief notes of a tour in , from galena, in illinois, to fort winnebago, on the source of fox river, wisconsin._ by henry r. schoolcraft. time admonishes me of my promise to furnish you some account of my journey from galena to fort winnebago. but i confess, that time has taken away none of those features which make me regard it as a task. other objects have occupied so much of my thoughts, that the subject has lost some of its vividness, and i shall be obliged to confine myself more exclusively to my notes than i had intended. this will be particularly true in speaking of geological facts. geographical features impress themselves strongly on the mind. the shape of a mountain is not easily forgotten, and its relation to contiguous waters and woods is recollected after the lapse of many years. the succession of plains, streams, and settlements is likewise retained in the memory, while the peculiar plains, the soils overlaying them, and all the variety of their mineral and organic contents, require to be perpetuated by specimens and by notes, which impose neither a slight nor a momentary labor. limited sketches of this kind are, furthermore, liable to be misconceived. prominent external objects can only be brought to mind, and these often reveal but an imperfect notion of the pervading character of strata, and still less knowledge of their mineral contents. haste takes away many opportunities of observation; and scanty or inconvenient means of transporting hand specimens, often deprive us of the requisite data. indeed, i should be loath to describe the few facts i am about to communicate, had you not personally visited and examined the great carboniferous and sandstone formation on the mississippi and wisconsin, and thus got the knowledge of their features. the parallelism which is apparent in these rocks, by the pinnacles which have been left standing on high--the wasting effects of time in scooping out valleys and filling up declivities--and the dark and castle-looking character of the cherty limestone bluffs, as viewed from the water, while the shadows of evening are deepening around, are suited to make vivid impressions. and these broken and denuded cliffs offer the most favorable points for making geological observations. there are no places inland where the streams have cut so deep. on gaining the height of land, the strata are found to be covered with so heavy a deposit of soil, that it is difficult to glean much that can be relied on respecting the interior structure. the angle formed by the junction of the wisconsin with the mississippi, is a sombre line of weather-beaten rocks. gliding along the current, at the base of these rocks, the idea of a "hill country," of no very productive character, is naturally impressed upon the observer. and this impression came down, probably, from the days of marquette, who was the first european, that we read of, who descended the wisconsin, and thus became the true discoverer of the mississippi. the fact that it yielded lead ore, bits of which were occasionally brought in by the natives, was in accordance with this opinion; and aided, it may be supposed, in keeping out of view the real character of the country. i know not how else to account for the light which has suddenly burst upon us from this bank of the mississippi, and which has at once proved it to be as valuable for the purposes of agriculture as for those of mining, and as sylvan in its appearance as if it were not fringed, as it were, with rocks, and lying at a great elevation above the water. this elevation is so considerable as to permit a lively descent in the streams, forming numerous mill-seats. the surface of the country is not, however, broken, but may be compared to the heavy and lazy-rolling waves of the sea after a tempest. these wave-like plains are often destitute of trees, except a few scattering ones, but present to the eye an almost boundless field of native herbage. groves of oak sometimes diversify those native meadows, or cover the ridges which bound them. very rarely does any rock appear above the surface. the highest elevations, the platte mounds, and the blue mound, are covered with soil and with trees. numerous brooks of limpid water traverse the plains, and find their way into either the wisconsin, rock river, or the mississippi. the common deer is still in possession of its favorite haunts; and the traveller is very often startled by flocks of the prairie-hen rising up in his path. the surface soil is a rich black alluvion; it yields abundant crops of corn, and, so far as they have been tried, all the cereal gramina. i have never, either in the west or out of the west, seen a richer soil, or more stately fields of corn and oats, than upon one of the plateaux of the blue mound. such is the country which appears to be richer in ores of lead than any other mineral district in the world--which yielded forty millions of pounds in seven years--produced a single lump of ore of two thousand cubic feet--and appears adequate to supply almost any amount of this article that the demands of commerce require. the river of galena rises in the mineral plains of iowa county, in that part of the northwestern territory which is attached, for the purposes of temporary government, to michigan. it is made up of clear and permanent springs, and has a descent which affords a very valuable water-power. this has been particularly remarked at the curve called mill-seat bend. no change in its general course, which is southwest, is, i believe, apparent after it enters the northwest angle of the state of illinois. the town of galena, the capital of the mining country, occupies a somewhat precipitous semicircular bend, on the right (or north) bank of the river, six or seven miles from its entrance into the mississippi. backwater, from the latter, gives the stream itself the appearance, as it bears the name, of a "river," and admits steamboat navigation thus far. it is a rapid brook immediately above the town, and of no further value for the purpose of navigation. lead is brought in from the smelting furnaces, on heavy ox-teams, capable of carrying several tons at a load. i do not know that water _has been_, or that it _cannot_ be made subservient in the transportation of this article from the mines. the streams themselves are numerous and permanent, although they are small, and it would require the aid of so many of these, on any projected route, that it is to be feared the supply of water would be inadequate. to remedy this deficiency, the wisconsin itself might be relied on. could the waters of this river be conducted in a canal along its valley from the portage to the bend at arena, they might, from this point, be deflected in a direct line to galena. this route would cut the mine district centrally, and afford the upper tributaries of the pekatolika and fever rivers as feeders. such a communication would open the way to a northern market, and merchandise might be supplied by the way of green bay, when the low state of water in the mississippi prevents the ascent of boats. it would, at all times, obviate the tedious voyage, which goods ordered from the atlantic cities have to perform through the straits of florida and gulf of mexico. a railroad could be laid upon this route with equal, perhaps superior advantages. these things may seem too much like making arrangements for the next generation. but we cannot fix bounds to the efforts of our spreading population, and spirit of enterprise. nor, after what we have seen in the way of internal improvement, in our own day and generation, should we deem anything too hard to be accomplished. i set out from galena in a light wagon, drawn by two horses, about ten o'clock in the morning (august th), accompanied by mr. b. it had rained the night and morning of the day previous, which rendered the streets and roads quite muddy. a marly soil, easily penetrated by rain, was, however, as susceptible to the influence of the sun, and, in a much shorter period than would be imagined, the surface became dry. although a heavy and continued shower had thoroughly drenched the ground, and covered it with superfluous water, but very little effects of it were to be seen at this time. we ascended into the open plain country, which appears in every direction around the town, and directed our course to gratiot's grove. in this distance, which, on our programme of the route, was put down, at fifteen miles, a lively idea of the formation and character of the country is given. the eye is feasted with the boundlessness of its range. grass and flowers spread before and beside the traveller, and, on looking back, they fill up the vista behind him. he soon finds himself in the midst of a sylvan scene. groves fringe the tops of the most distant elevations, and clusters of trees--more rarely, open forests--are occasionally presented. the trees appear to be almost exclusively of the species of white oak and rough-bark hickory. among the flowers, the plant called rosin-weed attracts attention by its gigantic stature, and it is accompanied, as certainly as substance by shadow, by the wild indigo, two plants which were afterwards detected, of less luxuriant growth, on fox river. the roads are in their natural condition; they are excellent, except for a few yards where streams are crossed. at such places there is a plunge into soft, black muck, and it requires all the powers of a horse harnessed to a wagon to emerge from the stream. on reaching gratiot's grove, i handed letters of introduction to mr. h. and b. gratiot. these gentlemen appear to be extensively engaged in smelting. they conducted me to see the ore prepared for smelting in the log furnace; and also the preparation of such parts of it for the ash furnace as do not undergo complete fusion in the first process. the ash furnace is a very simple kind of air furnace, with a grate so arranged as to throw a reverberating flame upon the hearth where the prepared ore is laid. it is built against a declivity, and charged, by throwing the materials to be operated upon, down the flue. a silicious flux is used; and the scoria is tapped and suffered to flow out, from the side of the furnace, before drawing off the melted lead. the latter is received in an excavation made in the earth, from which it is ladled out into iron moulds. the whole process is conducted in the open air, with sometimes a slight shed. the lead ore is piled in cribs of logs, which are roofed. hammers, ladles, a kind of tongs, and some other iron tools are required. the simplicity of the process, the absence of external show in buildings, and the direct and ready application of the means to the end, are remarkable, as pleasing characteristics about the smelting establishment. the ore used is the common sulphuret, with a foliated, glittering and cubical fracture. it occurs with scarcely any adhering gangue. cubical masses of it are found, at some of the diggings, which are studded over with minute crystals of calcareous spar. these crystals, when examined, have the form of the dog-tooth spar. this broad, square-shaped, and square-broken mineral, is taken from _east and west leads_, is most easy to smelt, and yields the greatest per centum of lead. it is estimated to produce fifty per cent. from the log furnace, and about sixteen more when treated with a flux in the ash furnace. miners classify their ore from its position in the mine. ore from _east and west leads_, is raised from clay diggings, although these diggings may be pursued under the first stratum of rock. ore from _north and south leads_, is termed "sheet minerals," and is usually taken from rock diggings. the vein or sheet stands perpendicularly in the fissure, and is usually struck in sinking from six to ten feet. the sheet varies in thickness from six or eight inches, in the broadest part, to not more than one. the great mass found at "irish diggings" was of this kind. i observed, among the piles of ore at gratiot's, the combination of zinc with lead ore, which is denominated _dry bone_. it is cast by as unproductive. mr. b. gratiot also showed me pieces of the common ore which had undergone desulphuration in the log furnace. its natural splendor is increased by this process, so as to have the appearance of highly burnished steel. he also presented me some uniform masses of lead, recrystallized from a metallic state, under the hearth of the ash furnace. the tendency to rectangular structure in these delicate and fragile masses is very remarkable. crystallization appears to have taken place under circumstances which opposed the production of a complete and perfect cube or parallelogram, although there are innumerable rectangles of each geometric form. in the drive from gratiot's to willow springs, we saw a succession of the same objects that had formed the prominent features of the landscape from galena. the platte mounds, which had appeared on our left all the morning, continued visible until we entered the grove that embraces the site of the springs. little mounds of red earth frequently appeared above the grass, to testify to the labors of miners along this part of the route. in taking a hasty survey of some of the numerous excavations of irish diggings, i observed among the rubbish small flat masses of a yellowish white amorphous mineral substance of great weight. i have not had time to submit it to any tests. it appears too heavy and compact for the earthy yellow oxide of lead. i should not be disappointed to find it an oxide of zinc. no rock stratum protrudes from the ground in this part of the country. the consolidated masses, thrown up from the diggings, appear to be silicated limestone, often friable, and not crystalline. galena is found in open fissures in this rock. we reached the springs in the dusk of the evening, and found good accommodations at ray's. distance from galena thirty miles. the rain fell copiously during the night, and on the morning ( th) gave no signs of a speedy cessation. those who travel ought often, however, to call to mind the remark of xenophon, that "pleasure is the result of toil," and not permit slight impediments to arrest them, particularly when they have definite points to make. we set forward in a moderate rain, but in less than an hour had the pleasure to perceive signs of its mitigating, and before nine o'clock it was quite clear. we stopped a short time at bracken's furnace. mr. bracken gave me specimens of organic remains, in the condition of earthy calcareous carbonates, procured on a neighboring ridge. he described the locality as being plentiful in casts and impressions such as he exhibited, which appeared to have been removed from the surface of a shelly limestone. at rock-branch diggings, i found masses of calcareous spar thrown from the pits. the surface appears to have been much explored for lead in this vicinity. i stopped to examine vanmater's lead. it had been a productive one, and affords a fair example of what are called east and west leads. i observed a compass standing on the line of the lead, and asked mr. v. whether much reliance was to be placed upon the certainty of striking the lead by the aid of this instrument. he said that it was much relied on. that the course of the leads was definite. the present one varied from a due east and west line but nine minutes, and the lead had been followed without much difficulty. the position of the ore was about forty feet below the surface. of this depth about thirty-six feet consisted of the surface rock and its earthy covering. a vein of marly clay, enveloping the ore, was then penetrated. a series of pits had been sunk on the course of it, and the earth and ore in the interstices removed, and drawn to the surface by a windlass and bucket. besides the ore, masses of iron pyrites had been thrown out, connected with galena. in stooping to detach some pieces from one of these masses, i placed my feet on the verge of an abandoned pit, around which weeds and bushes had grown. my face was, however, averted from the danger; but, on beholding it, i was made sensible that the least deviation from a proper balance would have pitched me into it. it was forty feet deep. the danger i had just escaped fell to the lot of mr. b.'s dog, who, probably deceived by the growth of bushes, fell in. whether killed or not, it was impossible to tell, and we were obliged to leave the poor animal, under a promise of mr. v., that he would cause a windlass to be removed to the pit, to ascertain his fate. at eleven o'clock we reached mineral point, the seat of justice of iowa county. i delivered an introductory letter to mr. ansley, who had made a discovery of copper ore in the vicinity, and through his politeness, visited the locality. the discovery was made in sinking pits in search of lead ore. small pieces of green carbonate of copper were found on striking the rock, which is apparently silico-calcareous, and of a very friable structure. from one of the excavations, detached masses of the sulphuret, blue and green mingled, were raised. these masses are enveloped with ochery clay. in riding out on horseback to see this locality, i passed over the ridge of land which first received the appellation of "mineral point." no digging was observed in process, but the heaps of red marly clay, the vigorous growth of shrubbery around them, and the number of open or partially filled pits, remain to attest the labor which was formerly devoted in the search for lead. and this search is said to have been amply rewarded. the track of discovery is conspicuously marked by these excavations, which often extend, in a direct line, on the cardinal points, as far as the eye can reach. everywhere the marly clay formation appears to have been relied on for the ore, and much of it certainly appears to be _in sitû_ in it. it bears no traces of attrition; and its occurrence in regular leads forbids the supposition of its being an oceanic arrangement of mineral detritus. at vanmater's, the metalliferous clay marl is overlaid by a grayish sedimentary limestone. different is the geological situation of what is denominated _gravel ore_, of which i noticed piles, on the route from gratiot's. this bears evident marks of attrition, and appears to have been uniformly taken from diluvial earth. on returning to the village from this excursion, i found mr. b. ready to proceed, and we lost no time in making the next point in our proposed route. a drive of five miles brought us to the residence of colonel dodge, whose zeal and enterprise in opening this portion of our western country for settlement, give him claims to be looked up to as a public benefactor. i here met the superintendent of the mines (captain legate), and after spending some time in conversation on the resources and prospects of the country, and partaking of the hospitalities politely offered by colonel d. and his intelligent family, we pursued our way. the village of dodgeville lies at the distance of four miles. soon after passing through it some part of our tackle gave way, in crossing a gully, and i improved the opportunity of the delay to visit the adjacent diggings, which are extensive. the ore is found as at other mines, in regular leads, and not scattered about promiscuously in the red marl. masses of brown oxide of iron were more common here than i had noticed them elsewhere. among the rubbish of the diggings, fragments of hornstone occur. they appear to be, most commonly, portions of nodules, which exhibit, on being fractured, various discolorings. night overtook us before we entered porter's grove, which is also the seat of mining and smelting operations. we are indebted to the hospitality of mr. m., of whom my companion was an acquaintance, for opening his door to us, at an advanced hour of the evening. distance from willow springs, twenty-five miles. there is no repose for a traveller. we retired to rest at a late hour, and rose at an early one. the morning ( th) was hazy, and we set forward while the dew was heavy on the grass. our route still lay through a prairie country. the growth of native grass, bent down with dew, nearly covered the road, so that our horses' legs were continually bathed. the rising sun was a very cheerful sight, but as our road lay up a long ascent, we soon felt its wilting effects. nine miles of such driving, with not a single grove to shelter us, brought us to mr. brigham's, at the foot of the blue mound, being the last house in the direction to fort winnebago. the distance from galena is sixty-four miles, and this area embraces the present field of mining operations. in rapidly passing over it, mines, furnaces, dwelling-houses, mining villages, inclosed fields, upland prairies (an almost continued prairie), groves, springs, and brooks, have formed the prominent features of the landscape. the impulse to the settlement of the country was first given by its mineral wealth; and it brought here, as it were by magic, an enterprising and active population. it is evident that a far greater amount of labor was a few years ago engaged in mining operations; but the intrinsic value of the lands has operated to detain the present population, which may be considered as permanent. the lands are beautifully disposed, well watered, well drained by natural streams, and easily brought into cultivation. crops have everywhere repaid the labors of the farmer; and, thus far, the agricultural produce of the country has borne a fair price. the country appears to afford every facility for raising cattle, horses, and hogs. mining, the cardinal interest heretofore, has not ceased in the degree that might be inferred from the depression of the lead market; and it will be pursued, with increased activity, whenever the purposes of commerce call for it. in the present situation of the country, there appear to be two objects essential to the lasting welfare of the settlements: first, a title to their lands from congress; second, a northern market for the products of their mines and farms. to these, a _third_ requisite may be considered auxiliary, namely, the establishment of the seat of territorial government at some point west of lake michigan, where its powers may be more readily exercised, and the reciprocal obligations of governor and people more vividly felt. mr. brigham, in whom i was happy to recognize an esteemed friend, conducted us over his valuable plantation. he gave me a mass of a white, heavy metallic substance, taken as an accompanying mineral, from a lead of galena, which he has recently discovered in a cave. without instituting any examination of it but such as its external characters disclose, it may be deemed a native carbonate of lead. the mass from which it was broken weighed ninety or one hundred pounds. and its occurrence, at the lead, was not alone. from the blue mound to fort winnebago is an estimated distance of fifty-six miles. the country is, however, entirely in a state of nature. the trace is rather obscure; but, with a knowledge of the general geography and face of the country, there is no difficulty in proceeding with a light wagon, or even a loaded team, as the indian practice of firing the prairies every fall has relieved the surface from underbrush and fallen timber. after driving a few miles, we encountered two winnebagoes on horseback, the forward rider having a white man in ties behind him. the latter informed us that his name was h., that he had come out to twelve-mile creek, for the purpose of locating himself there, and was in pursuit of a hired man, who had gone off, with some articles of his property, the night previous. with this relation, and a _boshu_[ ] for the natives, with whom we had no means of conversing, we continued our way, without further incident, to duck creek, a distance of ten miles. we here struck the path, which is one of the boundary lines, in the recent purchase from the winnebagoes. it is a deeply marked horse path, cutting quite through the prairie sod, and so much used by the natives as to prevent grass from growing on it; in this respect, it is as well-defined a landmark as "blazed tree," or "saddle." the surveyor appointed to run out the lines, had placed mile-posts on the route, but the winnebagoes, with a prejudice against the practice which is natural, pulled up many, and defaced others. when we had gone ten miles further, we began to see the glittering of water through the trees, and we soon found ourselves on the margin of a clear lake. i heard no name for this handsome sheet of water. it is one of the four lakes, which are connected with each other by a stream, and have their outlet into rock river, through a tributary called the guskihaw. we drove through the margin of it, where the shores were sandy, and innumerable small unio shells were driven up. most of these small pieces appeared to be helices. standing tent-poles, and other remains of indian encampments, appeared at this place. a rock stratum, dark and weather-beaten, apparently sandstone, jutted out into the lake. a little further, we passed to the left of an abandoned village. by casting our eyes across the lake, we observed the new position which had been selected and occupied by the winnebagoes. we often assign wrong motives, when we undertake to reason for the indian race; but in the present instance, we may presume that their removal was influenced by too near a position to the boundary path. [ ] this term is in use by the algic or algonquin tribes, particularly by the chippewas. the winnebagoes, who have no equivalent for it, are generally acquainted with it, although i am not aware that they have, to any extent, adopted it. it has been supposed to be derived from the french _bon jour_. we drove to the second brook, beyond the lake, and encamped. comfort in an encampment depends very much upon getting a good fire. in this we totally failed last night, owing to our having but a small piece of spunk, which ignited and burned out without inflaming our kindling materials. the atmosphere was damp, but not sufficiently cooled to quiet the ever-busy mosquito. mr. b. deemed it a hardship that he could not boil the kettle, so as to have the addition of tea to our cold repast. i reminded him that there was a bright moon, and that it did not rain; and that, for myself, i had fared so decidedly worse, on former occasions, that i was quite contented with the light of the moon and a dry blanket. by raising up and putting a fork under the wagon-tongue, and spreading our tent-cloth over it, i found the means of insulating ourselves from the insect hordes, but it was not until i had pitched my mosquito net within it that we found repose. on awaking in the morning ( th), we found h., who had passed us the day before in company with the winnebagoes, lying under the wagon. he had returned from pursuing the fugitive, and had overtaken us, after twelve o'clock at night. he complained of being cold. we admitted him into the wagon, and drove on to reach his camp at twelve-mile creek. in crossing what he denominated seven-mile prairie, i observed on our right a prominent wall of rock, surmounted with image-stones. the rock itself consisted of sandstone. elongated water-worn masses of stone had been set up, so as to resemble, at a distance, the figures of men. the illusion had been strengthened by some rude paints. this had been the serious or the sportive work of indians. it is not to be inferred, hence, that the winnebagoes are idolaters. but there is a strong tendency to idolatry in the minds of the north american indians. they do not bow before a carved image, shaped like dagon or juggernaut; but they rely upon their guardian spirits, or personal manitos, for aid in exigencies, and impute to the skins of animals, which are preserved with religious care, the power of gods. their medicine institution is also a gross and bold system of semi-deification connected with magic, witchcraft, and necromancy. their jossakeeds are impostors and jugglers of the grossest stamp. their wabenos address satan directly for power; and their metais, who appear to be least idolatrous, rely more upon the invisible agency of spirits and magic influence, than upon the physical properties of the medicines they exhibit. on reaching twelve-mile creek, we found a yoke of steers of h., in a pen, which had been tied there two days and nights without water. he evinced, however, an obliging disposition, and, after refreshing ourselves and our horses, we left him to complete the labors of a "local habitation." the intermediate route to fort winnebago afforded few objects of either physical or mental interest. the upland soil, which had become decidedly thinner and more arenaceous, after reaching the lake, appears to increase in sterility on approaching the wisconsin. and the occurrence of _lost rocks_ (primitive boulders), as mr. b. happily termed them, which are first observed after passing the blue mound, becomes more frequent in this portion of the country, denoting our approach to the borders of the northwestern primitive formation. this formation, we have now reason to conclude, extends in an angle, so far south as to embrace a part of fox river, above apukwa lake. anticipated difficulties always appear magnified. this we verified in crossing duck creek, near its entrance into the wisconsin. we found the adjoining bog nearly dry, and drove through the stream without the water entering into the body of the wagon. it here commenced raining. having but four miles to make, and that a level prairie, we pushed on. but the rain increased, and poured down steadily and incessantly till near sunset. in the midst of this rain-storm we reached the fort, about one o'clock, and crossed over to the elevated ground occupied by the indian department, where my sojourn, while awaiting the expedition, was rendered as comfortable as the cordial greeting and kind attention of mr. kinzie, the agent, and his intelligent family, could make it. a recapitulation of the distances from galena makes the route as follows, viz: gratiot's grove, fifteen miles; willow springs, fifteen; mineral point, seven; dodgeville, nine; porter's grove, nine; blue mound, nine; duck creek, ten; lake, ten; twelve-mile creek, twenty-four; crossing of duck creek, eight; and fort winnebago, four; total, one hundred and twenty miles. h. r. s. to george p. morris, esq., new york. . _official report of the exploratory expedition to the actual source of the mississippi river in ._ office of the indian agency of sault ste. marie, sept. , . sir: i had the honor to inform you, on the th ultimo, of my return from the sources of the mississippi, and that i should communicate the details of my observations to you as soon as they could be prepared. on reaching the remotest point visited heretofore by official authority, i found that the waters on that summit were favorable to my tracing this river to its utmost sources. this point having been left undetermined by prior expeditions, i determined to avail myself of the occasion to take indian guides, with light canoes, and, after encamping my heavy force, to make the ascent. it was represented to be practicable in five days. i accomplished it, by great diligence, in three. the distance is miles above cass lake. there are many sharp rapids, which made the trial severe. the river expands into numerous lakes. after passing about forty miles north of red cedar lake, during which we ascended a summit, i entered a fine large lake, which, to avoid repetitions in our geographical names, i called queen anne's lake. from this point the ascent of the mississippi was due south; and it was finally found to have its origin in a handsome lake, of some seven miles in extent, on the height of land to which i gave the name of itasca. this lake lies in latitude ° ' ". it lies at an altitude of , feet, by the barometer, above the gulf of mexico. it affords me satisfaction to say, that, by this discovery, the geographical point of the origin of this river is definitely fixed. materials for maps and plans of the entire route have been carefully collected by lieut. james allen, of the u. s. army, who accompanied me, with a small detachment of infantry, as high as cass lake; and, having encamped them at that point, with my extra men, he proceeded with me to itasca lake. the distance which is thus added to the mississippi, agreeably to him, is miles, making its entire length, by the most authentic estimates, to be , miles. in this distance there are numerous and arduous rapids, in which the total amount of ascent to be overcome is feet. councils were held with the indians at fond du lac, at sandy lake, cass lake, at the mouth of the great de corbeau river, &c. in returning, i visited the military bands at leech lake; passing from thence to its source, and descending the whole length of the crow-wing river, and thence to st. anthony's falls, i assembled the sioux at the agency of st. peter's, and at the little crow's village. the chippewas of the st. croix and broule rivers were particularly visited. many thousands of the chippewa and sioux nations were seen and counselled with, including their most distinguished chiefs and warriors. everywhere they disclaimed a connection with black hawk and his schemes. i left the mississippi, about forty miles above the point where, in a few days, the sauk chief was finally captured and his forces overthrown; and, reaching the waters of lake superior, at the mouth of the brule, returned from that point to the agency at sault de ste. marie. the flag of the union has secured respect from the tribes at every point; and i feel confident in declaring the chippewas and sioux, as tribes, unconnected with the black hawk movement. i am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, henry r. schoolcraft, _u. s. ind. agent._ c. herring, esq., _commissioner of indian affairs_ iv. vaccination of the indians. . _report of the number and position of the indians vaccinated on the exploratory expedition to the sources of the mississippi, conducted by mr. schoolcraft, in ._ by dr. douglass houghton. sault ste. marie, sept. , . sir: in conformity with your instructions, i take the earliest opportunity to lay before you such facts as i have collected, touching the vaccination of the chippewa indians, during the progress of the late expedition into their country: and also "of the prevalence, from time to time, of the smallpox" among them. the accompanying table will serve to illustrate the "ages, sex, tribe, and local situation" of those indians who have been vaccinated by me. with the view of illustrating more fully their local situation, i have arranged those bands residing upon the shores of lake superior; those residing in the folle avoine country (or that section of country lying between the highlands southwest from lake superior, and the mississippi river); and those residing near the sources of the mississippi river, separately. nearly all the indians noticed in this table were vaccinated at their respective villages; yet i did not fail to vaccinate those whom we chanced to meet in their hunting or other excursions. i have embraced, with the indians of the frontier bands, those half-breeds, who, in consequence of having adopted more or less the habits of the indian, may be identified with him. but little difficulty has occurred in convincing the indians of the efficacy of vaccination; and the universal dread in which they hold the appearance of the smallpox among them, rendered it an easy task to overcome their prejudices, whatever they chanced to be. the efficacy of the vaccine disease is well appreciated, even by the most interior of the chippewa indians; and so universal is this information, that only one instance occurred where the indian had never heard of the disease. in nearly every instance the opportunity which was presented for vaccination, was embraced with cheerfulness and apparent gratitude; at the same time manifesting great anxiety that, for the safety of the whole, each one of the band should undergo the operation. when objections were made to vaccination, they were not usually made because the indian doubted the protective power of the disease, but because he supposed (never having seen its progress), that the remedy must nearly equal the disease which it was intended to counteract. our situation, while travelling, did not allow me sufficient time to test the result of the vaccination in most instances; but an occasional return to bands where the operation had been performed, enabled me, in those bands, either to note the progress of the disease, or to judge from the cicatrices marking the original situation of the pustules, the cases in which the disease had proved successful. ------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- chippewa indians. | males. | females. ------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--- | u | | | | | | u | | | | | | n | | | | | o | n | | | | | o | d | | | | | v | d | | | | | v | e | t | t | t | t | e | e | t | t | t | t | e bands. | r | o | o | o | o | r | r | o | o | o | o | r | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . | . ------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--- lake superior | | | | | | | | | | | | {sault ste. marie| | | | | | | | | | | | {grand island | | | | |...|...| | | |...|...|... {keweena bay | | | | | |...| | | | | | {ontonagon river | | | | |...|...| | | | | |... {la pointe | | | | | | | | | | | |... {fond du lac | | | | | |...| | | | | | folle avoine | | | | | | | | | | | | country | | | | | | | | | | | | {lac du flambeau | | | | | |...| | | | | |... {ottowa lake | | | | |...|...| | | | |...|... {yellow river | | | | |...|...| | | | | |... {nama kowagun of | {st. croix river| | | | |...|...| |...| | |...|... {snake river | | | | | | | | | | | |... sources of the | | | | | | | | | | | | mississippi river| | | | | | | | | | | | {sandy lake | | | | | |...| | | | | | {lake winnipeg | | | | |...|...| | | | |...|... {cass, or upper | | | | | | | | | | | | {red cedar lake | | | | |...| | | | | | | {leech lake | | | | | | | | | | | | +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--- lake superior | | | | | | | | | | | | folle avoine | | | | | | | | | | | | country | | | | | | | | | | | |... sources of the | | | | | | | | | | | | mississippi | | | | | | | | | | | | +---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+--- total | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------+-----------------------+----------------------- ------------------+----------- chippewa indians. | ------------------+---+---+--- | | | | | f | | | e | | m | m | t bands. | a | a | o | l | l | t | e | e | a | s | s | l | . | . | . ------------------+---+---+--- lake superior | | | {sault ste. marie| | | {grand island | | | {keweena bay | | {ontonagon river | | | {la pointe | | | {fond du lac | | | folle avoine | | | country | | | {lac du flambeau | | | {ottowa lake | | | {yellow river | | | {nama kowagun of | {st. croix river| | | {snake river | | | sources of the | | | mississippi river| | | {sandy lake | | | {lake winnipeg | | | {cass, or upper | | | {red cedar lake | | | {leech lake | | | +---+---+--- lake superior | | | folle avoine | | | country | | | sources of the | | | mississippi | | | +---+---+--- total | | | | | | ------------------+----------- about one-fourth of the whole number were vaccinated directly from the pustules of patients laboring under the disease; while the remaining three-fourths were vaccinated from crusts, or from virus which had been several days on hand. i did not pass by a single opportunity for securing the crusts and virus from the arms of healthy patients; and to avoid, as far as possible, the chance of giving rise to a disease of a spurious kind, i invariably made use of those crusts and that virus, for the purposes of vaccination, which had been most recently obtained. to secure, as far as possible, against the chances of escaping the vaccine disease, i invariably vaccinated in each arm. of the whole number of indians vaccinated, i have either watched the progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven hundred. an average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person laboring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed to take effect--when the disease did not make its appearance after vaccination, i have invariably, as the cases came under my examination, revaccinated until a favorable result has been obtained. of the different bands of indians vaccinated, a large proportion of the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone thoroughly the effects of the disease; viz: sault ste. marie, keweena bay, la pointe, and cass lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight, of other bands, i think it may safely be calculated that more than three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by themselves. upon our return to lake superior, i had reason to suspect, on examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by the surgeon-general, in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was communicated. nearly all those indians vaccinated with those two crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly though the vaccine disease. the answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction, progress, and fatality of the smallpox, would lead me to infer that the disease has made its appearance at least five times, among the bands of chippewa indians noticed in the accompanying table of vaccination. the smallpox appears to have been wholly unknown to the chippewas of lake superior until about ; when a war-party, of more than one hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake, having visited montreal for the purpose of assisting the french in their then existing troubles with the english, became infected with the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes. it does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others of the tribe. about the year , the disease appeared a second time among the chippewas, but, unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to the more northern bands. the circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as follows:-- some time in the fall of or , a trader who had ascended the mississippi, and established himself near leech lake, was robbed of his goods by the indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his exertions in defending his property, he died soon after. these facts became known to the directors of the fur company, at mackinac; and, each successive year after, requests were sent to the leech lake indians, that they should visit mackinac, and make reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. in the spring of , the indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a deputation from the band visited mackinac, with a quantity of furs, which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken. the deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. when this was effected, a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the indians as a token of friendship. they were at the same time strictly enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag, until they had reached the heart of their own country. this they promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the indians of the band at fond du lac, lake superior, upon which occasion he unsealed the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. the indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation during several days. the rioting was over, and they were fast recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with violent pain. this was attributed to the liquor they had drunk; but the pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before the real cause was suspected. other like cases occurred; and it was not long before one of the war-party who had visited montreal in , and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognized the disease as the same which had attacked their party at that time. it proved to be so; and of those indians then at fond du lac, about three hundred in number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. nor did it stop here; for numbers of those at fond du lac, at the time the disease made its appearance, took refuge among the neighboring bands; and although it did not extend easterly on lake superior, it is believed that not a single band of chippewas north or west from fond du lac escaped its ravages. of a large band then resident at cass lake, near the source of the mississippi river, only one person, a child, escaped. the others having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for dispersing was offered. the indians at this day are firmly of the opinion that the smallpox was at this time communicated through the articles presented to their brethren by the agent of the fur company at mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them more severely for their offences. the most western bands of chippewas relate a singular allegory of the introduction of the smallpox into their country by a war-party, returning from the plains of the missouri, as nearly as information will enable me to judge, in the year . it does not appear that, at this time, the disease extended to the bands east of fond du lac; but it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and west from there. in or , the smallpox made its appearance among the indians residing at the sault ste. marie, but did not extend to the bands west from that place. the disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ of the northwest fur company, who had just returned from montreal; and although all communication with him was prohibited, an indian imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted the disease to others of the band. when once communicated, it raged with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain, marking the situation they occupied. from this band the infection was communicated to a band residing upon st. joseph's island, and many died of it; but the surgeon of the military post then there, succeeded, by judicious and early measures, in checking it before the infection became general. in , the smallpox again made its appearance among the indians at the sault ste. marie. it was communicated by a voyager to the indians upon drummond's island, lake huron; and through them several families at sault ste. marie became infected. of those belonging to the latter place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. the disease is represented to have been extremely fatal to the indians at drummond's island. since , the smallpox is not known to have appeared among the indians at the sault ste. marie, nor among the chippewas north or west from that place. but the indians of these bands still tremble at the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol) has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them since their first communication with the whites. the disease, when once communicated to a band of indians, rages with a violence wholly unknown to the civilized man. the indian, guided by present feeling, adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation) which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. an attack is but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death, which will almost assuredly soon follow. his situation under these circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even, with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope of gaining relief. the intoxicating draught (when it is within his reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce a lethargy from which he is never to recover. were the friends of the sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are, perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single person to minister to their wants. death comes to the poor invalid, and, perhaps, even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering. by a comparison of the number of indians vaccinated upon the borders of lake superior with the actual population, it will be seen that the proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as to secure them against any general prevalence of the smallpox; and perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to the bands beyond, through this channel. but in the folle avoine country it is not so. of the large bands of indians residing in that section of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other bands, not a single person has passed through the disease. their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. their situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the southern and northwestern bands of chippewas; and while on the south they are liable to receive the virus of the smallpox from the whites and indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that time, completely separated. every motive of humanity towards the suffering indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad experience, the fatal effects. the protection he will prize highly, and will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving; the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart. i have the honour to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, douglass houghton. henry r. schoolcraft, esq., _u. s. ind. agt., sault de ste. marie._ . topography and geography. ix. astronomical and barometrical observations. . _a table of geographical positions on the mississippi river at low water, observed in ._[ ] by j. n. nicollet. [ ] com. doc. no. . -------------------------------------------+-------------------+--------- |estimated distances| | by water. |altitudes places of observation. +---------+---------+above the |from | from the| gulf of |place to | gulf of | mexico. |place. | mexico. | [ ] -------------------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- mouths of the mississippi-- | _miles._| _miles._| _feet._ | | | { the old balize of the | | | northeast { french and pilot-house, | ... | ... | ... pass { light-house at the entrance | ... | ... | ... | | | south pass--light-house at the entrance | ... | ... | ... | | | { the new balize and pilot-house| | | southwest { on the east bayou | ... | ... | ... pass { the new light-house, completed| | | { january, | ... | ... | ... | | | new orleans cathedral and level of its | | | front pavement | | | . | | | note.--level of the mississippi above } | | | the gulf of mexico, . foot. } | | | greatest depth of the mississippi } | | | at low water, feet. } | ... | ... | range between high and low water, } | | | feet. } | | | | | | red river, north end of the island, | | | opposite the mouth | | | | | | natchez, light-house | | | general level of the city | ... | ... | | | | note.--range between high and low water, | | | in , feet | | | | | | yazoo river, the mouth | | | ... | | | white river, montgomery's landing, one | | | mile above the mouth | | | | | | new madrid, missouri | | , | ... | | | ohio river, north side of the mouth | | , | | | | cape girardeau | | , | ... | | | st. genevieve, catholic church, and level | | | of its pavement | | , | | | | st. louis, garden of the cathedral | | , | | | | illinois river, the mouth | | , | ... | | | moingonan river (des moines river), a | | | small island at the mouth | | , | | | | montrose, or old fort des moines, the | | | mouth of the creek | | , | | | | flint river, the mouth, above burlington | | , | | | | maskudeng, the middle mouth of the slough | | , | | | | rock island, a quarter of a mile above | | | davenport's residence | | , | | | | head of the upper rapids, below port biron | | | and parkhurst | | , | | | | prairie du chien (kipi-saging), american | | | fur company's house | | , | | | | summit of bluff on the eastern side of | | | prairie du chien | ... | ... | , | | | cap-à-l'ail, the summit--height above the | | | mississipi, feet | | , | , | | | upper iowa river, island at the mouth | | , | ... | | | hokah river (root river), the mouth | | , | ... | | | praire à la crosse river, the mouth | | , | ... | | | sappah river, or black river opposite the | | | old mouth | | , | | | | top of mountain on right bank, opposite | | | the old mouth | ... | ... | , | | | dividing ridge between sappah river and | | | prairie à la crosse river, miles | | | east of mississippi | ... | ... | , [ ] the numbers in this column refer to the surface of the water in the mississippi at the point mentioned, except when otherwise specially expressed. -------------------------------------------+-----------+----------- | | west of | | greenwich. places of observation. |north | |latitudes. +----------- | |longitudes | | in time. -------------------------------------------+-----------+----------- mouths of the mississippi-- | ° ´ ´´ | _h. m. s._ | | { the old balize of the | | northeast { french and pilot-house, | . | . pass { light-house at the entrance | . | . | | south pass--light-house at the entrance | . | . | | { the new balize and pilot-house| | southwest { on the east bayou | . | . pass { the new light-house, completed| | { january, | | . | | new orleans cathedral and level of its | | front pavement | | | | note.--level of the mississippi above } | | the gulf of mexico, . foot. } | | greatest depth of the mississippi } | | at low water, feet. } | .. | .. range between high and low water, } | | feet. } | | | | red river, north end of the island, | | opposite the mouth | | | | natchez, light-house | | . general level of the city | | | | note.--range between high and low water, | | in , feet | | | | yazoo river, the mouth | | | | white river, montgomery's landing, one | | mile above the mouth | | | | new madrid, missouri | | | | ohio river, north side of the mouth | | | | cape girardeau | | | | st. genevieve, catholic church, and level | | of its pavement | | . | | st. louis, garden of the cathedral | | . | | illinois river, the mouth | | ... | | moingonan river (des moines river), a | | small island at the mouth | | | | montrose, or old fort des moines, the | | mouth of the creek | | | | flint river, the mouth, above burlington | | ... | | maskudeng, the middle mouth of the slough | | | | rock island, a quarter of a mile above | | davenport's residence | | ... | | head of the upper rapids, below port biron | | and parkhurst | | | | prairie du chien (kipi-saging), american | | fur company's house | | . | | summit of bluff on the eastern side of | | prairie du chien | | | | cap-à-l'ail, the summit--height above the | | mississipi, feet | ... | ... | | upper iowa river, island at the mouth | | | | hokah river (root river), the mouth | | | | praire à la crosse river, the mouth | | | | sappah river, or black river opposite the | | old mouth | | | | top of mountain on right bank, opposite | | the old mouth | ... | ... | | dividing ridge between sappah river and | | prairie à la crosse river, miles | | east of mississippi | ... | ... -------------------------------------------+------------+------------ |west of | |greenwich. | places of observation. | |authorities, +-----------+ &c. |longitudes | | in arc. | -------------------------------------------+-----------+------------ mouths of the mississippi-- | ° ´ ´´ | | | { the old balize of the | | captain a. northeast { french and pilot-house, | . | talcott. pass { light-house at the entrance | . | do. | | south pass--light-house at the entrance | . | do. | | { the new balize and pilot-house| | southwest { on the east bayou | . | do. pass { the new light-house, completed| | { january, | | do. | | new orleans cathedral and level of its | | front pavement | | | | note.--level of the mississippi above } | | the gulf of mexico, . foot. } | | greatest depth of the mississippi } | | at low water, feet. } | ... |albert stein, range between high and low water, } | | c. e. feet. } | | | | red river, north end of the island, | | opposite the mouth | | nicollet. | | natchez, light-house | . | do. general level of the city | | | | note.--range between high and low water, | | in , feet | | | | yazoo river, the mouth | | ferrer. | | white river, montgomery's landing, one | | mile above the mouth | |nicollet. | | new madrid, missouri | |ferrer. | | ohio river, north side of the mouth | |ferrer's | | longitude. | | cape girardeau | |long's st | | expedition. | | st. genevieve, catholic church, and level | | of its pavement | |nicollet. | | st. louis, garden of the cathedral | | do. | | illinois river, the mouth | ... |long's st | | expedition. | | moingonan river (des moines river), a | | small island at the mouth | |nicollet. | | montrose, or old fort des moines, the | | mouth of the creek | | do. | | flint river, the mouth, above burlington | ... | do. | | maskudeng, the middle mouth of the slough | | do. | | rock island, a quarter of a mile above | | davenport's residence | ... | do. | | head of the upper rapids, below port biron | | and parkhurst | | do. | | prairie du chien (kipi-saging), american | | fur company's house | . | do. | | summit of bluff on the eastern side of | | prairie du chien | | | | cap-à-l'ail, the summit--height above the | | mississipi, feet | ... | do. | | upper iowa river, island at the mouth | | do. | | hokah river (root river), the mouth | | do. | | praire à la crosse river, the mouth | | do. | | sappah river, or black river opposite the | | old mouth | | do. | | top of mountain on right bank, opposite | | the old mouth | ... | do. | | dividing ridge between sappah river and | | prairie à la crosse river, miles | | east of mississippi | ... | do. table of geographical positions--continued. mississippi river at low water. -------------------------------------------+-------------------+--------- |estimated distances| | by water. |altitudes places of observation. +---------+---------+above the |from | from the| gulf of |place to | gulf of | mexico. |place. | mexico. | -------------------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- mountain island, or _montagne qui trempe à_|_miles._ |_miles._ | _feet._ _l'eau_ of the french | | , | ... miniskah river, or white-water river | | , | ... wazi-oju river, or pinewood river | | | (_rivière aux embarras_ of the french) | | , | ... at roque's, two and a half miles below | | | chippeway river | | , | ... clear water river, the mouth, northwest | | | corner of lake pepin | ... | ... | ... reminicha (_montagne la grange_ of the | | | french), upper end of lake pepin | | , | top of reminicha | ... | ... | , la hontan river, the mouth (cannon river | | | of the americans, canoe river of the | | | french) | | , | ... st. croix river, the mouth | | , | upland on the banks of the mississippi | | | and lake st. croix | ... | ... | st. peter's, the mouth | | , | general level of the plateau on which fort | | | snelling and the indian agency stand | ... | ... | pilot knob, the top | ... | ... | , falls of st. anthony, united states cottage| | , | ishkode-wabo river, or rum river, the mouth| | , | ... karishon river (sioux), or undeg river | | | (chippewas), | | | crow river of the americans | | , | ... st. francis river, wicha-niwa river of the | | | sioux | | , | ... migadiwin creek, or war creek, the mouth | | , | ... kawakomik river, or clear-water river, the | | | mouth | | , | ... round island, at the lower end of osakis | | | rapids | ... | ... | ... osakis river, the mouth | | , | ... watab river, the mouth | | , | ... pekushino river, the mouth | | , | ... wabezi river, or swan river, a half mile | | | above the mouth | | , | , omoshkos river, or elk river, the mouth | | , | ... nokay's river, the mouth | | , | ... kagi-wigwan river, the mouth (_aile de | | | corbeau river_ of the french, crow-wing | | | river of the americans) | | , | , nagadjika river, opposite the mouth | | , | ... pine river, the mouth | | , | , willow river, the mouth | | , | ... sandy lake river, the mouth | | , | , swan river, the mouth | | , | , kabikons, or little falls, the head of the | | | falls | | , | , wanomon river, or vermilion river, the | | | mouth | | , | ... eagle nest savannah (_marais aux nids | | | d'aigle_ of the french) | | , | ... leach lake river, the mouth | | , | , lake cass, the old trading-house on a | | | tongue of land near the entrance of the | | | mississippi | | , | , pemidji lake, or lake travers, the entrance| | | of the mississippi | | , | , itasca lake, schoolcraft's island | | , | , utmost sources of the mississippi, at the | | | summit of the hauteurs de terre, or | | | dividing ridge, between the mississippi | | | and red river of the north | | , | , -------------------------------------------+----------+----------- | | west of places of observation. |north | greenwich. |latitudes.+----------- | |longitudes | | in time. -------------------------------------------+----------+----------- mountain island, or _montagne qui trempe à_| ° ´ ´´ |_h. m. s._ _l'eau_ of the french | | miniskah river, or white-water river | | wazi-oju river, or pinewood river | | (_rivière aux embarras_ of the french) | | at roque's, two and a half miles below | | chippeway river | | clear water river, the mouth, northwest | | corner of lake pepin | | reminicha (_montagne la grange_ of the | | french), upper end of lake pepin | | top of reminicha | ... | ... la hontan river, the mouth (cannon river | | of the americans, canoe river of the | | french) | | st. croix river, the mouth | | upland on the banks of the mississippi | | and lake st. croix | ... | ... st. peter's, the mouth | | . general level of the plateau on which fort | | snelling and the indian agency stand | ... | ... pilot knob, the top | ... | ... falls of st. anthony, united states cottage| | ishkode-wabo river, or rum river, the mouth| | ... karishon river (sioux), or undeg river | | (chippewas), | | crow river of the americans | | ... st. francis river, wicha-niwa river of the | | sioux | | ... migadiwin creek, or war creek, the mouth | | kawakomik river, or clear-water river, the | | mouth | | round island, at the lower end of osakis | | rapids | | osakis river, the mouth | | watab river, the mouth | | pekushino river, the mouth | | wabezi river, or swan river, a half mile | | above the mouth | | omoshkos river, or elk river, the mouth | | nokay's river, the mouth | | kagi-wigwan river, the mouth (_aile de | | corbeau river_ of the french, crow-wing | | river of the americans) | | nagadjika river, opposite the mouth | | ... pine river, the mouth | | ... willow river, the mouth | | sandy lake river, the mouth | | swan river, the mouth | | kabikons, or little falls, the head of the | | falls | | wanomon river, or vermilion river, the | | mouth | | eagle nest savannah (_marais aux nids | | d'aigle_ of the french) | | leach lake river, the mouth | | lake cass, the old trading-house on a | | tongue of land near the entrance of the | | mississippi | | pemidji lake, or lake travers, the entrance| | of the mississippi | | itasca lake, schoolcraft's island | | utmost sources of the mississippi, at the | | summit of the hauteurs de terre, or | | dividing ridge, between the mississippi | | and red river of the north | | -------------------------------------------+----------+------------ | west of | places of observation. |greenwich.|authorities, +----------+ &c. |longitudes| | in arc. | -------------------------------------------+----------+------------ mountain island, or _montagne qui trempe à_| ° ´ ´´ | _l'eau_ of the french | | nicollet. miniskah river, or white-water river | | do. wazi-oju river, or pinewood river | | (_rivière aux embarras_ of the french) | | do. at roque's, two and a half miles below | | chippeway river | | do. clear water river, the mouth, northwest | | corner of lake pepin | | do. reminicha (_montagne la grange_ of the | | french), upper end of lake pepin | | do. top of reminicha | ... | do. la hontan river, the mouth (cannon river | | of the americans, canoe river of the | | french) | | do. st. croix river, the mouth | | do. upland on the banks of the mississippi | | and lake st. croix | ... | do. st. peter's, the mouth | | do. general level of the plateau on which fort | | snelling and the indian agency stand | ... | do. pilot knob, the top | ... | do. falls of st. anthony, united states cottage| | do. ishkode-wabo river, or rum river, the mouth| ... | do. karishon river (sioux), or undeg river | | (chippewas), | | crow river of the americans | ... | do. st. francis river, wicha-niwa river of the | | sioux | ... | nicollet. migadiwin creek, or war creek, the mouth | | do. kawakomik river, or clear-water river, the | | mouth | | do. round island, at the lower end of osakis | | rapids | | do. osakis river, the mouth | | do. watab river, the mouth | | do. pekushino river, the mouth | | do. wabezi river, or swan river, a half mile | | above the mouth | | do. omoshkos river, or elk river, the mouth | | do. nokay's river, the mouth | | do. kagi-wigwan river, the mouth (_aile de | | corbeau river_ of the french, crow-wing | | river of the americans) | | do. nagadjika river, opposite the mouth | ... | do. pine river, the mouth | ... | do. willow river, the mouth | | do. sandy lake river, the mouth | | do. swan river, the mouth | | do. kabikons, or little falls, the head of the | | falls | | do. wanomon river, or vermilion river, the | | mouth | | do. eagle nest savannah (_marais aux nids | | d'aigle_ of the french) | | do. leach lake river, the mouth | | do. lake cass, the old trading-house on a | | tongue of land near the entrance of the | | mississippi | | do. pemidji lake, or lake travers, the entrance| | of the mississippi | | do. itasca lake, schoolcraft's island | | do. utmost sources of the mississippi, at the | | summit of the hauteurs de terre, or | | dividing ridge, between the mississippi | | and red river of the north | | table of geographical positions--continued. regions of the sources of the mississippi. -------------------------------+---------+----------+----------- | | | west of |altitudes| | greenwich. places of observation. |above the|north | | gulf of |latitudes.+----------- | mexico. | |longitudes | | | in time. -------------------------------+---------+----------+----------- gayashk river, or little gull | _feet._ | ° ´ ´´ |_h. m. s._ river, the mouth | , | | gayashk lake, or little gull | | | lake, end of long point | , | | kadicomeg lake, or white-fish | | | lake, the entrance of pine | | | river | , | | lake chanché, southwest end | ... | | ... lake eccleston, northwest end | ... | | ... leech lake, otter-tail point | , | | leech lake, the bay opposite | | | otter-tail point | ... | | kabekonang river, the junction | | | of the upper fork, near the | | | next-mentioned portage | , | | ... portage from kabekonang river | | | to la place river, near the | | | west end | , | | ... assawa lake, below the south | | | end | , | | highest ridge on the portage | | | between assawa lake and | | | itasca lake | , | ... | ... cleared pine camp, on leech | | | lake river | ... | | -------------------------------+----------+------------ |west of | |greenwich.|authorities, places of observation. +----------+ &c. |longitudes| | in arc. | -------------------------------+----------+------------ gayashk river, or little gull | ° ´ ´´ | river, the mouth | | nicollet. gayashk lake, or little gull | | lake, end of long point | | do. kadicomeg lake, or white-fish | | lake, the entrance of pine | | river | | do. lake chanché, southwest end | ... | do. lake eccleston, northwest end | ... | do. leech lake, otter-tail point | | do. leech lake, the bay opposite | | otter-tail point | | do. kabekonang river, the junction | | of the upper fork, near the | | next-mentioned portage | ... | do. portage from kabekonang river | | to la place river, near the | | west end | ... | do. assawa lake, below the south | | end | | do. highest ridge on the portage | | between assawa lake and | | itasca lake | ... | do. cleared pine camp, on leech | | lake river | | do. . scenery. x. (a) _scenery of lake superior._ by henry r. schoolcraft. few portions of america can vie in scenic attractions with this interior sea. its size alone gives it all the elements of grandeur; but these have been heightened by the mountain masses which nature has piled along its shores. in some places, these masses consist of vast walls, of coarse gray, or drab-colored sandstone, placed horizontally, until they have attained many hundred feet in height above the water. the action of such an immense liquid area, forced against these crumbling walls by tempests, has caused wide and deep arches to be worn into the solid structure, at their base, into which the billows roll, with a noise resembling low-pealing thunder. by this means, large areas of the impending mass are at length undermined and precipitated into the lake, leaving the split and rent parts, from which they have separated, standing like huge misshapen turrets and battlements. such is the varied coast, called the pictured rocks. at other points of the coast, volcanic forces have operated, lifting up these level strata into positions nearly vertical, and leaving them to stand, like the leaves of a vast open book. at the same time, the volcanic rocks sent up from below, have risen in high mountains, with ancient gaping craters. such is the condition of the disturbed stratification at the porcupine mountains. the basin and bed of this lake act like a vast geological mortar, in which the masses of broken and fallen stones are whirled about and ground down, till all the softer ones, such as the sandstones, are brought into the state of pure yellow sand. this sand is driven ashore by the waves, where it is shoved up in long wreaths, and dried by the sun. the winds now take it up, and spread it inland, or pile it immediately along the coast, where it presents itself in mountain masses. such are the great sand dunes of the grande sables. there are yet other theatres of action for this sublime mass of inland waters, where the lake has manifested, perhaps, still more strongly, its abrasive powers. the whole force of its waters, under the impulse of a northwest tempest, is directed against prominent portions of the shore, which consist of black and hard volcanic rocks. solid as these are, the waves have found an entrance in veins of spar, or minerals of softer texture, and have thus been led on their devastating course inland, tearing up large fields of amygdaloid, or other rock; or, left portions of them standing in rugged knobs, or promontories. such are the east and west coasts of the great peninsula of keweena, which have recently become the theatre of mining operations. when the visitor to these remote and boundless waters comes to see this wide and varied scene of complicated geological disturbances and scenic magnificence, he is absorbed in wonder and astonishment. the eye, once introduced to this panorama of waters, is never done looking and admiring. scene after scene, cliff after cliff, island after island, and vista after vista are presented. one day's scenes of the traveller are but the prelude to another; and when weeks, and even months, have been spent in picturesque rambles along its shores, he has only to ascend some of its streams, and go inland a few miles, to find falls, and cascades, and cataracts of the most beautiful or magnificent character. go where he will, there is something to attract him. beneath his feet are pebbles of agates; the water is of the most crystalline purity. the sky is filled, at sunset with the most gorgeous piles of clouds. the air itself is of the purest and most inspiring kind. to visit such a scene is to draw health from its purest sources, and while the eye revels in intellectual delights, the soul is filled with the liveliest symbols of god, and the most striking evidences of his creative power. (b) _letters of mr. m. woolsey._ _southern literary messenger_, . oneöta, p. . these spirited and graphic letters are unavoidably excluded. the evidence they bear to the purity of principle, justness of taste, and excellence of character of a young man, now no more, ought to preserve his name from oblivion. he accompanied me in , as a volunteer, in a leisure moment, an admirer of nature, seeking health. index. a a bear trapped, a box of minerals stolen, a granitical formation on lake superior, a long fast, a new philological principle in languages, a phenomenon, a precinct of indian orgies, a sub-expedition to sandy lake, a war-party surprised, account of sub-explorations of green bay, acipenser oxyrinchus, acipenser spatularia, advance of lake superior to the rocky mountains, african and indian marriages, agaric mineral, agate, agglutinative properties of the indian pronoun, aggregate fall of the mississippi below sandy lake, ; commencement of the calcareous rocks, algoma, algonquin language justly applauded, algonac, allenoga river, allen's lake, aluminous minerals, american indian policy, american antiquities, amygdaloid, an indian breakfast, an indian grave with hieroglyphics, an indian nonplused in the woods, an indian salute, analysis of lake superior copper at utrecht, anodonta corpulenta, announcement of return of expedition, of , antique markings on the pinus resinosa, antique notices of the lake mineralogy, antiquities, ; first notice of in , apparent tide in the baltic, appearance of dune sand at point aux barques, appendix no. , apricots in bloom on the d of april, arched rock, argillaceous stratum of detroit, argillite, artesian borings for water, art of the wounded duck, arts and manufactures of the chippewas and ottowas, ascent of the assowa river, asphaltum and naphtha, assassination of owen keveny, assowa lake, atmospheric heat th june, aux sables indians, b bark letter in pictographic characters, barometrical height of cass lake, barytic minerals, basin of lake michigan, basin of lake superior, bat in wood, beltrami, birch lake, birds inhabiting the region of pakagama falls, birds of lake superior, birds of the wisconsin valley, bituminous minerals, bivalve shells, black river, boatswain to com. perry in , botany, boulders on the shores of lake st. clair, boundary between michigan and wisconsin, breadth of the mississippi at sandy lake, brigham's residence at blue mound, brulé summit, buckshot gravel, buffalo hunt, c cabotian mountains, calcareous minerals, canadian canoe-song, canoe-race, capt. douglass, capt. jouett, capture and massacre of the garrison of old mackinac, carnage river, carnelian, carver's cave, carver's travels, cass, his official report, cass lake, cass lake basin, cass on indian hieroglyphics, cassville, wisconsin, chagoimegon, chalcedony and calcareous spar, charles stokes, esq., his geological memoir, charlevoix's visit to america, character and value of dubuque's lead mines, character of the bison, character of the canadian voyageur, cheboigan, its etymology, chenos, a masked coast, chicago, etymology of name, population, and greatness, chief guelle plat, chippewa character of the kekeewin, chippewa dance, chippewa term of salutation, chippewa village, cinnamon-colored radiated quartz, claimants to mine lands, clinton river, club fungus partially fossilized, coal in western new york, coast of boulders, col. croghan's attack at fort holmes in , col. pierce, coluber æstivus, combustibles, commercial value of copper, conchology, connection with blackhawk's plans disclaimed, cooper's description of shells, copper-bearing trap-dykes, copper boulder, its size, copper-head snake, copper ores of mineral point, cormorant, corn ripens at st. peter's valley, cornu-ammonis; a fossiliferous coast, corregonus albus, cost of lake transportation, council at cass lake, council at sandy lake, council at st. peter's agency, council at the ultimate point of the first expedition, council with indians; their hostility, ; they raise the british flag, crow-wing river, crystals of iron pyrites, cupreous formation, cup-shaped concavities, d dacota, or nadownsie indians, danger escaped, date and circumstance of pike's visit to sandy lake, date of prairie du chien, date of the battle of badaxe, date of wisconsin as a territorial name, de witt clinton offers the use of his library, dead scaffolded, defect of postal facilities, at mackinac, depth of the detroit clay beds, derogative inflections of the indian noun, descent of itasca river, description of the indian canoe, desiderata of discovery, detroit completely burnt down in , detroit first founded in , difficulty of studying the indian tongues, difficulty of the descent of the brulé, diluvial elevations, diminutive forms of the odjibwa noun, discover native copper, discovery of itasca lake, distance from lake superior to lake pepin, distance from st. peter's to the gulf, ; elevation of the country, distances travelled in the expedition of , dr. mcdonnell's letter, dr. mitchell's summary of discoveries, drift-stratum, , dubuque city, du ponceau's prize essay, e earliest date of winnebago history, earthy compounds, elementary structure of the algonquin language, elk island, elk river, its latitude, elevation of lake superior, elevation of the cliff of la grange, elevation of the country at the savanna portage, encampment at st. mary's, ephemeral insects, epoch of the deposit of st. mary's sandstone, epochs of geological action proved by fossils, era of pontiac's hostile movements, era of the discovery of the st. lawrence, erismatolite, erratic block stratum, erratic block and drift stratum, essay on the odjibwa substantive, establishment of a military post at st. peter's, etymology, etymology of manitowakie, etymology of minnesota, etymology of namikong, etymology of pawating, etymology of rum river, etymology of the word konamik, etymology of the word michilimackinac, etymology of the word mississippi, etymology of the word wisconsin, etymology of waganukizzie, evidences of ancient indian cultivation, evidences of diluvial action, explorations recommended, extensive and fertile bow-shaped area, f fallacious appearance of a tide in green bay, fallacious information of the indians, respecting the lead mines, falls and precipices, falls of st. croix, falls of the montreal river, federation group of islands of lake superior, , feud between the sioux and chippewas, final embarkation at grosse point, final separation of the party at fort dearborn, first lake vessel built by la salle, first steamboat visits michilimackinac in , flat rock point, organic remains, flock of pigeons drowned in storms, flora of lake michigan, fluor spar, fond du lac, fondness of the indians for melons, forest-trees, forest-trees buried by oceanic drift, fort holmes, when dismantled, fort howard, fort niagara built, fossil fauna of the west, fossil wood, foundation of old mackinac, fox chief aquoqua, fox river valley, fox village, freshwater conchology, freshwater shells of the fox and wisconsin, friendship of wawetum, friendly act of the daughter of wabojeeg, frogs inclosed in stone, fringillia vespertina, or schoolcraft's grosbec, further discussion of the odjibwa substantive, g galena, generalizations on the mississippi river, geographical data of the portage from lake superior to the st. croix and chippewa rivers, geological deductions, geological memoranda, geological monuments, geology of mackinac, geological outlines of the lake superior coast, geological phenomena, geology, glacial action, globe of sandstone from a geological pocket-hole, grammatical structure of sentences in the odjibwa, granite point, granular gypsum in sandstone, graphic granite, gratiot's grove, grauwackke, grauwackke of iron river, grave of dubuque, gray wolf, , great copper boulder on lake superior, great sand dunes, green bay city, group of the manatouline islands, grosbec--new species, gypsum, , h habits of the anas canadensis, helix, hennepin, henry inman, herds of buffalo east of the mississippi, high value of the lake superior copper mines urged on congress, highest platform mound on the mississippi, highlands of sauble, historical data respecting dubuque's mines, historical data respecting the smallpox, historical facts, history of green bay, history of the chippewas, history of the fox indians, hochungara, or winnebagoes, holcus fragrans, houghton's analysis of the lake copper, houghton's plants, how possessives are formed in the chippewa, human skull in the solid part of a living tree, huron coast line, huttonian theory, hystrix, i ice formed on the th of july, illigan lake, image stone, importance of vaccination to indians, impression of a trilobite in quartz, indian altar, indian birch-bark letter, indian boundary, indian chief red thunder, indian chief red wing, indian corn-dance, indian council, indian council at the mouth of the crow-wing, indian dwarf, indian language, indian myth of itasca, stanzas on, indian oratory, indian queen, indian summer, indian superstition respecting mines, indian symbol for a man, indian term for geologist, indian trait, indian translation of an expression, indian tribes visited in , indian women engage in mining, indian women gathering rice, indians turn mineralogists, inquiries respecting the history of the indians, inter-european amalgamation, intrepid act of gen. cass, iron sand, irving's lake, island of ancient indian sepulchre, itasca lake, j james riley, jargon of the northwest, john johnston, esq., journey from albany to geneva, journey in a sleigh across the highlands, k kabamappa accuses the sioux of treachery, kaginogumaug, or longwater lake, kakabika falls, kakala, its probable meaning, kalamazoo, kubba-kunna, l la hontan's apocryphal discovery on long river, lac plè, lac traverse, lac vieux desert, lacustrine clay-flats of lake st. clair, lake action, lake audrusia, lake chetac, lake douglass, lake drift, lake pepin, , lake st. clair, landscape of michilimackinac, last year the bison is seen east of the mississippi, latitude of mackinac, lead mines at dubuque, , leading events in the life of gen. macomb, leaf river of the crow-wing, learn the state of the sauc war, leech lake, leech lake river, ; etymology, left hand river, legal claim to the mine tract, length of the mississippi, letter to nathaniel h. carter, esq., level of lake erie above tide-water, limits of the cervus sylvestris, line of discovery above cass lake, list of latitudes and longitudes, list of quadrupeds and birds observed, little crow chief, little vermilion lake, localities of minerals and rock strata, locality of freshwater shells, long prairie river, longitudinal phenomena, lt. col. fowle, notice of, lupus americanus, lyceum of natural history, new york, extract from its annals, m m. woolsey, mackinac limestone, magnesian minerals, magnitude of lake michigan, marquette's discovery of the mississippi, mass of native copper, on the shores of winnebago lake, massachusetts island, mean temperature at the sources of the upper mississippi river, ; party for the ultimate discovery of this river, mean temperature of st. peter's valley, mean velocity of current of mississippi river, metallic masses, metallic minerals, meteorological journal kept at chicago, meteorology, metoswa rapids, metunna rapids, micaceous oxide of iron, michigan--its population at various periods, michilimackinac, , michilimackinac first becomes a capital for the fur trade, ; j. j. astor occupies it in , miera, or walk-in-the-water, milwaukie, its etymology, population, and resources, mine of peosta, mineral character of lake superior, mineralogy and geology, mineralogy of the northwest, miners' mode of classifying ore, mississippi first crossed by primary rocks, mississippi from the influx of the missouri, mistake respecting american antiquities, mode of converting a noun to a verb in the odjibwa, mollusks, montruille an object of pity, mozojeed, a chief of energy, mr. monroe's message of th december, , mr. schoolcraft's report on the copper mines of lake superior, mukkundwa indians, ethnological sketch, murder of gov. semple, muskego river, my first portage; what is "a piece," mythologic notion, n naiwa rapids, native salt and native copper, native silver, and its ores, natural history, nebeesh island and rapids, neenaba, a partisan chief, new localities of copper, new seat for hygeia and the muses, new species in conchology, nicollet's table of geographical positions, noble reply of an algonquin chief, noble view, number in the chippewa, number, value, &c. of the copper mines of lake superior, o objects of governmental policy, oblations to the dead, observe the buffalo, odjibwa animate and inanimate adjectives, odjibwa compound words, odjibwa numerals, odjibwamong, offering food to the dead, official report of gen. cass, okunzhewug, a chieftainess, murdered, old english copper-mining company, old mackinac, its date, onzig river, ores and metals, organic impressions, organization of the expedition of , origin of the indian race, ornithology, ortho-cerite limestone, ottowa lake, p pakagama falls, palæontological rocks, palaozoic sandstone, peace rock, pelican, perch or assawa lake, period of the first military occupation of old mackinac, petrified leaf, with a sketch, pewabik river, physical character of the crow-wing river, physical characters of the mississippi, pictographic device, pictographic indian inscription, pictographic mode of communicating ideas, pictured rocks, pike's bay, pipe-stone, or opwagunite, planorbis, planorbis companulatus, plants collected by dr. houghton, plastic clay of st. clair flats, plateau of lakes and marshes, polydon, polyganum, population and statistics of mackinac in , population of detroit in , population of leech lake, population of ottowas, porcupine mountains, , porphyry and conglomerate boulders, portage to the sources of crow-wing river, positive and negative forms of speech, in the odjibwa, potatoes vegetate in pure pebbles, pouched rat, practicability of working the superior mines of copper and iron, ; advantages of transportation, preliminary incidents at washington, preliminary report of exploring expedition of , primary forks of the mississippi, ; country disposed in plateaux, principles of the odjibwa noun-adjective, produce of the copper mines of the world, pseudomorphous forms, pseudostoma pinetorum, pusabika river, q quartz geodes, quartzite rock, queen anne's lake, question of prepositions, r racine, rapid glances at the geology of western new york, rapids of the mississippi above sandy lake, rattlesnake of the wisconsin hills, reach detroit, after a passage of hours, reach itasca lake, its outline, reach lake superior, rebus nutkanus, reciprocal death in a combat, red banks, red jasper in quantity, red oxide of iron, red sandstone, red sandstone of lake superior, register of temperature in the united states, reorganization of the first expedition at chicago, report of dr. houghton on the copper of lake superior, report of mr. schoolcraft to the senate on the mineral lands of lake superior, residents of chicago in , return of expedition of to detroit, ; summary notice of, return to sandy lake, returns of the cornwall and devon copper mines, rifle shooting, rise of waters in the lakes, river st. croix, robert de la salle, rosa parviflora, ruins of fort st. joseph, built in , rule of euphony in the algonquin language, ; active and passive voices, ; philosophical mode of denoting number, s sacred island of the indians, saganaw bay, , saliferous red clay, sandstone in a vertical position, sandstone rock found in place on the east coast of lake huron, sandy lake, sarracenia purpurea, or owl's moccasin, saurian, savanna of gatchi betobeeg, savanna summit, saw-mills in the indian territory, scenery of lake superior, schoolcraft's examination of the indian vowels, schoolcraft's geological report, schoolcraft's island, schoolcraft's official report in , septaria, serpentine rock, sexual nouns, sheboigan, its etymology, shingabawossin reopens negotiations, sienitic and hornblende rock, silicious minerals, silurian limestone, silver, a boulder specimen, silver medal presented, sioux masses of colored clays, site of a massacre in , site of an ancient dune, skeleton paradigm of the indian verb, sketch of sandy lake, sketch of the banks of the mississippi from st. anthony, sketch of the river at the copper rock, sketches addressed to gen. george p. morris, skull cave, on the island of mackinac, , alexander henry's adventures in , . smallpox appears among the chippewas in , society on the island; its peculiar phases, soil and climate of minnesota, soldiers poor canoemen, source of assowa river, ; portage over the height of land, south coast line of lake superior, species of freshwater shells, st. anthony's falls, its indian name, st. mary's canal, st. paul's, minnesota, state of geological knowledge in , stationary distances on lake superior, statistics of maple sugar made by the indians, statistics of the fur trade, staurotide; native silver, steamboat walk-in-the-water, straits of st. mary, stratification, stratum of quartzite rock, sub-exploring party, sub-formative pronouns in the algonquin language, ; relative pronouns, ; demonstrative pronouns, summit lake, sun above the horizon at p. m., superstition of the indians, synopsis of appendix no. , t table of latitudes and longitudes in the northwest, tabular view of minerals of the northwest, temperature required by tropical plants, tenacity of life of the deer, tensal inflections in the algonquin, testimonial to capt. douglass and mr. schoolcraft, the glutton, the mississippi viewed in sections, the trap-rock the true copper-bearing medium, thirteen-striped squirrel, time required in passing lake superior, topography and astronomy, tortoise, tortuous channel, totem, tour from galena to fort winnebago, track of indian migration, tramp through a swamp, treaty of june , , trunk of a tree fossilized, turtle river, u ultimate point reached by the first expedition, unio, , unio food for the wild duck, unio schoolcraftensis, upper red cedar lake, uva ursi, v vaccination of indians, valley of taquimenon, valley of the st. croix, valley of the st. louis, vast caldron in grauwackke, verbs in the algonquin, how changed to substantives, vermilion canoe, vesicular crumbling limestone, vestiges of a wreck on lake michigan, view of lake huron, views of skeptics on the mosaical chronology, virginia island, visit niagara, its etymology, , visit to gen. dodge at his residence, visit to the locality of the great mass of copper on lake superior, vitric boulders, volcanic upheavals, voyageurs hired not to drink spirits, and to keep the sabbath, w war-party of neenaba broken up, water-worn agates on the lacustrine summit, waughpekennota, white crystalline sand rock, white rock, white springs of ontario, width of sandy lake river at its outlet, width of the mississippi at the outlet of cass lake, winnebago idea of geology, winonao laita, wisconsin, , wisconsin lead mines; aspect of the country, wolverine, y year opens with severe weather, yellow river war-party, z zeolite, zinc found in the wisconsin mines, zoned agate, zoological objects inclosed in rock, or the solid parts of trees, &c., zoology, * * * * * *